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diff --git a/old/54503-0.txt b/old/54503-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 45602be..0000000 --- a/old/54503-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,38370 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Life of James Buchanan, v. 2 (of 2), by -George Tickner Curtis - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Life of James Buchanan, v. 2 (of 2) - Fifteenth President of the United States - -Author: George Tickner Curtis - -Release Date: April 7, 2017 [EBook #54503] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN, V. 2 *** - - - - -Produced by KD Weeks, David Edwards and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - Transcriber’s Note: - -This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects. -Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. - -Footnotes have been moved to follow the paragraphs in which they are -referenced. - -Please see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for details -regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered during its -preparation. - -[Illustration: JAMES BUCHANAN] - - - - - LIFE - OF - JAMES BUCHANAN - - FIFTEENTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES - - BY - GEORGE TICKNOR CURTIS - - _IN TWO VOLUMES_ - VOL. II. - - NEW YORK - HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE - 1883 - - - - - Copyright, 1883, by GEORGE TICKNOR CURTIS. - - _All rights reserved._ - - _Stereotyped by Smith & McDougal._ - - - - - CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - 1848-1852. - - PAGE - - Purchase of Wheatland—Nomination and Election of General 1 - Taylor—His Death and the Accession of President - Fillmore—The Compromise Measures of 1850—Letters to Miss - Lane—Public Letters on Political Topics - - CHAPTER II. - 1852. - - The Presidential Nominations of 1852—Election of General 34 - Franklin Pierce to the Presidency—Buchanan’s Course in - regard to the Nomination and the Election—His Efforts to - defeat the Whig Candidate - - CHAPTER III. - 1852-1853. - - Personal and Political Relations with the President—Elect 68 - and with Mr. Marcy, his Secretary of State—Buchanan is - offered the Mission to England—His own Account of the - Offer, and his Reasons for accepting it—Parting with his - Friends and Neighbors in Lancaster—Correspondence with his - Niece - - CHAPTER IV. - 1853-1856. - - Arrival in London—Presentation to the Queen at Osborne—The 99 - Ministry of Lord Aberdeen—Mr. Marcy’s Circular about Court - Costumes, and the Dress Question at the English - Court—Letters to Miss Lane - - CHAPTER V. - 1853-1856. - - Negotiations with Lord Clarendon—The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty 126 - and Affairs in Central America—The Crimean War and the new - British Doctrine respecting the Property of Neutrals - - CHAPTER VI. - 1853-1856. - - British Enlistments in the United States—Recall of the 134 - English Minister at Washington—The Ostend Conference - - CHAPTER VII. - 1854-1855. - - The Social Position of Mr. Buchanan and his Niece in England 142 - - CHAPTER VIII. - 1856. - - Return to America—Nomination and Election to the 169 - Presidency—Significance of Mr. Buchanan’s Election in - respect to the Sectional Questions—Private Correspondence - - CHAPTER IX. - - 1857-1858. - - Inauguration as President—Selection of a Cabinet—The 187 - Disturbances in Kansas—Mr. Buchanan’s Construction of the - Kansas-Nebraska Act, and of the “Platform” on which he was - elected—Final Admission of Kansas into the Union - - CHAPTER X. - 1857-1861. - - Foreign Relations during Mr. Buchanan’s Administration 211 - - CHAPTER XI. - 1858-1860. - - Complimentary Gift from Prince Albert to Mr. Buchanan—Visit 228 - of the Prince of Wales—Correspondence with the Queen—Minor - Incidents of the Administration—Traits of - Character—Letters to Miss Lane—Marriage of a young Friend - - CHAPTER XII. - 1860—March and June. - - The so-called “Covode Investigation.” 246 - - CHAPTER XIII. - - Summary of the Slavery Questions from 1787 to 1860—The 262 - Anti-Slavery Agitation in the North—Growth and Political - Triumph of the Republican Party—Fatal Divisions among the - Democrats—Mr. Buchanan declines to be regarded as a - Candidate for a second Election - - CHAPTER XIV. - 1860—October. - - General Scott’s “Views.” 297 - - CHAPTER XV. - 1860—November. - - Election of President Lincoln—The Secession of South 315 - Carolina—Nature of the Doctrine of Secession—President - Buchanan prepares to encounter the Secession - Movement—Distinction between making War on a State and - enforcing the Laws of the United States - - CHAPTER XVI. - 1860—December. - - The President’s Annual Message of December 3, 1860 330 - - CHAPTER XVII. - 1860—December. - - Reception of the President’s Message in the Cabinet, in 352 - Congress, and in the Country—The firm Attitude and wise - Policy of Mr. Buchanan - - CHAPTER XVIII. - 1860—December. - - General Scott again advises the President—Major Anderson’s 365 - Removal from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter—Arrival of - Commissioners from South Carolina in Washington—Their - Interview and Communication with the President—The - supposed Pledge of the _Status Quo_—The “Cabinet Crisis” - of December 29th—Reply of the President to the South - Carolina Commissioners—The anonymous Diarist of the _North - American Review_ confuted - - CHAPTER XIX. - December, 1860-January, 1861. - - Resignation of General Cass from the Department of 396 - State—Reconstruction of the Cabinet which followed after - the Resignations of Messrs. Cobb, Thompson, and Thomas - - CHAPTER XX. - 1860—December. - - The Resignation of Secretary Floyd, and its Cause—Refutation 406 - of the Story of his stealing the Arms of the United - States—General Scott’s Assertions disproved - - CHAPTER XXI. - November, 1860-March, 1861. - - The Action of Congress on the Recommendations of the 418 - President’s Annual Message—The “Crittenden - Compromise”—Strange Course of the New York - _Tribune_—Special Message of January 8, 1861 - -[Illustration: WHEATLAND.] - - - - - LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN. - - -------------- - - - - - CHAPTER I. - 1848-1852. - -PURCHASE OF WHEATLAND—NOMINATION AND ELECTION OF GENERAL TAYLOR—HIS - DEATH AND THE ACCESSION OF PRESIDENT FILLMORE—THE COMPROMISE - MEASURES OF 1850—LETTERS TO MISS LANE—PUBLIC LETTERS ON POLITICAL - TOPICS. - - -At the distance of a little more than a mile from that part of the city -of Lancaster where Mr. Buchanan had lived for many years, and a little -beyond the corporate limits, there had long stood a substantial brick -mansion on a small estate of twenty-two acres known as Wheatland, and -sometimes called “The Wheatlands.” The house, although not imposing, or -indeed of any architectural beauty, was nevertheless a sort of _beau -ideal_ of a statesman’s abode, with ample room and verge for all the -wants of a moderate establishment. Without and within, the place has an -air of comfort, respectability, and repose. It had been for some years -owned and occupied as a summer residence by the Hon. Wm. M. Meredith of -Philadelphia, a very eminent lawyer, who became Secretary of the -Treasury in the administration of President Taylor. The house stands -about half way up a gently rising ground, and has a wide lawn stretching -down to the county road, shaded by oaks, elms, and larches, interspersed -with evergreens. The view from the front of the house, looking to the -west of north, ranges over a broad expanse of the county of Lancaster, -one of the richest of Pennsylvania’s lovely domains, spread out in a map -of highly cultivated farms, and dotted by the homesteads of a wealthy -agricultural population. Behind the house stands a noble wood, which is -reached through the gardens; and from the crown of the hill, in a -southerly direction, the eye ranges over another fine valley of smaller -extent. Coolness and peace pervade this attractive old place, and it is -not singular that a man of Mr. Buchanan’s habits and temperament, who -could not afford time and had no strong tastes for large pursuits of -agriculture, should have coveted this his neighbor’s dwelling. - -But he did not break the commandment in seeking it. A treaty between two -persons for the purchase of an estate is not ordinarily a matter of much -interest. But this one was conducted in a manner so honorable to both -parties that a few words may be given to it. The buyer and the seller -had always been on opposite political sides; but they were friends, and -they were gentlemen. In the month of June, 1848, Mr. Buchanan, having -heard that Mr. Meredith wished to sell this property, addressed to him -the following letter: - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. MEREDITH.] - - WASHINGTON, June 12, 1848. - - MY DEAR SIR: - - I have received an intimation from our friends Fordney and Reynolds - that you are willing to sell the Wheatlands, for the price which you - gave Mr. Potter for them. As I intend, in any event, to retire from - public life on the 4th of March next, I should be pleased to become - the purchaser. The terms of payment I could make agreeable to - yourself; and I should be glad if you would retain the possession - until the autumn. In making this offer, I desire to purchase from you - just what you purchased from Mr. Potter, and to pay you the same price - which you paid him. If I have been misinformed in regard to your - desire to sell, I know you will pardon this intrusion. - - Yours, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -To this letter Mr. Meredith replied as follows: - - [MR. MEREDITH TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - PHILADELPHIA, June 19, 1848. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - On my return home a day or two since I had the pleasure of finding - your letter. A month ago, I should probably have accepted your offer, - as I had then an opportunity of securing a place in this neighborhood - that would have suited me better in point of proximity than Wheatland. - I have missed that, and it is now too late to make new arrangements - for my family for the summer. I should not like to occupy the place - after having sold it, for several reasons, and principally because the - certainty of leaving it would tend to render the children - uncomfortable through the season. These little people are imaginative - and live very much on the future, and it would scarcely do to destroy - all their little plans, and schemes, and expectations connected with - the place at the very commencement of their holidays. I will - therefore, with your permission, postpone the subject to the autumn, - when, if I should be disposed to part with the place, I will do myself - the pleasure of writing to you. Of course your offer does not stand - over; but I will certainly make no disposition of the property without - first offering it to you. - - With great esteem, I am, sir, yours most respectfully, - W. M. MEREDITH. - -In the autumn, Mr. Buchanan again wrote: - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. MEREDITH.] - - WASHINGTON, September 25, 1848. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Upon my return to this city, on Saturday night, I found your letter to - Mr. Fordney kindly offering to dispose of Wheatland, including all - that you bought from Mr. Potter, to myself at the price you paid, and - the matting in the house at a valuation. I accept this proposition, - and you may consider the bargain closed. - - Of the purchase-money I can conveniently pay $1750 at present, and the - remainder on or before the first of January. If, however, you should - need it sooner, I can procure it without much difficulty. - - You can make the deed when you think proper, and the affair of the - matting may be arranged at any time. - - With many thanks for your kindness, - I remain yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -In the succeeding month of November, the following letters passed -between the two gentlemen: - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. MEREDITH.] - - (Private.) LANCASTER, November 21, 1848. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have seen Mr. Fordney since I came here, who read me a part of your - second letter. From this I infer that you regret you had parted with - Wheatland. Now, my dear sir, if you have the least inclination to - retain it, speak the word and our bargain shall be as if it never had - been. It will not put me to the least inconvenience, as I have an - excellent house in Lancaster. Indeed I feel a personal interest in - having you in the midst of our society; and if you should retain - Wheatland, I know that after you shall be satisfied with fame and - fortune, you will make this beautiful residence your place of - permanent abode. - - Please to address me at Paradise P. O., Lancaster county, as I shall - be at my brother’s, near that place, to-morrow evening, where I shall - remain until Thursday evening. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. MEREDITH TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - PHILADELPHIA, November 23, 1848. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your very kind letter was received yesterday, just as I was going to - court in the morning, where I was kept without dinner till near six. I - was then obliged to attend an evening engagement at seven. I mention - these details to excuse myself for the apparent want of promptness in - replying. I have in the first place to express to you my deep sense of - the courtesy and consideration which induced you to make me the offer - which your letter contains. I cannot accept it, because to do so would - be to take advantage of your friendly impulses, which I ought not and - cannot do. I have no doubt I shall find a place somewhere in the same - county, and hope to call neighbors with you yet. I need not say how - much I regret that Mr. Fordney should have been so indiscreet as to - communicate my letter to you. - - My furniture, etc., is now removed, and I will deliver possession at - once, and I wish you heartily, my dear sir, many years of happiness - there. - - I am, always your obliged friend and servant, - W. M. MEREDITH. - -In December the purchase-money was paid and the deed of the property was -executed by Mr. Meredith. Mr. Buchanan soon afterwards transferred his -household goods to Wheatland, and from that time until his death it was -his permanent abode, when he did not occupy some official residence in -Washington or in London. He removed to Wheatland the furniture which he -had hitherto used in Washington and Lancaster, and made some new -purchases. The style of everything was solid, comfortable, and -dignified, without any show. The library was in the eastern wing of the -house, and was entered by a hall running transversely from the main -hall, which extended through the house from east and west, and was also -entered from the principal parlor. At the window of the library farthest -from the main hall was Mr. Buchanan’s accustomed seat. Long years of -honorable public service, however, and sore trials, are to be traced, -before we reach the period when he finally retired to the repose of this -peaceful retreat. He left office on the 4th of March, 1849, with a fixed -purpose not to re-enter public life. But although he held no public -position during the four years of General Taylor’s and Mr. Fillmore’s -term, he could not avoid taking an active interest in public affairs; -and it will be seen that he was not at liberty to decline all public -service when his party in 1853 again came into power. - -But it is now necessary to revert to the spring and summer of 1848, and -to the state of things consequent upon the treaty which had been -concluded with Mexico. The great acquisitions of territory made by the -annexation of Texas, and the cession of New Mexico and California to the -United States, had opened questions on which the Democratic and the Whig -parties occupied very different positions. The acquisition of these -countries was a Democratic measure; and had that party retained its -control of the Federal Government, it is probable that its Northern and -its Southern branches would have united upon some plan for disposing of -the question of slavery in these new regions. The Whigs, on the other -hand, although constituting the opposition, and as such acting against -the administration of Mr. Polk and its measures, were far from being -unanimous in their resistance to the treaty which Mr. Polk proposed to -make with Mexico. There were very eminent Whigs who were opposed to all -acquisitions of new territory, for various reasons, and especially -because of the tendency of such acquisitions to re-open questions about -slavery. There were other very prominent men in the Whig party who were -willing to have New Mexico and California added to the Union, and to -trust to the chances of a harmonious settlement of all questions that -might follow in regard to the organization of governments for those -extensive regions. It may not only now be seen, but it was apparent to -thoughtful observers at the time, that the true course for the Whig -party to pursue, was to adopt as its candidate for the Presidency some -one of its most eminent and experienced statesmen, who would represent a -definite policy on this whole subject, either by an application of the -so-called “Wilmot Proviso,” or what was far better, considering the -sectional feelings involved, by an extension to the Pacific Ocean of the -Missouri Compromise line of division between free and slave territory. -But there came about in the winter of 1848 one of those states of -popular feeling, in which the people of this country have sometimes -taken it for granted that military success, united with certain traits -of character, is a good ground for assuming fitness of an individual for -the highest civil station. Along with this somewhat hazardous assumption -there runs at such times the vague and scarcely expressed idea that the -Presidency of the United States is to be treated as a reward for -distinguished military services. After General Taylor’s return from his -Mexican campaign, in which a series of brilliant victories were gained, -on each occasion with a force numerically inferior to that of the enemy, -he became at once a sort of popular idol. There were a good many -elements in his personal character, which entitled him to strong esteem, -and some which easily account for his sudden popularity. He had a blunt -honesty and sincerity of purpose, which were backed by great strength of -will, and prodigious energy as a warrior. The appellation of “Old Rough -and Ready,” bestowed on him by his soldiers, went straight to the -popular heart. These indications of what has been called “availability” -in the political nomenclature which has acquired a peculiar -significance, were not lost upon that class of Whig politicians who were -most disposed to be on the lookout for such means of political success. -General Taylor, although never a politician, and although, from his -military life, he had rarely even voted at elections, was known to be a -Whig, but, as he described himself, not an “Ultra Whig.” He was at no -pains to seek a nomination for the Presidency, but it was pretty well -known that if it came to him unsought, he would accept it. At the same -time, with the modesty and sincerity that belonged to his honest nature, -he did not affect to conceal his own distrust of his fitness for the -office. It was, with him, a matter which the people of the country were -to decide. If they chose to call him to the office, he would discharge -its duties to the best of his ability. The sagacity of that portion of -the Whigs who expected to win a political victory with such a candidate, -was not at fault. When the Whig national convention, which was to make -the nomination, assembled at Philadelphia in June, (1848), it was found -that both Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster were to be disregarded; and on the -fourth ballotting General Taylor received 171 votes out of 279. It is a -remarkable fact, that although this nomination was made by a national -convention of all the Whigs, several attempts to have it declared by -resolution that it must be accepted as a “Whig” nomination, and to -declare what the principles of the Whig party were, were voted down. One -proposal was to have it declared that Whig principles were “no extension -of slavery—no acquisition of foreign territory—protection to American -industry, and opposition to executive usurpation.” But singularly -enough, these propositions were ruled to be out of order: and although -the nomination of Millard Fillmore of New York, as Vice President, might -seem to give the whole proceeding a Whig aspect, Mr. Fillmore’s name, -unconnected with any annunciation of a distinctive Whig policy, to be -upheld in the election, could do nothing more than to acquire for the -“ticket” such weight as his personal character, not then very -extensively known, could give to it. It was plain enough, therefore, -that the election of General Taylor as President, if it should occur, -would settle nothing in regard to the very serious questions that were -already resulting from the Mexican war. - -It was this step on the part of the Whigs—nominating a candidate without -any declared policy—that entailed upon that party, at the beginning of -General Taylor’s administration, the most embarrassing questions, and -increased the danger of the formation of a third party, on the subject -of slavery, whose sphere of operations would be confined to the Northern -States, and which might, for the first time in our political history, -lead to a sectional division between the North and the South. - -On the other hand, the Democratic party had to nominate a candidate for -the Presidency who, besides being of sufficient consideration throughout -the country to counteract the popular _furore_ about General Taylor, -would represent some distinctive policy in regard to the new territories -and the questions growing out of their acquisition. The friends of -General Cass, who, although he wore a military title, was not in the -category of military heroes, claimed that his party services and public -position entitled him to the nomination. Mr. Buchanan was by far the -fittest candidate whom the Democrats could have adopted; but he had made -it a rule not to press his claims upon the consideration of his party, -at the risk of impairing its harmony and efficiency. He had adhered to -this rule on more than one previous occasion, and he did not now depart -from it. General Cass was nominated by the Democratic Convention, and -along with the candidate for the Vice-Presidency, W. O. Butler of -Kentucky, he was vigorously supported in the canvass by Mr. Buchanan.[1] -But the Whig candidates, Taylor and Fillmore, received one hundred and -sixty-three electoral votes, being seventeen more than were necessary to -a choice. General Taylor was inaugurated as President on the 4th of -March, 1849. Although he was a citizen of Louisiana and a slaveholder, -he had received the electoral votes of the free States of Massachusetts, -Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, New York, New Jersey, and -Pennsylvania. These, with the votes of Delaware, Maryland, North -Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Florida, had -elected him. All the other States had been obtained for the Democratic -candidates; for although the Northern Whigs who were dissatisfied with -such a candidate as General Taylor, and who had begun to call themselves -“Conscience Whigs,” together with a faction of the Northern Democracy -known as “barn-burners” had put in nomination Ex-President Van Buren of -New York and Mr. Charles Francis Adams of Massachusetts, this singularly -combined party did not obtain the electoral vote of a single State. - -Footnote 1: - - The “platform” of the Democratic party contained the following - resolution: “That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to - interfere with, or control the domestic institutions of the several - States; and that such States are the sole and proper judges of - everything pertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the - Constitution; that all efforts, by abolitionists or others, made to - induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take - incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the - most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts - have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people - and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not - to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions.” - Excepting in an indirect manner, this resolution did not enunciate any - specific policy in regard to the newly acquired territories. - -While General Taylor, therefore, entered upon the administration of the -Government under circumstances which indicated much popular strength, -the situation of the country, and his want of the higher qualities of -statesmanship and civil experience, were not favorable to his success as -a President of the United States. His cabinet, moreover, was not, -comparatively speaking, a strong one. The Secretary of State, the Hon. -John M. Clayton of Delaware, was scarcely the equal of Mr. Calhoun and -Mr. Buchanan, his immediate predecessors; and his negotiation of the -Clayton-Bulwer treaty was one of the most unfortunate occurrences in our -diplomatic history. The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Meredith, was -simply an accomplished lawyer and a most estimable gentleman. The -Attorney-General, the Hon. Reverdy Johnson of Baltimore, was a very -eminent advocate in the Supreme Court of the United States, but not a -wise and far-seeing statesman. The ablest man in the cabinet, -intellectually, was the Hon. Thomas Ewing of Ohio. The other Secretaries -were not men of much renown or force. When this administration took -charge of the executive department of the Government, a session of -Congress was not to commence until December, 1849. At that session, -California, which had adopted a State constitution and one that -prohibited slavery, demanded admission into the Union as a free State. -New Mexico and Utah required the organization of territorial -governments. The whole South was in a state of sensitiveness in regard -to these matters, and also in regard to the escape of slaves into free -territory and to the growing unwillingness of many of the people of the -Northern States to have executed that provision of the Constitution -which required the surrender of fugitives from service. General Taylor’s -policy on these dangerous subjects was not a statesman-like or a -practicable one. In his annual message (December, 1849), he recommended -the admission of California as a State; but he proposed that the other -Territories should be left as they were until they had formed State -governments and had applied for admission into the Union. Practically, -this would have involved the necessity for governing those regions -largely by military power; for the peace must be kept between the -inhabitants of Texas and the inhabitants of New Mexico, and between the -United States and Texas, in reference to her boundaries. In the opposite -sections of the Union popular feeling was rising to a point of great -excitement. In the North, the “Wilmot Proviso” was most insisted upon. -In the South, this was resented as an indignity. By the end of January, -1850, the angry discussion of these subjects in Congress had obstructed -almost all public business, and this excitement pervaded the legislative -bodies of the States and the whole press of both sections. It seemed as -if harmony and judicious legislation were impossible. - -It was at this extraordinary juncture that Mr. Clay came forward in the -Senate with his celebrated propositions which became known as the -“Compromise Measures of 1850.”[2] The discussion of these measures went -on until the 9th of July (1850), on which day General Taylor died, after -a short illness. His policy was characterized by Mr. Webster as marked -by the foresight of a soldier, but not by the foresight of a statesman. -It was attended with the danger of a collision between the United States -and Texas, which might have led to a civil war. Mr. Fillmore, however, -who as Vice-President succeeded to General Taylor, and who was sworn -into office as President on the 10th of July, was a civilian and was not -without experience as a public man, although not hitherto very -conspicuous. Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun[3] had all -strenuously advocated the Compromise Measures. A particular description -of this great settlement must be deferred to a future chapter. But in -order that these measures might receive their consummation, a -reconstruction of the cabinet became necessary. All of the Secretaries -appointed by General Taylor resigned. The State Department was offered -to and accepted by Mr. Webster. Thomas Corwin of Ohio became Secretary -of the Treasury; Charles M. Conrad of Louisiana, Secretary of War; -William A. Graham of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; Nathan K. -Hall of New York, Postmaster-General; John J. Crittenden of Kentucky, -Attorney-General; and Alexander H. H. Stuart of Virginia, Secretary of -the Interior. Thus a new Whig administration, pledged to the -pacification of the country by a policy very different from that of -General Taylor, came into the Executive Department. The Compromise -Measures became laws before the adjournment of Congress, which occurred -on the 30th of September; and then came the question whether they were -to be efficacious in quieting the sectional controversies about slavery, -and were to be acquiesced in by the North and the South. Mr. Buchanan, -although not in official life, in common with many other patriotic men -of both the principal parties, lent all his influence to the support of -this great settlement. In November, 1850, he had to address a letter to -a public meeting in Philadelphia, called to sustain the Compromise -Measures, in which he said: - -Footnote 2: - - Introduced in the Senate, January 29th, 1850. - -Footnote 3: - - Mr. Calhoun died at Washington on the last day of March, 1850, at the - age of 68. - - [LETTER TO A PUBLIC MEETING.] - - “WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, Nov. 19, 1850. - - . . . . . . . . - - I now say that the platform of our blessed Union is strong enough and - broad enough to sustain all true-hearted Americans. It is an - elevated—it is a glorious platform on which the down-trodden nations - of the earth gaze with hope and desire, with admiration and - astonishment. Our Union is the star of the West, whose genial and - steadily increasing influence will at last, should we remain an united - people, dispel the gloom of despotism from the ancient nations of the - world. Its moral power will prove to be more potent than millions of - armed mercenaries. And shall this glorious star set in darkness before - it has accomplished half its mission? Heaven forbid! Let us all - exclaim with the heroic Jackson, ‘The Union must and shall be - preserved.’ - - And what a Union has this been! The history of the human race presents - no parallel to it. The bit of striped bunting which was to be swept - from the ocean by a British navy, according to the predictions of a - British statesman, previous to the war of 1812, is now displayed on - every sea, and in every port of the habitable globe. Our glorious - stars and stripes, the flag of our country, now protects Americans in - every clime. ‘I am a Roman citizen!’ was once the proud exclamation - which everywhere shielded an ancient Roman from insult and injustice. - ‘I am an American citizen!’ is now an exclamation of almost equal - potency throughout the civilized world. This is a tribute due to the - power and resources of these thirty-one United States. In a just - cause, we may defy the world in arms. We have lately presented a - spectacle which has astonished the greatest captain of the age. At the - call of their country, an irresistible host of armed men, and men, - too, skilled in the use of arms, sprang up like the soldiers of - Cadmus, from the mountains and valleys of our confederacy. The - struggle among them was not who should remain at home, but who should - enjoy the privilege of enduring the dangers and privations of a - foreign war, in defence of their country’s rights. Heaven forbid that - the question of slavery should ever prove to be the stone thrown into - their midst by Cadmus, to make them turn their arms against each - other, and die in mutual conflict. - - . . . . . . . . - - The common sufferings and common glories of the past, the prosperity - of the present, and the brilliant hopes of the future, must impress - every patriotic heart with deep love and devotion for the Union. Who - that is now a citizen of this vast Republic, extending from the St. - Lawrence to the Rio Grande, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, does - not shudder at the idea of being transformed into a citizen of one of - its broken, jealous and hostile fragments? What patriot had not rather - shed the last drop of his blood, than see the thirty-one brilliant - stars, which now float proudly upon our country’s flag, rudely torn - from the national banner, and scattered in confusion over the face of - the earth? - - Rest assured that all the patriotic emotions of every true-hearted - Pennsylvanian, in favor of the Union and Constitution, are shared by - Southern people. What battle-field has not been illustrated by their - gallant deeds; and when in our history have they ever shrunk from - sacrifices and sufferings in the cause of their country? What, then, - means the muttering thunder which we hear from the South? The signs of - the times are truly portentous. Whilst many in the South openly - advocate the cause of secession and union, a large majority, as I - firmly believe, still fondly cling to the Union, awaiting with deep - anxiety the action of the North on the compromise lately effected in - Congress. Should this be disregarded and nullified by the citizens of - the North, the Southern people may become united, and then farewell, a - long farewell, to our blessed Union. I am no alarmist; but a brave and - wise man looks danger steadily in the face. This is the best means of - avoiding it. I am deeply impressed with the conviction that the North - neither sufficiently understands nor appreciates the danger. For my - own part, I have been steadily watching its progress for the last - fifteen years. During that period I have often sounded the alarm; but - my feeble warnings have been disregarded. I now solemnly declare, as - the deliberate conviction of my judgment, that two things are - necessary to preserve this Union from danger: - - ‘1. Agitation in the North on the subject of Southern slavery must be - rebuked and put down by a strong and enlightened public opinion. - - ‘2. The Fugitive Slave Law must be enforced in its spirit.’ - - On each of these points I shall offer a few observations. - - Those are greatly mistaken who suppose that the tempest that is now - raging in the South has been raised solely by the acts or omissions of - the present Congress. The minds of the Southern people have been - gradually prepared for this explosion by the events of the last - fifteen years. Much and devotedly as they love the Union, many of them - are now taught to believe that the peace of their own firesides, and - the security of their families, cannot be preserved without separation - from us. The crusade of the Abolitionists against their domestic peace - and security commenced in 1835. General Jackson, in his annual message - to Congress, in December of that year, speaks of it in the following - emphatic language: ‘I must also invite your attention to the painful - excitement produced in the South by attempts to circulate through the - mails inflammatory appeals, addressed to the passions of the slaves, - in prints and various sorts of publications, calculated to stimulate - them to insurrection, and produce all the horrors of a servile war.‘ - - From that period the agitation in the North against Southern slavery - has been incessant, by means of the press, of State Legislatures, of - State and County conventions, Abolition lectures, and every other - method which fanatics and demagogues could devise. The time of - Congress has been wasted in violent harangues on the subject of - slavery. Inflammatory appeals have been sent forth from this central - point throughout the country, the inevitable effect of which has been - to create geographical parties, so much dreaded by the Father of his - Country, and to estrange the northern and southern divisions of the - Union from each other. - - Before the Wilmot proviso was interposed, the abolition of slavery in - the District of Columbia had been the chief theme of agitation. - Petitions for this purpose, by thousands, poured into Congress, - session after session. The rights and the wishes of the owners of - slaves within the District were boldly disregarded. Slavery was - denounced as a national disgrace, which the laws of God and the laws - of men ought to abolish, cost what it might. It mattered not to the - fanatics that the abolition of slavery in the District would convert - it into a citadel, in the midst of two slaveholding States, from which - the Abolitionist could securely scatter arrows, firebrands and death - all around. It mattered not with them that the abolition of slavery in - the District would be a violation of the spirit of the Constitution - and of the implied faith pledged to Maryland and Virginia, because the - whole world knows that those States would never have ceded it to the - Union, had they imagined it could ever be converted by Congress into a - place from which their domestic peace and security might be assailed - by fanatics and Abolitionists. Nay, the Abolitionists went even still - further. They agitated for the purpose of abolishing slavery in the - forts, arsenals and navy-yards which the Southern States had ceded to - the Union, under the Constitution, for the protection and defence of - the country. - - Thus stood the question when the Wilmot proviso was interposed, to add - fuel to the flame, and to excite the Southern people to madness. - - . . . . . . . . - - It would be the extreme of dangerous infatuation to suppose that the - Union was not then in serious danger. Had the Wilmot proviso become a - law, or had slavery been abolished in the District of Columbia, - nothing short of a special interposition of Divine Providence could - have prevented the secession of most, if not all, the slaveholding - States. - - It was from this great and glorious old Commonwealth, rightly - denominated the ‘Keystone of the Arch,‘ that the first ray of light - emanated to dispel the gloom. She stands now as the days-man, between - the North and the South, and can lay her hand on either party, and - say, thus far shalt thou go, and no farther. The wisdom, moderation - and firmness of her people qualify her eminently to act as the just - and equitable umpire between the extremes. - - It was the vote in our State House of Representatives, refusing to - consider the instructing resolution in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, - which first cheered the heart of every patriot in the land. This was - speedily followed by a vote of the House of Representatives at - Washington, nailing the Wilmot Proviso itself to the table. And here I - ought not to forget the great meeting held in Philadelphia on the - birthday of the Father of his Country, in favor of the Union, which - gave a happy and irresistible impulse to public opinion throughout the - State, and I may add throughout the Union. - - The honor of the South has been saved by the Compromise. The Wilmot - Proviso is forever dead, and slavery will never be abolished in the - District of Columbia whilst it continues to exist in Maryland. The - receding storm in the South still continues to dash with violence, but - it will gradually subside, should agitation cease in the North. All - that is necessary for us to do ‘is to execute the Fugitive Slave Law,‘ - and to let the Southern people alone, suffering them to manage their - own domestic concerns in their own way...... - - 2. I shall proceed to present to you some views upon the subject of - the much misrepresented Fugitive Slave Law. It is now evident, from - all the signs of the times, that this is destined to become the - principal subject of agitation at the present session of Congress, and - to take the place of the Wilmot Proviso. Its total repeal or its - material modification will henceforward be the battle cry of the - agitators of the North. - - And what is the character of this law? It was passed to carry into - execution a plain, clear, and mandatory provision of the Constitution, - requiring that fugitive slaves, who fly from service in one State to - another, shall be delivered up to their masters. The provision is so - explicit that he who runs may read. No commentary can present it in a - stronger light than the plain words of the Constitution. It is a - well-known historical fact, that without this provision, the - Constitution could never have existed. How could this have been - otherwise? Is it possible for a moment to believe that the slave - States would have formed a union with the free States, if under it - their slaves, by simply escaping across the boundary which separates - them, would acquire all the rights of freemen? This would have been to - offer an irresistible temptation to all the slaves of the South to - precipitate themselves upon the North. The Federal Constitution, - therefore, recognizes in the clearest and most emphatic terms, the - property in slaves, and protects this property by prohibiting any - State into which a slave might escape, from discharging him from - slavery, and by requiring that he shall be delivered up to his master. - - . . . . . . . . - - The two principal objections urged against the Fugitive Slave law are, - that it will promote kidnapping, and that it does not provide a trial - by jury for the fugitive in the State to which he has escaped. - - The very same reasons may be urged, with equal force, against the act - of 1793; and yet it existed for more than half a century without - encountering any such objections. - - In regard to kidnapping, the fears of the agitators are altogether - groundless. The law requires that the fugitive shall be taken before - the judge or commissioner. They must there prove, to the satisfaction - of the magistrate, the identity of the fugitive, that he is the - master’s property, and has escaped from his service. Now, I ask, would - a kidnapper ever undertake such a task? Would he suborn witnesses to - commit perjury, and expose himself to detection before a judge or - commissioner, and in the presence of the argus eyes of a - non-slaveholding community, whose feelings will always be in favor of - the slave? No, never. The kidnapper seizes his victim in the silence - of the night, or in a remote and obscure place, and hurries him away. - He does not expose himself to the public gaze. He will never bring the - unfortunate object of his rapacity before a commissioner or a judge. - Indeed, I have no recollection of having heard or read of a case in - which a free man was kidnapped under the forms of law, during the - whole period of more than half a century, since the act of 1793 was - passed. - - . . . . . . . . - - The Union cannot long endure, if it be bound together only by paper - bonds. It can be firmly cemented alone by the affections of the people - of the different States for each other. Would to Heaven that the - spirit of mutual forbearance and brotherly love which presided at its - birth, could once more be restored to bless the land! Upon opening a - volume, a few days since, my eye caught a resolution of a Convention - of the counties of Maryland, assembled at Annapolis, in June, 1744, in - consequence of the passage by the British Parliament of the Boston - Port Bill, which provided for opening a subscription ‘in the several - counties of the Province, for an immediate collection for the relief - of the distressed inhabitants of Boston, now cruelly deprived of the - means of procuring subsistence for themselves and families by the - operation of the said act of blocking up their harbor.‘ Would that the - spirit of fraternal affection which dictated this noble resolution, - and which actuated all the conduct of our revolutionary fathers, might - return to bless and reanimate the bosoms of their descendants! This - would render our Union indissoluble. It would be the living soul - infusing itself into the Constitution and inspiring it with - irresistible energy.” - -I select from the letters of Mr. Buchanan to his niece, written in the -years 1850, 1851, and 1852, some of those which indicate his constant -interest in her, and in their home circle of friends, amid the very busy -life which he led even when he was not in any official position: - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - BEDFORD SPRINGS, August 4, 1850. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I received your letter yesterday and was rejoiced to hear from home, - especially of Mr. ——’s visit to Miss Hetty, which, I know must have - rendered her very happy. I hope he will do better than Mr. —— or Mr. - ——. - - I have found Bedford very pleasant, as I always do; but we have very - few of the old set, and the new are not equal to them. I will not tell - you how many inquiries have been made for you, lest this might make - you vainer than you are, which to say the least is unnecessary. - - I intend, God willing, to leave here to-morrow morning. Six of us have - taken an extra to Chambersburg: Mr. Wilmer and his daughter, Mrs. and - Miss Bridges, Mr. Reigart and myself. I shall leave them at Loudon, as - I proposed, and hope to be at home on Thursday, Friday, or Saturday - next, I know not which. - - It was kind in you, and this I appreciate, to say a word to me about - Mrs. ——. Should Miss Hetty marry Mr. ——, I shall bring this matter to - a speedy conclusion one way or the other. I shall then want a - housekeeper, as you would not be fit to superintend: and whose society - would be so charming as that of Mrs. ——-? - - Remember me affectionately to Mrs. Dunham and Miss Hetty, and believe - me to be yours “with the highest consideration.” - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, October 12, 1850. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - Mr. McIlvain of Philadelphia, with whom I had contracted to put up a - furnace and kitchen range this week, has disappointed me, and I cannot - leave home until this work shall be finished. He writes me that he - will certainly commence on Monday morning; and if so, I hope to be in - New York the beginning of the week after, say about the 22d instant. - - You ask what about your staying at Mrs. Bancroft’s. With this I should - be very much pleased; but it seems from your letter that she did not - ask you to do so. She wished “to see a great deal” of you when you - came to New York, implying that you were not to stay with her all the - time. If she has since given you an invitation, accept it. - - Could I have anticipated that you would not pass some time at Governor - Marcy’s, I should have arranged this matter by writing to Mrs. - Bancroft. It is now too late. - - I may probably pass a few days at the Astor House in New York; but I - may have to see so many politicians, that I should have but little - time to devote to you. I desire very much to reach New York before the - departure of Mr. Slidell which will be on the 26th instant. - - I shall be very glad, if Clementina Pleasanton should accompany you - home, though the leaves are beginning to change color and to fall. - - . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . . - - Professor Muhlenbergh, having been appointed a professor in - Pennsylvania College (Gettysburg), has ceased to teach school, and - James Henry left for Princeton on Thursday last. - - We have no local news, at least I know of none, that would interest - you. I think we shall have very agreeable neighbors in the Gonders at - Abbeville. Please to remember me very kindly to Mr. and Mrs. Robinson - and give my love to Rose. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, January 17, 1851. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received yours of the 15th, and we are all happy to learn that - you have reached Washington so pleasantly. I hope that your visit may - prove agreeable; and that you may return home self-satisfied with all - that may transpire during your absence. Keep your eyes about you in - the gay scenes through which you are destined to pass, and take care - to do nothing and say nothing of which you may have cause to repent. - Above all be on your guard against flattery; and should you receive - it, “let it pass into one ear gracefully and out at the other.” Many a - clever girl has been spoiled for the useful purposes of life, and - rendered unhappy by a winter’s gaiety in Washington. I know, however, - that Mrs. Pleasanton will take good care of you and prevent you from - running into any extravagance. Still it is necessary that, with the - blessing of Providence, you should take care of yourself. - - I attended the festival in Philadelphia, on the occasion of the - arrival of the steamer “City of Glasgow,” but did not see Lilly - Macalester. Her father thinks of taking her to the World’s Fair in - London. I saw Mrs. Plitt for a moment, who inquired kindly after you. - - We are moving on here in the old way, and I have no news of any - interest to communicate to you. Eskridge was out here last night, and - said they were all well in town. I met Mrs. Baker yesterday on the - street with her inseparable companion. She was looking very well. - - I have not yet determined whether I shall visit Washington during the - present session; but it is probable that I may, on or about the first - of February. - - Give my love to Laura and Clementina, and remember me in the kindest - terms to Mr. and Mrs. Pleasanton. - - Miss Hetty and James desire their love to you. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND near LANCASTER, April 7, 1851. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - Supposing that you are now in Baltimore, I send you the enclosed - letter received yesterday. It was inadvertently opened by me; but the - moment I saw it was addressed to “My dear Harriet” it was closed. It - may contain love or treason for aught I know. - - Eskridge was here yesterday; but he gave me no news, except that Mary - and he were at a party at Mr. McElrath’s on Wednesday evening last. - - The place now begins to look beautiful, and we have concerts of the - birds every morning. Still I fear it will appear dull to you after - your winter’s gaiety. Lewis has gone, and we have a new coachman in - the person of Mr. Francis Quinn, who with his lady occupy the - gardener’s house. They have no children. Mr. C. Reigart will leave - here on Saturday next for the World’s Fair and a trip to the - continent. Your _ci-devant_ lover, Mr. ——, purposes to go likewise; - but many persons think he will not get off on account of the expense. - Mr. and Mrs. Gonder prove to be very agreeable neighbors. They are - furnishing their house and fitting up their grounds with much taste - and at considerable expense. - - With my kindest regards for Mr. and Mrs. White and the young ladies, I - remain, - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, Nov. 4, 1851. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received your favor of the 29th ultimo, and would have answered - it sooner had I not been absent at Lebanon on its arrival. You appear - to have already got under full sail in Pittsburgh, and I hope your - voyage throughout may be prosperous and happy. If you have found the - place even blacker and dirtier than you anticipated, you will find the - people warm-hearted, generous, kind and agreeable. But do not for a - moment believe that any hearts will be broken, even if you should fail - to pay all the visits to families where you are invited. I know, - however, that you are not so romantic a girl as to take for gospel all - the pretty things which may be said to you. - - My dinner to the bride and groom is to come off next Saturday, and I - intend to call upon Mrs. Baker to be mistress of ceremonies. I had to - send for her on Friday last to stay with Mr. and Mrs. Yost, whom I was - compelled to leave, by an engagement to be present at a Jubilee at - Lebanon. - - Eskridge was here on Sunday, but brought no budget of news. Indeed, I - believe, there is nothing stirring which would interest you. - - I have a friend in Pittsburgh, such as few men ever had, by name Major - David Lynch. He does not move in the first circle of fashionable - society, but he exercises more influence than any other Democrat in - that region. His devotion to me is unexampled. With one such man there - would be no difficulty in Lancaster county. I know that Dr. Speer - don’t like him; but when you visit Mrs. Collins, get Mr. McCandless to - request him to pay you a visit and treat him with the utmost kindness. - His wife is a lady of fine sense; but I presume you will not be asked - to visit her. If you should, make it a point to go. - - Miss Hetty and myself are now alone, although I have many calls. For - the last two days, and a great part of the night I have been - constantly at work in answering the letters which have accumulated - during my absence at New York, the Harrisburg Fair and Lebanon. - - Miss Hetty desires to be kindly remembered to you. Take care of - yourself. Be prudent and discreet among strangers. I hope you will not - remove the favorable impression you have made. Please to present my - kindest regards to Dr. and Mrs. Speer, Miss Lydia and the family, and - believe me to be, - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—If I believed it necessary, I would advise you to be constant in - your devotions to your God. He is a friend who will never desert you. - Men are short-sighted and know not the consequences of their own - actions. The most brilliant prospects are often overcast; and those - who commence life under the fairest auspices, are often unfortunate. - Ask wisdom and discretion from above. ——, and ——, and —— married - unfortunately. I should like nothing better than to see you well - settled in life; but never think of marrying any man unless his moral - habits are good, and his business or his fortune will enable him to - support you comfortably. So now my postscript is like a woman’s; the - best the last. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - Saturday Morning, Nov. 8, 1851. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - Our excellent friend and neighbor, Mr. Gonder, died this morning, and - this event has covered us with gloom. Of course there will be no - dinner party to-day. We are all well and going on as usual. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, Dec. 12, 1851. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received your letter of the 6th instant, and am happy to learn - you are still enjoying yourself at Pittsburgh. I have not any news of - interest to communicate, unless it be that Mary and Kate Reynolds went - to Philadelphia on Wednesday last, and James Henry is to be at home - next week. At Wheatland we are all moving on in the old way. My - correspondence is now so heavy as to occupy my whole time from early - morning until late at night, except when visitors are with me. - - I still continue to be of the same opinion I was concerning the - Presidency; _but this is for yourself alone_. - - My life is now one of great labor, but I am philosopher enough not to - be very anxious. - - . . . . . . . . - - With my kindest regards for Mrs. Collins and Sis, - - I remain yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, near Lancaster, Feb. 24, 1852. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - On my return home from Richmond and Washington, on the day before - yesterday, I received yours of the 9th instant. I am truly grateful - that you have enjoyed your visit to Pittsburgh so much. I have no - desire that you shall return home until it suits your own inclination. - All I apprehend is that you may wear out your welcome. It will be - impossible for me to visit Pittsburgh and escort you home. - - . . . . . . . . - - Senator Gwin misinformed me as to the value of Mr. Baker’s office. The - salary attached to it is $4000 per annum. He thinks that Mrs. Baker - ought by all means to go to California. I have not seen Eskridge since - my return. - - I took Miss —— to Washington and left her there, and am truly glad to - be clear of her. - - Whilst in Washington I saw very little of the fashionable society. My - time was almost constantly occupied with the politicians. Still I - partook of a family dinner with the Pleasantons, who all desired to be - kindly remembered to you. I never saw Clementina looking better than - she does, and they all appear to be cheerful. Still when an allusion - was made to her mother, she was overcome at the table and had to leave - it. Mr. Pleasanton is evidently in very delicate health, though he - goes to his office. - - I called to see Mrs. Walker, who inquired very kindly for you, and so - did Col. King and others. - - The mass of letters before me is “prodigious,” and I only write to - show that you are not forgotten. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, March 13, 1852. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received yours of the 9th instant. It was difficult to persuade - you to visit Pittsburgh, but it seems to be still more difficult for - you to leave it. I am, however, not disappointed in this particular, - because I know the kindness and hospitality of the people. There is - not a better or more true-hearted man alive than John Anderson, and - his excellent wife well deserves such a husband. Make out your visit, - which, it is evident, you propose to continue until the middle of - April; but after your return I hope you will be content to remain at - home during the summer. The birds are now singing around the house, - and we are enjoying the luxury of a fine day in the opening spring. - - Miss Hetty has just informed me that Mrs. Lane gave birth to a son a - few days ago, which they call John N. Lane. She heard it this morning - at market from Eskridge, whom I have not seen since last Sunday week. - I hope he will be here to-morrow. - - The new Court House is to be erected on Newton Lightner’s corner. Its - location has caused much excitement in Lancaster. It enables your - sweetheart, Mr. Evans, Mr. Lightner and Mr. —— to sell their property - to advantage. We have no other news. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Miss Harriet Lane to me; but Miss Harri_ette_ to the rest of man - and womankind. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - SARATOGA SPRINGS, August 8, 1852. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I arrived at this place on Thursday evening last, and now on Sunday - morning before church am addressing you this note........ I find the - Springs very agreeable and the company very pleasant, yet there does - not appear to be so many of the “dashers” here as I have seen. The - crowd is very great, in fact it is quite a mob of fashionable folks. - Mrs. Plitt is very agreeable and quite popular. Mrs. Slidell is the - most gay, brilliant and fashionable lady at the Springs; and as I am - her admirer, and attached to her party, I am thus rendered a little - more conspicuous in the _beau monde_ than I could desire. Mrs. Rush - conducts herself very much like a lady, and is quite popular. She has - invited me to accompany her to Alboni’s concert to-morrow evening, and - I would rather go with her to any other place. Alboni is all the rage - here. I have seen and conversed with her, and am rather impressed in - her favor. She is short and thick, but has a very good, arch and - benevolent countenance. I shall, however, soon get tired of this - place, and do not expect to remain here longer than next Thursday. Not - having heard from you, I should have felt somewhat uneasy, had Mary - not written to Mrs. Plitt. I expect to be at home in two weeks from - the time I started. Mrs. Plitt desires me to send her love to you, - Mrs. Baker and Miss Hetty. Remember me affectionately to Mrs. Baker, - Miss Hetty and James Henry, and believe me to be - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Numerous public letters written by Mr. Buchanan in these years, 1851 and -1852, find their appropriate place here. They exhibit fully all his -sentiments and opinions on the topics which then agitated the country. - - [TO COL. GEORGE R. FALL.[4]] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, Dec. 24th, 1851. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I am sorry I did not receive your letter sooner. I might then have - given it the “old-fashioned Democratic” answer which you desire. But I - am compelled to leave home immediately; and if I should not write at - the present moment, it will be too late for the 8th of January - Convention. I must therefore be brief. - - My public life is before the country, and it is my pride never to have - evaded an important political question. The course of Democracy is - always straight ahead, and public men who determine to pursue it never - involve themselves in labyrinths, except when they turn to the right - or the left from the plain forward path. Madison’s Report and - Jefferson’s Kentucky Resolutions are the safest and surest guides to - conduct a Democratic administration of the Federal Government. It is - the true mission of Democracy to resist centralism and the absorption - of unconstitutional powers by the President and Congress. The - sovereignty of the States and a devotion to their reserved rights can - alone preserve and perpetuate our happy system of Government. The - exercise of doubtful and constructive powers on the part of Congress - has produced all the dangerous and exciting questions which have - imperilled the Union. The Federal Government, even confined within its - strict constitutional limits, must necessarily acquire more and more - influence through the increased and increasing expenditure of public - money, and hence the greater necessity for public economy and watchful - vigilance. Our Constitution, when it proceeded from the hands of its - framers, was a simple system; and the more free from complexity it - remains, the more powerfully, satisfactorily and beneficially will it - operate within its legitimate sphere. - - It is centralization alone which has prevented the French people from - establishing a permanent republican government, and entailed upon them - so many misfortunes. Had the provinces of France been converted into - separate territorial provinces, like our State governments, Paris - would then no longer have been France, and a revolution at the capital - would not have destroyed the Federative Republic. - - Had the principles I have enumerated been observed by the Federal - Government and by the people of the several States, we should have - avoided the alarming questions which have arisen out of the - institution of domestic slavery. The people of each State would then, - to employ a homely but expressive phrase, have attended to their own - business and not have interfered in the domestic concerns of their - sister States. But on this important subject I have so fully presented - my views in the enclosed letter to the great meeting in Philadelphia, - held in November, 1850, that it would be useless to repeat them, even - if time would permit. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 4: - - From the _Mississippian_ of January 9, 1852. - - [TO THE CENTRAL SOUTHERN RIGHTS ASSOCIATION OF VIRGINIA.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 10, 1851. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your kind letter of the 2d inst., with the resolutions - adopted by the Central Southern Rights Association of Virginia, - inviting me to address the Association at such time as may suit my - convenience, and to counsel with them “in regard to the best means to - be adopted in the present alarming crisis, for the maintenance of the - Constitution and the Union of these States in their original purity.” - - I should esteem it both a high honor and a great privilege to comply - with this request, and therefore regret to say, that engagements, - which I need not specify, render it impossible for me to visit - Richmond during the present, or probably the next month. - - The Association do me no more than justice, when attributing to me a - strong desire “for the maintenance of the Constitution, and the Union - of the States in their original purity.” - - Whilst few men in this country would venture to avow a different - sentiment, yet the question still remains, by what means can this - all-important purpose be accomplished? I feel no hesitation in - answering, by returning to the old Virginia platform of State rights, - prescribed by the resolutions of 1798, and Mr. Madison’s report. The - powers conferred by the Constitution upon the General Government, must - be construed strictly, and Congress must abstain from the exercise of - all doubtful powers. But it is said these are mere unmeaning - abstractions—and so they are, unless honestly carried into practice. - Like the Christian faith, however, when it is genuine, good results - will inevitably flow from a sincere belief in such a strict - construction of the Constitution. - - Were this old republican principle adopted in practice, we should no - longer witness unwarrantable and dangerous attempts in Congress to - interfere with the institution of domestic slavery, which belongs - exclusively to the States where it exists—there would be no efforts to - establish high protective tariffs—the public money would not be - squandered upon a general system of internal improvements—general in - name, but particular in its very nature, and corrupting in its - tendency, both to the Government and to the people; and we would - retrench our present extravagant expenditure, pay our national debt, - and return to the practice of a wise economy, so essential to public - and private prosperity. Were I permitted to address your Association, - these are the counsels I should give, and some of the topics I should - discuss, as the best means “for the maintenance both of the - Constitution and the Union of the States, in their original purity,” - and for the perpetuation of our great and glorious confederacy. - - With sentiments of high regard, I remain yours, very respectfully, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO SHELTON F. LEAKE, ESQ., AND OTHER GENTLEMEN.[5]] - -Footnote 5: - - From the _Lancaster Intelligencer_, February 24, 1852. - - RICHMOND, February 12, 1852. - - GENTLEMEN:— - - On my arrival in this city last evening I received your very kind - letter, welcoming me to the metropolis of the Old Dominion and - tendering me the honor of a public dinner. I regret—deeply regret—that - my visit to Richmond will necessarily be so brief that I cannot enjoy - the pleasure and the privilege of meeting you all at the festive - board. Intending merely to pass a day with my valued friend, Judge - Mason, my previous arrangements are of such a character that I must - leave here to-morrow, or, at the latest, on Saturday morning. - - But whilst I cannot accept the dinner, I shall ever esteem the - invitation from so many of Virginia’s most distinguished and estimable - sons as one of the proudest honors of my life. Your ancient and - renowned commonwealth has ever been the peculiar guardian of State - rights and the firm supporter of constitutional liberty, of law, and - of order. When, therefore, she endorses with her approbation any of my - poor efforts to serve the country, her commendation is a sure - guarantee that these have been devoted to a righteous cause. - - You are pleased to refer in favorable terms to my recent conduct “at - home in defence of the Federal Constitution and laws.” This was an - easy and agreeable task, because the people of Pennsylvania have ever - been as loyal and faithful to the Constitution, the Union, the rights - of the sovereign States of which it is composed, as the people of the - ancient Dominion themselves. To have pursued a different course in my - native State would therefore, have been to resist the strong current - of enlightened public opinion. - - I purposely refrain from discussing the original merit of the - Compromise, because I consider it, to employ the expressive language - of the day, as a “finality”—a fixed fact—a most important enactment of - law, the agitation or disturbance of which could do no possible good, - but might produce much positive evil. Our noble vessel of State, - freighted with the hope of mankind, both for the present and future - generations, has passed through the most dangerous breakers which she - has ever encountered, and has triumphantly ridden out the storm. Both - those who supported the measures of the Compromise as just and - necessary, and those who, regarding them in a different light, yet - acquiesce in them for the sake of the Union, have arrived at the same - conclusion—that it must and shall be executed. They have thus, for - every practical purpose, adopted the same platform, and have resolved - to sustain it against the common enemy.—Why, then, should they - wrangle, and divide and waste their energies, not respecting the main - question, which has already been definitely settled, but in regard to - the process which has brought them, though from different directions, - to the same conclusion? Above all, why should the strength of the - Democratic party of the country be impaired and its ascendency be - jeoparded for any such cause? We who believe that the triumph of - Democratic principles is essential not only to the prosperity of the - Union, but even to the preservation of the Constitution, ought - reciprocally to forget, and, if need be, to forgive the past, and - cordially unite with our political brethren in sustaining for the - future the good old cause of Democracy. It must be a source of deep - and lasting pleasure to every patriotic heart that our beloved country - has so happily passed through the late trying and dangerous crisis. - The volcano has been extinguished, I trust, forever; and the man who - would apply a firebrand, at the present moment, to the combustible - materials which still remain, may produce an eruption to overwhelm - both the Constitution and the Union. - - With sentiments of high and grateful respect, - - I remain your fellow citizen, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO JOHN NELSON, WM. F. GILES, JOHN O. WHARTON, JOHN MORRIS, CARROLL - SPENCE, AND OTHER CITIZENS OF BALTIMORE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 3, 1852. - - GENTLEMEN:— - - In returning home through your city on Saturday last, I had the - unexpected honor of receiving your kind invitation to partake of a - public dinner at such time as might best suit my own convenience. For - this distinguished and valuable token of your regard, please to accept - my most grateful acknowledgments; and, whilst regretting that - circumstances, which it would be too tedious to explain, will deprive - me of the pleasure of meeting you at the festive board, you may rest - assured that I shall ever highly prize the favorable opinion you - express of my poor public services. - - To the city of Baltimore I have ever been attached by strong ties. In - early life I had selected it as the place where to practice my - profession; and nothing prevented me from carrying this purpose into - effect but my invincible reluctance, at the last moment, to leave my - native State. The feeling which prompted me in 1814, during the last - war with Great Britain, to march as a private to Baltimore, a - circumstance to which you kindly allude, resulted from a patriotism so - universal throughout Pennsylvania, that the honor which may fall to - the lot of any one of the thousands of my fellow-citizens who - volunteered their services on that trying occasion, scarcely deserves - to be mentioned. - - If I rightly read “the signs of the times,” there has seldom been a - period when the Democratic party of the country, to which you and I - are warmly attached, was in greater danger of suffering a defeat than - at the present moment. In order to avert this catastrophe, we must - mutually forget and forgive past dissensions, suffer “bygones to be - bygones,” and commence a new career, keeping constantly in view the - ancient and long established landmarks of the party. Most, if not all - the great questions of policy which formerly divided us from our - political opponents, have been settled in our favor. No person, at - this day, thinks of re-establishing another national bank, or - repealing the Independent Treasury, or distributing the proceeds of - the public lands among the several States, or abolishing the veto - power. On these great and important questions, the Whigs, after a long - and violent struggle, have yielded; and, for the present, at least, - would seem to stand upon the Democratic platform. The compromise - measures are now a “finality”—those who opposed them honestly and - powerfully, and who still believe them to be wrong, having - patriotically determined to acquiesce in them for the sake of the - Union, provided they shall be faithfully carried into execution. - - On what issues, then, can we go before the country and confidently - calculate upon the support of the American people at the approaching - Presidential election? I answer unhesitatingly that we must fall back, - as you suggest, upon those fundamental and time-honored principles - which have divided us from our political opponents since the - beginning, and which from the very nature of the Federal Constitution, - must continue to divide us from them until the end. We must inscribe - upon our banners a sacred regard for the reserved rights of the - States—a strict construction of the Constitution—a denial to Congress - of all powers not clearly granted by that instrument, and a rigid - economy in public expenditures. - - These expenditures have now reached the enormous sum of fifty millions - of dollars per annum, and, unless arrested in their advance by the - strong arm of the Democracy of the country, may, in the course of a - few years, reach one hundred millions. The appropriation of money to - accomplish great national objects sanctioned by the Constitution, - ought to be on a scale commensurate with our power and resources as a - nation—but its expenditure ought to be conducted under the guidance of - enlightened economy and strict responsibility. I am convinced that our - expenses might be considerably reduced below the present standard, not - only without detriment, but with positive advantage both to the - government and the people. - - An excessive and lavish expenditure of public money, though in itself - highly pernicious, is as nothing when compared with the disastrous - influence it may exert upon the character of our free institutions. A - strong tendency towards extravagance is the great political evil of - the present day; and this ought to be firmly resisted. Congress is now - incessantly importuned from every quarter to make appropriations for - all sorts of projects. Money, money from the National Treasury is - constantly demanded to enrich contractors, speculators, and agents; - and these projects are gilded over with every allurement which can be - imparted to them by ingenuity and talent. Claims which had been - condemned by former decisions and had become rusty with age have been - again revived, and have been paid, principal and interest. Indeed - there seems to be one general rush to obtain money from the Treasury - on any and every pretence. - - What will be the inevitable consequence of such lavish expenditures? - Are they not calculated to disturb the nicely adjusted balance between - the Federal and State Governments, upon the preservation of which - depend the harmony and efficiency of our system? Greedy expectants - from the Federal Treasury will regard with indifference, if not with - contempt, the governments of the several States. The doctrine of State - rights will be laughed to scorn by such individuals, as an obsolete - abstraction unworthy of the enlightened spirit of the age. The - corrupting power of money will be felt throughout the length and - breadth of this land; and the Democracy, led on by the hero and sage - of the Hermitage, will have in vain put down the Bank of the United - States, if the same fatal influence for which it was condemned, shall - be exerted and fostered by means drawn from the Public Treasury. - - To be liberal with their own money but sparing of that of the Republic - was the glory of distinguished public servants among the ancient - Romans. When this maxim was reversed, and the public money was - employed by artful and ambitious demagogues to secure their own - aggrandizement, genuine liberty soon expired. It is true that the - forms of the Republic continued for many years; but the animating and - inspiring soul had fled forever. I entertain no serious apprehensions - that we shall ever reach this point, yet we may still profit by their - example. - - With sentiments of the highest respect, I remain your friend and - fellow-citizen, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -To these should be added an address made at a festival in Philadelphia -on the 11th of January, 1851, on the establishment of a line of -steamships between that city and Liverpool. The account is taken from -the journals of the time. - - After Governor Johnston had concluded, Morton McMichael came forward, - and said that he had been instructed by the Committee of Arrangements - to propose the health of an eminent Pennsylvanian who was then - present—one who had represented his State in the National legislative - councils, and had occupied a chief place in the administration of the - National Government, and in regard to whom, however political - differences might exist, all agreed that his high talents, his - unsullied integrity, and his distinguished public services had justly - placed him in the foremost rank, not only of Pennsylvanians, but of - all Americans. He therefore gave - - The health of the Hon. James Buchanan. - - When Mr. Buchanan rose to reply, there was a whirlwind of cheers and - applause. In the midst of it the band struck up a favorite and - complimentary air, at the end of which the cheering was renewed, and - several minutes elapsed before he could be heard. - - Mr. Buchanan, after making his acknowledgments to the company for the - kind manner in which he had been received, proceeded to speak as - follows:— - - What a spectacle does this meeting present! It must be a source of - pride and gratification to every true-hearted Pennsylvanian. Here are - assembled the executive and legislative authorities of the - commonwealth, several members from the State to the present Congress, - as well as those elected to the next, and the Board of Canal - Commissioners, enjoying the magnificent hospitality of the city and - the incorporated districts adjacent—all of which, in fact, constitute - but one great city of Philadelphia. - - What important event in the history of Philadelphia is this meeting - intended to celebrate? Not a victory achieved by our arms over a - foreign foe. Not the advent amongst us of a great military captain - fresh from the bloody fields of his glory; but the arrival here of a - peaceful commercial steamer from the other side of the Atlantic. This - welcome stranger is destined, as we all trust, to be the harbinger of - a rapidly increasing foreign trade between our own city and the great - commercial city of Liverpool. All hail to Captain Matthews and his - gallant crew! Peace, as well as war, has its triumphs; and these, - although they may not be so brilliant, are far more enduring and - useful to mankind. - - The establishment of a regular line of steamers between these two - ports will prove of vast importance both to the city of Philadelphia - and the State at large. And here, let me observe, that the interests - of the city and the State are identical—inseparable. Like man and - wife, when a well-assorted couple, they are mutually dependent. The - welfare and prosperity of the one are the welfare and prosperity of - the other. “Those whom Heaven has joined together, let not man put - asunder.” If any jealousies, founded or unfounded, have heretofore - existed between them, let them be banished from this day forward and - forever. Let them be in the “deep bosom of the ocean buried.” - - The great Central Railroad will furnish the means of frequent and - rapid intercommunication between the city and the State. In the course - of another year, Philadelphia will be brought within twelve or - fourteen hours of our Great Iron City of the West—a city of as much - energy and enterprise for the number of inhabitants, as any on the - face of the earth; and, I might add, of as warm and generous - hospitality. I invite you all, in the name of the people of the - interior, to visit us oftener than you have done heretofore. You shall - receive a hearty welcome. Let us become better acquainted, and we - shall esteem each other more. - - But will this great undertaking to extend the foreign commerce of - Philadelphia with Europe, by means of regular lines of steamers, prove - successful? To doubt this is to doubt whether the capital, - intelligence, and perseverance, which have assured signal success to - Philadelphia in every other industrial pursuit, shall fail when - applied to steam navigation on the ocean. But after to-night there can - be “no such word as fail” in our vocabulary. We have put our hand to - the plough, and we must go ahead. We dare not, because we cannot, look - back without disgrace; whilst success in foreign commerce will be the - capsheaf—the crowning glory of Philadelphia. - - The distance of Philadelphia from the ocean, and the consequent length - of river navigation, have hitherto constituted an obstacle to her - success in foreign trade. Thanks to the genius of Fulton, this - obstacle has been removed, and the noble Delaware, for every purpose - of foreign commerce, is as if it were an arm of the sea. We learn from - the highest authority, that of the pioneer who was an officer in one - of the first steamers which ever crossed the Atlantic, and who has - successfully completed his ninety-ninth voyage, that the difference in - time from Liverpool between New York and Philadelphia is only about - twenty hours. This is comparatively of no importance, and cannot have - the slightest effect on the success of the enterprise. - - Fulton was a native citizen of Pennsylvania. He was born in the county - where I reside. And shall not the metropolis of the native State of - that extraordinary man who, first of the human race, successfully - applied steam power to navigation, enjoy the benefits of this - momentous discovery which has changed the whole face of the civilized - world? Philadelphia, in her future career, will gloriously answer this - question. - - Philadelphia enjoys many advantages for the successful pursuit of - foreign commerce. Her population now exceeds 400,000; and it is a - population of which we may be justly proud. It is of no mushroom - growth; but has advanced steadily onward. Her immense capital is the - result of long years of successful industry and enterprise. Strength - and durability characterize all her undertakings. She has already - achieved distinguished success in manufactures, in the mechanic arts, - in domestic commerce, and in every other industrial pursuit, and in - the natural progress of events, she has now determined to devote her - energies to foreign commerce. - - And where is there a city in the world, whose ship-yards produce finer - vessels? Whether for beauty of model, rapidity of sailing, or - durability, Philadelphia built vessels have long enjoyed the highest - character. Long as I have been in the public councils, I have never - known a vessel of war built in this city, not fully equal to any of - her class afloat on the waters of the world. A few weeks since I had - the pleasure of examining the steamer Susquehanna, and I venture to - say, that a nobler vessel can nowhere be found. She will bear the - stars and the stripes triumphantly amid the battle and the breeze. May - we not hope that Philadelphia steamers will, ere long, be found - bearing her trade and her name on every sea, and into every great - commercial port on the face of this earth? - - The vast resources of the State which will be poured into the lap of - Philadelphia, will furnish the materials of an extensive foreign - commerce. And here, in the presence of this domestic family - Pennsylvania circle, may we not indulge in a little self-gratulation, - and may we not be pardoned, if nobody else will praise us, for - praising ourselves. We have every reason to be proud of our State; and - perhaps we ought to cherish a little more State pride than we possess. - This, when not carried to excess, when it scorns to depreciate a - rival, is a noble and useful principle of action. It is the parent of - generous emulation in the pursuit of all that is excellent, all that - is calculated to adorn and bless mankind. It enkindles the desire in - us to stand as high as the highest among our sister States, in the - councils of our country, in the pursuit of agriculture and - manufactures and every useful art. This honorable feeling of State - pride, particularly when the Pennsylvanian is abroad, out of his - native land, will make his heart swell with exultation, if he finds - that Philadelphia has become a great commercial city, her flag waving - over every sea, her steamers to be seen in every port—an elevated - position in which Philadelphia, if she but wills it, can undoubtedly - be placed. - - The great and good founder of our State, whose precept and whose - practice was “peace on earth, and good will to man,” immediately after - he had obtained the royal charter, in the spirit of prophetic - enthusiasm declared, “God will bless, and make it the seed of a - nation. I shall have a tender care of the government that it be well - laid at first.” - - How gloriously this prediction has been verified! God has blessed it, - and the seed which the founder sowed has borne the richest fruit. We - are indeed a nation, confederated with thirty other sovereign nations - or States by the most sacred political instrument in the annals of - mankind, called the Constitution of the United States. Besides, we are - truly the keystone of this vast confederacy, and our character and - position eminently qualify us to act as a mediator between opposing - extremes. Placed in the centre, between the North and the South, with - a population distinguished for patriotism and steady good sense, and a - devoted love to the Union, we stand as the days man, between the - extremes, and can declare with the voice of power to both, hitherto - shalt thou go, and no further. May this Union endure forever, the - source of innumerable blessings to those who live under its beneficent - sway, and the star of hope to millions of down-trodden men throughout - the world! - - Bigotry has never sacrificed its victims at the shrine of intolerance - in this our favored State. When they were burning witches in - Massachusetts, honestly believing at the time they were doing God’s - service, William Penn, in 1684, presided at the trial of a witch. - Under his direction, the verdict was: “The prisoner is guilty of the - common fame of being a witch; but not guilty as she stands indicted.” - And “in Penn’s domain, from that day to this,” says the gifted - historian, “neither demon nor hag ever rode through the air on goat or - broomstick.” - - From the first settlement of the province until the present moment, - the freedom of conscience established by the founder, has been - perfect. Religion has always been a question exclusively between man - and his Creator, and every human being has been free to worship his - Maker according to the dictates of his own conscience. - - Bigotry, madly assuming to itself an attribute belonging to the - Almighty, has never attempted to punish any one of his creatures for - not adapting his belief to its own standard of faith. We have great - cause to be proud of the early history of Pennsylvania. - - Pennsylvania, more than any other State of the Union, has been settled - by emigrants from all the European nations. Our population now exceeds - two millions and a quarter; but we cannot say that it is composed of - the pure Anglo-Saxon race. The English, the Germans, the Scotch Irish, - the Irish, the Welsh, the French, and emigrants from every other - European country have all intermingled upon our happy soil. We are - truly a mixed race. And is not this a cause for self-gratulation? - Providence, as if to designate his will that families and nations - should cultivate extended intercourse with each other, has decreed - that intermarriage in the same family shall eventually produce a - miserable and puny race, both in body and in mind; whilst - intermarriages among entire strangers have been signally blessed. May - it then not be probable that the intermixture of the natives of the - different nations is calculated to produce a race superior to any one - of the elements of which it is composed. Let us hope that we possess - the good qualities of all, without a large share of the evil qualities - of either. Certain it is that in Pennsylvania we can boast of a - population which for energy, for patient industry, and for strict - morality, are unsurpassed by the people of any other country. - - And what is her condition at present? Heaven has blessed us with a - climate which, notwithstanding its variations, is equal to almost any - other on the face of the earth, and a soil capable of furnishing all - the agricultural products of the temperate zone. And how have we - improved these advantages? In agriculture we have excelled. I have - myself been over a good portion of the best cultivated parts of the - world; but never anywhere, in any country, have I witnessed such - evidences of real substantial comfort and prosperity, such farm-houses - and barns, as are to be found in Pennsylvania. It is true we cannot - boast of baronial castles, and of extensive parks and pleasure - grounds, and of all the other appendages of wealth and aristocracy - which beautify and adorn the scenery of other countries. These can - only exist in countries where the soil is monopolized by wealthy - proprietors and where the farms are consequently occupied by a - dependent tenantry. Thank Heaven! in this country, every man of - industry and economy, with the blessings of Providence upon his honest - labor, can acquire a freehold for himself, and sit under his own vine - and his own fig tree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. - - Then in regard to our mineral wealth. We have vast masses of coal and - iron scattered with a profuse hand under the surface of our soil. - These are far more valuable than the golden sands and golden ore of - California. The patient labor necessary to extract these treasures - from the earth, and bring them to market, strengthens the sinews of - the laborer, makes him self-reliant and dependent upon his own - exertions, infuses courage into the heart, and produces a race capable - of maintaining their liberties at home and of defending their country - against any and every foreign foe. Look at your neighboring town of - Richmond. There three millions of tons of coal are annually brought to - market, and the domestic tonnage employed for sending it abroad - exceeds the whole foreign tonnage of the city of New York. All these - vast productions of our agriculture and our mines are the natural - aliments of foreign commerce for the city of Philadelphia. - - But this is not all. Our Central Railroad will soon be completed; and - when this is finished, it will furnish the avenue by which the - productions of the great West will seek a market in Philadelphia. It - will connect with a chain of numerous other railroads, penetrating the - vast valley of the Mississippi in different directions, which will - bring the productions of that extended region to seek a market in - Philadelphia. - - And with these unexampled materials for foreign commerce, is it - possible that the city of Philadelphia will hold back? Will she not - employ her capital in a vigorous effort to turn to her own advantage - all these elements of wealth which Providence has placed within her - reach? What is the smallest share of foreign commerce to which she is - legitimately entitled? It is at least to import into Philadelphia all - the foreign goods necessary for the supply of Pennsylvania and the far - West, which seek her markets for their productions. She is bound, by - every principle of interest and duty, to bring to her own wharves this - amount of foreign trade, and never as a Pennsylvanian shall I rest - satisfied until she shall have attained this measure of success. Shall - she then tamely look on and suffer her great rival city, of which - every American ought to be proud, to monopolize the profit and - advantages to which she is justly and fairly entitled? Shall New York - continue to be the importing city for Philadelphia? Shall she any - longer be taunted with the imputation that so far as foreign trade is - concerned, she is a mere provincial and dependent city? She can, if - she but energetically wills it, change this course of trade so - disadvantageous to her character and her interests; and the - proceedings of this meeting afford abundant assurances that from this - day forth she is destined to enter upon a new and glorious career. She - must be prepared to encounter and to overcome serious competition. She - must therefore nerve her arm for the struggle. The struggle is worthy - of her most determined efforts. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - 1852. - -THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATIONS OF 1852—ELECTION OF GENERAL FRANKLIN PIERCE - TO THE PRESIDENCY—BUCHANAN’S COURSE IN REGARD TO THE NOMINATION AND - THE ELECTION—HIS EFFORTS TO DEFEAT THE WHIG CANDIDATE. - - -In arraying themselves for the Presidential election of 1852, the -Democratic and the Whig parties might have had an equal or a nearly -equal reason to look for success, if they had been equally consistent -with their professed principles on the subject of the compromise -measures of 1850. But while the Democrats, both by their “platform” and -their candidate, gave the people of the country reason to believe that -the great national settlement of 1850 was to be adhered to, the Whigs, -although promising as much by their “platform,” did not, in the person -of their candidate and his apparent political connections, afford the -same grounds of confidence. The nominating convention of the Democrats -was the first to be held. It assembled at Baltimore on the 1st of June, -1852. Mr. Buchanan was one of the principal candidates for the -nomination, but it soon became apparent that neither he, General Cass, -Mr. Douglas, Mr. Dickinson, Governor Marcy, or any other of the more -prominent leaders of the party would receive it. The candidate finally -agreed upon was General Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire, a younger man -than most of the others. He had been a Senator in Congress from that -State for five years preceding 1842, and had served with spirit in the -Mexican war as a Brigadier General of Volunteers. As a candidate for the -Presidency, he represented in the fullest and most unqualified manner -the resolution adopted by the convention as a part of its “platform,” -and which pledged him and his party to “resist all attempts at renewing -in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under -whatever shape or color the attempt may be made.” - -On the other hand, the Whig convention, which assembled at Baltimore on -the 16th of June, nominated General Winfield Scott, to the exclusion of -Mr. Webster and President Fillmore, after fifty-two ballotings; and -although the resolutions, with a strength equal to that of the -Democratic “platform,” affirmed the binding character of the compromise -measures of 1850, and opposed all further agitation of the questions -thus settled, as dangerous to the peace of the country, seventy -delegates from free States, who had voted steadily for General Scott as -the candidate, recorded their votes against this resolution, and many -Whig papers in the North refused to be bound by it, and treated it with -utter contumely. The result was the election of General Pierce as -President, and William R. King of Alabama as Vice President, by the -almost unprecedented majority of one hundred and five electoral votes -more than was necessary for a choice. General Scott obtained the -electoral votes of but four States, Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky and -Tennessee; forty-two in all. - -The reader will be interested to learn from the following private -correspondence how Mr. Buchanan felt and acted before and after the -nomination of General Pierce, and also how one of his prominent rivals, -Governor Marcy, felt and acted towards him and others. It is refreshing -to look back to the good nature and cool philosophy which could be -exhibited by such men in regard to the great stake of the Presidency: - - [GOVERNOR MARCY TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - ALBANY, May 31, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - When your very kind letter of the 19th inst. was received, my time was - much taken up by several transient persons passing through this place - to Baltimore for a certain grave purpose. I delayed a reply to it - until this annoyance should be over, but before that happened, I was - unexpectedly called to New York, and have but just returned. This is - my excuse for a seeming neglect. - - I assure you I rejoice as much as you do at the removal of all - obstructions, real or imaginary, to the resumption of our free and - friendly correspondence. I needed not your assurance to satisfy me - that your course towards me had been fair and liberal, and you do me - but justice in believing mine has been the same toward you. - - Perhaps there has been a single departure from it, which in candor I - am bound to confess, and hope to be able to avoid. - - On being called to New York a few days ago, when the delegates were - passing on to Baltimore, Mrs. Marcy proposed to accompany me, but as - she is a zealous advocate of yours, and on that subject has a - propagandist’s spirit, I did not wish to have her associated too - intimately with these delegates, particularly such of them as had - favorable inclinations towards me. I suggested, therefore, that it - would be best for her to delay for a short time her visit. - - This little battery (excuse a military figure of speech) has kept up a - brisk fire for you. To this I have not made much objection, but I did - not wish to do anything myself to put it in a position where it would - bear particularly on my friends in this critical moment of the - contest. I submit to your candor to decide whether, if you had a - wife—would that you had one—a glib-tongued wife, who was ever pressing - my pretensions over your own, would you not have manœuvered a - little to restrict her operations, under reversed, but otherwise - similar circumstances? If you declare against my course in this - instance, I shall think you err, and ascribe your error to the fact - that for want of experience you do not know the potency of such an - adversary. An enemy in the camp is more dangerous than one outside of - it. - - While in New York, I conversed with many delegates from various - sections of the country and of all kinds of preferences. From what I - heard, I became more and more apprehensive of serious difficulties at - Baltimore. If it be mere preferences the convention will have to - contend with, it might get on without much trouble, but I thought I - discovered a strong feeling of antagonism in too many of the - delegates, particularly towards those who stand in a hopeful position. - Still, I cherish a strong hope of an auspicious result to the party. - - If you, who have such fair prospects, have schooled yourself into a - sort of philosophical indifference as to the result, you can readily - conceive how complaisantly I, who scarcely have a place on the list of - those that hope they shall receive it, look upon the result. Those who - never climb up cannot reasonably dread to break their limbs by a fall. - - You, too, have got into a “Scott correspondence.” I have read your - letter with pleasure and satisfaction; it goes the whole figure as it - ought to at this time. I had no difficulty in my response except in - regard to the exercise of the veto power. I cannot but think that is a - promise “not fit to be made,” but any objection to meeting it directly - would have been construed to mean more than was intended, and I - responded to that as I did to the other interrogatories. - - Very much to my surprise, but not so much to my regret, I find in the - _Journal of Commerce_ of Saturday, two of my private letters, written - last summer to a leading barn-burner, Hon. John Fine, formerly a M. C. - from Governor Wright’s county. They will serve to vindicate my course - and repel the charge much urged against me by Mr. Dickinson and a few - others, of having compromised my position on the adjustment measure in - order to conciliate that section of the party. - - The course I pursued towards them, and from which I have never - swerved, but have succeeded in carrying out, is clearly disclosed in - these letters. I had no agency in bringing them out. I have not seen - them since they were written, and did not know that they were to be - published. - - Mr. Dickinson and a few of his friends are very decided—not to say - bitter—against me, and scarcely less so against all the other - candidates except General Cass. They are professedly for him. Mr. D.’s - friends—it would be uncharitable to say he himself has any such - thoughts—hope to bring about his nomination, and are shaping things so - far as they can for such a result. They believe that his and their - advocacy of General Cass, and sturdy opposition to all others, will - give him nearly all of the General’s friends in the event he has to be - abandoned, an event which will not deeply grieve them; and they - flatter themselves that the great favor with which Mr. D. is regarded - in the South will render it easy to detach from you and transfer to - him most of your supporters in that quarter. If you and General Cass - are killed off, and he inherits the estate of both, his fortune will - certainly be made. I do not comment upon the practicability of this - theory. Well, if he is nominated, we must turn in and do what we can - for him. Here, where he has been so bitter against the C——rs and - against me, because they are willing to give me their support—where he - denounces them as not belonging to the Democratic party—we shall have - a hard task on our hands, and can hardly hope to give him the vote of - the State; it will therefore be the more necessary that you and your - friends should secure for him that of Pennsylvania. I know it is not - kind to speculate on the chances of another rising upon your downfall, - and therefore I will dismiss the subject; nor is it friendly to - trouble you with this long letter at a critical conjuncture, when you - want your time to cheer and guide your friends at Baltimore. - - My epistle would be defective if it did not contain Mrs. M.’s express - desire to be kindly remembered to you. - - Yours truly, - W. L. MARCY. - - [MARCY TO BUCHANAN.] - - ALBANY, June 6, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - In my most hopeful mood, if it can be truly said I have been in such a - state of mind, I did not look to anything but a remote contingent - remainder. I cannot, therefore, say that for myself I feel any - disappointment at the result of the convention. - - None of its proceedings—not even some of the latter - ballottings—changed my settled convictions. There was a time when - reflecting sober-minded men felt more than I expected they would feel - at the prospect of success of Young America. Some of the agents and - agencies at work in that direction caused considerable alarm. - - I hope the course of my few friends in the convention has given no - dissatisfaction. If they had earlier quitted me, they could not have - gone together for any one, though some would have gone for you. I fear - more than half would have acted with the friends of Cass and Douglas. - They were about equally divided between hunkers and barn-burners, and - it seems to me that no course they could have taken could have changed - the result. - - About the time the ballotting commenced, I met with a passage in the - last number of the _Edinburgh Review_ which struck me as ominous of - your fate, and as it is as good consolation as I can offer you, I will - extract it, though it is rather long: - - “Men (says Chamfort, a French writer) are like the fiends of - Milton—they must make themselves dwarfs before they can enter into the - Pandemonium of political life in a Republic. (Perhaps, if nature has - made them dwarfs, it is the same thing.) Even in America it is - notorious that men of this stamp (men of pre-eminent genius and - abilities) are all but systematically excluded from high public - office, and at best she recognizes only a single Webster among a - wilderness of Jacksons and Harrisons, Taylors and Scotts.” - - “And they must learn per force, painful as the truth must be, that - commanding talents, especially of their order, are not really in - request or needed for the ordinary work of democracy or autocracy.” I - protest against the error in classing Jackson, yet there is in this - extract some consolation for yourself and General Cass. - - It does not suit my case, and moreover I am not in a condition to - require consolation either from profane or sacred writings. - - What do you think of the nomination of General Pierce? For our own - State, I think it is about as well as any other that could have been - made. I do not like to make an exception. We cannot make much out of - his military services, but he is a likeable man, and has as much of - “Young America” as we want. - - I should like to read a letter of sage reflections from you about this - time, as you are of my sect—a _political optimist_, not a better - scholar—I know it will not take you long to digest your - disappointment; but what will your State feel and say in regard to the - result? This is a matter of public concernment. I should like to have - your speculations on that point. - - There is a person in my house who has been more solicitous about the - ballotting on your account than on mine and at times exhibited much - exultation at your prospects. Her disappointment is greater than that - of any other one under its roof. - - I console her by an assurance of what I really feel, that you or any - one else, so far as happiness is concerned, are better off without a - nomination than with one, even if it was sure to be followed by an - election. - - Yours truly, - WM. L. MARCY. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO THE HON. DAVID R. PORTER.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 4, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - From the result of the ballottings yesterday, I deem it highly - improbable that I shall receive the nomination. The question will - doubtless be finally decided before this can reach you; and I desire - to say in advance that my everlasting gratitude is due to the - Pennsylvania delegation, the Virginia delegation, and the other - Southern delegations for their adherence to me throughout the - ballottings of yesterday. I can say, with the most sincere truth, that - I feel far more deeply the disappointment of my friends than my own - disappointment. This has not, and will not, cost me a single pang. - After a long and stormy public life, I shall go into final retirement - without regret, and with a perfect consciousness that I have done my - duty faithfully to my country in all the public situations in which I - have been placed. I had cherished the belief that the Democracy of - Pennsylvania had claims upon the Democracy of the country, which if - asserted by the proper men in the proper spirit would be recognized in - my favor. It seems I have been entirely mistaken both as regards my - own standing and the influence of my State. I should not have believed - this, had not our claims been presented and urged by a faithful and - able delegation, fully equal, if not superior, to any which it was in - the power of the State to send. - - It is possible, should the nomination for the Presidency fall upon a - Southern gentleman, that a proposition may be made to give - Pennsylvania the Vice Presidency. Should such a contingency arise, - which is not very probable, I shall not, under any circumstances, - consent to the employment of my name in connection with that office. - Indeed should I be nominated for it by the convention, _I would most - assuredly decline_. It is the very last office under the Government I - would desire to hold, and it would be no honor bestowed on good old - Pennsylvania to have it conferred upon one of her sons. - - When I speak of final retirement, I only mean that I shall never hold - another office. I shall always feel and take an interest in favor of - the Democratic cause; and this not only for the sake of principle, but - to enable me to serve friends to whom I owe so much. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO THE HON. CAVE JOHNSON.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 24, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - If it were possible for me to complain of your conduct, I should give - you a good scolding for not performing your promise. We were all - anxiously expecting you at Wheatland from day to day; and if you had - informed me you could not come I certainly should have met you in - Philadelphia. I was very anxious to see you, and now God only knows - when we shall meet. Whilst life endures, however, gratitude for your - friendship and support shall remain deeply engraved on my heart. - - I never felt any longing or anxious desire to be the President, and my - disappointment did not cost me a single pang. My friends were faithful - and true, and their efforts deserved if they could not command - success. Personally, I am entirely satisfied with the result. When - opportunity offers, I hope you will not fail to present my grateful - acknowledgments to Generals Laferty and Polk, and to Messrs. Smith, - Thomas and Shepherd, for their kind and valuable support in the hour - of trial. - - It is vain to disguise the fact that Pennsylvania is, to say the - least, a doubtful State. I much fear the result. If defeated, no blame - shall attach to me. I will do my duty to the party and the country. - Both personally and politically General Pierce and Colonel King are - highly acceptable to myself. What an inconsistent race the Whigs are! - They have now ostensibly abandoned their old principles, and placed - themselves on the Democratic platform—Fugitive Slave Law and all. From - this we may expect river and harbor improvements intended to catch the - Southwest; and such a modification of a revenue tariff as they knew - would exactly correspond with the wishes of the Democratic ironmasters - of Pennsylvania. I, however, indulge the hope, nay, the belief, that - Pierce and King can be elected without the vote of Pennsylvania. - - I was in my native county of Franklin a few days ago, and whilst there - went to see a respectable farmer and miller, who had ever been a true - and disinterested Democrat. I had been told he would not vote for - Pierce and King, and being both a personal and political friend of my - own, I thought I could change his purpose. In conversation he very - soon told me he would never vote for Pierce. I asked if he would - abandon the principles of his life and vote for the Whig candidate. He - said he never had given and never would give a Whig vote. I reasoned - with him a long time, but in vain. He said the Democracy of the - country ought not to suffer the national convention to usurp the right - of making any man they pleased a candidate before the people. That if - the people yielded this, then a corrupt set of men who got themselves - elected delegates, might, in defiance of the people’s will, always - make a President to suit their own views. That the Democracy had but - one mode of putting this down, and that was, not to ratify the choice - of the convention. He said that for himself he had felt very much - inclined to oppose Mr. Polk for this reason, but had yielded and given - him a cordial support; but if the same game were successfully played a - second time, then the national convention and not the people would - select the President, and the most gross corruption and fraud would be - the consequence. He disliked both General Cass and Mr. Douglas; but - said he would have supported either, because they were known, their - claims had been publicly discussed, and each had a large body of - friends in the Democratic party, and there must be a yielding among - the friends of the different candidates brought forward by the people - of the country. - - These were the reasons which my friend gave in the course of a long - conversation. I state them to you, not that the withholding of his - individual vote is of any great importance, but to show how many - Democrats feel. I had heard the same reasons before among the people, - but not so fully discussed; and my letter, published in the _Union_ of - yesterday morning, had a special view to these objections. - - They could have scarcely made a respectable fight against me in - Pennsylvania. In many counties my nomination would have shivered the - Whig party. In this county, where the Whig majority at a full election - is 5,000, I do not believe they could have obtained a majority of 500. - But this is all past and gone. - - Miss Hetty has but little expectation of being able to procure you a - suitable housekeeper. She will try, however, and should she fall upon - one, will write to you. - - Please to present my kindest regards to Mrs. Garland and the little - boys and girls, and believe me ever to be, - - Your faithful and grateful friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO JOHN BINNS, ESQ.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 26, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Although I have too long omitted to answer your kind letter, yet you - may rest assured I sympathized with you deeply in your affliction for - the loss of her who had so long been the partner of your joys and your - sorrows. - - My own disappointment did not cost me a single pang. I felt it far - more on account of my friends than myself. Faithful and devoted as - they have been, it would have afforded me heartfelt pleasure to - testify my gratitude by something more substantial than words. - Although I should have assumed the duties of the office with cheerful - confidence, yet I know from near observation that it is a crown of - thorns. Its cares carried Mr. Polk to a premature grave, and the next - four years will probably embrace the most trying period of our - history. May God grant us a safe deliverance! With all due admiration - for the military services of General Scott, I should consider his - election a serious calamity for the country. - - General Pierce is a sound radical Democrat of the old Jeffersonian - school, and possesses highly respectable abilities. I think he is firm - and energetic, without which no man is fit to be President. Should he - fall into proper hands, he will administer the Government wisely and - well. Heaven save us from the mad schemes of “Young America!” - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO NAHUM CAPEN, ESQ.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 26, 1852. - - MR DEAR SIR:— - - Many thanks for your kind letter. I felt neither mortified nor much - disappointed at my own defeat. Although “the signs of the times” had - been highly propitious immediately before the Baltimore Convention, I - am too old a political navigator to rely with explicit confidence upon - bright skies for fair weather. The Democracy of my own great State are - mortified and disappointed, but I trust that ere long these feelings - will vanish, and we shall be able to present a solid and invincible - column to our political opponents. - - The Presidency is a distinction far more glorious than the crown of - any hereditary monarch in Christendom; but yet it is a crown of - thorns. In the present political and critical position of our country, - its responsibilities will prove to be fearful. I should have met them - with cheerful confidence, whilst I know I shall be far more happy in a - private station, where I expect to remain. - - With my ardent wishes for the success of the History of Democracy, I - remain - - Very respectfully your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO ALEXANDER McKEEVER, ESQ.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 26, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received and perused your kind letter with much satisfaction, - and, like you, I am far better satisfied with the nomination of - General Pierce than I would have been with that of General Cass or any - of the other candidates. I sincerely and ardently desire his election, - as well as the defeat of General Scott, and shall do my duty - throughout the contest in Pennsylvania in every respect, except in - going from county to county to make stump speeches. - - It is my intention to address my fellow-citizens of this county, on - some suitable occasion, on the Presidential election, and express my - opinions freely. - - My recommendations to the governor were but little regarded, but I - made but very few. I can say with truth that your disappointment - mortified me very much, because upon every principle of political - justice and policy you were entitled to the place. Should it ever be - in my power to serve you, I shall eagerly embrace the opportunity. - - It is impossible, as yet, to form any accurate conjecture as to what - will be Scott’s majority in this county; but I cannot believe it will - reach that of General Taylor. I am glad to learn your opinion that the - majority in Delaware county will be less than it was in 1848. Pierce - and King can be elected without the vote of Pennsylvania, but it would - be a burning shame for the Democracy of the Keystone to be defeated on - this occasion. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -The most important service rendered by Mr. Buchanan to his party in this -election—and with him a service to his party was alike a service to his -country—was a speech made at Greensburgh in Pennsylvania, on the 7th of -October, 1852, in opposition to the election of General Scott. It -deserves to be reproduced now, both on account of its clear exhibition -of the political history of that period and the nature of some of the -topics which it discussed. - - FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: I thank you most sincerely for the - cordial and enthusiastic cheers with which you have just saluted me. I - am proud, on this occasion, to acknowledge my deep obligations to the - Democratic party of Westmoreland county. The generous and powerful - support which I have received from your great and glorious Democracy - throughout my public career shall ever remain deeply engraved on my - heart. I am grateful for the past, not for what is to be in future. I - ask no more from my country than what I have already enjoyed. May - peace and prosperity be your lot throughout life, and may “The Star in - the West” continue to shine with increasing splendor, and ever benign - influence on the favored Western portion of our Commonwealth for ages - to come! - - I congratulate you, fellow-citizens, upon the nomination of Franklin - Pierce and William R. King, for the two highest offices in your gift. - This nomination has proved to be a most fortunate event for the - Democratic party of the country. It has produced unanimity everywhere - in our great and glorious party; and when firmly united we can stand - against the world in arms. It has terminated, I trust forever, the - divisions which existed in our ranks; and which, but a few short - months ago, portended dire defeat in the present Presidential contest. - The North, the South, the East and the West are now generous rivals, - and the only struggle amongst them is which shall do the most to - secure the triumph of the good old cause of Democracy, and of Franklin - Pierce and William R. King, our chosen standard bearers. - - And why should we not all be united in support of Franklin Pierce? It - is his peculiar distinction, above all other public men within my - knowledge, that he has never had occasion to take a single step - backwards. What speech, vote, or sentiment of his whole political - career has been inconsistent with the purest and strictest principles - of Jeffersonian Democracy? Our opponents, with all their vigilance and - research, have not yet been able to discover a single one. His public - character as a Democrat is above all exception. In supporting him, - therefore, we shall do no more than sustain in his person our dear and - cherished principles. - - Our candidate, throughout his life, has proved himself to be - peculiarly unselfish. The offices and honors which other men seek with - so much eagerness, have sought him only to be refused. He has either - positively declined to accept, or has resigned the highest stations - which the Federal Government or his own native State could bestow upon - him. - - Indeed, the public character of General Pierce is so invulnerable that - it has scarcely been seriously assaulted. Our political opponents - have, therefore, in perfect desperation, been driven to defame his - private character. At first, they denounced him as a drunkard, a - friend of the infamous anti-Catholic test in the Constitution of New - Hampshire, and a coward. In what have these infamous accusations - resulted? They have already recoiled upon their inventors. The - poisoned chalice has been returned to their own lips. No decent man of - the Whig party will now publicly venture to repeat these slanders. - - Frank Pierce a coward! That man a coward, who, when his country was - involved in a foreign war, abandoned a lucrative and honorable - profession and all the sweets and comforts of domestic life in his own - happy family, to become a private volunteer soldier in the ranks! How - preposterous! And why a coward? - - According to the testimony of General Scott himself, he was in such a - sick, wounded, and enfeebled condition, that he was “just able to keep - his saddle!” Yet his own gallant spirit impelled him to lead his - brigade into the bloody battle of Churubusco. But his exhausted - physical nature was not strong enough to sustain the brave soul which - animated it, and he sank insensible on the field in front of his - brigade. Was this evidence of cowardice? These circumstances, so far - from being an impeachment of his courage, prove conclusively that he - possesses that high quality in an uncommon degree. Almost any other - man, nay, almost any other brave man, in his weak and disabled - condition, would have remained in his tent; but the promptings of his - gallant and patriotic spirit impelled him to rush into the midst of - the battle. To what lengths will not party rancor and malignity - proceed when such high evidences of indomitable courage are construed - into proofs of cowardice? How different was General Scott’s opinion - from that of the revilers of Franklin Pierce! It was on this very - occasion that he conferred upon him the proud title of “the gallant - Brigadier-General Pierce.” - - The cordial union of the Democratic party throughout the country - presents a sure presage of approaching victory. Even our political - opponents admit that we are in the majority when thoroughly united. - And I venture now to predict that, whether with or without the vote of - Pennsylvania, Franklin Pierce and William R. King, should their lives - be spared, will as certainly be elected President and Vice President - of the United States on the first Tuesday in November next, as that - the blessed sun shall rise on that auspicious day. We feel the - inspiration of victory from the infallible indications of public - opinion throughout our sister States. - - Shall this victory be achieved without the voice or vote of - Pennsylvania? No President has ever yet been elected without her vote. - Shall this historical truth be reversed, and shall Pierce and King be - elected in November, despite the vote of the good old Keystone? God - bless her! No—never, never, shall the Democracy of our great and - glorious State be subjected to this disgrace. - - And yet, strange to say, the Whigs at Washington and the Whigs - throughout every State of the Union claim the vote of Pennsylvania - with the utmost apparent confidence. To secure her vote was one of the - main inducements for the nomination of General Scott over the head of - Millard Fillmore. Is there one unprejudiced citizen of any party in - the United States, who can lay his hand upon his heart and declare - that he believes General Scott would make as good and as safe a - President as Mr. Fillmore? No, fellow-citizens, all of us must concur - in opinion with Mr. Clay, that Fillmore had superior claims and - qualifications to those of Scott for the highest civil station. - Availability, and availability alone, produced the nomination of - Scott. - - The Whigs well knew that the Democrats of the Keystone were in the - majority. What must then be done to secure her vote? Pennsylvania - Democrats must be seduced from their party allegiance—they must be - induced to abandon the political altars at which they have so long - worshipped—they must be persuaded to renounce the principles of - Jefferson and of Jackson, by the nomination of a military hero; and - this hero, too, a most bitter and uncompromising Whig. General Scott - is none of your half-way Whigs—he is not like General Taylor, a Whig, - but not an ultra Whig. He goes the whole. Is there a single Whig - doctrine, or a single Whig principle, however odious to the Democracy, - to which he is not devoted, which he has not announced and taught - under his own hand? If there be, I have never heard it mentioned. Nay, - more: these odious doctrines are with him not merely strong opinions, - but they are absolute convictions, rules of faith and of practice. The - Bank of the United States, the Bankrupt Law, the distribution of the - proceeds of the public lands among the States, the abolishment of the - veto power from the Constitution; in short, all the Whig measures - against which the Democracy of the country have always waged incessant - war—are so many articles of General Scott’s political creed. When - asked, in October, 1841, whether, “if nominated as a candidate for the - Presidency, would you accept the nomination?” after expressing his - strong approbation of all the Whig measures to which I have just - referred, as well as others of a similar character, he answers: “I beg - leave respectfully to reply—Yes; provided that I be not required to - renounce any principles professed above. My principles are - convictions.” - - I will do him the justice to declare that he has never yet recanted or - renounced any one of these principles. They are still convictions with - him; and yet the Democracy of Pennsylvania are asked to recant and - renounce their own most solemn and deliberate convictions, and vote - for a candidate for the Presidency, merely on account of his military - fame, who, if elected, would exert the power and influence of his - administration to subvert and to destroy all the essential principles - which bind us together as members of the great and glorious Democratic - party of the Union. Is not the bare imputation, much more the - confident belief, that the Democrats of Pennsylvania will renounce - their birthright for such a miserable mess of pottage, the highest - insult which can be offered to them? The Whigs, in effect, say to you: - We know you are Democrats—we know you are in the majority; but yet we - believe you will renounce the political faith of your fathers, that - you may shout hosannas to a successful general, and bow down before - the image of military glory which we have erected for the purpose of - captivating your senses. - - Thank Heaven! thus far, at least, these advocates of availability have - been disappointed. The soup societies and the fuss and feather clubs - have yet produced but little impression on the public mind. They have - failed even to raise enthusiastic shouts among the Whigs, much less to - make any apostates from the Democratic ranks. - - What a subject it is for felicitation in every patriotic heart, that - the days have passed away, I trust, forever, when mere military - services, however distinguished, shall be a passport to the chief - civil magistracy of the country! - - I would lay down this broad and strong proposition, which ought in all - future time to be held sacred as an article of Democratic faith, that - no man ought ever to be transferred by the people from the chief - command of the army of the United States to the highest civil office - within their gift. The reasons for this rule of faith to guide the - practice of a Republican people are overwhelming. - - The annals of mankind, since the creation, demonstrate this solemn - truth. The history of all the ruined republics, both of ancient and - modern times, teaches us this great lesson. From Cæsar to Cromwell, - and from Cromwell to Napoleon, this history presents the same solemn - warning,—beware of elevating to the highest civil trust the commander - of your victorious armies. Ask the wrecks of the ruined republics - scattered all along the tide of time, what occasioned their downfall; - and they will answer in sepulchral tones, the elevation of victorious - generals to the highest civil power in the State. One common fate from - one common cause has destroyed them all. Will mankind never learn - wisdom from the experience of past generations? Has history been - written in vain? Mr. Clay, in his Baltimore speech of 1827, expressed - this great truth in emphatic terms, when he implored the Almighty - Governor of the world, “to visit our favored land with war, with - pestilence, with famine, with any scourge other than military rule, or - a blind and heedless enthusiasm for a military renown.” He was right - in the principle, wrong in its application. The hero, the man of men - to whom it applied, was then at the Hermitage,—a plain and private - farmer of Tennessee. He had responded to the call of his country when - war was declared against Great Britain, and had led our armies to - victory; but when the danger had passed away, he returned with delight - to the agricultural pursuits of his beloved Hermitage. Although, like - Franklin Pierce, he had never sought civil offices and honors, yet he - was an influential and conspicuous member of the convention which - framed the constitution of Tennessee, was their first Representative - and their first Senator in Congress,—afterwards a Judge of their - Supreme Court,—then again a Senator in Congress, which elevated - station he a second time resigned, from a love of retirement. He was - brought almost literally from the plough, as Cincinnatus had been, to - assume the chief civil command. The same observations would apply to - the illustrious and peerless Father of his Country, as well as to - General Harrison. They were soldiers, only in the day and hour of - danger, when the country demanded their services; and both were - elevated from private life, from the shades of Mount Vernon and the - North Bend, to the supreme civil magistracy of the country. Neither of - them was a soldier by profession, and both had illustrated high civil - appointments. General Taylor, it is true, had been a soldier, and - always a soldier, but had never risen to the chief command. It - remained for the present Whig party to select as their candidate for - the Presidency the commanding General of the army, who had been a man - of war, and nothing but a man of war from his youth upwards. This - party is now straining every nerve to transfer him from the - headquarters of the army, to the chair of state, which has been - adorned by Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson, without even a - momentary resignation of his present high office,—without the least - political training,—without any respite, without any breathing time - between the highest military and the highest civil honor. With what - tremendous force does the solemn warning of Mr. Clay apply to the case - of General Scott! - - Far be it from me to say or to insinuate that General Scott would have - either the ability or the will to play the part of Cæsar, of Cromwell, - or of Bonaparte. Still, the precedent is dangerous in the extreme. If - these things can be done in the green tree, what will be done in the - dry? If the precedent can be established in the comparative infancy - and purity of our institutions, of elevating to the Presidency a - successful commander-in-chief of our armies, what may be the - disastrous consequences when our population shall number one hundred - millions, and when our armies in time of war may be counted by - hundreds of thousands. In those days, some future military chieftain, - desirous of obtaining supreme power by means of an election to the - Presidency, may point back to such a precedent and say, that in the - earlier and purer days of the Republic, our ancestors did not fear to - elevate the commander of their conquering armies to this, the highest - civil station. Let us not forge chains in advance for our descendants. - - The fathers of the Republic were deeply alive to these great truths. - They were warned by the experience of past times that liberty is - Hesperian fruit, and can only be preserved by watchful jealousy. Hence - in all their constitutions of government, and in all their political - writings, we find them inculcating, in the most solemn manner, a - jealousy of standing armies and their leaders, and a strict - subordination of the military to the civil power. But even if there - were no danger to our liberties from such a precedent, the habit of - strict obedience and absolute command acquired by the professional - soldier throughout a long life, almost necessarily disqualifies him - for the administration of our Democratic Republican Government. Civil - government is not a mere machine, such as a regular army. In - conducting it, allowance must be made for that love of liberty and - spirit of independence which characterize our people. Such allowances - can never be made,—authority can never be tempered with moderation and - discretion, by a professional soldier, who has been accustomed to have - his military orders obeyed with the unerring certainty of despotic - power. - - Again:—What fatal effects would it not have on the discipline and - efficiency of the army to have aspirants for the Presidency among its - principal officers? How many military cliques would be formed—how much - intriguing and electioneering would exist in a body which ought to be - a unit, and have no other object in view except to obey the lawful - command of the President and to protect and defend the country? If all - the political follies of General Scott’s life were investigated, and - these are not few, I venture to say that nearly the whole of them have - resulted from his long continued aspirations for the Presidency. At - last, he has obtained the Whig nomination. He has defeated his own - constitutional commander-in-chief. The military power has triumphed - over the civil power. The Constitution declares that “the President - shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United - States,” but the subordinate, the actual commander of the army, has - supplanted his superior. What a spectacle is this; and how many - serious reflections might it inspire! In times of war and of danger, - what fatal consequences might result to the country from the fact, - that the President and the commanding General of the army are rival - and hostile candidates for the Presidency! But I shall not pursue this - train of remark. It is my most serious conviction, that General Scott - would have stood far higher, both before the present generation and - posterity, had he never been a candidate for the Presidency. The - office which he now holds, and deservedly holds, ought to satisfy the - ambition of any man. This the American people will determine by a - triumphant majority on the first Tuesday of November next. This will - prove to be one of the most fortunate events in our history—auspicious - at the present time, and still more auspicious for future generations. - It will establish a precedent, which will, I trust, prevent future - commanders-in-chief of the American army from becoming candidates for - the Presidential office. - - Again:—To make the army a hot bed for Presidential aspirants will be - to unite the powerful influence of all its aspiring officers in favor - of foreign wars, as the best means of acquiring military glory, and - thus placing themselves in the modern line of safe precedents, as - candidates for the Presidency and for other high civil offices. The - American people are sufficiently prone to war without any such - stimulus. But enough of this. - - I shall now proceed to discuss more minutely the civil qualifications - of General Scott for the Presidency. It is these which immediately and - deeply concern the American people, and not his military glory. Far be - it from me, however, to depreciate his military merits. As an American - citizen, I am proud of them. They will ever constitute a brilliant - page in the historical glory of our country. The triumphant march of - the brave army under his command, from Vera Cruz to the city of - Mexico, will be ever memorable in our annals. And yet he can never be - esteemed the principal hero of the Mexican war. This distinction - justly belongs to General Taylor. It was his army which at Palo Alto, - Resaca de la Palma, and Monterey, first broke the spirit of the - Mexican troops; and the crowning victory of Buena Vista completely - disorganized the Mexican army. There Santa Anna, with 20,000 men, the - largest, the best and the bravest army which Mexico has ever sent into - the field, was routed by less than five thousand of our troops. To the - everlasting glory of our volunteer militia, this great, this glorious - victory, was achieved by them, assisted by only four hundred and - fifty-three regulars. The Mexican army was so disorganized—the spirit - of the Mexican people was so subdued, by the unparallelled victory of - Buena Vista, that the way was thus opened for the march from Vera Cruz - to Mexico. Yet God forbid that I should, in the slightest degree, - detract from the glory so justly due to Scott’s army and its - distinguished commander in the battles which preceded their triumphant - entry into the capital of Mexico. - - But I repeat, my present purpose is to deal with General Scott as a - civilian—as a candidate for the Presidency, and not as a military - commander. - - The sun presents dark spots upon its disc; and the greatest men who - have ever lived, with the exception of our own Washington, have not - been without their failings. Surely General Scott is not an exception - to the common lot of humanity. In his temper he is undoubtedly - irritable and jealous of rivals; whilst the Presidency, above all - other stations on earth, requires a man of firm and calm temper, who, - in his public conduct, will never be under the control of his - passions. - - General Scott has quarrelled with General Wilkinson—he has quarrelled - with General Gaines—he has quarrelled with General Jackson—he has - quarrelled with De Witt Clinton—he has quarrelled with the - administration of John Quincy Adams—he has quarrelled with the people - of Florida to such a degree that General Jackson was obliged - reluctantly to recall him from the command of the army in the Seminole - war—he has quarrelled with General Worth, the Marshal Ney of our - military service—he has quarrelled with General Pillow—he has - quarrelled with the gallant and lamented Duncan—and unless report - speaks falsely, he has quarrelled with General Taylor. Whenever any - military man has approached the rank of being his rival for fame, he - has quarrelled with that man. Now, I shall not pretend to decide, - whether he has been in the right or in the wrong, in all or in any of - these quarrels; but this I shall say, that a man possessing such - forethought, discretion and calm temper as the Presidential office - requires, might and would have avoided many or most of these - difficulties. A plain and sensible neighbor of mine asked me, in view - of these facts, if I did not think, should General Scott be elected - President, he would play the devil and break things? - - General Scott is, beyond all question, suspicious, when the President - of the United States, above all other men, ought to look upon events - with no prejudiced or jaundiced eye. No man ever exhibited this trait - of character in a stronger light than he has done towards the - administration of Mr. Polk. He was selected by the President to lead - our armies in Mexico, with my humble though cordial assent. The - political life or death of the administration depended upon his - success. Our fate, both in the estimation of the present times and - throughout all posterity, depended upon his success. His defeat would - have been our ruin. And yet he most strangely conceived the notion, - that for the purpose of destroying him we were willing to destroy - ourselves. Hence his belief of a fire in the rear more formidable than - the fire in the front. Hence his belief that, jealous of his glory, we - did not exert ourselves to furnish him the troops and munitions of war - necessary for the conquest of Mexico. Did unjust and unfounded - suspicion ever extend thus far in the breast of any other mortal man? - The admirable and unanswerable letter of Governor Marcy, of April 21, - 1848, in reply to his complaints, triumphantly vindicates the - administration of Mr. Polk against all these extraordinary charges. - Let any man carefully and dispassionately read that letter, and say, - if he can, that General Scott, in self-control, temper and - disposition, is fit to become the successor to General Washington, in - the Presidential chair. - - The world knows, everybody who has approached him knows, that General - Scott is vainglorious to an excessive degree. Indeed, his vanity would - be strikingly ridiculous, had he not performed so many distinguished - military services as almost to justify boasting. This, however, is an - amiable weakness; and whilst it does not disqualify him from - performing the duties of a President, this itself renders it morally - impossible that he should ever reach that station. Modesty combined - with eminent merit always secures popular applause; but the man who - becomes the trumpeter of his own exploits, no matter how high his - deserts may be, can never become an object of popular enthusiasm and - affection. General Scott’s character, in this respect, is perfectly - understood by the instinctive good sense of the American people. “Fuss - and Feathers!” a volume could not more accurately portray the vanity - of his character than this soubriquet by which he is universally - known. His friends affect to glory in this title, but with all their - efforts they can never render it popular. Napoleon was endeared to his - army by his designation of “the little Corporal;” General Jackson, by - that of “Old Hickory;” and General Taylor was “Rough and Ready;” but - what shall we say to “Fuss and Feathers?” Was such a soubriquet ever - bestowed upon a General who enjoyed the warm affections of his army? - It raises no shout,—it awakens no sympathy,—it excites no - enthusiasm,—it falls dead upon the heart of an intelligent people. - - In order further to illustrate the want of civil qualifications of - General Scott for the Presidency, I propose next to discuss his famous - political letters. In these he has written his own political history. - “Oh! that mine enemy would write a book!” was an exclamation of old. - General Scott’s epistles have accomplished this work, though I deny - that he has any enemies among the American people. - - In 1848, when speaking of these letters, Thurlow Weed, who at the - present moment is one of General Scott’s most able, distinguished, and - efficient supporters, employs the following language: “In the - character of General Scott there is much, very much to commend and - admire. But the mischief is, there is weakness in all he says or does - about the Presidency. Immediately after the close of the campaign of - 1840, he wrote a gratuitous letter, making himself a candidate, in - which all sorts of unwise things were said ‘to return and plague his - friends, if he should be a candidate.’ And since that time, with a - fatuity that seizes upon men who get bewildered in gazing at the White - House, he has been suffering his pen to dim the glories achieved by - his sword.” - - The letter to which special allusion is made must be his famous letter - of October 25, 1841. Though not an “old Fogy,” I retain a vivid - recollection of the circumstances under which this letter was written. - It made its appearance the month after the termination of the famous - extra session of Congress, which had been convened by the proclamation - of General Harrison. This session commenced on the 31st May, and - terminated on the 13th September, 1841. - - And here, permit me to say, that I do not believe the history of - legislative bodies, in this or any other country, ever presented more - argumentative, eloquent, and powerful debating than was exhibited - throughout this session. Nearly all the important political questions - which had divided the two great parties of the country from the - beginning were most ably discussed. Never did any public body of the - same number present a stronger array of matured talent than the Senate - of that day. There were Clay, Berrien, Clayton, Mangum, Archer, - Preston, and Southard on the Whig side; and Benton, Calhoun, Wright, - Woodbury, Walker, Pierce, and Linn on the side of the Democrats, and - these men were in the meridian of their glory. I would advise every - young Democrat within the sound of my voice to procure and carefully - study the debates of this session. - - Mr. Clay was, as he deserved to be, the lord of the ascendant in the - Whig ranks. The Whig majority of both houses was controlled by his - spirit. He was their acknowledged leader, and went to work in dashing - style. Within a brief period, he carried all the great Whig measures - triumphantly through Congress. The Independent Treasury was repealed; - the proceeds of the public lands were distributed among the States; - the Bankrupt Law was passed; and an old-fashioned Bank of the United - States would have been established, had it not been for the veto of - John Tyler, a man who has never been as highly estimated as he - deserves, either by the Democratic party or the country. - - Mr. Clay left the Senate, at the close of the session, the - acknowledged leader and the favorite Presidential candidate of the - great Whig party. Under these circumstances, it became necessary for - General Scott to do something to head his great rival and prevent him - from remaining master of the field. He must prove himself to be as - good a Whig as Henry Clay, and in addition a much better Anti-Mason. - It was the common remark of the day, when his letter of October, 1841, - appeared, that he had out-whigged even Henry Clay. This is the - “gratuitous letter, making himself a candidate, in which all sorts of - unwise things were said to ‘return and plague his friends, if he - should be a candidate.’” - - This letter is not addressed to any individual, but is an epistle - general to the faithful; and I must do him the justice to say that in - it he has concealed nothing from the public eye. After some - introductory remarks, it is divided into seven heads, which, with - their subdivisions, embrace all the articles of Whig faith as - understood at that day; and in addition, the author presents his views - on “secret or oath-bound societies.” - - I shall briefly review some of these articles of General Scott’s - political faith: - - 1. “The Judiciary.” General Scott expresses his convictions that the - decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, on all - constitutional questions, should be considered final and conclusive by - the people, and especially by their functionaries, “except, indeed, in - the case of a judicial decision enlarging power and against liberty.” - And how is such a decision to be corrected? Why, forsooth, “any - dangerous error of this sort, he says, can always be easily corrected - by an amendment of the Constitution, in one of the modes prescribed by - that instrument itself.” Easily corrected! It might be so if a - military order could accomplish the object; but an amendment of the - Constitution of the United States, whether fortunately or - unfortunately for the country, is almost a political impossibility. In - order to accomplish it, in by far the least impracticable of the two - modes prescribed, the affirmative action of two-thirds of both Houses - of Congress and of the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several - States is required. With these obstacles in the way, when will an - amendment of the Constitution ever be made? - - But why did such a reverence for the decisions of the Supreme Court - become an article of General Scott’s faith? Simply because General - Jackson had vetoed the Bank of the United States, believing in his - conscience, such an institution to be unconstitutional. He had sworn - before his God and his country to support the Constitution; and he - could not, without committing moral perjury, approve a bill, which in - his soul he believed to be a violation of this great charter of our - liberties. He could not yield his honest convictions, simply because - the Supreme Court had expressed the opinion that Congress possesses - the power to charter such a bank. - - But, according to the logic of General Scott, General Jackson and Mr. - Tyler, when bills to charter a Bank of the United States were - presented to them, had no right to form or express any opinion on the - subject of their constitutionality. The Supreme Court had done this - for them in advance. This court is to be the constitutional - conscience-keeper of the President. “Practically, therefore (says - General Scott), for the people and especially their functionaries (of - whom the President is the highest) to deny, to disturb, or impugn, - principles thus constitutionally established, strike me as of evil - example, if not of a direct revolutionary tendency.” A Bank of the - United States must be held constitutional, by the people and their - functionaries, as an article of faith, until two-thirds of both Houses - of Congress and three-fourths of the State legislatures shall reverse - the decision of the Supreme Court by an amendment of the Constitution. - The President must then wait before he can exercise the right of - judging for himself until doomsday. On the same principle, we must all - now hold, as an article of faith, that the odious and infamous - sedition law of the reign of terror is constitutional, because the - judiciary have so affirmed, and this decision never has been, and - never will be, reversed by a constitutional amendment. This is - double-distilled Whiggery of the most sublimated character. Truly, - “there is weakness in all that General Scott says or does about the - Presidency.” - - Let us never forget that a Bank of the United States is a fixed idea - with the Whig party, which nothing can ever remove. On this subject, - like the old Bourbons, they forget nothing and learn nothing. They are - inseparably joined to this idol. They believe that a concentration of - the money power of the country, in the form of such a bank, is - necessary to secure the ascendency of the Whig party in the - Government; and there is nothing more certain in futurity than that - they will establish such a bank, should they ever obtain the power. - Experience has taught us a lesson on this subject which we ought never - to forget. Throughout the political campaign of 1840, which resulted - in the election of General Harrison, it was nowhere avowed by the - Whigs, that they intended to charter a Bank of the United States. This - was carefully concealed from the public eye. On the contrary, many of - their distinguished leaders declared themselves hostile to such an - institution, and one of them, Mr. Badger, afterwards a member of the - cabinet, indignantly pronounced the assertion that General Harrison - was in favor of such a bank to be a falsehood. But mark the sequel. No - sooner was Harrison elected and a majority secured in both Houses of - Congress, than the Whigs immediately proceeded in hot haste, at the - extra session, to pass a bill establishing a Bank of the United - States, which would have become a law, but for the veto of John Tyler. - What we have witnessed in 1841, we shall again witness in 1853, _the - veto_ only excepted, should General Scott be elected President and be - sustained by a Whig majority in both Houses of Congress. - - 2. “The Executive Veto.” To abolish this veto power is another article - of General Scott’s political faith, as announced in his letter of - October, 1841. To be more precise, the General would have the - Constitution amended for the second time, in the same epistle, so as - to overcome the Executive veto “by a bare majority in each House of - Congress of all the members elected to it—say for the benefit of - reflection, at the end of ten days from the return of the bill.” What - a farce! An Executive veto to be overcome and nullified by a bare - majority of the very Congress which had but ten days before sent the - same bill to the President for his approval! Better, far better, adopt - the manly course of abolishing the veto altogether, than to resort to - this subterfuge. - - But why has the abolishment of the Executive veto become an article of - Whig faith? Simply because General Jackson and Mr. Tyler each vetoed - bills to establish a Bank of the United States! “Still harping on my - daughter.” The Whigs have determined to destroy the veto power, which - has twice prevented them from creating an institution which they love - above all other political objects. The veto power has saved the - country from the corrupt and corrupting influence of a bank; and it is - this alone which has rendered it so odious to the Whig party. - - This power is the least dangerous of all the great powers conferred by - the Constitution upon the President; because nothing but a strong - sense of public duty and a deep conviction that he will be sustained - by the people can ever induce him to array himself against a majority - of both Houses of Congress. It has been exercised but in comparatively - few instances since the origin of the Federal Government; and I am not - aware that it has ever been exercised in any case, which has not - called forth the approving voice of a large majority of the American - people. Confident I am, it is highly popular in Pennsylvania. - - “Rotation in office” is the next head of General Scott’s letter. - Throughout the Presidential contest, which resulted in the election of - General Harrison, it was the fashion of the Whigs to proscribe - proscription; and to denounce Democratic Presidents for removing their - political enemies and appointing their political friends to office. - General Scott, in his letter, comes up to the Whig standard in this, - as in all other respects. In his profession of faith, he could not - even avoid a fling against the hero and the sage then in retirement at - the Hermitage. He says: “I speak on this head from what I witnessed in - 1829-30 (the commencement of General Jackson’s administration), of the - cruel experiments on a large scale, then made upon the sensibilities - of the country, and the mischiefs to the public interests which early - ensued.” - - But what was the Whig practice upon the subject after they had - obtained power? General Jackson was magnanimous, kind-hearted and - merciful, and to my own knowledge he retained a very large proportion - of Whig clerks in the public offices at Washington. I ask how many - Democrats now remain in those offices? Nay, the present administration - has even proscribed old widows whose husbands had been Democrats. In - the city of Lancaster, they removed from the post-office an old lady - of this character, who had performed her duties to the entire - satisfaction of the public of all parties, to make way for a political - (I admit a respectable political) friend. To the credit of General - Taylor’s memory be it spoken, he refused to make war upon this old - lady. - - But in this respect, a change has come over the spirit of General - Scott’s dream. Of this the Whigs are satisfied. If they were not, - small would be his chance—much smaller even than it now is, of - reaching the Presidential chair. In his letter, accepting the - nomination, he says:—“In regard to the general policy of the - administration, if elected, I should, of course, look among those who - may approve that policy, for the agents to carry it into execution; - and I would seek to cultivate harmony and fraternal sentiment - throughout the Whig party, without attempting to reduce its members by - proscription to exact conformity to my own views!” - - “Harmony and fraternal sentiment throughout the Whig party!” His - charity, though large for Whigs, does not extend to Democrats. He - knows, however, that his own party are divided into supporters of - himself for his own sake, whilst spitting upon the platform on which - he stands—and those who love the platform so well that for its sake - they have even consented, though reluctantly, to acquiesce in his - nomination—into those Free Soil Whigs who denounce the Fugitive Slave - Law, and those Whigs who are devoted heart and soul to its - maintenance. In this dilemma, he will not attempt to reduce the - discordant brethren by proscription to exact conformity to his own - views. Southern Whigs and Northern Free Soilers are therefore both - embraced within the broad sweep of his charity. He seeks to cultivate - harmony and fraternal sentiment among the Seward Whigs and the - National Whigs by seating them all together at the same table to enjoy - the loaves and the fishes. But woe to the vanquished—woe to the - Democrats! They shall not even receive a single crumb which may fall - from the table of the Presidential banquet. - - “One Presidential Term,” is the subject which he next discusses. Here - he boggles at one Presidential term. He seems reluctant to surrender - the most elevated and the most lucrative office, next to that of - President, and this, too, an office for life, for the sake of only - four years in the White House. He again, therefore, for the third - time, in the same letter, proposes to amend the Constitution, just as - if this were as easy as to wheel a division of his army on a parade - day, so as to extend the Presidential term to six years. Four years - are too short a term for General Scott. It must be prolonged. The - people must be deprived of the power of choosing their President at - the end of so brief a period as four years. But such an amendment of - the Constitution, he ought to have known, was all moonshine. The - General, then, declines to pledge himself to serve but for one term, - and this for the most extraordinary reason. I shall quote his own - words; he says:—“But I do not consider it respectful to the people, - nor otherwise proper, in a candidate to solicit favor on a pledge - that, if elected, he will not accept a second nomination. It looks too - much like a bargain tendered to other aspirants—yield to me now; I - shall soon be out of your way; too much like the interest that - sometimes governs the cardinals in the choice of a Pope, many voting - for themselves first, and, if without success, finally for the most - superannuated, in order that the election may sooner come round - again.” - - He was, then, you may be sure, still a Native American. - - To say the very least, this imputation of selfishness and corruption - against the cardinals in the election of a Pope, is in bad taste in a - political letter written by a candidate for the Presidency. It was in - exceedingly bad taste, in such an epistle, thus to stigmatize the - highest dignitaries of the ancient Catholic church, in the performance - of their most solemn and responsible public duty to God, on this side - of eternity. From my soul, I abhor the practice of mingling up - religion with politics. The doctrine of all our Constitutions, both - Federal and State, is, that every man has an indefeasible right to - worship his God, according to the dictates of his own conscience. He - is both a bigot and a tyrant who would interfere with that sacred - right. When a candidate is before the people for office, the inquiry - ought never even to be made, what form of religious faith he - professes; but only, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, “Is he honest; - is he capable?” Far be it from me to charge or even insinuate that - General Scott would desire to introduce religion into party politics; - and yet I consider it exceedingly improper for him, in a political - letter, when a candidate for the Presidency, to have made this charge - against the venerable cardinals of the Catholic church. Such a charge, - emanating from so high a source, could not fail to wound the feelings - of a large and highly respectable Christian community. This has - necessarily, to some extent, brought religious discussions into the - Presidential contest. - - “Leading measures of the late extra session of Congress.” This is the - next head of General Scott’s epistle, to which I advert. He swallows - all those leading measures at a single gulp. “If,” says he, “I had had - the honor of a vote on the occasion, it would have been given in favor - of the Land Distribution Bill, the Bankrupt Bill, and the second bill - for creating a Fiscal Corporation, having long been under a conviction - that in peace, as in war, something efficient in the nature of a Bank - of the United States, is not only ‘necessary and proper,’ but - indispensable to the successful operations of the Treasury!” - - The Land Distribution Bill. This is emphatically a high toned Whig - measure, which had been once crushed by General Jackson’s message of - December, 1833. Mr. Clay, its illustrious author, was the very - essence, the life and soul of Whiggery. It proposes to distribute the - proceeds of the public lands among the several States. It proposes to - surrender to the several States that immense and bountiful fund - provided by our ancestors, which is always our surest resource, in - times of war and danger, when our revenue from imports fails. In the - days of Jackson, Van Buren and Polk, the Democratic doctrine was,—I - fear it is not so at present,—to preserve this fund in the common - Treasury, as a sacred trust, to enable Congress to execute the - enumerated powers conferred upon them by the Constitution, for the - equal benefit of all the States and the people. Should Congress give - away the public lands to the States, they will deprive themselves of - the power of bestowing land bounties upon the soldiers and the sailors - who fight the battles of your country, and of granting liberal terms - of purchase to those hardy pioneers who make the wilderness to bloom - and to blossom as the rose. What will become of this policy if you - distribute the proceeds of these lands among the States? Then every - State will have a direct interest in preventing any donations of the - public lands, either to old soldiers or actual settlers; because every - acre thus given will so much lessen the dividend to each of the States - interested. Should this Distribution Bill ever prevail, it will make - the States mere dependencies upon the central Government for a large - portion of their revenue, and thus reduce these proud Democratic - sovereignties to the degrading position of looking to the Treasury of - the United States for their means of support. In the language of - General Jackson, “a more direct road to consolidation cannot be - devised.” Such a state of dependence, though exactly in accordance - with the centralizing Whig policy, has ever been abhorred by the - Democrats. But the Distribution Bill is one of the principles, one of - the “convictions,” of General Scott; and so let it pass. - - We come now to the Bankrupt Bill, a purely Whig measure, to which - General Scott gives his adhesion.—And such a bill! In no legitimate - sense of the word, was this a bankrupt law. It was merely a new mode - of paying old debts; and the easiest mode which was ever devised for - this purpose in any civilized country. The expansions and contractions - of the Bank of the United States,—the inundations of bank paper and of - shinplasters which spread over the country, had given birth to a wild - and reckless spirit of speculation, that ruined a great number of - people. The speculators wanted to pay their debts in the easiest - manner, and the Whigs wanted their votes. This was the origin of the - bankrupt law. It ruined a great many honest creditors; it paid off a - great many honest debts with moonshine. If my memory serves me, debts - to the amount of $400,000,000 were discharged in this manner. The law, - however, from its practical operation, soon became so odious to the - people, that they demanded its repeal. It was stricken from the - statute book, amidst the execrations of the people, by the very same - Congress which had enacted it, in one year and one month from the day - on which it went into effect. And this is the bill for which General - Scott declares he would have voted, had he been a member of Congress. - - Next in order, we come to the Bank of the United States. If General - Scott “had had the honor of a vote, it would have been given for the - second bill creating a Fiscal Corporation.” - - Surely the General could never have carefully read this bill. In - derision, it was termed at the time, the “Kite Flying Fiscality.” It - was a mere speculators’ bank, and no person believed it could ever - become a law. In truth, it was got up merely for the purpose of - heading John Tyler, and when reported to the House, it was received, - according to the _National Intelligencer_, with shouts of laughter. - - It originated in this manner. A bill had at first passed Congress to - create a regular old-fashioned Bank of the United States. This bill - was vetoed by John Tyler. Afterwards the second bill, or Kite Flying - Fiscality, was prepared by the Whigs to meet some portions of Mr. - Tyler’s veto message, and if possible render it ridiculous. The bill - was passed and was vetoed by President Tyler, as everybody foresaw it - would be. But how General Scott got his head so befogged as to prefer - this thing to the first bill, is a matter of wonder. I venture to say - he was the only Whig in the United States who held the same opinion. - - This closes General Scott’s confession of Whig faith; and surely it is - sufficiently ample and specific to gratify the most rabid Whig in the - land. But the General had another string to his bow. It was necessary - not only that he should be as good a Whig as Henry Clay, but that he - should be something besides, something over and above a mere Whig, in - order to render himself more available than his great rival. Hence the - concluding head of his famous epistle, which, like the postscript of a - lady’s letter, contains much of the pith and marrow of the whole. It - is entitled “Secret or Oath-bound Societies.” In it he declares, - although a Mason, that he had “not been a member of a Masonic lodge - for thirty odd years, nor a visitor of any lodge since, except - one,—now more than sixteen years ago.” And such is his abhorrence for - secret societies, that for twenty-eight years he had not even visited - one of those literary societies in our colleges, whose practice it is - to adopt a few secret signs by which their members in after life can - recognize each other. - - In order, then, to render himself a more available candidate than - Henry Clay, it was necessary that his net should have a broader sweep - than that of the great Kentuckian. It was necessary that he should be - as good a Whig and a far better Anti-Mason. The Anti-Masonic party was - then powerful in Pennsylvania as well as in other Northern States. - This party numbered in its ranks many old Democrats, and to these Mr. - Clay was not very acceptable. The Anti-Masons were more active and - more energetic than the Whigs. A distinguished Anti-Mason of our State - is reported once to have said, that they were the locomotive, and the - Whigs the burden train. How were they to be enlisted in the ranks of - Scott? The great Kentuckian, with that independent spirit which - characterized him, never yielded to the advances of the Anti-Masons. - He was a Mason himself as well as General Scott; but the General lent - a far more kindly ear to this new party. Hence his remarks on secret - or oath-bound societies. This confession of his faith proved to be - entirely satisfactory; and the Anti-Masons have ever since proved to - be his devoted friends. He thus captured a large division of the - forces which were unfriendly to Mr. Clay. But for the purpose of - embracing the new recruits, it became necessary to coin a more - comprehensive name than simply that of Whigs. - - He doubtless thought that a rose by any other name would smell as - sweet. Hence, in his famous letter, he announced himself to be a - Democratic Whig. A white blackbird—a Christian unbeliever. This name - was sufficiently comprehensive to embrace all men of all parties. He - became all things to all men, that he might gain proselytes. I say - what I know, when I declare that this letter, and attempt to supplant - the veteran statesman of Kentucky, was a subject of severe criticism - at the time in Washington city, among men of all parties. Surely, in - the language of Thurlow Weed, “there is weakness in all he says or - does about the Presidency.” - - But a good general is always fertile in expedients. His coup-d’œil - embraces the whole field of battle, and he is ever ready to take - advantage of any occurrence which may enable him to seize the victory. - A new political party styling itself the Native American party, began - to loom up in an imposing manner and to present a formidable aspect. - This party must be conciliated. The Native Americans must be prevailed - upon to unite their forces with the Whigs and Anti-Masons, and thus to - form a grand combined army. It therefore became necessary for General - Scott to write a second epistle, which he seems to have done with all - the ardor and enthusiasm of heartfelt sincerity. This is dated from - Washington city, on the 10th of November, 1844, and is in answer to a - letter addressed to him, “in behalf of several hundred Native American - Republicans,” by Geo. W. Reed, Esq., of Philadelphia. This second - epistle proved to be as successful in enlisting the Native Americans - under his banner, as the first epistle had been in enlisting the - Anti-Masons. And why should it not? The General pledged himself, in - the strongest terms, to every dogma which this new party had most at - heart. - - He dates his Native Americanism back more than eight years, to “the - stormy election in the spring of 1836,” and his views “were confirmed - in the week [Nov. 1840] when Harrison electors were chosen in New - York.” It was on this occasion in 1840, that, “fired with - indignation,” he sat down with two friends in the Astor House, “to - draw up an address, designed to rally an American party.” What has - become of this address? How precious would it be? I fear it is forever - lost to the world! It would be one of the greatest curiosities of - modern literature. How withering must have been its attack upon the - poor foreigners! We can judge somewhat of its spirit by his epistle to - Mr. Reed. Other Native Americans were satisfied to restore the - naturalization law of “the reign of terror,” and to prohibit - foreigners from becoming citizens until after a residence of fourteen - years. Not so with General Scott. He went a bow-shot beyond. His mind - inclined to “a total repeal of all Acts of Congress on the - subject,”—to a total denial forever of all political rights to every - human being, young, middle-aged, and old, who had happened to be born - in a foreign country. - - Having thus placed himself rectus in curia, as the lawyers would say, - with the Native American party, he then proceeds, as their god-father, - to give them a proper name. In this I do not think his choice was - fortunate. It was a difficult task. It must embrace within its ample - outline both Whigs and Anti-Masons, and yet have so much of the odor - of Native Americanism as to make its savor sweet in the nostrils of - the new party. He says, “I should prefer assuming the designation of - American Republicans, as in New York, or Democratic Americans, as I - would respectfully suggest. Democratic Americans would include all - good native American citizens devoted to our country and its - institutions; and would not drive from us naturalized citizens, who, - by long residence, have become identified with us in feelings and - interest.” - - “Democratic Americans!” What a name for a Native American party! When - all the records of our past history prove that American Democrats have - ever opened wide their arms to receive foreigners flying from - oppression in their native land, and have always bestowed upon them - the rights of American citizens, after a brief period of residence in - this country. The Democratic party have always gloried in this policy, - and its fruits have been to increase our population and our power with - unexampled rapidity, and to furnish our country with vast numbers of - industrious, patriotic and useful citizens. Surely the name of - ‘Democratic Americans’ was an unfortunate designation for the Native - American party! - - But General Scott was not content to be considered merely as a - proselyte to Native Americanism. He claimed the glory of being the - founder of the party. He asserts his claim to this distinguished - honor, which no individual will now dispute with him, in the - postscript to his letter of November, 1844, which was read on the 4th - of February, 1847, before the National Convention of Native American - Delegates, at Pittsburg. In this he says, “writing, however, a few - days ago, to my friend Mayor Harper of New York, I half jocosely said, - that I should claim over him and others the foundership of the new - party, but that I had discovered this glory, like every other American - excellence, belonged to the Father of his Country.” - - The Native American party an ‘American excellence,’ and the glory of - its foundership, belongs to George Washington! No, fellow-citizens, - the American people will rise up with one accord to vindicate the - memory of that illustrious man from such an imputation. As long as the - recent memory of our revolutionary struggle remained vividly impressed - on the hearts of our countrymen, no such party could have ever - existed. The recollection of Montgomery, Lafayette, De Kalb, - Kosciusko, and a long list of foreigners, both officers and soldiers, - who freely shed their blood to secure our liberties, would have - rendered such ingratitude impossible. Our revolutionary army was - filled with the brave and patriotic natives of other lands, and George - Washington was their commander-in-chief. Would he have ever closed the - door against the admission of foreigners to the rights of American - citizens? Let his acts speak for themselves. So early as the 26th of - March, 1790, General Washington, as President of the United States - approved the first law which ever passed Congress on the subject of - naturalization; and this only required a residence of two years, - previous to the adoption of a foreigner as an American citizen. On the - 29th January, 1795, the term of residence was extended by Congress to - five years, and thus it remained throughout General Washington’s - administration, and until after the accession of John Adams to the - Presidency. In his administration, which will ever be known in history - as the reign of terror, as the era of alien and sedition laws, an act - was passed on the 18th of June, 1798, which prohibited any foreigner - from becoming a citizen until after a residence of fourteen years, and - this is the law, or else perpetual exclusion, which General Scott - preferred, and which the Native American party now desire to restore. - - The Presidential election of 1800 secured the ascendency of the - Democratic party, and under the administration of Thomas Jefferson, - its great apostle, on the 14th of April, 1802, the term of residence - previous to naturalization was restored to five years, what it had - been under General Washington, and where it has ever since remained. - No, fellow-citizens, the Father of his Country was never a ‘Native - American.’ This ‘American excellence’ never belonged to him. - - General Scott appears to have been literally infatuated with the - beauties of Native Americanism. On the 12th November, 1848, he - addressed a letter in answer to one from a certain “Mr. Hector Orr, - printer,” who appears to have been the editor of a Native American - journal in Philadelphia. This letter is a perfect rhapsody from - beginning to end. Among other things equally extravagant, the General - says: “A letter from him (Benjamin Franklin) were he alive, could not - have refreshed me more than that before my eyes. It gives a new value - to any little good I have done or attempted, and will stimulate me to - do all that may fall in the scope of my power in the remainder of my - life.” What a letter must this have been of Mr. Hector Orr, printer! - What a pity it has been lost to the world! The General concluded by - requesting Mr. Orr to send him “the history of the Native party by the - Sunday School Boy,” and also to consider him a subscriber to his - journal. - - But soon there came a frost—a chilling frost. Presto, pass, and - General Scott’s Native Americanism is gone like the baseless fabric of - a vision. Would that it left no trace behind! The celebrated William - E. Robinson, of New York, is the enchanter who removes the spell. - - The Whig National Convention of 7th June, 1848, was about to assemble. - General Scott was for the third time about to be a candidate before it - for nomination as President. This was an important—a critical moment. - Native Americanism had not performed its early promise. It was not - esteemed “an American excellence,” even by the Whig party. General - Scott was in a dilemma, and how to extricate himself from it was the - question. The ready friendship of Mr. Robinson hit upon the lucky - expedient. On the 8th May, 1848, he addressed a letter to General - Scott, assuming that the General entertained “kind and liberal views - towards our naturalized citizens.” The General answered this letter on - the 29th May, 1848, just ten days before the meeting of the Whig - Philadelphia Convention; and what an answer! After declaring in the - strongest terms that Mr. Robinson had done him no more than justice in - attributing to him “kind and liberal views toward our naturalized - citizens,” he proceeds: “It is true that in a case of unusual - excitement some years ago, when both parties complained of fraudulent - practices in the naturalization of foreigners, and when there seemed - to be danger that native and adopted citizens would be permanently - arrayed against each other in hostile faction, _I was inclined to - concur in the opinion then avowed by leading statesmen, that some - modification of the naturalization laws might be necessary_, in order - to prevent abuses, allay strife and restore harmony between the - different classes of our people. But later experience and reflection - have entirely removed this impression, and dissipated my - apprehensions.” - - The man who had warmly embraced Native Americanism so early as 1836, - and had given it his enthusiastic support for twelve years - thereafter—who next to Washington had claimed to be the founder of - this “American excellence;” who, “fired with indignation,” had in - conjunction with two friends in 1840, prepared an address in his - parlor at the Astor House in New York, designed to rally an American - party; who had, in 1844, hesitated between extending the period of - residence before naturalization to fourteen years, and a total and - absolute exclusion of all foreigners from the rights of citizenship - forever, his mind inclining to the latter; who had in the same year - elevated Hector Orr, the Native American printer, to the same level - with our great revolutionary statesman and patriot, Benjamin - Franklin—this same individual, in 1848, declares to Mr. Robinson, that - he had formerly been merely “_inclined to concur in the opinion then - avowed by leading statesmen_, that some modification of the - naturalization laws might be necessary.” - - “Oh! what a fall was there, my countrymen!” - - And what caused this sudden, this almost miraculous change of opinion? - Why, forsooth, in his recent campaign in Mexico, the Irish and the - Germans had fought bravely in maintaining our flag in the face of - every danger. But had they not fought with equal bravery throughout - our revolutionary struggle, and throughout our last war with Great - Britain? General Scott could not possibly have been ignorant of this - fact. Chippewa and Lundy’s Lane both attest their gallant daring in - defence of the stars and stripes of our country. - - The General now seems determined, if possible, to efface from the - memory of man that he had ever been a Native American. His present - devotion to our fellow-citizens of foreign birth knows no bounds. He - is determined to enlist them under his banner, as he formerly enlisted - the Anti-Masons and Native Americans. - - Official business, it seems, required him to visit the Blue Licks of - Kentucky; but yet, it is passing strange, that he chose to proceed - from Washington to that place by the circuitous route of the great - Northern Lakes. This deviation from a direct military line between the - point of his departure and that of his destination has enabled him to - meet and address his fellow-citizens on the way, at Harrisburg, - Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Cincinnati, and other points both in - Pennsylvania and Ohio. Should the published programme of his route be - carried into effect, he will, on his return to Washington from the - Blue Licks, pass through Buffalo, and throughout the entire length of - the Empire State. Nobody, however, can for a single moment - suspect—this would be uncharitable—that his visit to the small and - insignificant States of Pennsylvania, Ohio and New York, when merely - on his way from Washington city to Kentucky could at this particular - period have had any view to the Presidential election! Far be it from - me to indulge such a suspicion; and yet it is strange that General - Scott, throughout his whole route, speaks and acts just as General - Scott would have done had he been on an electioneering tour. He has - everywhere bestowed especial favor upon our adopted fellow-citizens; - but at Cleveland he surpassed himself, and broke out into a rhapsody - nearly as violent as that in which he had indulged in favor of Hector - Orr, the Native American printer. At Cleveland, an honest Irishman in - the crowd shouted a welcome to General Scott. Always ready to seize - the propitious moment, the General instantly exclaimed: “I hear that - rich brogue; I love to hear it. It makes me remember noble deeds of - Irishmen, many of whom I have led to battle and to victory.” The - General has yet to learn that my father’s countrymen, (I have ever - felt proud of my descent from an Irishman,) though they sometimes do - blarney others, are yet hard to be blarneyed themselves, especially - out of their Democracy. The General, unless I am greatly mistaken, - will discover that Irish Democrats, however much, in common with us - all, they may admire his military exploits, will never abandon their - political principles, and desert their party, for the sake of - elevating him or any other Whig candidate to the Presidency. - - One other remark:—Were it within the limits of possibility to imagine, - which it is not, that our Washingtons, our Jeffersons, or our - Jacksons, could have set out on an electioneering tour for themselves, - when candidates for the Presidency,—I ask, would they have met and - addressed their fellow-citizens on such topics, and in such a style, - as General Scott has selected? No! friends and fellow-citizens, - gravity, solemnity, and the discussion of great questions of public - policy, affecting the vital interests of the country, would have - illustrated and marked their progress. - - General Scott, in his political opinions, is prone to extremes. Not - content with having renounced Native Americanism, not satisfied to - occupy the broad, just and liberal platform in favor of - naturalization, on which the Democratic party have stood, ever since - the origin of the Government, he leaves this far behind. In his - letter, accepting the nomination of the Whig Convention, he declares - himself in favor of such an alteration in our naturalization laws, as - would admit foreigners to the rights of citizenship, who, in time of - war, had served a single year in the army or navy. This manifests a - strange, an unaccountable ignorance of the Federal Constitution. Did - he not know that the power of Congress was confined to the - establishment of “an uniform rule of naturalization?” “Uniform” is the - word. Congress have no power to make exceptions in favor of any class - of foreigners; no power to enact that one man shall be naturalized - after a residence of a single year, and that another shall reside five - years before he can attain this privilege. What uniformity would there - be in requiring five years residence from the honest and industrious - foreigner, who remains usefully employed at home, and in dispensing - with this requisition in favor of the foreigner who has enlisted and - served for one year in the army or navy? General Scott, in order to - accomplish his object, must resort to a fourth amendment of the - Constitution. He would make this sacred instrument a mere nose of wax, - to be twisted, and turned, and bent in any direction which the opinion - or caprice of the moment might dictate. - - After this review, I ask you, fellow-citizens, what confidence can be - reposed in the political opinions of General Scott? Is there anything - in them of that firm, stable, consistent and enlightened character - which ought to distinguish the man into whose hands you are willing to - entrust the civil destinies of our great, glorious and progressive - country? What security have our adopted citizens that he may not - to-morrow relapse into Native Americanism? For twelve long years, and - this, too, at a period of life when the judgment ought to be mature, - he remained faithful and true to the Native American party; giving it - all the encouragement and support which his high character and - influence could command; and he only deserted it in 1848, at the - approach of the Whig National Convention. And what opinion must the - Native Americans hold of the man, who, after having been so long one - of their most ardent and enthusiastic leaders, abandoned them at the - time of their utmost need? Above all, does Winfield Scott possess that - calm and unerring judgment, that far-seeing sagacity, and that - prudence, never to be thrown off its guard, which we ought to require - in a President of the United States? - - That General Scott is a great military man, the people of this country - will ever gratefully and cheerfully acknowledge. History teaches us, - however, that but few men, whose profession has been arms and arms - alone from early youth, have possessed the civil qualifications - necessary wisely to govern a free people. Of this we have had some - experience in the case of General Taylor, who was both an honest man - and a pure patriot; but like General Scott, had always been a soldier - and nothing but a soldier. It is true that a few favored mortals, - emancipating themselves from the military fetters by which they had - been bound, have displayed high talents as statesmen. Napoleon - Bonaparte is the most remarkable example of this class; but his - statesmanship was unfortunately displayed in the skill with which he - forged fetters for his country. - - As an American citizen, proud of the military exploits of General - Scott, I wish from my soul he had never become a candidate for the - Presidency. The defects in his character as a statesman, which it has - now become an imperative duty to present to the people of the country, - would then have been forgotten and forever buried in oblivion. But for - this, he would have gone down to posterity without a cloud upon his - glory. And, even now, it is fortunate for his future fame, as well as - for the best interests of his country, that he can never be elected - President of the United States. - - A few words on the subject of General Scott’s connection with the Free - Soilers, and I shall have done. And in the first place, let me say - that I do not believe, and therefore shall not assert, that he is - himself a Free Soiler. On the contrary, I freely admit we have - satisfactory proof, that whilst the Compromise Measures were pending - before Congress and afterwards, he expressed his approbation of them, - but this only in private conversations among his friends. But was this - all the country had a right to expect from General Scott? - - The dark and portentous cloud raised by the Abolitionists and - fanatics, which had for many years been growing blacker and still - blacker, at length seemed ready to burst upon our devoted heads, - threatening to sweep away both the Constitution and the Union. The - patriots of the land, both Whigs and Democrats, cordially united their - efforts to avert the impending storm. At this crisis, it became the - duty of every friend of the Union to proclaim his opinions boldly. - This was not a moment for any patriot to envelop himself in mystery. - Under such appalling circumstances, did it comport with the frankness - of a soldier, for General Scott to remain silent; or merely to whisper - his opinions to private friends from the South? A man of his elevated - station and commanding influence ought to have thrown himself into the - breach. But the Presidency was in view; and he was anxious to secure - the votes of the Free Soil Whigs of the Seward school, in the National - Convention. Mr. Fillmore, his competitor, had spoken out like a man in - favor of the Compromise, and had thus done his duty to his country. He - was, for this very reason, rejected by the Whig National Convention, - and General Scott was nominated by the votes and influence of the - Northern Free Soil Whigs. - - But the Northern Free Soilers had not quite sufficient strength to - secure his nomination. To render this certain, it was necessary to - enlist a small detachment of Southern Whig delegates. This task was - easily accomplished. To attain his object, General Scott had merely to - write a brief note to Mr. Archer. - - This was evidently not intended for the public eye, certainly not for - the Free Soilers. It was, therefore, most reluctantly extracted from - the breeches pocket of John M. Botts, and was read to the Convention, - as we are informed, amid uproarious laughter. In this note, General - Scott, with characteristic inconsistency, whilst declaring his - determination to write nothing to the Convention, or any of its - individual members, at this very moment, in the same note, does - actually write to Mr. Archer, a member of the Convention, that should - the honor of a nomination fall to his lot, he would give his views on - the Compromise Measures in terms at least as strong in their favor, as - those which he had read to Mr. Archer himself but two days before. - This pledge which, on its face, was intended exclusively for Governor - Jones, Mr. Botts, and Mr. Lee, etc., all of them Southern Whigs, - proved sufficient to detach a small division of this wing of the party - from Mr. Fillmore, and these, uniting with the whole body of the - Northern Free Soilers, succeeded in nominating General Scott. After - the nomination had been thus made, the General immediately proceeded - to accept it, “with the resolutions annexed;” and one of these - resolutions is in favor of the faithful execution of all the measures - of the Compromise, including the Fugitive Slave Law. - - Now, fellow-citizens, I view the finality of the Compromise as - necessary to the peace and preservation of the Union. I say finality; - a word aptly coined for the occasion. The Fugitive Slave Law is all - the South have obtained in this Compromise. It is a law founded both - upon the letter and the spirit of the Constitution; and a similar law - has existed on our statute book ever since the administration of - George Washington. History teaches us that but for the provision in - favor of the restoration of fugitive slaves, our present Constitution - never would have existed. Think ye that the South will ever tamely - surrender the Fugitive Slave Law to Northern fanatics and - Abolitionists? - - After all, then, the great political question to be decided by the - people of the country is, will the election of Scott, or the election - of Pierce, contribute most to maintain the finality of the Compromise - and the peace and harmony of the Union? - - Scott’s Northern supporters spit upon and execrate the platform - erected by the Whig National Convention. They support General Scott, - not because of their adherence to this platform, but in spite of it. - They have loudly expressed their determination to agitate the repeal - of the Fugitive Slave Law, and thus bring back upon the country the - dangerous excitement which preceded its passage. They will not suffer - the country to enjoy peace and repose, nor permit the Southern States - to manage their own domestic affairs, in their own way, without - foreign interference. - - Who can doubt that these dangerous men will participate largely in the - counsels of General Scott, and influence the measures of his - administration? To them he owes his election, should he be elected. He - is bound to them by the ties of gratitude. He is placed in a position - where he would be more or less than a man, if he could withdraw - himself from their influence. Indeed, he has informed us in advance, - in the very act of accepting the nomination, that he would seek to - cultivate harmony and fraternal sentiment throughout the Whig party, - without attempting to reduce its numbers by proscription to exact - conformity to his own views. What does this mean, if not to declare - that the Free Soil Whigs of the North, and the Compromise Whigs of the - South, shall share equally in the honors and offices of the - Administration? In the North, where by far the greatest danger of - agitation exists, the offices will be bestowed upon those Whigs who - detest the Compromise, and who will exert all the influence which - office confers, to abolish the Fugitive Slave Law. To this sad dilemma - has General Scott been reduced. - - On the other hand, what will be our condition should General Pierce be - elected? He will owe his election to the great Democratic party of the - country,—a party truly national, which knows no North, no South, no - East, and no West. They are everywhere devoted to the Constitution and - the Union. They everywhere speak the same language. The finality of - the Compromise, in all its parts, is everywhere an article of their - political faith. Their candidate, General Pierce, has always openly - avowed his sentiments on this subject. - - He could proudly declare, in accepting the nomination, that there has - been no word nor act of his life in conflict with the platform adopted - by the Democratic National Convention. Should he be elected, all the - power and influence of his administration will be exerted to allay the - dangerous spirit of fanaticism, and to render the Union and the - Constitution immortal. Judge ye, then, between the two candidates, and - decide for yourselves. - - And now, fellow-citizens, what a glorious party the Democratic party - has ever been! Man is but the being of a summer’s day, whilst - principles are eternal. The generations of mortals, one after the - other, rise and sink and are forgotten; but the principles of - Democracy, which we have inherited from our revolutionary fathers, - will endure to bless mankind throughout all generations. Is there any - Democrat within the sound of my voice—is there any Democrat throughout - the broad limits of good and great old Democratic Pennsylvania, who - will abandon these sacred principles for the sake of following in the - train of a military conqueror, and shouting for the hero of Lundy’s - Lane, Cerro Gordo, and Chapultepec? - - “Remember, O my friends! the laws, the rights, - The gen’rous plan of power deliver’d down, - From age to age, by your renown’d forefathers, - So dearly bought, the price of so much blood; - O! Let it never perish in your hands, - But piously transmit it to your children.” - - - - - CHAPTER III. - 1852-1853. - -PERSONAL AND POLITICAL RELATIONS WITH THE PRESIDENT ELECT AND WITH MR. - MARCY, HIS SECRETARY OF STATE—BUCHANAN IS OFFERED THE MISSION TO - ENGLAND—HIS OWN ACCOUNT OF THE OFFER, AND HIS REASONS FOR - ACCEPTING IT—PARTING WITH HIS FRIENDS AND NEIGHBORS IN - LANCASTER—CORRESPONDENCE WITH HIS NIECE. - - -The private correspondence between Mr. Buchanan and the new President, -General Pierce, and his Secretary of State, will best explain his -relations to this administration; and he has himself left a full record -of the circumstances under which he accepted the mission to England in -the summer of 1853. - - [FROM GENERAL PIERCE.] - - CONCORD, N. H., November 1, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your kind letter of the 26th instant was received yesterday. - - Your conclusion as to attending the meeting at Tammany Hall was what I - should have expected, marked by a nice sense of the fitness of things. - - The telegraphic despatches received late this evening would seem to - remove all doubt as to the result of the election. Your signal part in - the accomplishment of that result is acknowledged and appreciated by - all. I hope to have the pleasure of meeting you at no distant day. - - Your friend, - FRANK PIERCE. - - [FROM GENERAL PIERCE.] - - CONCORD, N. H, December 7, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have been hoping ever since the election that I might have a - personal interview with you, if not before, certainly during the - present month. But the objections to such a meeting suggested by you - while I was at the sea-shore now exist, perhaps even with greater - force than at that time. With our known pleasant personal relation a - meeting would doubtless call forth many idle and annoying speculations - and groundless surmises. - - An interchange of thoughts with Colonel King (whose returning health - is a source of great joy to me) would also be peculiarly pleasant and - profitable, but here, again, there are obstacles in the way. He cannot - come North, and I cannot go to Washington. Communication by letter is - still open. My thoughts for the last four weeks have been earnestly - turned to the formation of a cabinet. And although I must in the end - be responsible for the appointments, and consequently should follow my - own well-considered convictions, I cannot help saying often to myself - how agreeable it would be to compare conclusions upon this or that - point with Mr. Buchanan. I do not mean to trouble you with the many - matters of difficulty that evidently lie in my path. So far as I have - been able to form an opinion as to public sentiment and reasonable - public expectation, I think I am expected to call around me gentlemen - who have not hitherto occupied cabinet position, and in view of the - jealousies and embarrassments which environ any other course, this - expectation is in accordance with my own judgment, a judgment - strengthened by the impression that it is sanctioned by views - expressed by you. Regarding you with the confidence of a friend, and - appreciating your disinterested patriotism as well as your wide - experience and comprehensive statesmanship, I trust you will deem it - neither an intrusion nor annoyance when I ask your suggestions and - advice. - - If not mistaken in this, you will confer a great favor by writing me, - as fully as you may deem proper, as to the launching (if I may so - express myself) of the incoming administration, and more especially in - regard to men and things in Pennsylvania. In relation to appointments - requiring prompt action after the inauguration, I shall, as far as - practicable, leave Concord with purposes definitely formed, and not - likely to be changed. - - Should you deem that I ought not thus to tax you, burn the letter, but - give me, as of yore, your good will and wishes. - - I shall regard, as you will of course, whatever passes between us as - in the strictest sense confidential. - - Very truly, your friend, - FRANK PIERCE. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL PIERCE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December 11, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your favor of the 7th instant reached me last evening. - - You do me no more than justice in “regarding me with the free - confidence of a friend,” and I can say in all sincerity that, both for - your own sake and that of the country, I most ardently desire the - success of your administration. Having asked my suggestions and advice - “as to the launching of the incoming administration,” I shall - cheerfully give it, with all the frankness of friendship. - - Your letter, I can assure you, has relieved me from no little personal - anxiety. Had you offered me a seat in your cabinet one month ago, - although highly gratified as I should have been with such a - distinguished token of your confidence and regard, I would have - declined it without a moment’s hesitation. Nothing short of an - imperative and overruling sense of public duty could ever prevail upon - me to pass another four years of my life in the laborious and - responsible position which I formerly occupied. Within the past month, - however, so many urgent appeals have been made to me from quarters - entitled to the highest respect, to accept the State Department, if - tendered, and this, too, as an act of public duty, in view of the - present perplexed and embarrassing condition of our foreign relations, - that in declining it, I should have been placed in an embarrassing - position from which I have been happily relieved by your letter. - - But whilst I say this in all sincerity, I cannot assent to the - correctness of the general principle you have adopted, to proscribe in - advance the members of all former cabinets; nor do I concur with you - in opinion, that either public sentiment or public expectation - requires such a sweeping ostracism. I need scarcely, therefore, say - that the impression which you have derived of my opinion in favor of - this measure, from I know not whom, is without foundation. I should be - most unjust towards my able, enlightened and patriotic associates in - the cabinet of Mr. Polk, could I have entertained such an idea. So far - from it that, were I the President elect, I should deem it almost - indispensable to avail myself of the sound wisdom and experienced - judgment of one or more members of that cabinet, to assist me in - conducting the vast and complicated machinery of the Federal - Government. Neither should I be diverted from this purpose by the - senseless cry of “Old Fogyism” raised by “Young America.” - - I think the members of Mr. Polk’s cabinet should be placed upon the - same level with the mass of their fellow-citizens, and neither in a - better nor a worse condition. I am not aware that any of them, unless - it may be Governor Marcy, either expects or desires a cabinet - appointment; and certainly all of them will most cheerfully accord to - you the perfect right of selecting the members of your own cabinet. - Still, to be excluded from your consideration, merely because they had - happened to belong to Mr. Polk’s cabinet, could not be very gratifying - to any of them. - - To apply your own metaphor, “the launching of the incoming - administration” will, perhaps, be a more important and responsible - duty than has ever fallen to the lot of any of your predecessors. On - the selection of the navigators to assist you in conducting the vessel - of State, will mainly depend the success of the voyage. No matter how - able or skilful the commander may be, and without flattery, I - cheerfully accord to you both ability and skill, he can do but little - without the aid of able and skilful subordinates. So firmly am I - convinced of this truth, that I should not fear to predict the result - of your administration as soon as I shall learn who are the members of - your cabinet. In former times, when the Government was comparatively - in its infancy, the President himself could supervise and direct all - the measures of any importance arising under our complex but most - excellent system of government. Not so at present. This would no - longer be possible, even if the day consisted of forty-eight instead - of twenty-four hours. Hence, from absolute necessity, the members of - your administration will exercise much independent power. Even in - regard to those questions submitted more directly to yourself, from - want of time to make minute examinations of all the facts, you must - necessarily rely much upon the representations of the appropriate - Secretary. My strong and earnest advice to you, therefore, is not to - constitute your cabinet with a view to harmonize the opposite and - fleeting factions of the day; but solely with the higher and nobler - view of promoting the great interests of the country and securing the - glory and lasting fame of your own administration. You occupy a proud - and independent position, and enjoy a popularity which will render any - able and honest Democrat popular who may be honored by your choice for - a cabinet station, provided they are properly distributed over the - Union. In this respect, you are placed in a more enviable position - than almost any of your predecessors. It was a maxim of old Simon - Snyder, the shrewd and popular Governor of our State, that the very - best man ought to be selected for the office, and if not popular at - the moment, he would soon render himself popular. In view of these - important considerations, I would earnestly recommend to you the - practice of General Washington, never finally to decide an important - question until the moment which required its decision had nearly - approached. - - I know that a state of suspense is annoying to the human mind; but it - is better to submit to this annoyance for a season than to incur the - risk of a more permanent and greater evil. - - You say that you will leave Concord “with purposes definitely formed - and not likely to be changed.” - - But is Concord the best locality in the world for acquiring reliable - information and taking extended views of our whole great country? To - Boston I should never resort for this purpose. Pardon me for - suggesting that you ought not to have your resolution definitely fixed - until after your arrival in Washington. In that city, although you - will find many interested and designing politicians, there are also - pure, honest and disinterested Democratic patriots. - - Among this number is Colonel King, whom you so highly and justly - commend. He is among the best, purest and most consistent public men I - have ever known, and is also a sound judging and discreet counsellor. - You might rely with implicit confidence upon his information, - especially in regard to the Southern States, which I know are at the - present moment tremblingly alive to the importance of your cabinet - selections. I might cite the example of Mr. Polk. Although in council - with General Jackson, he had early determined to offer me the State - Department, yet no intimation of the kind was ever communicated to me - until a short time before his arrival in Washington, and then only in - an indirect manner; and in regard to all the other members of his - cabinet, he was wholly uncommitted, until the time for making his - selections had nearly approached. - - It is true, he had strong predilections in favor of individuals before - he left Tennessee, but I do not think I hazard much in saying, that - had these been indulged, his administration would not have occupied so - high a place as it is destined to do in the history of his country. - - One opinion I must not fail to express; and this is that _the cabinet - ought to be a unit_. I may say that this is not merely an opinion of - mine, but a strong and deep conviction. It is as clear to my mind as - any mathematical demonstration. Without unity no cabinet can be - successful. General Jackson, penetrating as he was, did not discover - this truth until compelled to dissolve his first cabinet on account of - its heterogeneous and discordant materials. I undertake to predict - that whoever may be the President, if he disregards this principle in - the formation of his cabinet, he will have committed a fatal mistake. - He who attempts to conciliate opposing factions by placing ardent and - embittered representatives of each in his cabinet, will discover that - he has only infused into these factions new vigor and power for - mischief. Having other objects in view, distinct from the success and - glory of the administration, they will be employed in strengthening - the factions to which they belong, and in creating unfortunate - divisions in Congress and throughout the country. It was a regard to - this vital principle of unity in the formation of his cabinet which - rendered Mr. Polk’s administration so successful. We were all personal - and political friends, and worked together in harmony. However various - our views might have been and often were upon any particular subject - when entering the cabinet council, after mutual consultation and free - discussion we never failed to agree at last, except on a very few - questions, and on these the world never knew that we had differed. - - I have made these suggestions without a single selfish object. My - purpose is to retire gradually, if possible, and gracefully from any - active participation in public affairs, and to devote my time to do - historical justice to the administration of Mr. Polk, as well as to - myself, before the tribunal of posterity. I feel, notwithstanding, a - deep and intense interest in the lasting triumph of the good old cause - of Democracy and in that of its chosen standard bearer, to whose - success I devoted myself with a hearty good will. - - The important domestic questions being now nearly all settled, the - foreign affairs of the Government, and especially the question of - Cuba, will occupy the most conspicuous place in your administration. I - believe Cuba can be acquired by cession upon honorable terms, and I - should not desire to acquire it in any other manner. The President who - shall accomplish this object will render his name illustrious, and - place it on the same level with that of his great predecessor, who - gave Louisiana to the Union. The best means of acquiring it, in my - opinion, is to enlist the active agency of the foreign creditors of - Spain, who have a direct interest in its cession to the United States. - The Rothschilds, the Barings, and other large capitalists now control, - to a great extent, the monarchies of continental Europe. Besides, - Queen Christina, who is very avaricious and exercises great influence - over her daughter, the queen of Spain, and her court, has very large - possessions in the island, the value of which would be greatly - enhanced by its cession to the United States. Should you desire to - acquire Cuba, the choice of suitable ministers to Spain, Naples, - England and France will be very important. Mr. Fillmore committed a - great outrage in publishing the Cuban correspondence. Had he, however, - not suppressed a material portion of my instructions to Mr. Saunders, - every candid man of all parties would have admitted, without - hesitation, that under the then existing circumstances it was the - imperative duty of Mr. Polk to offer to make the purchase. Indeed, I - think myself, it was too long delayed. - - In my opinion, Mr. Clayton and Mr. Webster have involved our relations - with England in serious difficulties by departing from the Monroe - doctrine. - - In Pennsylvania we have all been amused at the successive detachments - of those whom we call guerillas, which have visited Concord to assure - you that serious divisions exist among the Democracy of our State. - There never was anything more unfounded. The party is now more - thoroughly united than it has ever been at any period within my - recollection. Whilst the contest continued between General Cass and - myself, many honest Democrats, without a particle of personal or - political hostility to me, preferred him and espoused his cause simply - because he had been the defeated candidate. That feeling is at an end - with the cause which gave it birth, and these honest Democrats as - heartily despise the ——, the ——, the ——, the ——, the ——, the ——, etc., - etc., as do my oldest and best friends. In truth the guerillas are now - chiefs without followers. They are at present attempting to galvanize - themselves at home through the expected influence of your - administration. Their tools, who will nearly all be applicants for - office, circulate the most favorable accounts from Concord. They were - scarcely heard of previous to the October election, which was the - battle of the 23d December; but if we are to believe them, they - achieved the victory of the 8th January. These are the men who - defeated Judge —— at the election in October, 1851, by exciting - Anti-Catholic prejudices against him, and who have always been - disorganizers whenever their personal interests came in conflict with - the success of the party. Thank Heaven, they are now altogether - powerless, and will so remain unless your administration should impart - to them renewed vigor. Their principal apprehension was that you might - offer me a seat in your cabinet, but for some time past they have - confidently boasted that their influence had already prevented this - dreaded consummation. - - Their next assault will be upon my intimate friend, Judge ——, who - will, I have no doubt, be strongly presented to you for a cabinet - appointment. The Judge is able, honest and inflexibly firm, and did, - to say the very least, as much as any individual in the State to - secure our glorious triumph. I might speak in similar terms of ——. To - defeat such men, they will lay hold of ——, Mr. ——, or any other - individual less obnoxious to them, and make a merit of pressing him - for a cabinet appointment from Pennsylvania. - - They calculate largely upon the influence of General Cass, who, - strangely enough, is devoted to them, although their advocacy rendered - it impossible that he should ever be nominated or elected by the vote - of the State. - - As a private citizen, I shall take the liberty of recommending to you - by letter, at the proper time, those whom I consider the best - qualified candidates for different offices within our State, and you - will pay such attention to my recommendations as you may think they - deserve. I would not, if I could, exclude the honest friends of - General Cass from a fair participation.... They are and always have - been good Democrats, and are now my warm friends. But I shall ever - protest against the appointment of any of the disorganizers who, - professing Democracy, defeated Judge ——, and not content with - advocating General Cass in preference to myself, which they had a - perfect right to do, have spent their time and their money in abusing - my personal character most foully and falsely. - - Even ——, the editor of the ——, whose paper was almost exclusively - devoted to the propagation of these slanders, to be circulated under - the frank of Senator —— throughout the South, for they had no - influence at home, is a hopeful candidate for office, as they profess, - under your administration. - - I have now, from a sense of duty, written you by far the longest - letter I ever wrote in my life, and have unburdened my mind of a - ponderous load. I have nothing more to add, except a request that you - would present me kindly to Mrs. Pierce, and believe me to be always, - most respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [GENERAL PIERCE TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - CONCORD, N. H., December 14, 1852. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Language fails me to express the sincere gratitude I feel for your - kind and noble letter of the 11th inst. I cannot now reply as I ought, - but lose no time in expressing my deep sense of obligation. I ought, - in justice to the citizens of Pennsylvania who have visited Concord - during the summer and autumn, to say that I do not recollect a single - individual who has ventured to make a suggestion in relation to - yourself, calculated in the slightest degree to weaken my personal - regard. - - It is far from my purpose to hasten to any conclusion in relation to - my cabinet. - - It is hardly possible that I can be more deeply impressed than I now - am as to the importance of the manner in which it shall be cast, both - for the interests of the country and my own comfort. I cannot, - however, view the advantages of my presence at Washington in the same - light with yourself, though having no object but the best interests of - our party and the country; personal inclination and convenience will, - if I know it, have no weight upon my course in any particular. - - I must leave for a future time many things I desire to say. Do you - still anticipate passing a portion of the winter at the South? - - With sincere regard, your friend, - FRANK PIERCE. - - [MARCY TO BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, March 5, 1853. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - If not a matter of strict duty, I choose to regard it as a proper - thing to explain my movements to you. A few days after the late - Presidential election, I went south with my son Edmund, about whose - condition as to health I had become alarmed, and am still very - solicitous. In the first week of February, he took a steamer for some - of the West India Islands, and I concluded it to be my duty to return - to my deserted family at Albany. I arrived at Richmond, Virginia, - about the 20th of February, with a disposition to pass on to the North - without going through Washington. As I had never done anything at that - place for which I ought to be ashamed (or rather I thought I had not), - it appeared to me it would be cowardly to run around or through it. I - was very much inclined to go and perchance to stop there a few days. - The doubts which distracted me in regard to my course were almost - entirely removed by a letter from a person whom I had never seen, - suggesting that it might be well for me to be in Washington about the - 20th ult. On my appearance there a rumor suddenly arose that I was - certainly to be one of the new cabinet, and the same liberty was taken - with the names of several other persons. I have heard in an - unauthentic way that you had been wise enough to take precautions - against such a use of your name. It is now generally believed here, - and I believe it myself, that I may be in the cabinet of the incoming - administration, and (to confess all) I have been weak enough to make - up my mind to accept a seat if offered one in it. Should it be the - place you filled with so much ability, I may be rash enough not to - decline it. I have told you all; here I am and here I am likely to be, - for a brief period at least. - - I do not think you will approve of what I have done. I hope you will - not severely censure me, or the judgment which will put me where I - expect to be. If it is an error, either on my part or that of another, - there are some circumstances to excuse it, but I have not time to - present them in detail. - - I hope to have a frank and free intercourse with you. I will go - further, I hope to have—what I know I shall much need—the aid in some - emergencies of your greater experience and better knowledge. It will - give me sincere pleasure to hear from you. - - Yours truly, - W. L. MARCY. - -On the 30th of March (1853), the President wrote to Mr. Buchanan and -requested him to accept the mission to England. In his reply, Mr. -Buchanan postponed a final answer, and what ensued appears from the -following detailed account, which remains in his hand-writing. - - Although gratified with this offer, I felt great reluctance in - accepting it. Having consulted several friends, in whose judgment I - have confidence, they all advised me to accept it, with a single - exception (James L. Reynolds). I left Lancaster for Washington on - Thursday, 7th April, wholly undecided as to my course. On Friday - morning (8th April) I called upon the President, who invited me to - dine with him “_en famille_” that day. The only strangers at the table - were Mr. John Slidell and Mr. O’Conor. After the dinner was over the - President invited me up to the library, where we held the following - conversation: - - I commenced by expressing to him my warm and grateful acknowledgments - for the offer of this most important mission, and said I should feel - myself under the same obligations to him whether it was accepted or - declined; that at my age, and contented and happy as I was at home, I - felt no disposition to change my position, and again to subject myself - to the ceremonious etiquette and round of gaiety required from a - minister at a foreign court. - - Here the President interrupted me and said: “If this had been my only - purpose in sending you abroad, I should never have offered you the - mission. You know very well that we have several important questions - to settle with England, and it is my intention that you shall settle - them all in London. The country expects and requires your services as - minister to London. You have had no competitor for this place, and - when I presented your name to the cabinet they were unanimous. I think - that under these circumstances I have a right to ask you to accept the - mission.” - - To this I replied that Mr. Polk was a wise man, and after deliberation - he had determined that all important questions with foreign nations - should be settled in Washington, under his own immediate supervision; - that he (President Pierce) had not, perhaps, seriously considered the - question. - - He promptly replied that he had seriously considered the question, and - had arrived at the conclusion that better terms could be obtained in - London at the seat of power than through an intermediate agent in this - country; and instanced the Oregon negotiation as an example. - - From this opinion I did not dissent, but asked: “What will Governor - Marcy say to your determination? You have appointed him Secretary of - State with my entire approbation; and I do not think he would be - willing to surrender to your minister at London the settlement of - these important questions, which might reflect so much honor upon - himself.” - - He replied, with some apparent feeling, that he himself would control - this matter. - - I interposed and said: “I know that you do; but I would not become the - instrument of creating any unpleasant feelings between yourself and - your Secretary of State by accepting the mission, even if I desired - it, which is not the case.” - - He replied that he did not believe this would be the case. When he had - mentioned my name to the cabinet, although he did not say in express - terms I should be entrusted with the settlement of these questions, - yet from the general tone of his remarks they must have inferred that - such was his intention. He added, that after our interview he would - address a note to Governor Marcy to call and see him, and after - conversing with him on the subject he would send for me. - - I then mentioned to him that there appeared to me to be another - insurmountable obstacle to my acceptance of the mission. I said: “In - all your appointments for Pennsylvania, you have not yet selected a - single individual for any office for which I recommended him. I have - numerous other friends still behind who are applicants for foreign - appointments; and if I were now to accept the mission to London, they - might with justice say that I had appropriated the lion’s share to - myself, and selfishly received it as an equivalent for their - disappointment. I could not and would not place myself in this - position.” - - His answer was emphatic. He said: “I can assure you, if you accept the - mission, Pennsylvania shall not receive one appointment more or less - on that account. I shall consider yours as an appointment for the - whole country; and I will not say that Pennsylvania shall not have - more in case of your acceptance than if you should decline the - mission.” I asked him if he was willing I should mention this - conversation publicly. He said he would rather not; but that I might - give the strongest assurances to my friends that such would be his - course in regard to Pennsylvania appointments. - - We then had a conversation respecting the individual appointments - already made in Pennsylvania, which I shall not write. He told me - emphatically, that when he appointed Mr. Brown collector, he believed - him to be my friend, and had received assurances to that effect; - although he knew that I greatly preferred Governor Porter. He also had - been assured that Wynkoop was my friend, and asked if I had not - recommended him; and seemed much surprised when I informed him of the - course he had pursued. - - I then stated, that if I should accept the mission, I could not - consent to banish myself from my country for more than two years. He - replied, that at the end of two years I might write to him for leave - to return home, and it should be granted; adding, that if I should - settle our important questions with England at an earlier period, I - might return at the end of eighteen months, should I desire it. - - The interview ended, and I heard nothing from the President on Friday - evening, Saturday or Sunday, or until Monday morning. In the mean - time, I had several conversations with particular friends, and - especially with Mr. Walker (at whose house I stayed), Judge Campbell - and Senator Bright, all of whom urged me to accept the mission. The - latter informed me that if I did not accept it, many would attribute - my refusal to a fear or an unwillingness to grapple with the important - and dangerous questions pending between the United States and Great - Britain. - - On Sunday morning, April 10th, the _Washington Union_ was brought to - Mr. Walker’s, from which it appeared that the session of the Senate - would terminate on the next day at one o’clock, the President having - informed the Committee to wait upon him, that he had no further - communications to make to the body. At this I was gratified. I - presumed that the President, after having consulted Governor Marcy, - had concluded not to transfer the negotiations to London; because it - had never occurred to me that I was to go abroad on such an important - mission without the confirmation of the Senate. Mr. Walker and myself - had some conversation on the subject, and we agreed that it was - strange the Senate had been kept so long together without submitting - to them the important foreign appointments; as we both knew that in - Europe, and especially in England, since the rejection of Mr. Van - Buren’s appointment, a minister had not the proper prestige without - the approbation of the co-ordinate branch of the Executive power. - - On Sunday morning, before dinner-time, I called to see Jefferson - Davis.[6] We had much conversation on many subjects. Among other - things, I told him it was strange that the foreign appointments had - not been agreed upon and submitted to the Senate before their - adjournment. He replied that he did not see that this could make any - difference; they might be made with more deliberation during the - recess. I said a man was considered but half a minister, who went - abroad upon the President’s appointment alone, without the consent of - the Senate, ever since the rejection of Mr. Van Buren. He said he now - saw this plainly; and asked why Marcy had not informed them of - it,—they trusted to him in all such matters. The conversation then - turned upon other subjects; but this interview with Mr. Davis, sought - for the purpose of benefiting my friend, John Slidell, who was then a - candidate for the Senate, has doubtless been the cause why I was - nominated and confirmed as minister to England on the next day. - -Footnote 6: - - Mr. Davis was Secretary of War. - - On Sunday evening a friend informed Mr. Walker and myself that a - private message had been sent to the Senators still in town, - requesting them not to leave by the cars on Monday morning, as the - President had important business to submit to them. This was - undoubtedly the origin of the rumor which at the time so extensively - prevailed, that the cabinet was about to be dissolved and another - appointed. - - On Monday morning, at ten o’clock, I received a note from Mr. - Cushing,[7] informing me that “the President would be glad to see me - at once.” I immediately repaired to the White House; and the President - and myself agreed, referring to our former conversation, though not - repeating it in detail, that he should send my name to the Senate. If - a quorum were present, and I should be confirmed, I would go to - England; if not, the matter was to be considered as ended. - Thirty-three members were present, and I was confirmed. On this second - occasion, our brief conversation was of the same character, so far as - it proceeded, with that at our first interview. He kindly consented - that I should select my own Secretary of Legation; and without a - moment’s hesitation, I chose John Appleton, of Maine, who accepted the - offer which I was authorized to make, and was appointed. I left - Washington on Tuesday morning, April 12th. - -Footnote 7: - - Attorney General. - - At our last interview, I informed the President that I would soon - again return to Washington to prepare myself for the performance of my - important duties, because this could only be satisfactorily done in - the State Department. He said he wished to be more at leisure on my - return, that he might converse with me freely on the questions - involved in my mission; he thought that in about ten days the great - pressure for office would relax, and he would address me a note - inviting me to come. - - I left Washington perfectly satisfied, and resolved to use my best - efforts to accomplish the objects of my mission. The time fixed upon - for leaving the country was the 20th of June, so that I might relieve - Mr. Ingersoll on the 1st of July. - - I had given James Keenan of Greensburg a strong recommendation for - appointment as consul to Glasgow. As soon as he learned my appointment - as minister to England, he wrote to me on the 14th of April, stating - that the annunciation of my acceptance of this mission had created a - belief among my friends there that no Pennsylvanian could now be - appointed to any consulship. - - On the 16th of April, I wrote to him and assured him, in the language - of the President, that my appointment to the English mission would not - cause one appointment more or one appointment less to be given to - Pennsylvania than if I had declined the mission. - - In answer, I received a letter from him, dated April 21st, in which he - extracts from a letter from Mr. Drum, then in Washington, to him, the - following: “I have talked to the President earnestly on the subject - (of his appointment to Glasgow), but evidently without making much - impression. He says that it will be impossible for him to bestow - important consulships on Pennsylvania who has a cabinet officer and - _the first and highest mission_. Campbell talks in the same strain; - but says he will make it his business to get something worthy of your - acceptance.” - - For some days before and after the receipt of this letter, I learned - that different members of the cabinet, when urged for consulates for - Pennsylvanians, had declared to the applicants and their friends that - they could not be appointed _on account of my appointment to London_, - and what the President had already done for the State. One notable - instance of this kind occurred between Colonel Forney and Mr. Cushing. - Not having heard from the President, according to his promise, I - determined to go to Washington for the purpose of having an - explanation with him and preparing myself for my mission. Accordingly, - I left home on Tuesday, May 17th, and arrived in Washington on - Wednesday morning, May 18th, remaining there until Tuesday morning, - May 31st, on which day I returned home. - - On Thursday morning, May 19th, I met the President, by appointment, at - 9½ o’clock. Although he did not make a very clear explanation of his - conversation with Mr. Drum, yet I left him satisfied that he would - perform his promise in regard to Pennsylvania appointments. I had not - been in Washington many days before I clearly discovered that the - President and cabinet were intent upon his renomination and - re-election. This I concluded from the general tendency of affairs, as - well as from special communications to that effect from friends whom I - shall not name. It was easy to perceive that the object in - appointments was to raise up a Pierce party, wholly distinct from the - former Buchanan, Cass, and Douglas parties; and I readily perceived, - what I had before conjectured, the reason why my recommendations had - proved of so little avail. I thought I also discovered considerable - jealousy of Governor Marcy, who will probably cherish until the day of - his death the anxious desire to become President. I was convinced of - this jealousy at a dinner given Mr. Holmes, formerly of South - Carolina, now of California, at Brown’s Hotel on Saturday, May 21st. - Among the guests were Governor Marcy, Jefferson Davis, Mr. Dobbin, and - Mr. Cushing. The company soon got into high good humor. In the course - of the evening Mr. Davis began to jest with Governor Marcy and myself - on the subject of the next Presidency, and the Governor appeared to - relish the subject. After considerable _bagatelle_, I said I would - make a speech. All wanted to hear my speech. I addressed Governor - Marcy and said: “You and I ought to consider ourselves out of the list - of candidates. We are both growing old, and it is a melancholy - spectacle to see old men struggling in the political arena for the - honors and offices of this world, as though it were to be their - everlasting abode. Should you perform your duties as Secretary of - State to the satisfaction of the country during the present - Presidential term, and should I perform my duties in the same manner - as minister to England, we ought both to be content to retire and - leave the field to younger men. President Pierce is a young man, and - should his administration prove to be advantageous to the country and - honorable to himself, as I trust it will, there is no good reason why - he should not be renominated and re-elected for a second term.” The - Governor, to do him justice, appeared to take these remarks kindly and - in good part, and said he was agreed. They were evidently very - gratifying to Messrs. Davis, Dobbin, and Cushing. Besides, they - expressed the real sentiments of my heart. When the dinner was ended, - Messrs. Davis and Dobbin took my right and left arm and conducted me - to my lodgings, expressing warm approbation of what I had said to - Governor Marcy. I heard of this speech several times whilst I remained - at Washington; and the President once alluded to it with evident - satisfaction. It is certain that Governor Marcy is no favorite. - - I found the State Department in a wretched condition. Everything had - been left by Mr. Webster topsy turvy; and Mr. Everett was not - Secretary long enough to have it put in proper order; and whilst in - that position he was constantly occupied with pressing and important - business. Governor Marcy told me that he had not been able, since his - appointment, to devote one single hour together to his proper official - duties. His time had been constantly taken up with office-seekers and - cabinet councils. It is certain that during Mr. Polk’s administration - he had paid but little attention to our foreign affairs; and it is - equally certain that he went into the Department without much - knowledge of its appropriate duties. But he is a strong-minded and - clear-headed man; and, although slow in his perceptions, is sound in - his judgment. He may, and I trust will, succeed; but yet he has much - to learn. - - Soon after I arrived in Washington on this visit, I began seriously to - doubt whether the President would eventually entrust to me the - settlement of the important questions at London, according to his - promise, without which I should not have consented to go abroad. I - discovered that the customary and necessary notice in such cases had - not been given to the British government, of the President’s intention - and desire to transfer the negotiations to London, and that I would go - there with instructions and authority to settle all the questions - between the two governments, and thus prepare them for the opening of - these negotiations upon my arrival. - - After I had been in Washington some days, busily engaged in the State - Department in preparing myself for the duties of my mission, Mr. Marcy - showed me the project of a treaty which had nearly been completed by - Mr. Everett and Mr. Crampton, the British minister, before Mr. - Fillmore’s term had expired, creating reciprocal free trade in certain - enumerated articles, between the United States and the British North - American provinces, with the exception of Newfoundland, and regulating - the fisheries. Mr. Marcy appeared anxious to conclude this treaty, - though he did not say so in terms. He said that Mr. Crampton urged its - conclusion; and he himself apprehended that if it were not concluded - speedily, there would be great danger of collision between the two - countries on the fishing grounds. I might have answered, but did not, - that the treaty could not be ratified until after the meeting of the - Senate in December; and that in the mean time it might be concluded at - London in connection with the Central American questions. I did say - that the great lever which would force the British government to do us - justice in Central America was their anxious desire to obtain - reciprocal free trade for their North American possessions, and thus - preserve their allegiance and ward off the danger of their annexation - to the United States. My communications on the extent and character of - my mission were with the President himself, and not with Governor - Marcy; and I was determined they should so remain. The President had - informed me that he had, as he promised, conversed with the Governor, - and found him entirely willing that I should have the settlement of - the important questions at London. - - The circumstances to which I have referred appeared to me to be - significant. I conversed with the President fully and freely on each - of the three questions, viz: The reciprocal trade, the fisheries, and - that of Central America; and endeavored to convince him of the - necessity of settling them all together. He seemed to be strongly - impressed with my remarks, and said that he had conversed with a - Senator then in Washington, (I presume Mr. Toucey, though he did not - mention the name,) who had informed him that he thought that the - Senate would have great difficulty in ratifying any treaty which did - not embrace all the subjects pending between us and England; and that - for this very reason there had been considerable opposition in the - body to the ratification of the Claims Convention, though in itself - unexceptionable. - - The President said nothing from which an inference could be fairly - drawn that he had changed his mind as to the place where the - negotiation should be conducted; and yet he did not speak in as strong - and unequivocal terms on the subject as I could have desired. Under - all the circumstances, I left Washington, on the 31st of May, without - accepting my commission, which had been prepared for me and was in the - State Department. On the 5th of June I received a letter from Governor - Marcy, dated on the first, requesting me to put on paper my exposition - of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty. In this he says nothing about my - instructions on any of the questions between this country and England, - nor does he intimate that he desires my opinion for any particular - purpose. On the 7th of June I answered his letter. In the concluding - portion of my letter, I took the occasion to say: “The truth is that - our relations with England are in a critical condition. Throw all the - questions together into hotchpot, and I think they can all be settled - amicably and honorably. The desire of Great Britain to establish free - trade between the United States and her North American possessions, - and by this means retain these possessions in their allegiance, may be - used as the powerful lever to force her to abandon her pretensions in - Central America; and yet it must be admitted that, in her history, she - has never voluntarily abandoned any important commercial position on - which she has once planted her foot. It cannot be her interest to go - to war with us, and she must know that it is clearly her interest to - settle all the questions between us, and have a smooth sea hereafter. - If the Central American question, which is the dangerous question, - should not be settled, we shall probably have war with England before - the close of the present administration. Should she persist in her - unjust and grasping policy on the North American continent and the - adjacent islands, this will be inevitable at some future day; and - although we are not very well prepared for it at the present moment, - it is not probable that we shall for many years be in a better - condition.” - - I also say in this letter to Governor Marcy, that “bad as the treaty - (the Clayton and Bulwer treaty) is, the President cannot annul it. - This would be beyond his power, and the attempt would startle the - whole world. In one respect it may be employed to great advantage. The - question of the Colony of the Bay of Islands is the dangerous - question. It affects the national honor. From all the consideration I - can give the subject, the establishment of this Colony is a clear - violation of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty. Under it we can insist - upon the withdrawal of Great Britain from the Bay of Islands. Without - it we could only interpose the Monroe doctrine against this colony, - which has never yet been sanctioned by Congress, though as an - individual citizen of the United States, I would fight for it - to-morrow, so far as all North America is concerned, and would do my - best to maintain it throughout South America.” - - This letter of mine to Governor Marcy, up till the present moment, - June 25, has elicited no response. It may be seen at length in this - book. - - Having at length determined to ascertain what were the President’s - present intentions in regard to the character of my mission, I - addressed him a letter, of which the following is a copy, on the 14th - June. - - [TO HIS EXCELLENCY, FRANKLIN PIERCE.] - - (Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 14, - 1853. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have this moment received yours of the 11th instant, and now enclose - you Mr. Appleton’s resignation. I cannot imagine how I neglected to do - this before. It will be very difficult to supply his place. - - If you have changed your mind in regard to the place where our - important negotiations with England shall be conducted, you would - confer a great favor upon me by informing me of this immediately. I - stated to you, in our first conversation on the subject, that Mr. - Polk, after due deliberation, had determined that such negotiations - should be conducted under his own eye at Washington; and it would not - give me the slightest uneasiness to learn, that upon reconsideration, - such had become your determination. I should, however, consider it a - fatal policy to divide the questions. After a careful examination and - study of all these questions, and their mutual bearings upon each - other and upon the interest of the two countries, I am fully convinced - that they can only be satisfactorily adjusted all together. Indeed, - from what you said to me of your conversation with a Senator, and from - what I have since learned, I believe it would be difficult to obtain - the consent of two-thirds of the Senate to any partial treaty. The - South, whether correctly or not, will probably be averse to a - reciprocity treaty confined to the British North American possessions; - and it would be easy for hostile demagogues to proclaim, however - unjustly, that the interests of the South had been bartered away for - the fisheries. But the South might and probably would be reconciled to - such a treaty, if it embraced a final and satisfactory adjustment of - the questions in Central America. - - If you have changed your mind, and I can imagine many reasons for - this, independently of the pressure of the British minister to secure - that which is so highly prized by his government,—then, I would - respectfully suggest that you might inform Mr. Crampton, you are ready - and willing to negotiate upon the subject of the fisheries and - reciprocal trade; _but this in connection with our Central American - difficulties_;—that you desire to put an end to all the embarrassing - and dangerous questions between the two governments, and thus best - promote the most friendly relations hereafter;—and that you will - proceed immediately with the negotiation and bring it to as speedy a - conclusion as possible, whenever he shall have received the necessary - instructions. Indeed, the treaty in regard to reciprocal trade and the - fisheries might, in the mean time, be perfected, with a distinct - understanding, however, that its final execution should be postponed - until the Central American questions had been adjusted. In that event, - as I informed you when at Washington, if you should so desire, I shall - be most cordially willing to go there as a private individual, and - render you all the assistance in my power. I know as well as I live, - that it would be vain for me to go to London to settle a question - peculiarly distasteful to the British government, after they had - obtained, at Washington, that which they so ardently desire. - - I write this actuated solely by a desire to serve your administration - and the country. I shall not be mortified, in the slightest degree, - should you determine to settle all the questions in Washington. - Whether [you do so] or not, your administration shall not have a - better friend in the country than myself, nor one more ardently - desirous of its success; and I can render it far more essential - service as a private citizen at home than as a minister to London. - - With my kindest regards for Mrs. Pierce, and Mrs. Means, - - I remain, very respectfully, your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—I should esteem it a personal favor to hear from you as soon as - may be convenient. - -From the important character of this letter and the earnest and -reiterated request which I made for an early answer, I did not doubt but -that I should receive one, giving me definite information, with as -little delay as possible. I waited in vain until the 23d June; and -having previously ascertained, through a friend, that my letter had been -received by the President, I wrote him a second letter on that day, of -which the following is a copy. - - [TO HIS EXCELLENCY, FRANKLIN PIERCE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 23, 1853. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Not having yet been honored with an answer to my letter of the 14th - inst., I infer from your silence, as well as from what I observe in - the public journals, that you have finally changed your original - purpose and determined that our important negotiations with England - shall be conducted under your own eye at Washington, and not in - London. Anxious to relieve you from all embarrassment upon the - subject, I desire to express my cordial concurrence in such an - arrangement, if it has been made; and I do this without waiting longer - for your answer, as the day is now near at hand which was named for my - departure from the country.[8] Many strong reasons, I have no doubt, - exist, to render this change of purpose entirely proper and most - beneficial for the public interest. I am not at all surprised at it, - having suggested to you, when we conversed upon the subject, that Mr. - Polk, who was an able and a wise man, had determined that our - important negotiations with foreign powers, so far as this was - possible, should be conducted at Washington, by the Secretary of - State, under his own immediate supervision. With such a change I shall - be altogether satisfied, nay, personally gratified; because it will - produce a corresponding change in my determination to accept the - English mission. - - I never had the vanity to imagine that there were not many Democratic - statesmen in the country who could settle our pending questions with - England quite as ably and successfully as myself; and it was, - therefore, solely your own voluntary and powerful appeal to me to - undertake the task which could have overcome my strong repugnance to - go abroad. Indeed, when I stated to you how irksome it would be for - me, at my period of life and with my taste for retirement, again for - the second time to pass through the routine and submit to the - etiquette necessary in representing my country at a foreign court, you - kindly remarked that you were so well convinced of this that you would - never have offered me the mission had it not been for your deliberate - determination that the negotiations on the grave and important - questions between the two countries should be conducted by myself at - London, under your instructions; observing that, in your opinion, - better terms could be obtained for our country at the fountain of - power than through the intermediate channel of the British minister at - Washington. - - At any time a foreign mission would be distasteful to me; but peculiar - reasons of a private and domestic character existed at the time I - agreed to accept the British mission, and still exist, which could - only have yielded to the striking view you presented of the high - public duty which required me to undertake the settlement of these - important questions. You will, therefore, be kind enough to permit me, - in case your enlightened judgment has arrived at the conclusion that - Washington, and not London, ought to be the seat of the negotiations, - most respectfully to decline the mission. For this you have doubtless - been prepared by my letter of the 14th instant. - - With my deep and grateful acknowledgments for the high honor you - intended for me, and my ardent and sincere wishes for the success and - glory of your administration and for your own individual health, - prosperity and happiness, I remain, very respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -To this letter I received an answer on Tuesday evening, June 28th, of -which the following is a copy: - -Footnote 8: - - 9th July. - - [PRESIDENT PIERCE TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, D. C., June 26th, 1853. - - MR DEAR SIR:— - - I was much surprised by the perusal of your letter of the 23d inst., - received this morning. I had seen no letter from you since that to - which I replied on the 11th inst., and was mortified that through a - mistake of my own, and from no neglect of my private secretary, it had - been misplaced from a large mail of the 17th, with one or two other - letters, and had thus entirely escaped my notice. The motives which - led me to desire your acceptance of the mission to England were fully - stated, first, I think, in my note addressed to you at Wheatland, and - subsequently in our interview. The general views which were expressed - by me at that interview as to the relative advantages of conducting - the negotiations here or at London has undergone no change. Still, the - present condition of affairs with respect to the fisheries and the - various questions connected therewith has seemed to demand that they - be taken up where Mr. Crampton and Mr. Everett left them. Recent - developments have inspired the belief that the fisheries, the - reciprocity question, etc. will leave no ground of concession which - could be available in the settlement of the questions in Central - America. The threatening aspect of affairs on the coast in the - provinces has of necessity called for several conversations between - Mr. Crampton and the Secretary of State, with a view to keep things - quiet there, and, if practicable, to agree upon terms of a - satisfactory adjustment. To suspend these negotiations at this moment, - in the critical condition of our interests in that quarter, might, I - fear, prove embarrassing, if not hazardous. That a treaty can be, or - had better be, concluded here, I am not prepared to say. I have no - wish upon the subject except that the negotiations be conducted - wherever they can be brought to the most speedy and advantageous - termination. The great respect for your judgment, experience, high - attainments and eminent abilities, which led me to tender to you the - mission to England, will induce me to commit to your hands all the - pending questions between the two countries, unless the reasons for - proceeding here with those to which I have referred, shall appear - quite obvious. I need not say that your declination at this time would - be embarrassing to me, and for many reasons a matter to be deeply - regretted. - - I thank you for your generous expressions, and assure you that your - heart acknowledges no feeling of personal kindness to which mine does - not respond. If the tax be not too great, will you oblige me by - visiting Washington again? I trust a comparison of conclusions, with - the facts before us, may conduct to a result mutually satisfactory. - - With the highest respect, your friend, - FRANKLIN PIERCE. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO PRESIDENT PIERCE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 29th, 1853. - - MR DEAR SIR:— - - Your favor of the 26th inst. did not reach Lancaster until yesterday - afternoon. I had thought it strange that you did not answer my letter - of the 14th instant; but this accidental omission has been kindly and - satisfactorily explained by your favor of the 26th. - - It is, perhaps, scarcely necessary for me to repeat my unchanged - purpose to accept the English mission and go to London without delay, - if it be still your determination to intrust me with the settlement of - the reciprocity, the fishery and the Central American questions. I - confess, however, that I do not perceive how it is now possible, - employing your own language, “to suspend negotiations (in Washington) - at this moment” on the reciprocity and fishery questions. I agree with - you that it was quite natural that the negotiations “should be taken - up at once, where Mr. Crampton and Mr. Everett left them.” This could - only have been prevented by an official communication to Mr. Crampton, - upon offering to renew the negotiation, informing him of the fact that - you had appointed me minister to London for the very purpose of - settling these, as well as the Central American, questions. - - In regard to our Central American difficulties, I still entertain, - after more mature reflection, the most decided opinions—I might even - say convictions. Whilst these difficulties are all embarrassing, one - of them is attended with extreme danger. I refer to the establishment - by Great Britain of the Colony of the Bay of Islands. This wrong has - been perpetrated, if I understand the question, in direct violation of - the Clayton and Bulwer treaty. Our national honor imperatively - requires the removal of this colony. Its withdrawal ought to be a sine - qua non in any negotiation on any subject with the British government. - With what face could we ever hereafter present this question of - violated faith and outraged national honor to the world against the - British government, if whilst, flagrante delicto, the wrong - unexplained and unredressed, we should incorporate the British North - American provinces, by treaty, into the American Union, so far as - reciprocal free trade is concerned? How could we, then, under any - circumstances, make this a casus belli? If a man has wronged and - insulted me, and I take him into my family and bestow upon him the - privileges of one of its members, without previous redress or - explanation, it is then too late to turn round and make the original - offence a serious cause for personal hostilities. It is the first step - which costs; and this ought to be taken with a clear view of all the - consequences. If I were placed in your exalted and well merited - station, my motto should be, “all the questions or none.” This is the - best, nay, perhaps the only mode of satisfactorily adjusting our - difficulties with that haughty, overreaching and imperious government. - My sole object in agreeing to accept a mission, so distasteful to me - in all other respects, was to try the experiment, under your - instructions, well knowing that I should receive from you a firm and - enlightened support. I still cherish the confident belief we should - have proved successful. It would now seem to be too late to transfer - the negotiation to London; but you may still insist that _all_ the - questions shall be settled together in Washington. They still remain - there just as they were in Mr. Fillmore’s time. Why, then, should Mr. - Crampton have received instructions in two of them, and not in the - third? - - But I have said and written so much to yourself and Governor Marcy - upon the danger of dividing these questions, that I shall only add - that, were I a Senator, I could not in conscience vote for the - ratification of any partial treaty in the present condition of our - relations with Great Britain. And here I would beg respectfully to - make a suggestion which, if approved by you, might remove all - difficulties. Let Governor Marcy and Mr. Crampton arrange the - reciprocity and fishery questions as speedily as possible; and then - let me carry the perfected projet with me to London, to be executed - there, provided I shall succeed in adjusting the Central American - questions according to your instructions; but in no other event. In - this manner the reciprocity question, as arranged by the Secretary of - State, might still be used as the powerful lever to force a just - settlement of the Central American questions. Indeed, in communicating - your purpose in this respect to Mr. Crampton, Governor Marcy might - address him a note which would essentially assist me in the Central - American negotiation. As the reciprocity and fishery treaty would not - be submitted to the Senate until December, this arrangement would be - productive of no delay. - - I should cheerfully visit Washington, or go a thousand miles to serve - you in any manner, but I doubt whether this would be good policy under - existing circumstances. The public journals would at once announce - that I had arrived in Washington to receive my commission and - instructions, and depart for Europe. Finding this not to be the case, - they would presume that some misunderstanding had occurred between you - and myself, which prevented me from going abroad. Is it not better to - avoid such suspicions? If I should not go to England, a brief - explanation can be made in the _Union_ which will put all right, and - the whole matter will be forgotten in a week. After all, however, - should you still wish me to go to Washington, please to have me - telegraphed, because the mail is almost always two, and sometimes - three days in reaching me. - - In regard to myself personally, if the expedient which I have - suggested should not be adopted, or something similar to it, then I - should have no business of importance to transact in London, and - should, against all my tastes and inclinations, again subject myself - to the ceremonies, etiquette and round of gaiety required from a - minister at a foreign court. But this is not all. I should violate my - private and social duties towards an only brother, in very delicate - health, and numerous young relatives, some of whom are entirely - dependent upon me and now at a critical period of life, without the - self-justification of having any important public duties to perform. - So reluctant was I, at the first, to undertake the task which, in your - kindness, you had prescribed for me, that my mind was not finally made - up, until a distinguished Senator bluntly informed me, that if I - shrank from it, this would be attributed to a fear of grappling with - the important and dangerous questions with England which had been - assigned to me, both by the voice of the President and the country. - - I regret that I have not time, before the closing of the mail, to - reduce my letter to any reasonable dimensions. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Wednesday, July 6th, at about 6 o’clock in the afternoon, Mr. Mann, the -son of the Assistant Secretary of State, arrives and presents me with a -private letter from Governor Marcy dated on the day previous, and a -sealed package which, upon opening, I found contained my commission and -instructions as minister to Great Britain, without the slightest -reference to the previous correspondence on the subject between the -President and myself, and just as though I had accepted, instead of -having declined the mission, and was now on the wing for London! He was -to find me wherever I might be. He left about sunset or between that and -dark. _Vide_ Governor Marcy’s letter, on page 30. - -Thursday morning, July 7, the following letter from the President came -to hand, postmarked Washington, July 4th. - - [PIERCE TO BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, July 2, 1853. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your letter of the 29th ultimo was received this morning, and I have - carefully considered its suggestions. The state of the questions now - under discussion between Mr. Crampton and Governor Marcy cannot with a - proper regard for the public interest, be suspended. It is not to be - disguised that the condition of things on the coast is extremely - embarrassing, so much so as to be the source of daily solicitude. - Nothing, it is to be feared, but the prospect of a speedy adjustment - will prevent actual collision. Mr. Crampton has become so deeply - impressed with the hazard of any ill-advised step on either side that - he left this morning with the view of having a personal interview with - Sir George Seymour. Thus, while I am not prepared to say that a treaty - can be concluded here, or that it will prove desirable upon the whole - that it should be, it is quite clear to my mind that the negotiations - ought not to be broken off; and that, with a proper regard to our - interests, the announcement cannot be made to Mr. Crampton that the - final adjustment of the fishery question must await the settlement of - the Central American questions. Believing that the instructions now - prepared would present my views in relation to the mission in the most - satisfactory manner, they will be forwarded to you to-morrow. I need - not repeat the deep regret your declination would occasion on my part. - What explanation could be given for it, I am unable to perceive. - - I am, with the highest respect, - Truly your friend, - FRANKLIN PIERCE. - - [BUCHANAN TO PIERCE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 7, 1853. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Yours of the 2d inst., postmarked on the 4th, did not reach me until - this morning at too late an hour to prepare and send an answer to - Lancaster in time for the southern mail. Young Mr. Mann arrived and - left last evening, a _most decided contre-temps_. Had your letter - preceded him, this would have saved me some labor, and, although a - very placid man, some irritation. - - Although the opinions and purposes expressed in my letters of the - 14th, 23d and 29th ultimo remain unchanged, yet so great is my - personal desire to gratify your wishes that I shall take the question - under reconsideration for a brief period. I observe from the papers - that you will be in Philadelphia, where I anticipate the pleasure of - paying you my respects. Then, if not sooner, I shall give your letter - a definite answer. - - I hope that in the meantime you may look out for some better man to - take my place. You may rest assured I can manifest my warm friendship - for your administration and for yourself far more effectively as a - private citizen of Pennsylvania than as a public minister in London. - - From your friend, - Very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MARCY TO BUCHANAN.] - - STATE DEPARTMENT, } - (Private) WASHINGTON, July 5, 1853. } - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I expected you would be again in Washington before you left for - England, but as this is uncertain, I have concluded to send by the - bearer, Mr. W. G. C. Mann, the instructions which have been - prepared for you. I have preferred to send them in this way lest - they should not reach you in season if entrusted to the mail. - - I should have been pleased with an opportunity of submitting them - to you, and having the benefit of any suggestions you might make - thereon; but I shall not have it, as you will not probably be here - before your departure on your mission. The instructions have been - carefully examined by the President, and made conformable to his - views. Should there be other documents than those now sent, which - it would be proper for you to take out, they will be forwarded to - our despatch agent at New York, and by him handed to you. - - Very respectfully your obedient servant, - W. L. MARCY. - - On Monday evening, July 11, 1853, I went to Philadelphia to meet - the President, according to my appointment. I saw him on Tuesday - afternoon at the head of the military procession, as it marched - from Market Street down Sixth to Independence Hall. He was on the - right of General Patterson, and being a good horseman, he appeared - to much advantage on horseback. He recognized me, as he rode - along, at the window of the second story of Lebo’s Commercial - Hotel. - - The reception of the President in Philadelphia was all that his - best friends could have desired. Indeed, the Whigs seemed to vie - with the Democrats in doing honor to the Chief Magistrate. Price - Wetherell, the President of the Select Council, did his whole - duty, though in a fussy manner, and was much gratified with the - well-deserved compliments which he received. The dinner at - McKibbins’ was excellent and well conducted. We did not sit down - to table until nearly nine o’clock. The mayor, Mr. Gilpin, - presided. The President sat on his right, and myself on his left. - In the course of the entertainment he spoke to me, behind Mr. - Gilpin, and strongly expressed the hope that I would accept the - mission, to which I made a friendly, but indefinite answer. He - then expressed a desire to see me when the dinner should be ended; - but it was kept up until nearly midnight, the President cordially - participating in the hilarity of the scene. We then agreed to meet - the next morning. - - After mature reflection, I had determined to reject the mission, - if I found this could be done without danger of an open breach - with the administration; but if this could not be done, I was - resolved to accept it, however disagreeable. The advice of - Governor Porter, then at McKibbins’, gave me confidence in the - correctness of my own judgment. My position was awkward and - embarrassing. There was danger that it might be said (indeed it - had already been insinuated in several public journals), that I - had selfishly thrown up the mission, because the fishery question - had not been entrusted to me, although I knew that actual - collision between the two countries on the fishery grounds might - be the consequence of the transfer of the negotiation to London. - Such a statement could only be rebutted by the publication of the - correspondence between the President and myself; but as this was - altogether private, such a publication could only be justified in - a case of extreme necessity. - - Besides, I had no reason to believe that the President had taken - from me the reciprocity and fishery questions with any deliberate - purpose of doing me injury. On the contrary, I have but little - doubt that this proceeded from his apprehension that the - suspension of the negotiation might produce dangerous consequences - on the fishing grounds. I might add that his instructions to me on - the Central American questions were as full and ample as I could - desire. Many friends believed, _not without reason_, that if I - should decline the mission, Mr. Dallas would be appointed; and - this idea was very distasteful to them, though not to myself. - - The following is the substance of the conversation between the - President and myself on Wednesday morning, the 13th of July, - partly at McKibbins’, and the remainder on board the steamer which - took us across to Camden. It was interrupted by the proceedings at - Independence Hall on Wednesday morning. - - The President commenced the conversation by the expression of his - strong wish that I would not decline the mission. I observed that - the British government had imposed an absurd construction on the - fishery question, and without notice had suddenly sent a fleet - there to enforce it, for the purpose, as I believed, of obtaining - from us the reciprocity treaty. Under these circumstances I should - have said to Great Britain: You shall have the treaty, but you - must consent at the same time to withdraw your protectorate from - the Mosquito Coast, and restore to Honduras the colony of the Bay - of Islands. That this course might still be adopted at Washington, - and that in this view all the negotiations had better be conducted - there. Without answering these remarks specifically, the - President, reiterating his request that I should accept the - mission, spoke strongly of the danger of any delay, on our part, - in the adjustment of the fishery question, and said that Mr. - Crampton, deeply impressed with this danger, had gone all the way - to Halifax to see Admiral Seymour, for the purpose of averting - this danger. I observed that it was far, very far from my desire, - in the present state of the negotiation, to have charge of the - fishery negotiation at London; but still insisted that it was best - that the Central American questions should also be settled at - Washington. To this he expressed a decided aversion. He said that - serious difficulties had arisen, in the progress of the - negotiations, on the reciprocity question, particularly in regard - to the reciprocal registry of the vessels of the two parties; and - it was probable that within a short time the negotiation on all - the questions would be transferred to me at London, and that my - declining the mission at this time would be very embarrassing to - his administration, and could not be satisfactorily explained. I - replied that I thought it could. It might be stated in the _Union_ - that after my agreement to accept the mission, circumstances had - arisen rendering it necessary that the negotiations with which I - was to be entrusted at London, should be conducted at Washington; - that I myself was fully convinced of this necessity; but that this - change had produced a corresponding change in my determination to - accept a mission which I had always been reluctant to accept, and - we had parted on the best and most friendly terms. Something like - this, I thought, would be satisfactory. - - He answered that after such an explanation it would be difficult, - if not impossible, to get a suitable person to undertake the - mission. He had felt it to be his duty to offer me this important - mission, and he thought it was my duty to accept it. He said that - if the Central American questions should go wrong in London, - entrusted to other hands than my own, both he and I would be - seriously blamed. He said, with much apparent feeling, that he - felt reluctant to insist thus upon my acceptance of a mission so - distasteful to me. - - Having fully ascertained, as I believed, that I could not decline - the mission without giving him serious offence, and without danger - of an open rupture with the administration, I said: “Reluctant as - I am to accept the mission, if you think that my refusal to accept - it would cause serious embarrassment to your administration, which - I am anxious to support, I will waive my objections and go to - London.” He instantly replied that he was rejoiced that I had come - to this conclusion, and that we should both feel greatly the - better for having done our respective duties. He added that I need - not hurry my departure. I told him that although my instructions - gave me all the powers I could desire on the Central American - questions, yet they had not been accompanied by any of the papers - and documents in the Department relating to these questions; that - these were indispensable, and without them I could not proceed. He - expressed some surprise at this, and said he would write to - Governor Marcy that very evening. I told him he need not trouble - himself to do this, as I should write to him myself immediately - after my return home. - - This was on the river. I accompanied him to the cars, where I took - leave of him, Mr. Guthrie, Mr. Davis and Mr. Cushing, who all - pressed me very much to go on with them to New York. - - [TO CITIZENS OF LANCASTER.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 23, 1853. - - GENTLEMEN:— - - I have received your very kind invitation on behalf of my friends - and neighbors, to partake of a public dinner before my departure - for England. - - No event of my past life has afforded me greater satisfaction than - this invitation, proceeding as it does, without distinction of - party, from those who have known me the longest and known me the - best. - - Born in a neighboring county, I cast my lot among you when little - more than eighteen years of age, and have now enjoyed a happy home - with you for more than forty-three years, except the intervals - which I have passed in the public service. During this long period - I have experienced more personal kindness, both from yourselves - and from your fathers, than has, perhaps, ever been extended to - any other man in Pennsylvania who has taken so active a part, as I - have done, in the exciting political struggles which have so - peculiarly marked this portion of our history. - - It was both my purpose and desire to pass the remainder of my days - in kind and friendly social intercourse with the friends of my - youth and of my riper years, when invited by the President of my - choice, under circumstances which a sense of duty rendered - irresistible, to accept the mission to London. This purpose is now - postponed, not changed. It is my intention to carry it into - execution, should a kind Providence prolong my days and restore me - to my native land. - - I am truly sorry not to be able to accept your invitation. Such - are my engagements, that I can appoint no day for the dinner when - I could, with certainty, promise to attend. Besides, a farewell - dinner is at best but a melancholy affair. Should I live to - return, we shall then meet with joy, and should it then be your - pleasure to offer me a welcome home dinner, I shall accept it with - all my heart. - - I cherish the confident hope that during my absence I shall live - in your kindly recollection, as my friends in Lancaster County - shall ever live in my grateful memory. - - Cordially wishing you and yours, under the blessing of Heaven, - health, prosperity and happiness, I remain - - Your friend and fellow-citizen, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Here, in regard to this English mission and other matters, Mr. -Buchanan’s correspondence with his niece, Miss Lane, from February -to August, 1853, will show how tender and how important had now -become their relations to each other. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, Feb. 3, 1853. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have passed the time quietly at home since I left Philadelphia, - toiling night and day, to reduce the pile of letters which had - accumulated during my absence. I have got nearly through and - intend to pass some days in Harrisburg next week. I have literally - no news to communicate to you. Miss Hetty and myself get along to - a charm. She expects Miss Rebecca Parker here to-day,—the promise - of Mr. Van Dyke. I hope she may come. - - I received a letter yesterday from Mr. Pleasanton, dated on the - 31st ultimo, from which the following is an extract: - - “Clemmy wrote some two weeks ago to Miss Harriet asking her to - come here and spend some time with us. As she has not heard from - her, she supposes Miss Lane to be absent. Be good enough to - mention this to her, and our united wish that she should spend the - residue of the winter and the spring with us. There is much gaiety - here now, though we do not partake of it. We will contrive, - however, that Miss Lane shall participate in it.” - - Now do as you please about visiting Washington. I hope you are - enjoying yourself in Philadelphia. Please to let me know where you - have been, what you have been doing, and what you propose to do. I - trust you will take good care of yourself, and always act under - the influence of high moral principle and a grateful sense of your - responsibility to your Creator. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [FROM MISS LANE.] - - PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 6, 1853. - - MY DEAR UNCLE:— - - I still continue to enjoy myself here, and have made many more - acquaintances than I have ever had the opportunity of doing - before. Lent commencing this week may in some degree affect the - pleasures of society, but of that, as yet, we cannot judge. As - regards Washington, I understand perfectly that, as far as you - yourself are concerned, you wish me to do as I feel inclined, but - your disinterested opinions are rather for a postponement of my - visit; these I had quietly resolved to act upon. Should you have - changed your mind or have any advice to give, let me know it at - once, for rest assured I am always happier and better satisfied - with myself when my actions are fully sanctioned by your wishes. - - The day after you left we had an elegant dinner at Mrs. - Gilpin’s—many, many were the regrets that you were not present. - Mr. —— treated me with marked attention—drank wine with me first - at table—talked a great deal of you, and thinks you treated him - shabbily last summer by passing so near without stopping to see - him. I tell you these things, as I think they show a desire on his - part to meet you. —— was there, very quiet. How I longed for you - to eclipse them all, and be, as you always are, the life and soul - of the dinner. Thursday Mrs. John Cadwallader’s magnificent ball - came off. I enjoyed it exceedingly, and was treated most kindly. - James Henry received an invitation to it, but did not go. He has - returned to Princeton full of studious resolves. - - I found my engagements such as to make it impossible for me to go - to Mrs. Tyler’s last week. I arranged everything satisfactorily to - all parties, and go there to stay to-morrow (Monday). Every - possible kindness has been shown me by Mr. and Mrs. Plitt, and my - visit to them has been delightful. - - Mary Anderson remained here but a week on her return from - Washington. I passed a day with them very pleasantly...... - - No news from Mary yet. I miss her every hour in the day, but will - scarcely be able to count my loss, until I get home where I have - always been accustomed to see her. I had a letter from Lizzie - Porter telling me of her aunt’s death. My best love to Miss Hetty. - Mrs. Plitt sends her love. Hoping to hear from you very soon, - believe me ever, my dear uncle, - - Your sincerely affectionate - HARRIET. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, March 15, 1853. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I received yours of the 11th, postmarked the 14th, last night. I - now receive about fifty letters per day; last Saturday sixty-nine; - and the cry is still they come, so that I must be brief. I labor - day and night. - - You ask: Will you accept the mission to England? I answer that it - has not been offered, and I have not the least reason to believe, - from any authentic source, that it will be offered. Indeed, I am - almost certain that it will not, because surely General Pierce - would not nominate me to the Senate without first asking me - whether I would accept. Should the offer be made, I know not what - I might conclude. Personally, I have not the least desire to go - abroad as a foreign minister. But “sufficient unto the day is the - evil thereof.” I really would not know where to leave you, were I - to accept a foreign mission, and this would be one serious - objection. - - I think you are wise in going to Mr. Macalester’s. You know how - much I esteem and admire Mrs. Tyler, but still a long visit to a - friend is often a great bore. Never make people twice glad. I have - not seen Kate Reynolds since her return, and have had no time to - see any person. - - In remarking as I did upon your composition, I was far from - intending to convey the idea that you should write your letters as - you would a formal address. Stiffness in a letter is intolerable. - Its perfection is to write as you would converse. Still all this - may be done with correctness. Your ideas are well expressed, and - the principal fault I found was in your not making distinct - periods, or full stops, as the old schoolmasters used to say. Miss - ——’s are probably written with too much care,—too much precision. - - We have no news. We are jogging on in the old John Trot style, and - get along in great peace and harmony. - - March 19, 1853. - - I return you Mr. ——’s appeal, so that you may have it before you - in preparing your answer. The whole matter is supremely - ridiculous. I have no more reason to believe than I had when I - last wrote, that I shall be offered the mission to England. Should - his offer be made, it will be a matter of grave and serious - consideration whether I shall accept or decline it. I have not - determined this question. “Sufficient unto the day is the evil - thereof.” Should it be accepted, it will be on the express - condition that I shall have liberty to choose my own Secretary of - Legation; and from the specimen of diplomacy which Mr. —— has - presented, I think I may venture to say he will not be the man. I - would select some able, industrious, hard working friend, in whose - integrity and prudence I could place entire reliance. In fact, I - have the man now in my eye, from a distant State, to whom I would - make the offer—a gentleman trained by myself in the State - Department. I must have a man of business, and not a carpet - knight, who would go abroad to cut a dash. - - Now you may say to Mr. —— that I know nothing of the intention of - the President to offer me the English mission, and that you are - equally ignorant whether I would accept or decline it (and this - you may say with truth, for I do not know myself). If accepted, - however, you presume that I would cast about among my numerous - friends for the best man for the appointment; and whatever your - own wishes might be, you would not venture to interfere in the - matter; that you took no part in such matters. This ought to be - the substance of your letter, which you may smooth over with as - many honeyed phrases as you please. - - I think that a visit to Europe, with me as minister, would spoil - you outright, Besides, it would consume your little independence. - One grave objection to my acceptance of the mission, for which I - have no personal inclination, would be your situation. I should - dislike to leave you behind, in the care of any person I know. I - think there is a decided improvement in your last letter. Your - great fault was that your sentences ran into each other, without - proper periods. - - Good night! I cannot say how many letters I have written to-day. - Thank Heaven! to-morrow will be a day of rest. I do not now expect - to visit Pittsburgh until after the first of April, though I have - a pecuniary concern there of some importance. - - With my kindest regards to Miss Macalester and the family, I - remain, etc. - - STATE DEPARTMENT, } - WASHINGTON, May 24, 1853. } - - I have received your letter, and have not written until the - present moment because I did not know what to write. It is now - determined that I shall leave New York on Saturday, 9th July. I - cannot fix the day I shall be at home, because I am determined not - to leave this until posted up thoroughly on the duties of the - mission. I hope, however, I may be with you in the early part of - next week. I am hard at work. - - I went from Willard’s to Mr. Pleasanton’s last evening. Laura and - Clemmie are well, and would, I have no doubt, send their love to - you if they knew I was writing. I have seen but few of the - fashionables, but have been overrun with visitors. - - Remember me kindly to Miss Hetty and to James, and believe me to - be, etc. - - NEW YORK, August 4, 1853. - - —— —— called to see me this morning, and was particularly amiable. - He talked much of what his father had written and said to him - respecting yourself, expressed a great desire to see you, and we - talked much bagatelle about you. He intimated that his father had - advised him to address you. I told him he would make a very - rebellious nephew, and would be hard to manage. He asked where you - would be this winter, and I told him that you would visit your - relations in Virginia in the course of a month, and might probably - come to London next spring or summer. He said he would certainly - see you, and asked me for a letter of introduction to you, which I - promised to give him. As he was leaving, he told me not to forget - it, but give it to the proprietor of the Astor House before I - left, and I promised to do so. I told him that you had appreciated - his father’s kindness to you, felt honored and gratified for his - (the father’s) attentions, and admired him very much. He knew all - about your pleasant intercourse with his father in Philadelphia. - There was much other talk which I considered, and still consider, - to be bagatelle, yet the subject was pursued by him. As I have a - leisure moment, I thought I would prepare you for an interview - with him, in case you should meet. —— —— is a man of rare - abilities and great wit, and is quite eminent in his profession. - His political course has been eccentric, but he still maintains - his influence. I never saw him look so well as he did to-day. I - repeat that I believe all this to be bagatelle; and yet it seemed - to be mingled with a strong desire to see you. - - Saturday Morning, August 6. - - ...... And now, my dear Harriet, I shall go aboard the Atlantic - this morning, with a firm determination to do my duty, and without - any unpleasant apprehensions of the result. Relying upon that - gracious Being who has protected me all my life until the present - moment, and has strewed my path with blessings, I go abroad once - more in the service of my country, with fair hopes of success. I - shall drop you a line from Liverpool immediately upon my arrival. - - With my kindest regards to Miss Hetty, I remain, - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - 1853-1856. - -ARRIVAL IN LONDON—PRESENTATION TO THE QUEEN AT OSBORNE—THE MINISTRY - OF LORD ABERDEEN—MR. MARCY’S CIRCULAR ABOUT COURT COSTUMES, AND - THE DRESS QUESTION AT THE ENGLISH COURT—LETTERS TO MISS LANE. - - -The reader has seen with what reluctance and for what special -purpose Mr. Buchanan accepted the mission to England. He left New -York on the 1st of August, 1853, and landed at Liverpool on the -17th, whence he wrote immediately to his niece; and I follow his -first letter to her with four others, extending to the middle of -October. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - ADELPHI HOTEL, LIVERPOOL, August 17, 1853. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I arrived in Liverpool this morning, after a passage of about ten - days and sixteen hours. I was sea-sick the whole voyage, but not - nearly so badly as I had anticipated, or as I was in going to and - returning from Russia. Captain James West, of Philadelphia, the - commander of the Atlantic, is one of the most accomplished and - vigilant officers and one of the most kind and amiable men I have - ever known. I never wish to cross the Atlantic in any but a vessel - commanded by him. We did not see the sun rise or set during the - whole voyage. The weather was either rainy or cloudy throughout, - but many of the passengers were agreeable. Upon arriving here I - found Mr. Lawrence, who came from London to receive me. It is my - purpose to accompany him to London to-morrow, where I shall at - first stay at the Clarendon Hotel. I do not yet know whether I - shall take, or rather whether I can obtain, Mr. Ingersoll’s house - or not. I thought I would have to remain here some days to - recruit; but I had scarcely got upon land before I felt perfectly - well, and have enjoyed my dinner very much—the first meal for - which I felt any appetite since I left New York. I shall write to - you again as soon as I am settled at London, or probably sooner. - - Although I left Wheatland with regret and a heavy heart, yet I am - resigned to my destiny, and shall enter upon the performance of my - duties, with God’s blessing, in a determined and cheerful spirit. - - I received your letter in New York. I had not supposed there was - any thing serious in Lily’s apprehensions. - - In the midst of calls and engagements, I have not time to write - you a longer letter. Please to keep an eye on Eskridge and James - Reynolds, as you promised. - - Give my affectionate regard to Miss Hetty and Eskridge, and - remember me to all my friends. In haste, I remain your - affectionate uncle, etc. - - LONDON, August 26th, 1853. - - I have received your letter written a few days after my departure - from New York, which is mislaid for the moment, and it afforded me - great pleasure. It is the only letter which I have yet received - from the United States. - - I was presented to the queen at Osborne, in the Isle of Wight, on - Tuesday last, by the Earl of Clarendon, and delivered her my - letter of credence. She has not many personal charms, but is - gracious and dignified in her manners, and her character is - without blemish. The interview was brief. Mr. Ingersoll,[9] who - accompanied me to take his leave, and myself lunched at the palace - with Lord Clarendon and several of the attachés of royalty. His - conduct towards me is all I could have desired; and Miss Wilcox is - a very nice girl.[10] They will pay a short visit to France and - the continent, and return to the United States in October. - -Footnote 9: - - His predecessor. - -Footnote 10: - - Niece of Mr. Ingersoll. - - You have lost nothing by not coming to England with me. Parliament - adjourned on last Saturday, and this was the signal for the - nobility and gentry to go to their estates in the country. There - they will remain until next February, and in the mean time London - will be very dull. All gaiety in town is at an end, and has been - transferred to the estates and country seats throughout the - kingdom. - - I have not yet procured a house, but hope to do so next week. I - have just paid my bill for the first week at this hotel. I have - two rooms and a chamber, have had no company to dine and have - dined at home but three days, and the amount is £14 7s. 6d., equal - to nearly $75.00. - - It is my desire to see you happily married, because, should I be - called away, your situation would not be agreeable. Still you - would have plenty. Whilst these are my sentiments, however, I - desire that you shall exercise your own deliberate judgment in the - choice of a husband. View steadily all the consequences, ask the - guidance of Heaven, and make up your own mind, and I shall be - satisfied. A competent independence is a good thing, if it can be - obtained with proper affection; though I should not care for - fortune provided the man of your choice was in a thriving and - profitable business and possessed a high and fair character. I had - not supposed there was any thing serious in the conversation; - certainly none of your relatives can interpose any just objection. - Be, however, fully persuaded in your own mind, and act after due - reflection; and may God guide you! - - It will require some time to reconcile me to this climate. We have - none of the bright and glorious sun and the clear blue sky of the - United States; but neither have we the scorching heat, nor the - mosquitos. I have slept comfortably under a blanket ever since I - have been here, and almost every man you meet carries an umbrella. - The winters, however, are not cold. - - Society is in a most artificial position. It is almost impossible - for an untitled individual who does not occupy an official - position to enter the charmed circle. The richest and most - influential merchants and bankers are carefully excluded. It is - true, as we learned, that the niece of a minister at the head of - his establishment does not enjoy his rank. At a dinner party, for - example, whilst he goes to the head of the table, she must remain - at or near the foot. Still, Miss Wilcox has made her way to much - consideration, admiration and respect. - - The rage which seems to pervade the people of the United States - for visiting Europe is wonderful. It takes up much time at the - legation to issue passports. London, however, is but a stopping - place. They generally rush to Paris and the continent; and this, - too, wisely, I have no doubt. I would not myself tarry at London - longer than to see the sights. My promise to you shall be kept - inviolate; and yet I have no doubt a visit to Europe with an - agreeable party would be far more instructive and satisfactory to - you than to remain for any considerable length of time with me in - London. I thank my stars that you did not come with me, for you - would have had a dreary time of it for the next six months. - - But the despatches are to be prepared and the despatch bag must - close at five o’clock for the steamer of to-morrow. I have time to - write no more, but to assure you that I am always your - affectionate uncle, etc. - - September 15, 1853. - - On the day before yesterday I received your kind letter of the - 28th August, with a letter from Mary, which I have already - answered. How rejoiced I am that she is contented and happy in San - Francisco! I also received your favor of the 18th August in due - time. I write to you this evening because I have important - despatches to prepare for the Department to-morrow, to be sent by - Saturday’s steamer. - - How rejoiced I am that you did not come with me! Perceiving your - anxiety, I was several times on the point of saying to you, come - along; but you would see nearly as much fashionable society at - Wheatland as you would see here until February or March next. You - cannot conceive how dull it is, though personally I am content. - The _beau monde_ are all at their country-seats or on the - continent, there to remain until the meeting of Parliament. But - what is worse than all, I have not yet been able to procure a - house in which I would consent to live. I have looked at a great - many,—the houses of the nobility and gentry; but the furniture in - all of them is old, decayed and wretched, and with very few - exceptions, they are _very, very dirty_. I can account for this in - no other manner than that they are not willing to rent them until - the furniture is worn out, and that London is for them like a - great watering place from about the first of March until the first - of August. This hotel, which is the most fashionable in London, is - not nearly equal to the first hotels in Philadelphia and New York, - and yet the cost of living in it, with two rooms and a chamber, is - about $90 per week. The enormous expense [here] and the superior - attractions [there] drive all the American travellers to Paris and - the continent. The _London Times_ has taken up the subject, and is - now daily comparing the superior cheapness and superior - accommodations of the hotels in the United States with those of - London. Here there are no _table-d’hôtes_, and the house may be - full without your knowing who is in it. - - I think I have a treasure in the servant (Jackson) I brought with - me from New York. If he should only hold out, he is all I could - desire. - - Mr. Welsh surpasses my expectations as a man of business. Colonel - Lawrence, the attaché without pay, is industrious, gentlemanly, - and has been highly useful. He knows everybody, and works as - though he received $10,000 per annum. I venture to say I have as - able and useful a legation as any in London. Lawrence has gone to - Scotland, in company with Miss Chapman and her father, and I think - he is much pleased with her. In truth, she is a nice girl and very - handsome. The Chapmans will return immediately to the United - States. - - The Marchioness of Wellesley is suffering from the dropsy, and - she, with her sister, Lady Stafford, remained a few days at this - house. I saw a good deal of them whilst they were here, and they - have been very kind to me. They love to talk about America, and - they yet appear to have genuine American hearts. Lady Wellesley - lives at Hampton Court,—the old historic palace, about fifteen - miles from London, erected by Cardinal Wolsey, and I am going - there to dine with them and see the palace on Saturday...... The - Duchess of Leeds is in Scotland. These three American girls have - had a strange fate. Many of their sex have envied them, but I - think without cause. They are all childless, and would, I verily - believe, have been more happy had they been united to independent - gentlemen in their own country. - - It is impossible to conceive of a more elegant and accomplished - lady than Lady Wellesley, and although bowed down by disease, she - still retains the relics of her former beauty. Her younger sister, - Betsy Caton (Lady Stafford), the belle of belles in her day in - America, has become gross and does not retain a trace of her good - looks, except a cheerful and animated countenance. She is - evidently a fine woman, and very much a Catholic devotee. They are - all widows, except the Duchess of Leeds. - - Rank, rank is everything in this country. My old friend of twenty - years ago, Mrs. ——, the wife of the partner of the great House of - ——, and then a nice little Yankee woman, who had never been at - court, continually talks to me now about the duchess of this and - the countess of that, and the queen, lords and ladies afford her a - constant theme. Her daughter, and only child, who will be - immensely rich, is the wife of ——, and this has given her a lift. - She is still, however, the same good kind-hearted woman she was in - the ancient time; but has grown very large. They are now at their - country-seat at ——, her husband’s business preventing her from - going far away. I have now nearly finished my sheet. I have not - yet had time to see any of the lions. God bless you! Remember me - kindly to Mrs. Hunter. I have written to Clemmie since I have been - here. - - From your affectionate uncle, etc. - - September 30, 1853. - - I have a few minutes to spare before the despatch bag closes and I - devote them to writing a line to you. I have received your very - kind and acceptable letter of the 14th September from Charleston, - and cordially thank you for the agreeable and interesting - information which it contains. - - I have not yet obtained a house. It seems impossible to procure - one, in every respect suitable for myself and the legation, for - less than $3500 to $4500. The expense of living in this country - exceeds even what I had anticipated...... I shall preserve my - hotel bills as curiosities. - - I did not suppose that your name had reached thus far. I dined the - other day at Hampton Court with Ladies Wellesley and Stafford. Mr. - and Mrs. Woodville of Baltimore were present. Mrs. Woodville said - she did not know you herself, but her youngest son was well - acquainted with you and spoke of you in the highest terms. I found - she had previously been saying pretty things of you to the two - ladies...... - - I shrewdly suspect that Miss Chapman has made a conquest of - Colonel Lawrence. He went off with her and her father on a visit - to Scotland, and I shall not be much surprised if it should be a - match, though I know nothing. The colonel is quite deaf which is - very much against him. - - She is delighted with her travels, is very handsome, and has a - great deal of vivacity...... Upon the whole I was much pleased - with her. - - I am sorry I have not time to write you a longer letter. Remember - me very kindly to our friends in Virginia. May God bless you! - - Yours very affectionately, etc. - - October 14, 1853. - - I have received yours of the 28th ultimo. I did not think I would - write to you by to-morrow’s steamer, but have a few minutes left - before the closing of the bag. I am sorry, truly sorry, that you - look upon your trip to England as “the future realization of a - beautiful dream.” Like all other dreams you will be disappointed - in the reality. I have never yet met an American gentleman or lady - who, whatever they may profess, was pleased with London. They - hurry off to Paris, as speedily as possible, unless they have - business to detain them here. A proud American, who feels himself - equal at home to the best, does not like to be shut out by an - impassable barrier from the best or rather the highest society in - this country. My official position will enable me to surmount this - barrier, but I feel that it will only be officially. Neither my - political antecedents nor the public business entrusted to my - charge will make me a favorite with these people, and I shall - never play toady to them.[11] It is true I know very few of them - as yet. They are all in the country, or on the continent, where - they will continue until the opening of the spring. They pass the - spring and part of the summer in London, just reversing the order - in our country. - - I do not think well of your going to Philadelphia to learn - French...... Clementina Pleasanton writes me that they will do all - they can to instruct you in speaking that language. You will be - far better with them than at a French boarding house in - Philadelphia. - - I saw Mr. and Mrs. Haines, Lily’s friends, last evening. They left - Paris about a week ago. She gave a glowing description of the - delights of that city; but said she would be almost tempted to - commit suicide, should she be compelled to remain long in London. - When you write to Lily please to give her my love. Remember me - very kindly to Mr. Davenport and your relatives, and believe me - ever to be, - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 11: - - This anticipation was not realized. He became a great “favorite” - in English society, without any effort beyond the exercise of his - social gifts, in a natural way. - -It was just twenty years since, on his return from St. Petersburg, -Mr. Buchanan had passed a short time in England, and made the -acquaintance of some of the public men of that period. This was in -the latter part of the reign of King William IV. In 1853, Queen -Victoria had been on the throne for sixteen years, and the reign was -a very different one from that of her immediate predecessor. The -cabinet was a coalition ministry, and was described by a sort of -nick-name as the “Ministry of all the talents.” It broke down rather -disastrously and suddenly while Mr. Buchanan was in England, but on -his arrival it seemed to have a long lease of power. Lord Aberdeen -was the Premier; Mr. Gladstone, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Lord -Palmerston (out of his proper element), was at the head of the Home -Department; Lord Clarendon was Foreign Secretary; the Duke of -Newcastle was Secretary for the Colonies; Mr. Sidney Herbert, -Secretary at War; Lord John Russell was the ministerial leader of -the House of Commons. The other members of the ministry were: Lord -Cranworth, Lord Chancellor; Earl Granville, President of the -Council; the Marquis of Lansdowne, without office; the Duke of -Argyle, Lord Privy Seal; Sir James Graham, First Lord of the -Admiralty; Sir Charles Wood, President of the Board of Control; Sir -William Molesworth, First Commissioner of Public Works. In point of -personal ability and character, this was a strong ministry. It went -to pieces in 1855, in consequence of its want of capacity to conduct -a foreign war, for which neither Lord Aberdeen nor Mr. Gladstone had -any stomach, originally; for which the Duke of Newcastle, who had -become Secretary at War, although an excellent man, had not the -requisite force; and which should, in fact, have been under the -guidance of Lord Palmerston, if there was to be a war with such a -power as Russia, in conjunction with such an ally as Louis Napoleon. -But when Mr. Buchanan came to London, the Crimean war was a good way -in the distance, and it seemed not improbable that he would have a -clear field for the settlement of the questions which had brought -him to England. - -It will strike the reader, however, oddly enough, after perusing the -grave account which Mr. Buchanan has given of his reasons for -accepting the mission, and the nature of the topics on which he was -to negotiate, that while the conferences were going on between him -and Lord Clarendon on the subjects which had brought him to London, -he had to encounter a question of court etiquette. The story would -hardly be worth repetition now, if it were not for the amusing -_finale_ of the whole affair. It may be introduced with a little -preface. - -On the accession of Queen Victoria, at the early age of eighteen, -the Duke of Wellington is said to have drily remarked, that the -Tories would have little chance under a female sovereign, since he -had no small-talk and Peel had no manners.[12] The Tories did not -find it so in the sequel, for although, when the Whigs had to go out -of power, in 1841, and the Queen had to part with her first official -advisers, it cost her a rather severe personal struggle,—inasmuch as -she is said to have written a very unconstitutional note to her old -friend, Lord Melbourne, lamenting that “the sad, the too sad day has -come at last,”[13]—yet, so wise and faithful had been the political -education which that minister had given to his young sovereign, that -at the very first necessity she gracefully yielded her personal -feelings to her public duty, and made it certain that personal -government, independent of the will of Parliament, had passed away -forever from the public affairs of England. From that time forward, -it seems to have been the accepted doctrine of the British -constitution, that the sovereign is not merely a state pageant, but -is a magistrate raised above the feelings or interests of party, -with a function to perform in the State, which comprehends the right -to be consulted on every question or measure, to offer advice, and -to give a real as well as a formal assent, although bound at all -times to receive as ministers those who can command the confidence -for the time being of the House of Commons. And well and wisely has -the woman whose reign has now extended to the very unusual period of -forty-six years fulfilled this function of a constitutional -sovereign. But her Majesty has long had the reputation of being very -rigid in matters of court etiquette and ceremonial. The truth -probably is, that at the commencement of her reign, the necessity -for giving to the manners of the court a very different tone from -that which had existed in the time of the late king, her uncle,—a -necessity which coincided with her tastes as a lady, and her sense -of what was becoming in her position,—had brought about a good deal -that was regarded by strangers, and by some of her own subjects, as -an unnecessary observance of punctilio. The officials of the court, -whose duty it was to attend to these matters, very likely carried -them farther than the queen’s wishes or commands required. At all -events, the sequel of Mr. Buchanan’s little affair of what dress he -should wear at the queen’s receptions, does not show that her -Majesty attached quite so much importance to it as did her master of -ceremonies. - -Footnote 12: - - Mr. Justin McCarthy is responsible for this anecdote. “History of - our own Times.” Vol. I. - -Footnote 13: - - This anecdote is given on private authority. - -Governor Marcy, our Secretary of State, was a man of great vigor of -intellect, and for all the important duties of his position an -uncommonly wise and able statesman. But his intercourse with the -world, aside from American politics, had not been extensive. He had -thought proper to issue a circular to the ministers of the United -States in Europe, directing them to appear at the courts to which -they were accredited, “in the simple dress of an American citizen.” -What this might be, in all cases, was not very clear. Our ministers -at foreign courts had hitherto, on occasions of ceremony, worn a -simple uniform, directed for them by the Department, which, whatever -may have been its merits or its demerits as a costume, was -sufficient to distinguish the wearer from “one of the upper court -servants.” All this was now to be changed, and our ministers were to -go to court in the dress of “an American citizen,” unless it should -appear that non-conformity with the customs of the country would -materially impair the proper discharge of their duties. In Mr. -Buchanan’s case, “the simple dress of an American citizen” was an -affair of very easy determination. He wore at all times the kind of -dress in which his figure appears in the frontispiece of the present -volume; and his personal dignity was quite sufficient to make that -dress appropriate anywhere. Although he was a democrat of democrats, -and cared little for show of any kind, he was accustomed to pay that -deference to the usages of society which a gentleman is always -anxious to observe, and to which no one knew better than he how to -accommodate himself. He was the last man in the world to attach -undue importance to trifles, and it may well be supposed he was -annoyed, when he found rather suddenly that the circular of the -Secretary was about to cause a serious difficulty in regard to his -position at the British court. The first intimation he had of this -difficulty is described in a despatch which he wrote to Mr. Marcy on -the 28th of October. - - No. 13. - - LEGATION, ETC., LONDON, October 28, 1853. - - SIR:— - - I deem it proper, however distasteful the subject may be, both to - you and myself, to relate to you a conversation which I had on - Tuesday last with Major-General Sir Edward Cust, the master of - ceremonies at this court, concerning my court costume. I met him - at the Traveller’s Club, and after an introduction, your circular - on this subject became the topic of conversation. He expressed - much opposition to my appearance at court “in the simple dress of - an American citizen.” I said that such was the wish of my own - Government and I intended to conform to it, unless the queen - herself would intimate her desire that I should appear in costume. - In that event, I should feel inclined to comply with her majesty’s - wishes. He said that her majesty would not object to receive me at - court in any dress I chose to put on; but whilst he had no - authority to speak for her, he yet did not doubt it would be - disagreeable to her if I did not conform to the established usage. - He said I could not of course expect to be invited to court balls - or court dinners where all appeared in costumes; that her majesty - never invited the bishops to balls, not deeming it compatible with - their character; but she invited them to concerts, and on these - occasions, as a court dress was not required, I would also be - invited. He grew warm by talking, and said that, whilst the queen - herself would make no objections to my appearance at court in any - dress I thought proper, yet the people of England would consider - it _presumption_. I became somewhat indignant in my turn, and said - that whilst I entertained the highest respect for her majesty, and - desired to treat her with the deference which was eminently her - due, yet it would not make the slightest difference to me, - individually, whether I ever appeared at court. - - He stated that in this country an invitation from the queen was - considered a command. - - I paid no attention to this remark, but observed that the rules of - etiquette at the British court were more strict even than in - Russia. Senator Douglas of the United States had just returned - from St. Petersburg. When invited to visit the czar in costume, he - informed Count Nesselrode that he could not thus appear. The count - asked him in what dress he appeared before the President of the - United States. Mr. Douglas answered in the dress he then wore. The - count, after consulting the emperor, said that was sufficient, and - in this plain dress he visited the emperor at the palace and on - parade, and had most agreeable conversations with him on both - occasions. - - Sir Edward then expressed his gratification at having thus met me - accidentally,—said he had just come to town for that day and - should leave the next morning, but would soon do himself the honor - of calling upon me. - - Although he disclaimed speaking by the authority of the queen, yet - it appeared both to myself and Colonel Lawrence, who was present, - that they must have had some conversation in the court circle on - the subject. I entertain this belief the more firmly, as Sir - Edward has since talked to a member of this legation in the same - strain. - - So then, from present appearances, it is probable I shall be - placed socially in Coventry on this question of dress, because it - is certain that should her majesty not invite the American - minister to her balls and dinners, he will not be invited to the - balls and dinners of her courtiers. This will be to me, - personally, a matter of not the least importance, but it may - deprive me of the opportunity of cultivating friendly and social - relations with the ministers and other courtiers which I might - render available for the purpose of obtaining important - information and promoting the success of my mission. - - I am exceedingly anxious to appear “at court in the simple dress - of an American citizen;” and this not only because it accords with - my own taste, but because it is certain that if the minister to - the court of St. James should appear in uniform, your circular - will become a dead letter in regard to most, if not all, the other - ministers and chargés of our country in Europe. - - The difficulty in the present case is greatly enhanced by the fact - that the sovereign is a lady, and the devotion of her subjects - towards her partakes of a mingled feeling of loyalty and - gallantry. Any conduct, therefore, on my part which would look - like disrespect towards her personally could not fail to give - great offence to the British people. Should it prove to be - impossible for me to conform to the suggestions of the circular, - in regard to dress “without detriment to the public interest,” and - “without impairing my usefulness to my country,” then I shall - certainly and cheerfully be guided by its earnest recommendation - and “adopt the nearest approach to it compatible with the due - performance of my public duties.” This course I pursued from - choice whilst minister in Russia, and this course I should have - pursued here without any instructions. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -We next get some reference to the dress question in the following -letter to Miss Lane: - - LONDON, December 9, 1853. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I received your favor of the 14th ultimo in due time, and thank - you for the information it contained, all of which was interesting - to me. - - In regard to your coming to London with Colonel Lawrence and his - lady, should he be married in February next, I have this to say: - Your passage at that season of the year would, unless by a happy - accident, be stormy and disagreeable, though not dangerous. I have - scarcely yet recovered from the effects of the voyage, and should - you be as bad a sailor as myself, and have a rough passage, it - might give your constitution a shock. The month of April would be - a much more agreeable period to cross the Atlantic; and you would - still arrive here in time for the most fashionable and longer part - of the fashionable season. - - It is my duty to inform you that a general conviction prevails - here, on the part of Lord Palmerston, the secretary of the - interior, and the distinguished physicians, as well as among the - intelligent people, that the cholera will be very bad in London - and other parts of England during the latter part of the next - summer and throughout the autumn. They are now making extensive - preparations, and adopting extensive sanitary measures to render - the mortality as small as possible. The London journals contain - articles on the subject almost every day. Their reason for this - conviction is,—that we have just had about as many cases of - cholera during the past autumn, as there were during the autumn in - a former year, preceding the season when it raged so extensively - and violently. Now this question will be for your own - consideration. I think it my duty to state the facts, and it will - be for you to decide whether you will postpone your visit until - the end of the next autumn for this reason, or at least until we - shall see whether the gloomy anticipations here are likely to be - realized. - - I still anticipate difficulty about my costume; but should this - occur, it will probably continue throughout my mission. It is, - therefore, no valid reason why you should postpone your visit. In - that event you must be prepared to share my fate. So far as - regards the consequences to myself, I do not care a button for - them; but it would mortify me very much to see you treated - differently from other ladies in your situation. - - If this costume affair should not prove an impediment, I feel that - I shall get along very smoothly here. The fashionable world, with - the exception of the high officials, are all out of London, and - will remain absent until the last of February or beginning of - March. I have recently been a good deal in the society of those - who are now here, and they all seem disposed to treat me very - kindly, especially the ladies. Their hours annoy me very much. My - invitations to dinner among them are all for a quarter before - eight, which means about half-past that hour. There is no such - thing as social visiting here of an evening. This is all done - between two and six in the afternoon, if such visits may be called - social. I asked Lady Palmerston what was meant by the word “early” - placed upon her card of invitation for an evening reception, and - she informed me it was about ten o’clock. The habits, and customs, - and business of the world here render these hours necessary. But - how ridiculous it is in our country, where no such necessity - exists, to violate the laws of nature in regard to hours, merely - to follow the fashions of this country. - - Should you be at Mr. Ward’s, I would thank you to present my kind - love to Miss Ellen. I hope you will not forget the interests of - Eskridge in that quarter. You inform me that Sallie Grier and - Jennie Pleasanton were about to be married. I desire to be - remembered with special kindness to Mrs. Jenkins. I can never - forget “the auld lang syne” with her and her family. Give my love - also to Kate Reynolds. Remember me to Miss Hetty, or as you would - say, Miss Hettie, for whom I shall ever entertain a warm regard. I - send this letter open to Eskridge, so that he may read it and send - it to your direction. - - From your affectionate uncle, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -As the court was not in London at the time when this letter was -written, the portentous question of Mr. Buchanan’s costume was not -likely to be brought to an immediate solution. But early in -February, (1854), Parliament was to be opened by the queen in -person. Mr. Buchanan did not attend the ceremony; and thereupon -there was an outcry in the London press. The following extract from -a despatch to Mr. Marcy gives a full account of the whole matter, up -to the date: - - You will perceive by the London journals, the _Times_, the - _Morning Post_, the _News_, the _Morning Herald_, the _Spectator_, - the _Examiner_, _Lloyd’s_, &c., &c., copies of which I send you, - that my absence from the House of Lords, at the opening of - Parliament, has produced quite a sensation. Indeed, I have found - difficulty in preventing this incident from becoming a subject of - inquiry and remark in the House of Commons. All this is peculiarly - disagreeable to me, and has arisen entirely from an indiscreet and - rather offensive remark of the London _Times_, in the account - which that journal published of the proceedings at the opening of - Parliament. But for this, the whole matter would probably have - passed away quietly, as I had desired. - - Some time after my interview with Sir Edward Cust, the master of - ceremonies, in October last (whom I have never since seen), which - I reported to you in my despatch No. 13, of the 28th of October, I - determined, after due reflection, neither to wear gold lace nor - embroidery at court; and I did not hesitate to express this - determination. The spirit of your circular, as well as my own - sense of propriety, brought me to this conclusion. I did not deem - it becoming in me, as the representative of a Republic, to imitate - a court costume, which may be altogether proper in the - representatives of royalty. A minister of the United States - should, in my opinion, wear something more in character with our - Democratic institutions than a coat covered with embroidery and - gold lace. Besides, after all, this would prove to be but a feeble - attempt “to ape foreign fashions;” because, most fortunately, he - could not wear the orders and stars which ornament the coats of - other diplomatists, nor could he, except in rare instances, afford - the diamonds, unless hired for the occasion. - - At the same time, entertaining a most sincere respect for the - exalted character of the queen, both as a sovereign and a lady, I - expressed a desire to appear at court in such a dress as I might - suppose would be most agreeable to herself, without departing from - the spirit of the circular. - - It was then suggested to me, from a quarter which I do not feel at - liberty to mention, that I might assume the civil dress worn by - General Washington; but after examining Stuart’s portrait, at the - house of a friend, I came to the conclusion that it would not be - proper for me to adopt this costume. I observed, “fashions had so - changed since the days of Washington, that if I were to put on his - dress, and appear in it before the chief magistrate of my own - country, at one of his receptions, I should render myself a - subject of ridicule for life. Besides, it would be considered - presumption in me to affect the style of dress of the Father of - his Country.” - - It was in this unsettled state of the question, and before I had - adopted any style of dress, that Parliament was opened. If, - however, the case had been different, and I had anticipated a - serious question, prudential reasons would have prevented me from - bringing it to issue at the door of the House of Lords. A court - held at the palace would, for many reasons, be a much more - appropriate place for such a purpose. - - Under these circumstances, I received, on the Sunday morning - before the Tuesday on which Parliament met, a printed circular - from Sir Edward Cust, similar to that which I have no doubt was - addressed to all the other foreign ministers, inviting me to - attend the opening of the session. The following is extracted from - this circular: “No one can be admitted into the Diplomatic - Tribune, or in the body of the House, but in full court dress.” - - Now, from all the attending circumstances, I do not feel disposed - to yield to the idea that any disrespect was intended by this - circular, either to my country or to myself. Since I came to - London, I have received such attentions from high official - personages as to render this quite improbable. What may be the - final result of the question I cannot clearly foresee, but I do - not anticipate any serious difficulties. - -In the latter part of February the queen held the first levée of the -season. Mr. Buchanan had signified to the master of ceremonies that -he should present himself at the queen’s levée in the kind of dress -that he always wore, with the addition of a plain dress sword. The -result is given in the course of the following letters to his niece; -and thus, through a happy expedient, assented to cheerfully by the -queen, this Gordian knot was cut by a drawing-room rapier which -never left its sheath. In fact, Mr. Buchanan had already become so -much liked in the royal circle and in society generally, that the -court officials could not longer refuse to let him have his own way -about his reception at the levée, especially after he had dined at -the palace in “frock-dress,” an invitation which was doubtless given -in good-humored compliance with his wishes, and to smooth the way -into the more formal reception. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - LONDON, February 18th, 1854. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - According to my calculation, Captain West will leave New York for - Liverpool in the Atlantic on Saturday, the 29th April; and it is - my particular desire that you should come with him, _under his - special care_, in preference to any other person. I shall send - this letter open to Captain West, and if he should transmit it to - you with a line stating that he will take charge of the freight, - you may then consider the matter settled. I shall meet you, God - willing, in Liverpool. - - I have no doubt that the lady whom you mention in yours of the 2d - instant would be an agreeable companion, and should she come in - the Atlantic at the same time with yourself, it is all very well; - but even in that event, I desire that you should be under the - special care of Captain West. He is a near relative of our old - friend, Redmond Conyngham, and I have the most perfect confidence - in him both as a gentleman and a sailor. He stays at the Astor - House when in New York, and you had better stop there with your - brother when about to embark. - - Had he been coming out two weeks earlier in April, I should have - been better pleased; but on no account would I have consented to - your voyage until near the middle of that month. Yours - affectionately, etc. - - LONDON, February 21st, 1854. - - I have received your letter of the 2d instant, and am truly - rejoiced to learn that you have recovered your usual good health. - I hope you will take good care of yourself in Washington and not - expose yourself to a relapse. - - I intended to write you a long letter to-day, but an unexpected - pressure of business will prevent me from doing this before the - despatch bag closes. I now write merely to inform you that I have - made every arrangement for your passage with Captain West in the - Atlantic, either on Saturday, the 15th, or Saturday, the 29th - April. He does not at present know which, but he will inform you - on his arrival in New York. He will leave Liverpool to-morrow. And - let me assure you that this is the very best arrangement which - could be made for you. You will be quite independent, and under - the special charge of the captain. You will discover that you will - thus enjoy many advantages. If you have friends or acquaintances - coming out at the same time, this is all very well; _but let not - this prevent you from putting yourself under the special charge of - Captain West_; _and you can say that this is my arrangement_. I - wish you to inform me whether you will leave New York on the 15th - or 29th April, so that I may make arrangements accordingly. In - either event I shall, God willing, meet you at Liverpool. I shall - write to Eskridge by the next steamer, and direct him to provide - for your passage. You will of course have no dresses made in the - United States. I am not a very close observer, or an accurate - judge, but I think the ladies here of the very highest rank do not - dress as expensively, with the exception of jewels, as those in - the United States. - - I dined on Wednesday last with the queen, at Buckingham Palace. - Both she and Prince Albert were remarkably civil, and I had quite - a conversation with each of them separately. But the question of - costume still remains: and from this I anticipate nothing but - trouble in several directions. I was invited “in frock-dress” to - the dinner, and of course I had no difficulty. To-morrow will be - the first levée of the queen, and my appearance there in a suit of - plain clothes will, I have no doubt, produce quite a sensation, - and become a subject of gossip for the whole court. - - I wish very much that I could obtain an autograph of General - Washington for the Countess of Clarendon. She has been very civil - to me, and like our friend Laura is a collector of autographs. She - is very anxious to obtain such an autograph, and I have promised - to do my best to procure it for her. Perhaps Mr. Pleasanton could - help me to one. - - The first wish of my heart is to see you comfortably and - respectably settled in life; but ardently as I desire this, you - ought never to marry any person for whom you think you would not - have a proper degree of affection. You inform me of your conquest, - and I trust it may be of such a character as will produce good - fruit. But I have time to say no more, except to request that you - will give my love to Laura and Clemmie, and my kindest regards to - Mr. Pleasanton, and also to Mr. and Mrs. Slidell and Mr. and Mrs. - Thomson, of New Jersey. Ever yours affectionately, etc. - - LONDON, February 24, 1854. - - Mr. Peabody handed me at the dinner-table the enclosed, which he - made me promise to send to you. Mr. Macalester had mentioned your - name to him. - - The dress question, after much difficulty, has been finally and - satisfactorily settled. I appeared at the levée on Wednesday last, - in just such a dress as I have worn at the President’s one hundred - times. A black coat, white waistcoat and cravat and black - pantaloons and dress boots, with the addition of a very plain - black-handled and black-hilted dress sword. This to gratify those - who have yielded so much, and to distinguish me from the upper - court servants. I knew that I would be received in any dress I - might wear; but could not have anticipated that I should be - received in so kind and distinguished a manner. Having yielded - they did not do things by halves. As I approached the queen, an - arch but benevolent smile lit up her countenance;—as much as to - say, you are the first man who ever appeared before me at court in - such a dress. I confess that I never felt more proud of being an - American than when I stood in that brilliant circle, “in the - simple dress of an American citizen.” I have no doubt the circular - is popular with a majority of the people of England. Indeed, many - of the most distinguished members of Parliament have never been at - court, because they would not wear the prescribed costume. - - I find lying on the table before me a note from the Duchess of - Somerset, which possibly Laura might be glad to have as an - autograph. She prides herself on being descended in a direct line - from Robert the Third of Scotland. - - With my love to Laura and Clemmie, and my best regards to Mr. - Pleasanton, I remain, in haste, yours affectionately, etc. - - LONDON, March 10, 1854. - - I have received yours of the 16th ultimo, from Philadelphia, and - am rejoiced to learn from yourself that your health has been - entirely restored. For several reasons I should have been glad you - had gone to Washington at an early period of the winter, as I - desired, and I hope you went there, as you said you would, the - week after the date of your letter. - - You have not mentioned the name of Miss Wilcox in any of your - letters, and from this I presume you have not made her - acquaintance. I regret this, because she was much esteemed among - her acquaintances here, and many persons whom you will meet will - make inquiries of you concerning her. She talked of you to me. - - I shall soon expect to learn from you whether you will leave New - York with Captain West for Liverpool on the 15th or 29th April. - God willing, I shall meet you at Liverpool. I should be very glad - if Mrs. Commodore Perry would accompany you. I am well acquainted - with her, and esteem her highly. Still, I repeat my desire, that - in any event you should come with Captain West on one of the two - days designated. I have no news of any importance to communicate. - I am getting along here smoothly and comfortably, determined to - make the best of a situation not very agreeable to me. My health - has absolutely required that I should decline many 7½ and 8 - o’clock dinner invitations, and evening parties commencing at 10½ - and 11 o’clock. - - I venture to predict that you will not be much pleased with - London, and I desire that you should not be disappointed. You must - not anticipate too much, except from seeing the sights. These are - numerous and interesting, from their historical associations. I - have been making inquiries concerning a maid for you. - - Please to remember me, in the kindest terms, to Mr. Pleasanton, - and give my love to Laura and Clemmie. Ever yours affectionately, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -In a despatch to Mr. Marcy, written soon after his appearance at the -Queen’s levée, Mr. Buchanan said: “I have purposely avoided to -mention the names of those with whom I have had interviews on this -subject, lest it might expose them to censorious remarks hereafter; -but having mentioned that of Sir Edward Cust, the master of -ceremonies, in my despatch No. 13, of the 28th October last, it is -but an act of simple justice to state, that at the court on -Wednesday last, his attentions to me were of the kindest and most -marked character, and have placed me under many obligations. In the -matter of the sword, I yielded without reluctance to the earnest -suggestion of a high official character, who said that a sword, at -all the courts of the world, was considered merely as the mark of a -gentleman, and although he did not mention the queen’s name, yet it -was evident, from the whole conversation, that this was desired as a -token of respect for her Majesty. He had, on a former occasion, -expressed the hope that I would wear something indicating my -official position, and not appear at court, to employ his own -language, in the dress I wore upon the street. I told him promptly -that I should comply with his suggestion, and that in wearing a -sword at court, as an evidence of the very high regard which I felt -for her Majesty, I should do nothing inconsistent with my own -character as an American citizen, or that of my country. I might -have added that as ‘the simple dress of an American citizen’ is -exactly that of the upper court servants, it was my purpose from the -beginning to wear something which would distinguish me from them. At -the first, I had thought of United States buttons; but a plain dress -sword has a more manly and less gaudy appearance. I hope I am now -done with this subject forever.” - -So that, after all, it appears plainly enough that, so far as the -queen herself was concerned, her Majesty’s wish was only that the -representative of the nation nearest in blood to her own, should -honor his country by paying to her a mark of respect, by a token -that would indicate the official position in which he stood before -her. As soon as Mr. Buchanan perceived this, he acted as became him, -and from that time forward he was as welcome a guest in the royal -circle as any one who entered it. - - [FROM SECRETARY MARCY.] - - (Private and confidential.) WASHINGTON, January 3, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have just finished a despatch in answer to Lord Clarendon’s last - on British recruitment in the United States. You will be startled - at its length, and I consider it objectionable in that respect, - but the peculiar character of the one to which it is a reply - rendered a review of the whole subject unavoidable. You are - requested to read it to Lord Clarendon, but I presume he will do - as I did when his was presented to me by Mr. Crampton—I moved to - dispense with the reading, or rather had it read by the title, and - received the copy. - - I do not mean to trouble you with any other comments upon it, but - merely to remark that you will find that I have been very mindful - of your kind suggestion. The _suaviter in modo_ has really very - much impaired the _fortiter in re_. The manner I am quite sure - will please Lord Clarendon, but I presume the matter will not. I - really believe he does not know how offensively British officers - have behaved in this recruiting business; but he had the means of - knowing all about it, and when it was made a grave matter of - complaint it should have been investigated. After the issues of - fact and of law made in the case, and the refusal on the part of - Great Britain to do anything which could be regarded as a - satisfaction, it was not possible to avoid the recall of Mr. - Crampton. - - You will see by the papers here that the debate in the Senate on - the Central American question has opened finely. I do not think - that advocates even among any of the factions can be found who - will attempt to justify the conduct of the British ministry in - that affair. - - The correspondence on the subject appears in the “_The Union_” of - this morning and you will receive it as soon as you will this - letter. We shall all be very anxious to learn how it has been - received by the British government and people. - - The people of the United States are not in a very good humor - towards the British government at this time, yet there is great - calmness in the public mind, which indicates a settled purpose to - stand for their rights. - - The strengthening the British fleet in this quarter was regarded - as a harmless menace. Our people rather admired the folly of the - measure than indulged any angry feelings on account of it. The - comments of the British press and the miserable pretexts got up as - an excuse for that blunder have provoked some resentment, which - the course of the British cabinet in regard to the Central - American questions and recruiting in the United States will not - abate. - - We are willing—more—anxious to be on friendly terms with our - “transatlantic cousins,” but they must recollect that we do not - believe in the doctrine of primogeniture. The younger branch of - the family has equal rights with the elder. - - I am unable to say to you one word in regard to your successor. - Who he will be and when he will be sent out, I think no living man - now knows. - - Yours truly, - W. L. MARCY. - - [TO MR. MARCY.] - - LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, } - (Private.) LONDON, January 11, 1856. } - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 23d ultimo, and am greatly - disappointed neither to have received the message nor any inkling - of what it contains. Long expectation has blunted the edge of - curiosity here, and it will not make the impression it would have - done four weeks ago. - - I shall expect your answer to Lord C. with much interest, and - shall do all in my power to give it its proper effect with his - lordship. For my own part, I should have been inclined to cut the - Gordian knot as soon as I possessed clear proof of Mr. Crampton’s - complicity, and I am persuaded this was expected at the time in - this country. No doubt, however, yours is the more prudent course. - - You say that if I can settle the Central American difficulty, and - you the recruitment question, they may blow what blast they please - on any of their organs. That you can perform the latter there can - be no doubt; the former is a sheer impossibility during the - administration of Lord Palmerston.[14] Any attempt of the kind - will only more deeply commit this government and render it more - difficult for a succeeding government to do us justice. It is - still my impression there will be peace in Europe before the - season for opening the next campaign; and this will leave England - in such a state of preparation for war as she has never been at - any former period. This may act as a stimulus to the reckless and - arrogant propensities of Lord P., which have been so often - manifested by him in his intercourse with other nations. - - I have more than once had occasion to admire your self-possession - and “sang-froid,” but never was it more strikingly illustrated - than in the concluding and, as it were, incidental sentence of - your letter: “I do not learn that the President has his mind - turned towards any one for your successor, or for secretary of - legation.” This is cool. I had confidently expected that - immediately after Mr. Appleton’s arrival in Washington, I should - hear of the appointment of my successor, and I felt assured that - if there had been need, you would have “_turned_” the President’s - mind towards a subject in which I felt so deep an interest. - - As I have on more than one occasion informed you, I do believe - that had it been possible for the new minister to be here for a - fortnight before my departure this would have been greatly to his - benefit, and perhaps to that of the country. This is now - impossible. My nephew left me yesterday for Naples and Home, and I - was truly sorry not to be able to accompany him, as he speaks - French like a Parisian, and Italian tolerably well, and would, - therefore, have been highly useful. I am again left with no person - except Mr. Moran (who, to do him justice, performs his duties to - my entire satisfaction), and yet the President’s mind has not been - “_turned_ towards any one,” even for secretary of legation. I - hope, at least, that a secretary may arrive before the 12th - February, as it would have a better appearance to leave the - legation in his charge than in that of the consul. - - You seem to take it hard that your former assistant should be - acting in concert with Don Magnifico Markoe, still one of your - lieutenants, in favor of the nomination of Mr. Dallas, and well - you may. Such ingratitude towards yourself is a proof of the - depravity of human nature. But there is one consolation. As - somebody says: “The vigor of the bow does not equal the venom of - the shaft.” I misquote, and don’t recollect the precise language. - - I still think there will be peace. France and Turkey both desire - it, and Russia needs it. John Bull is still for war, but this only - to recover his prestige. He has incurred immense expense in - getting ready and don’t want to throw his money away. If peace - should remove Lord P., this would be a most happy consummation. - Had Mrs. M. been in your place, the President’s mind would ere - this have been “_turned_” towards somebody for my successor. - Please to present her my kindest regards, and believe me to be, - - Yours very respectfully, etc., - -Footnote 14: - - Lord Palmerston had then recently become premier in place of Lord - Aberdeen. - - LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, } - LONDON, January 18, 1856. } - - I have an hour ago received your despatch of the 28th ultimo, and - have only had time to give it a cursory perusal. I have not yet - read the despatch of Lord Clarendon to which it is an answer. It - appears to me to be of characteristic clearness and ability, and - its tone is excellent. Still its conclusion will startle this - government. I have had an appointment with Lord Clarendon - postponed more than once, on account of the dangerous illness of - his mother. She died on Sunday morning last, and his lordship - informed me through his private secretary that as soon after the - event as possible he would appoint a time for our meeting. - - The Central American questions are well and ably stated in the - message received two or three days ago. I know from reliable - authority that Lord Palmerston “has very strong views on the - subject.” The _Times_ is a mighty power in the State; and I have - adopted means, through the agency of a friend, to prevent that - journal from committing itself upon the questions until after its - conductors shall have an opportunity of examining the - correspondence. These means have hitherto proved effectual. The - correspondence has now arrived, and the _Times_ may indicate its - views to-morrow morning. The tone of the other journals has not - been satisfactory; and the _Daily Telegraph_ has been evidently - bought over, and become hostile to the United States within the - last four days, as you will perceive from the number which I send. - Should the _Times_ take ground against us, it is my purpose to - have an edition of that part of the message relating to Central - America, and the correspondence, published in pamphlet form, and - circulated among members of Parliament and other influential - persons. Should the expense be great, I may call upon you to pay - it out of the contingent fund. - - A few hasty remarks upon the present condition of affairs in this - country. The Austrian proposals, as you will see by the papers, - have been accepted by the czar. This is distasteful to the British - people who have made vast preparations, at an enormous expense, to - recover their military and naval _prestige_ in the next campaign. - But peace is evidently desired by Louis Napoleon and the French, - by the Turks and by the Sardinians. It still continues to be my - opinion that peace will be made. In this state of affairs, the - British people being sore and disappointed and being better - prepared for war than they have ever been, Lord Palmerston, whose - character is reckless and his hostility to our country well known, - will most probably assume a high and defiant attitude on the - questions pending between the two countries. The British people - are now in that state of feeling that I firmly believe they could - be brought up to a war with the United States, _if they can be - persuaded that the territory in dispute belongs to themselves_. - This, absurd as it is, may be done through the agency of a press - generally, if not universally, hostile to us. I make these remarks - because you ought to know the truth and be prepared for the worst. - _Certainly not with a view of yielding one iota of our rights to - Great Britain or any other power. Most certainly not._ - - I understand from friends that it is now stated by British - individuals in conversation, how easy it would be for them in - their present state of preparation, and with our feeble navy, to - bring a war with us to a speedy and successful conclusion. In this - they would be wofully mistaken. - - I have great hopes, however, that the peace will upset Lord - Palmerston. The session of Parliament will commence with a - powerful opposition against him. - - Do contrive by some means to hasten the construction of a railroad - to the Pacific and to increase our navy. Such a road is as - necessary for war purposes as the construction of a fort to defend - any of our cities. - - I have not time to write more before the closing of the bag. - - I deeply regret to find that so late as the 3d of January you are - _unable_ to say one word to me in regard to my successor. For this - cause, I think I have good reason to complain. - - With my kind regards always to Mrs. Marcy, I remain - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—I ought not to forget to say that the President’s message has - received great commendation among enlightened people in this - country. I am sorry you did not inform me at an earlier period - that it was the President’s intention to demand the recall of Mr. - Crampton, etc., that I might have prepared them for such a result. - - [TO NAHUM CAPEN, ESQ.] - - LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, } - LONDON, January 18, 1856 } - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - ...... Many thanks for your friendly wishes. They are cordially - reciprocated. Your kindly feelings towards myself have doubtless - greatly magnified my popularity at home, but were the Presidency - within my reach, which I am far from believing, I might then - exclaim: - - “Will fortune never come with both hands full? - She either gives a stomach and no food, - Or else a feast and takes away the stomach.” - - I cannot yet say when I shall return home, but I expect by every - steamer to hear of the appointment of my successor. Indeed, I have - been greatly disappointed in being detained here so long. After my - relief it is my purpose to pay a brief visit to the continent. At - the latest, God willing, I expect to be at home some time in - April—possibly before the end of March. - - Without a secretary of legation, my letters must be brief. For - this I know you will excuse me. - - With my best wishes for your health and happiness, I remain - always, - - Very respectfully, your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MR. MARCY.] - - LONDON, January 25, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - From present appearances the Central American questions can lead - to no serious difficulties with England. Public opinion would here - seem to be nearly altogether in favor of our construction of the - treaty. Such I learn, is the conversation at the clubs and in - society; and with the _Times_, as well as the _Daily News_ on our - side, and this in accordance with public sentiment, we might - expect a speedy settlement of these questions, if any statesman - except Lord Palmerston were at the head of the government. He - cannot long remain in power, I think, after peace shall have been - concluded. I expect to go to Paris after the 12th of February, and - may write to you from there, should I have a conversation with - Louis Napoleon. I shall see Lord Clarendon early next week, and - you may expect by the next steamer to hear the result of my - reading your despatch to his lordship. - - I still continue firm in the belief that peace will be concluded, - though it is manifestly distasteful to the British people. - - I met Sir Charles Wood, the first lord of the admiralty, at dinner - the other day, and had some fun with him about sending the fleet - to our shores. He said they had only sent a few old hulks, and - with such vessels they could never have thought of hostilities - against such a power as the United States; and asked me if I had - ever heard that one of them approached our shores. I might have - referred him to the Screw Blocks. The conversation was altogether - agreeable and afforded amusement to the persons near us at the - table. He said: “Buchanan, if you and I had to settle the - questions between the two governments, they would be settled - speedily.” I know not whether there was any meaning beneath this - expression. - - I consider this mission as a sort of waif abandoned by the - Government. Not a word even about a secretary of legation, though - Mr. Appleton left me more than two months ago. With the amount of - business to transact, and the number of visits to receive, I have - to labor like a drayman. Have you no bowels? - - The reports, concerning our officers, received from the Crimea, - are highly complimentary and satisfactory, and the people here are - much gratified with the letter received from the Secretary of War, - thanking General Simpson for his kindness and attention towards - them. - - Before I go away I intend to get up a letter from Lord Clarendon - and yourself, manifesting your sense of the manner in which Mr. - Bates performed his duty as umpire. As he will accept no pay, it - is as little as you can do, to say, “thank you, sir.” - - I am informed there is a publisher in London about to publish the - Central American correspondence in pamphlet form, believing it - will yield him a profit. - - I have just received a letter from Mason, written in excellent - spirits, praising Mr. Wise, his new secretary. For poor me, this - is sour grapes. Never forgetting my friend, Mrs. Marcy, - - I remain yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO GOVERNOR BIGLER.] - - LONDON, February 12, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I did not receive your kind and friendly letter of the 21st ultimo - until last evening, and although oppressed by my public duties - to-day, I cannot suffer a steamer to depart without bearing you an - answer. - - We had been friends for many years before our friendship was - suspended. The best course to pursue in renewing it again is to - suffer bygones to be bygones. In this spirit I cordially accept - your overtures, and shall forget everything unpleasant in our past - relations. When we meet again, let us meet as though no - estrangement had ever existed between us, and it shall not be my - fault if we should not remain friends as long as we both may live. - I wish you an honorable and useful career in the Senate. - - I had hoped to return home with Miss Lane in October last, but a - succession of threatening incidents has occurred in the relations - between the two countries which has kept me here until the present - moment. And even now I do not know when I can leave my post. My - private business requires that I should be at home on the 1st of - April, but no pecuniary consideration can induce me to desert my - public duty at such a moment as the present. I trust, however, - that by the next steamer I shall hear of the appointment of my - successor. - - In regard to the Presidency to which you refer, if my own wishes - had been consulted, my name should never again have been mentioned - in connection with that office. I feel, nevertheless, quite as - grateful to my friends for their voluntary exertions in my favor - during my absence, as though they had been prompted by myself. It - is a consolation which I shall bear with me to my dying day, that - the Democracy of my native state have sustained me with so much - unanimity. I shall neither be disappointed nor in the slightest - degree mortified should the Cincinnati Convention nominate another - person; but in the retirement, the prospect of which is now so - dear to me, the consciousness that Pennsylvania has stood by me to - the last will be a delightful reflection. Our friends Van Dyke and - Lynch have kept me advised of your exertions in my favor. - - I am happy to inform you that within the last fortnight public - opinion has evidently undergone a change in favor of our country. - The best evidence of this is perhaps the friendly tone of Lord - Palmerston’s speech on Friday night last. His lordship has, - however, done me injustice in attributing to me expressions which - I never uttered, or rather which I never wrote, for all is in - writing. All I said in relation to the matter in question was that - I should have much satisfaction in transmitting a copy of Lord - Clarendon’s note to the Secretary of State. I never had a word - with Lord Palmerston on the subject. - - The moment has arrived for closing the despatch bags, and I - conclude by assuring you of my renewed friendship. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MR. MARCY.] - - (Private and confidential.) LONDON, February 15, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 27th ultimo, and although the - contents are very acceptable, yet, like a lady’s letter, its pith - and marrow are in the two postscripts, informing me that Mr. - Dallas had been offered and would probably accept this mission. By - the newspapers I learn that his nomination had been sent to the - Senate. It is long since I have heard such welcome news. But there - is some alloy in almost every good, and in my own joy, I cannot - but sympathize with you for the loss of Mr. Markoe, who, the - papers say, is to be appointed the secretary of legation. Pray - bear it with Christian resignation. - - I need not say that I shall do all I can to give Mr. Dallas a fair - start. - - I have two things to request of you: - - 1. Although I have no doubt the omission of Lady Palmerston to - invite me to her first party was both intentional and significant - _at the time_, yet I should be unwilling to leave the fact on - record in a public despatch. I will, therefore, send you by the - next steamer the same despatch, number 119, of the 4th instant, - with that portion of it omitted. When you receive this, please to - withdraw the first despatch and keep it for me until my return. - - 2. Should you, in your friendly discretion, deem it advisable - under the circumstances, please to have an editorial prepared for - the _Union_, stating the facts in my last despatch (a duplicate of - which is now sent you), in relation to the remarks of Lord - Palmerston as to my expression of satisfaction with the apology - contained in Lord Clarendon’s note of the 16th July. I send you - with this a pamphlet which has just been published here on this - subject. I know the author. He is an Englishman of character. - Several members of Parliament have called upon me for information, - but my position requires that I should be very chary. I have - furnished some of them with copies of Hertz’s trial, among the - rest Mr. Roebuck. I met him afterwards in society, and it was - evident the pamphlet had strongly impressed him with Mr. - Crampton’s complicity. Still it is not to be denied that Lord - Palmerston’s speech on Friday last, in relation to this subject, - has made a strong impression here, as it has done on the - continent, judging by the facts stated in my despatch. - - I know from the tone of your letter that you would consider me - in a state of mental delusion if I were to say how indifferent I - feel in regard to myself on the question of the next Presidency. - You would be quite a sceptic. One thing is certain that neither - by word nor letter have I ever contributed any support to - myself. I believe that the next Presidential term will perhaps - be the most important and responsible of any which has occurred - since the origin of the Government, and whilst no competent and - patriotic man to whom it may be offered should shrink from the - responsibility, yet he may well accept it as the greatest trial - of his life. Of course nothing can be expected from you but a - decided support of your chief. - - Never forgetting my excellent and esteemed friend, whose influence - I shrewdly suspect put you in motion in regard to the appointment - of a successor, I remain, as always, - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO HIS HOUSEKEEPER, “MISS HETTY.”] - - LONDON, February 15, 1856. - - MY DEAR MISS HETTY:— - - Although greatly hurried to-day, having heavy despatches, - according to my rule I suffer not a steamer to pass without - answering your letters. Your last of the 26th ultimo was most - agreeable. You give me information concerning the neighbors which - I highly prize. Every thing about home is dear to me, and you can - scarcely realize how much pleasure I feel in the prospect of being - with you ere long, should a kind Providence spare my life and my - health. I have had no secretary of legation with me for several - months, and I have had to labor very hard. I hope to experience - the delight of being idle, or rather doing what I please, at - Wheatland. - - After many vain entreaties, Mr. Dallas has at length been - appointed my successor, and I expect him here by the end of this - month. Whether I shall return immediately home, or go to Paris for - a few weeks, I have not yet determined. The former I would greatly - prefer; but March is a very rough month to pass the Atlantic, and - I suffer wretchedly from sea-sickness all the time. I am now, - thank God, in good health, and I do not wish to impair it on the - voyage...... - - I wish John Brenner joy in advance of his marriage. Remember me - kindly to Mr. Fahnestock and your sister, and to all our neighbors - and friends, and tell them how happy I shall be to meet them once - more. Remember me, also, most kindly, to Father Keenan...... - - With sincere and affectionate regard, I remain always your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO HIS NIECE, MRS. BAKER.] - - LONDON, February 16, 1855. - - MY DEAR MARY:— - - It is not from the want of warm affection that I do not write to - you oftener. I shall ever feel the deepest interest in your - welfare and happiness. This omission on my part arises simply from - the fact that Harriet and yourself are in constant correspondence, - and through her you hear all the news from London, and I often - hear of you. I am rejoiced that you are contented and happy. May - you ever be so! - - I have determined to return home in October next, God willing, and - to pass the remnant of my days, if Heaven should prolong them, in - tranquillity and retirement. After a long and somewhat stormy - public life, I enjoy this prospect as much as I have ever done the - anticipation of high office. - - England is now in a state of mourning for the loss of so many of - her brave sons in the Crimea. The approaching “season” will, in - consequence, be dull, and this I shall bear with Christian - fortitude. The duller the better for me; but not so for Harriet. - She has enjoyed herself very much, and made many friends; but I do - not see any bright prospect of her marriage. This may probably be - her own fault. I confess that nothing would please me better than - to see her married, with her own hearty good will, to a worthy - man. Should I be called away, her situation would not by any means - be comfortable. - - We are treated with much civility here, indeed with kindness, - according to the English fashion, which is not very cordial. Such - a thing as social visiting does not exist even among near friends. - You cannot “drop in of an evening” anywhere. You must not go to - any place unless you are expected, except it be a formal morning - call...... - - It is said that the queen is, and it is certain the British people - are, deeply mortified at the disasters of her troops in the - Crimea. If the men had died in battle this would have been some - consolation, but they have been sacrificed by the mismanagement of - officials in high authority. The contrast between the condition of - the French and English troops in the Crimea has deeply wounded - British pride. Indeed, I am sorry for it myself, because it would - be unfortunate for the world should England sink to the level of a - second-rate power. They call us their “cousins on the other side - of the Atlantic,” and it is certain we are kindred...... - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - 1853-1856. - -NEGOTIATIONS WITH LORD CLARENDON—THE CLAYTON-BULWER TREATY AND - AFFAIRS IN CENTRAL AMERICA—THE CRIMEAN WAR AND THE NEW BRITISH - DOCTRINE RESPECTING THE PROPERTY OF NEUTRALS. - - -The reader has seen that when Mr. Buchanan left home to undertake -the duties of United States minister in England, it was the -understanding between the President and himself that he should have -full power to deal with the Central American question in London, and -that the fishery and reciprocity trade questions would be reserved -to be dealt with by the Secretary of State.[15] - -Footnote 15: - - Full powers in regard to the Central American question were - afterwards transmitted to him at London. - -But of course the President expected to be informed from time to -time of the steps taken in the negotiation concerning the affairs of -Central America, and Mr. Buchanan both expected and desired to -receive specific instructions on this and all other topics in the -relations of the two governments that might be discussed in the -course of his mission. It was at a very interesting and critical -period in the affairs of Europe that he arrived in England. Although -the war between England and France, as allies of Turkey, on the one -side, and Russia on the other, known as the Crimean war, was still -in the distance, its probability was already discernible. How this -great disturbance affected the pending questions between the United -States and England, and introduced a new and unexpected difficulty -in their relations, will appear as I proceed. - -Mr. Buchanan, according to his invariable habit in all important -transactions, kept the records of his mission with great care. -Transcripts of the whole are now before me, in two large MS. -volumes; and they form a monument of his industry, his powerful -memory, and his ability as a diplomatist. The greater part of his -negotiations with Lord Clarendon were carried on in oral discussions -at official but informal interviews. Regular protocols of these -discussions were not made, but they were fully and minutely reported -by Mr. Buchanan to Mr. Marcy, as they occurred; and it is most -remarkable with what completeness, after holding a long -conversation, he could record an account of it. These conversations -show, too, how wide was his range of vision in regard to the affairs -of Europe, of Cuba, of Central America, and of all the topics which -he had to discuss; how well versed he was in public law, and how -thoroughly equipped he was for the position which he occupied. It is -not strange that he should have left in the minds of the public men -in England who had most to do with him, an impression that he was a -statesman of no common order.[16] His first official interview with -Lord Clarendon took place on the 22d of September, 1853. It had -been, and continued to be, very difficult to get the attention of -the English secretary to the questions pending between the United -States and England, on account of the critical state of the Turkish -question; and when Lord Clarendon did have a conference with Mr. -Buchanan, he did not profess to be so well informed on the affairs -of Central America as he felt that he ought to be, although Mr. -Buchanan found him attentive, courteous and able. In the course of -many interviews, occurring from time to time between the 22d of -September, 1853, and the 16th of March, 1854, at which last date -Lord Clarendon communicated to Mr. Buchanan the declaration which -had been prepared for the queen’s signature, specifying the course -which she intended to pursue towards neutral commerce during the war -with Russia, then already declared,—topics that are now of great -historical interest, and some of which have still a practical -importance, were discussed with great frankness and urbanity. They -related at first to the Central American questions, and the -Clayton-Bulwer treaty, the fisheries and reciprocity of trade, Cuba -and its slavery, slavery in the United States, and the inter-state -relations of Europe. As the war approached, and when it was finally -declared, the principles of neutrality, privateering, and many other -topics came within the range of the discussion; and it was very much -in consequence of the views expressed by Mr. Buchanan to Lord -Clarendon, and by the latter communicated to the British cabinet, -that the course of England towards neutrals during that war became -what it was. When Lord Clarendon, on the 16th of March, 1854, -presented to Mr. Buchanan a _projet_ for a treaty between Great -Britain, France and the United States, making it piracy for neutrals -to serve on board of privateers cruising against the commerce of -either of the three nations, when such nation was a belligerent, the -very impressive reasons which Mr. Buchanan opposed to it caused it -to be abandoned.[17] - -Footnote 16: - - I cannot find room in this volume for these very interesting and - graphic despatches. It is not improbable that the two volumes of - this biography will be followed by a supplemental volume, in which - they can be fully given. The Government of the United States has - never published more than a small part of them. - -Footnote 17: - - I find in Mr. Buchanan’s private memorandum book the account of - this matter in his handwriting, given in the text. It is much more - full than that contained in his despatches to Mr. Marcy. - - Thursday, March 16, 1854. - - Called at the Foreign Office by the invitation of Lord Clarendon. - He presented me a printed treaty in blank, which he proposed - should be executed by Great Britain, France and the United States. - The chief object of it was that all captains of privateers and - their crews should be considered and punished as pirates, who, - being subjects or citizens of one of the three nations who were - neutral, should cruise against either of the others when - belligerent. The object undoubtedly was to prevent Americans from - taking service in Russian privateers during the present war. We - had much conversation on the subject, which I do not mean to - repeat, this memorandum being merely intended to refresh my own - memory. His lordship had before him a list of the different - treaties between the United States and other nations on this - subject. - - I was somewhat taken by surprise, though I stated my objections - pretty clearly to such a treaty. Not having done justice to the - subject in my own opinion, I requested and obtained an interview - for the next day, when I stated them more fully and clearly. The - heads were as follows: - - 1. It would be a violation of our neutrality in the war to agree - with France and England that American citizens who served on board - Russian privateers should be punished as pirates. To prevent this, - Russia should become a party to the treaty, which, under existing - circumstances, was impossible. - - 2. Our treaties only embraced a person of either nation who should - take commissions as privateers, and _did not extend to the crew_. - Sailors were a thoughtless race, and it would be cruel and unjust - to punish them as pirates for taking such service, when they often - might do it from want and necessity. - - 3. The British law claims all who are born as British subjects to - be British subjects forever. We naturalize them and protect them - as American citizens. If the treaty were concluded, and a British - cruiser should capture a Russian privateer with a naturalized - Irishman on board, what would be the consequence? The British law - could not punish him as an American citizen under the treaty, - because it would regard him as a British subject. It might hang - him for high treason; and such an event would produce a collision - between the two countries. The old and dangerous question would - then be presented in one of its worst aspects. - - 4. Whilst such a treaty might be justly executed by such nations - as Great Britain and the United States, would it be just, wise or - humane to agree that their sailors who took service on board a - privateer should be summarily tried and executed as pirates by - several powers which could be named? - - 5. _Cui bono_ should Great Britain make such a treaty with France - during the existing war. If no neutral power should enter into it - with them, it could have no effect during its continuance. - - 6. The time may possibly come when Great Britain, in a war with - the despotisms of Europe, might find it to be exceedingly to her - interest to employ American sailors on board her privateers, and - such a treaty would render this impossible. Why should she - unnecessarily bind her hands? - - 7. The objections of the United States to enter into entangling - alliances with European nations. - - 8. By the law of nations, as expounded both in British and - American courts, a commission to a privateer, regularly issued by - a belligerent nation, protects both the captain and the crew from - punishment as pirates. Would the different commercial nations of - the earth be willing to change this law as you propose, especially - in regard to the crew? Would it be proper to do so in regard to - the latter? - - After I had stated these objections at some length on Friday, the - 17th of March, Lord Clarendon observed that when some of them were - stated the day before, they had struck him with so much force - after reflection, that he had come to the office from the House of - Lords at night and written them down and sent them to Sir James - Graham. In his own opinion the treaty ought not to be concluded, - and if the cabinet came to this conclusion the affair should drop, - and I agreed I would not write to the Department on the subject. - If otherwise, and the treaty should be presented to the Government - of the United States, then I was to report our conversation. - - In the conversation Lord Clarendon said they were more solicitous - to be on good terms with the United States than any other nation, - and that the project had not yet been communicated even to France. - - (Vide 1 Kent’s Commentaries, 100. United States Statutes at large, - 175, Act of March 3d, 1847, to provide for the punishment of - piracy in certain cases. Mr. Polk’s message to Congress of - December 8, 1846.) - - General conversation about privateering. - - The object of the treaty was to change the law of nations in this - respect, and Lord Clarendon said that if England, France and the - United States should enter into it, the others would soon follow. - The project contained a stipulation that the person who took a - commission as a privateer should give security that he would not - employ any persons as sailors on board who were not subjects or - citizens of the nation granting the commission. - - March 22, 1854. At her majesty’s drawing-room this day, Lord - Clarendon told me that they had given up the project of the - treaty, etc., etc. - -The whole object of the negotiation in reference to the affairs of -Central America was to develop and ascertain the precise differences -between the two governments in regard to the construction of the -Clayton-Bulwer treaty. As the negotiation had become interrupted by -the war with Russia, and as it was not probable that it could be -brought to a definite issue while that war continued, Mr. Buchanan -desired to return home. But Mr. Marcy earnestly desired him to -remain, saying in answer to his request to be relieved: “The -negotiation cannot be committed to any one who so well understands -the subject in all its bearings as you do, or who can so ably -sustain and carry out the views of the United States.” Mr. Buchanan -therefore remained and pressed upon Lord Clarendon a further -discussion of the subject, saying in a formal note: - - “The President has directed the undersigned, before retiring from - his mission, to request from the British government a statement of - the positions which it has determined to maintain in regard to the - Bay Islands, the territory between the Sibun and Sarstoon, as well - as the Belize settlement and the Mosquito protectorate. The long - delay in asking for this information has proceeded from the - President’s reluctance to manifest any impatience on this - important subject whilst the attention of her Majesty’s government - was engaged by the war with Russia. But as more than a year has - already elapsed since the termination of the discussion on these - subjects, and as the first session of the new Congress is speedily - approaching, the President does not feel that he would be - justified in any longer delay.” - -There had been submitted by Mr. Buchanan to Lord Clarendon on the -6th of January, 1854, a detailed statement of the views of the -United States, which was not answered until the 2d of May following. -On the 22d of July Mr. Buchanan made an elaborate reply, containing -a historical review of all the matters in dispute. It reduced the -whole controversy respecting the Clayton-Bulwer treaty to the -following points: - - What, then, is the fair construction of the article? It embraces - two objects. 1. It declares that neither of the parties shall ever - acquire any exclusive control over the ship canal to be - constructed between the Atlantic and the Pacific, by the route of - the river San Juan de Nicaragua, and that neither of them shall - ever erect or maintain any fortifications commanding the same or - in the vicinity thereof. In regard to this stipulation, no - disagreement is known to exist between the parties. But the - article proceeds further in its mutually self-denying policy, and - in the second place, declares that neither of the parties ‘will - occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or assume, or exercise any - dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito coast, or any - part of Central America.’ - - We now reach the true point. Does this language require that Great - Britain shall withdraw from her existing possessions in Central - America, including ‘the Mosquito coast?’ The language peculiarly - applicable to this coast will find a more appropriate place in a - subsequent portion of these remarks. - - If any person enters into a solemn and explicit agreement that he - will not “occupy” any given tract of country then actually - occupied by him, can any proposition be clearer, than that he is - bound by his agreement to withdraw from such occupancy? Were this - not the case, these words would have no meaning, and the agreement - would become a mere nullity. Nay more, in its effect it would - amount to a confirmation of the party in the possession of that - very territory which he had bound himself not to occupy, and would - practically be equivalent to an agreement that he should remain in - possession—a contradiction in terms. It is difficult to comment on - language which appears so plain, or to offer arguments to prove - that the meaning of words is not directly opposite to their - well-known signification. - - And yet the British government consider that the convention - interferes with none of their existing possessions in Central - America; that it is entirely prospective in its nature, and merely - prohibits them from making new acquisitions. If this be the case, - then it amounts to a recognition of their rights, on the part of - the American Government, to all the possessions which they already - hold, whilst the United States have bound themselves by the very - same instrument, never, under any circumstances, to acquire the - possession of a foot of territory in Central America. The - mutuality of the convention would thus be entirely destroyed; and - whilst Great Britain may continue to hold nearly the whole eastern - coast of Central America, the United States have abandoned the - right for all future time to acquire any territory, or to receive - into the American Union any of the states in that portion of their - own continent. This self-imposed prohibition was the great - objection to the treaty in the United States at the time of its - conclusion, and was powerfully urged by some of the best men in - the country. Had it then been imagined that whilst it prohibited - the United States from acquiring territory, under any possible - circumstances, in a portion of America through which their - thoroughfares to California and Oregon must pass, and that the - convention, at the same time, permitted Great Britain to remain in - the occupancy of all her existing possessions in that region, - there would not have been a single vote in the American Senate in - favor of its ratification. In every discussion it was taken for - granted that the convention required Great Britain to withdraw - from these possessions, and thus place the parties upon an exact - equality in Central America. Upon this construction of the - convention there was quite as great an unanimity of opinion as - existed in the House of Lords, that the convention with Spain of - 1786 required Great Britain to withdraw from the Mosquito - protectorate. - -As Lord Clarendon in his statement had characterized “the Monroe -Doctrine” as merely the “dictum of its distinguished author,” Mr. -Buchanan replied that “did the occasion require, he would cheerfully -undertake the task of justifying the wisdom and policy of the Monroe -doctrine, in reference to the nations of Europe as well as to those -on the American continent;” and he closed as follows: - - But no matter what may be the nature of the British claim to the - country between the Sibun and the Sarstoon, the observation - already made in reference to the Bay Islands and the Mosquito - coast must be reiterated, that the great question does not turn - upon the validity of this claim previous to the convention of - 1850, but upon the facts that Great Britain has bound herself by - this convention not to occupy any part of Central America, nor to - exercise dominion over it; and that the territory in question is - within Central America, even under the most limited construction - of these words. In regard to Belize proper, confined within its - legitimate boundaries, under the treaties of 1783 and 1786, and - limited to the usufruct specified in these treaties, it is - necessary to say but a few words. The Government of the United - States will not, for the present, insist upon the withdrawal of - Great Britain from this settlement, provided all the other - questions between the two governments concerning Central America - can be amicably adjusted. It has been influenced to pursue this - course partly by the declaration of Mr. Clayton on the 4th of - July, 1850, but mainly in consequence of the extension of the - license granted by Mexico to Great Britain, under the treaty of - 1826, which that republic has yet taken no steps to terminate. - - It is, however, distinctly to be understood that the Government of - the United States acknowledge no claim of Great Britain within - Belize, except the temporary ‘liberty of making use of the wood of - the different kinds, the fruits and other products in their - natural state,’ fully recognizing that the former ‘Spanish - sovereignty over the country’ now belongs either to Guatemala or - Mexico. - - In conclusion, the Government of the United States most cordially - and earnestly unite in the desire expressed by ‘her majesty’s - government, not only to maintain the convention of 1850 intact, - but to consolidate and strengthen it by strengthening and - consolidating the friendly relations which it was calculated to - cement and perpetuate.’ Under these mutual feelings, it is deeply - to be regretted that the two governments entertain opinions so - widely different in regard to its true effect and meaning. - -In this attitude the controversy was necessarily left by Mr. -Buchanan, when his mission finally terminated; and its further -history, so far as he is concerned in it, belongs to the period when -he had become President of the United States. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - 1853-1856. - -BRITISH ENLISTMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES—RECALL OF THE ENGLISH - MINISTER AT WASHINGTON—THE OSTEND CONFERENCE. - - -Two topics entirely unexpected by Mr. Buchanan when he accepted the -mission to England must here claim some attention. The first relates -to an occurrence which brought upon the United States the necessity -of demanding a recall of the British minister who then represented -the queen’s government at Washington. This was Mr. John F. Crampton, -a well-meaning and amiable gentleman, who had long resided in this -country as secretary of the British legation, and had been made -minister some time previously, but whose zeal in the service of his -government had led him into a distinct violation of our neutrality -in the war between England and Russia. It is altogether probable -that in his efforts to promote enlistments of men to serve in that -war, Mr. Crampton did not keep within the letter of his -instructions. It was, at all events, somewhat difficult, for a good -while, to convince Lord Clarendon that Mr. Crampton was personally -implicated in the unlawful acts which were undoubtedly done. But -there was but one course for the American government to pursue. The -history of this affair is somewhat curious. - -When in April, 1854, Mr. Marcy had occasion to acknowledge the -receipt from Mr. Crampton of a note stating the new rule that would -be observed by Great Britain, in the war with Russia, towards -neutrals, after expressing his gratification, and, at the same time, -saying that the United States would have been still more gratified -if the rule that “free ships make free goods” had been extended to -all future wars to which Great Britain should be a party, he took -the precaution to remind Mr. Crampton in courteous terms of the -severe restrictions imposed by our laws against equipping -privateers, receiving commissions, or enlisting men within our -territories to take any part in a foreign war. Lord Clarendon, too, -at a later period (April 12, 1855), wrote to Mr. Crampton that “the -law of the United States, with respect to enlistment, however -conducted, is not only very just but very stringent, according to -the report which is enclosed in your despatch, and her Majesty’s -government would on no account run any risk of infringing this law -of the United States.”[18] For a time, Mr. Crampton acted -cautiously, but in the course of the summer of 1855, Mr. Marcy -received evidence which convinced him that the British minister was -personally implicated in carrying out arrangements for sending men -to Nova Scotia, under contracts made in the United States to enlist -as soldiers in the British army after their arrival in Halifax; and -that the means for sending them had been supplied by him and other -British functionaries. Mr. Buchanan was first instructed to bring -this matter to the attention of Lord Clarendon, before Mr. -Crampton’s direct agency in it had become known to our Government. -His letter of July 6, 1855, to Lord Clarendon, was a forcible -presentation of the grounds on which the United States complained of -such doings as an infraction of their laws and a violation of their -sovereignty. A long correspondence ensued, which was conducted at -times with some approach to acrimony, but which never actually -transcended the limits of diplomatic courtesy. At length the proofs -that Mr. Crampton was a party to this unlawful proceeding became so -forcible that the British government yielded to the request that he -might be recalled, and he was transferred to another diplomatic -post. The whole affair was attended at one time with serious risk of -an interruption in the friendly relations of the two countries. Mr. -Marcy’s course in the correspondence was greatly tempered in its -tone by the advice which he received from Mr. Buchanan, although the -hazard of an unfortunate issue of the trouble was much enhanced by -the sending of an unusual naval force to the coasts of the United -States, which the British government ordered while this affair was -pending, but without any special reference to it. - -Footnote 18: - - A copy of this note was delivered to Mr. Marcy in the course of - the month of May, 1855. - -The so-called “Ostend Conference,” which at the time it occurred -made a great deal of noise, and in which Mr. Buchanan was directed -by his Government to participate, requires but a brief explanation. -It was not a meeting in any sense suggested by him, nor was there -anything connected with it which should have given rise to alarm. -When in the summer of 1856 he had become the nominee of the -Democratic party for the Presidency, as is usual on such occasions, -biographical sketches of his public and private character were -prepared and circulated. Among them was a small volume in duodecimo -form of 118 pages, written with far greater ability and precision -than was common in such ephemeral publications intended for -electioneering purposes. Its account of the whole matter of the -“Ostend Conference” is so exact and lucid that I do not hesitate to -quote it as a true history of that proceeding:[19] - -Footnote 19: - - The copy of this little biography which is before me is entitled, - THE LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF JAMES BUCHANAN of Pennsylvania. - Twentieth thousand. New York: Published by Livermore & Rudd, 310 - Broadway, 1856. It was published anonymously, but I am informed - that the name of the author was Edward F. Underhill. - - THE OSTEND CIRCULAR. - - It is the rare good fortune of Mr. Buchanan to have sustained a - long career of public life with such singular discretion, - integrity, and ability, that now, when he is presented by the - great national party of the country as their candidate for the - highest dignity in the Republic, nothing is seriously urged by - political hostility in extenuation of his merit, save the alleged - countenance to filibuster enterprise and cupidity, inferred by his - enemies from a strained interpretation of the recommendations and - views of the Ostend Conference. The political opponents of Mr. - Buchanan call upon his supporters to vindicate the claim they - assert in behalf of Mr. Buchanan to conservatism, by reconciling - that assumption with his participation in the American Diplomatic - Conference at Ostend and Aix la Chapelle, and with his adoption - and endorsement, jointly with the ministers of the United States - to France and Spain, of the views and recommendations addressed by - the three ambassadors to the Department of State, on the 18th of - October, 1854, in the letter commonly known as the Ostend - Manifesto. The circumstance that the opposition meet the - nomination of Mr. Buchanan with no other objection impugning his - qualifications for the Presidential trust, cannot fail to confirm - the popular belief in the justice and wisdom of the judgment that - governed the Cincinnati convention in selecting a statesman so - unassailable in the record of his political life, and so little - obnoxious to personal censure and distrust, as the candidate of - the great national party of the Union for the highest dignity in - the Republic. For it is demonstrable that an erroneous impression - exists as to the purport of the Aix la Chapelle letter; and that - the policy therein declared by Mr. Buchanan and his associates, is - identical with that which has uniformly been regarded and avowed - as the policy of the United States in respect to the Island of - Cuba. And a belief endeavored to be inculcated, that the policy of - the Ostend conference was adopted in consultation or co-operation - with the Red Republicans of Europe, is equally erroneous. This - belief has originated in another supposition equally unfounded, - that Mr. Soulé was in league with the leaders of the European - revolutionary movement. The truth is, that fundamental differences - existed between the policy of Mr. Soulé and Mazzini, Ledru Rollin, - Kossuth, and Louis Blanc; and besides which fact it is well known - that these revolutionary leaders themselves were agreed only upon - one point, the necessity of revolution, and that they seldom speak - to one another. The policy of the revolutionary party of Europe in - reference to Cuba was this. They desired the United States to - assist the Democratic party of Spain in creating a revolution at - Madrid, which should dethrone the queen, and place the Democratic - party in power, by the establishment of a republic, and then leave - Cuba at her option to either remain a portion of the Spanish - republic, or seek annexation to the United States. This concession - to the United States was to be in return for material aid - furnished in effecting the Spanish revolution. The revolution thus - accomplished was intended to be the initiative of further - revolutions on the Continent. The Pyrenees range of mountains - which forms the boundary line between France and Spain are - populated on either side by the most liberal men in either empire, - the great mass of the inhabitants being Republican; and could a - republic be established in Spain, the Pyrenees would not only - furnish points from which to begin their revolutionary designs - against France, but would form a barrier behind which they could - defend themselves against any attack which Louis Napoleon might - make. The revolution accomplished in France, Kossuth and Mazzini - would have but little difficulty in overthrowing the power of - Austria in Hungary and Italy. Such were the objects which the - revolutionary leaders of Europe had in view in endeavoring to - secure the influence of the United States Government in support of - their policy. - - It is needless to say, that neither the Ostend conference nor the - cabinet at Washington gave any countenance to this policy. The - Ostend conference looked at the Cuba question solely from an - American point of view, and quite disconnected from the conflicts - and interests of European politics, or the aspirations of - revolutionary leaders. On this account, so far from that policy - receiving the favor of the Red Republicans, they were as pointed - in their hostility to it as any of the monarchical organs of - Europe, and did not hesitate to privately, and sometimes publicly, - denounce Mr. Soulé for having signed the Ostend circular, as - recreant to the expectations which they had formed in regard to - him. Mr. Buchanan from first to last opposed the policy which - would lead to the United States becoming involved in the European - struggle, and held strictly to the American view of the question, - in accordance with which the Ostend letter was framed. - - The conference at Ostend had its origin in the recommendation of - Governor Marcy, who justly conceived that the mission with which - Mr. Soulé was charged at the court of Spain might excite the - jealousy of other European powers, and that it was important for - the purpose of facilitating the negotiations there to be - conducted, that explanations should be made to the governments of - England and France, of the objects and purposes of the United - States in any movement that events might render necessary, having - in view the ultimate purchase or acquisition by this government of - the Spanish Island of Cuba. The object of the consultation - suggested by Mr. Marcy was, as stated in a letter to Mr. Soulé, - “to bring the common wisdom and knowledge of the three ministers - to bear simultaneously upon the negotiations at Madrid, London and - Paris.” These negotiations had not necessarily in view the - transfer of Cuba to this country; though that was one of the modes - indicated, and seemingly the most effective, of terminating the - constantly recurring grievances upon the commerce of the United - States, upon the honor of its flag, and the personal rights of its - citizens, which disturbed the cordial relations of the two - countries, and infused acrimony into their intercourse connected - with the prosecution of commerce. Another expedient which Governor - Marcy regarded with favor, was the independence of the Island - under the Creole sovereignty. At that time, in the summer of 1854, - apprehensions of some important change in the social and political - condition and relations of Cuba, were generally felt in this - country. Rumors prevailed, founded on the then recent decrees and - modifications of law pertaining to the servile condition, that it - was in contemplation to establish the domination of the blacks in - the Island; that the slaves were to be freed and armed, and that - an extensive introduction of native Africans was to be resorted to - as a means of re-enforcing the strength of the dominant party. - - Such, indeed, was the policy of Great Britain; first, to keep - alive the slavery agitation in the United States, not from motives - of philanthropy, but, by thus inciting internal discord between - the people of different sections of the Union, the United States - would be prevented from turning its attention to further schemes - of territorial extension; and second, to flood Cuba with negroes - under a system of apprenticeship, in order to render it valueless - to the United States. The execution of such a scheme was regarded - as eminently dangerous to the peace and safety of this country, - and was one which the United States could not suffer, as the - inevitable effects of such a policy, carried out, would be, sooner - or later, to induce a servile insurrection in the Southern States. - With a colony containing a million and a half of free negroes, - immediately off our shores, an expedition could at any time be - organized under European aid, and sent from Cuba to our Southern - States to incite a rebellion, with all its attendant horrors, - among the slaves. Mr. Soulé was instructed to ascertain whether it - was in contemplation, and, if so, to seek to prevent it from being - carried out, and to avert its baleful consequences to ourselves, - by negotiating, first, for the purchase of Cuba, and if that were - impracticable, then for the independence of the Island. It was not - the greed of territorial expansion that prompted the instructions - which convoked the Ostend conference; nor was that sentiment the - controlling one that prompted the adoption by its members of the - recommendations embodied in the Aix la Chapelle letter. The - document is too long to publish at length, but the material - passage which contains the doctrines which the opposition would - fain lead the people to believe are dangerous, is subjoined: - - - “But if Spain, deaf to the voice of her own interest, and actuated - by stubborn pride and a false sense of honor, should refuse to - sell Cuba to the United States, then the question will arise, what - ought to be the course of the American Government under such - circumstances? Self-preservation is the first law of nature with - states as well as with individuals. All nations have at different - periods acted upon this maxim. Although it has been made the - pretext for committing flagrant injustice, as in the partition of - Poland, and other similar cases which history records, yet the - principle itself, though often abused, has always been recognized. - The United States has never acquired a foot of territory except by - fair purchase, or, as in the case of Texas, upon the free and - voluntary application of the people of that independent state, who - desired to blend their destinies with our own. Even our - acquisitions from Mexico are no exception to the rule, because, - although we might have claimed them by the right of conquest, in a - just war, yet we purchased them for what was then considered by - both parties a full and ample equivalent. Our past history forbids - that we should acquire the Island of Cuba without the consent of - Spain, unless justified by the great law of self-preservation. We - must, in any event, preserve our own conscious rectitude and our - own self-respect. - - “While pursuing this course, we can afford to disregard the - censure of the world, to which we have been so often and so - unjustly exposed. After we shall have offered Spain a price for - Cuba far beyond its present value, and this shall have been - refused, it will then be time to consider the question, does Cuba - in the possession of Spain seriously endanger our internal peace - and the existence of our cherished Union? Should this question be - answered in the affirmative, then, by every law, human and divine, - we shall be justified in wresting it from Spain, if we possess the - power. And this, upon the very same principle that would justify - an individual in tearing down the burning house of his neighbor if - there were no other means of preventing the flames from destroying - his own home. Under such circumstances, we ought neither to count - the cost nor regard the odds which Spain might enlist against us. - - “We forbear to enter into the question whether the present - condition of the Island would justify such a measure. We should, - however, be recreant to our duty—be unworthy of our gallant - forefathers, and commit base treason against our posterity, should - we permit Cuba to be Africanized and to become a second St. - Domingo, with all its attendant horrors to the white race, and - suffer the flames to extend to our neighboring shores, seriously - to endanger or actually to consume the fair fabric of our Union. - We fear that the course and current of events are rapidly tending - towards such a catastrophe.... - - “JAMES BUCHANAN, - “JOHN Y. MASON, - “PIERRE SOULÉ. - - “Aix la Chapelle, October 18, 1854.” - - One brief sentence in the above describes the purport and - substance of the whole document: “Our past history forbids that we - should acquire the Island of Cuba without the consent of Spain, - unless justified by the great law of self-preservation.” If the - acquisition of the Island should become the very condition of our - existence, then if Spain shall refuse to part with it for a price - “far beyond its present value,” we shall be justified “in wresting - it” from her, “upon the very same principle that would justify an - individual in tearing down the burning house of his neighbor, if - there were no other means of preventing the flames from destroying - his own home.” - - This doctrine is not original with the Ostend conference, nor did - it emanate from filibustering cupidity, nor is it a mere party - issue. It has been as broadly asserted, and as confidently and - ably advocated, by a Whig statesman and administration, as in the - Ostend manifesto. Mr. Everett, United States Secretary of State, - in his letter to the British and French ministers declining the - alliance tendered by them to guarantee the possession of Cuba to - Spain for all coming time, defends his refusal, on the ground that - the United States have an interest in the condition of Cuba which - may justify her in assuming dominion over it—an interest in - comparison with which that of England and France dwindles into - insignificance. - - The truth is, that its doctrines are the reverse of filibusterism, - which means an unlawful, unauthorized depredation of individuals - on the territory of countries with which we are at peace. The - Ostend circular recommends no suspension or repeal of the - neutrality laws, no modifications of the restrictions imposed by - our traditional policy and statutes upon the acts of individuals - who choose to filibuster; but it declares that, whenever an - occasion arrives for a hostile act against the territory of any - other nation, it must be by the sovereign act of the nation, - through its regular army and navy. So inconsistent are the - doctrines of the Ostend circular with filibusterism, that the - publication of that document resulted in the cessation of all - filibustering attempts against Cuba. But this is not the only - result. The acts of aggression upon our citizens and our commerce, - by the authorities in Cuba, prior to the Ostend conference, were - of a character to seriously imperil the relations between the two - countries. But since the Ostend conference, most of those - difficulties have been settled, and the remainder are now in the - course of settlement; and as the legitimate result of the bold and - determined policy enunciated at Ostend, there has not since been a - single outrage against the rights of our citizens in Cuba. A - vacillating or less determined course on the part of our ministers - would have only invited further aggression. - - Thus it will be seen that the letter upon which the charge is - based by no means justifies the imputation. It only proves that, - under circumstances threatening actual danger to the Republic, - and in order to preserve its existence, the United States would - be “justified, by the great law of self-preservation,” in - acquiring the Island of Cuba without the consent of Spain. In - its careful preclusion of filibustering intent and assumption, - it shows the predominance of a conservative influence in the - Congress, which the country may safely attribute to the weight - of Mr. Buchanan’s counsels and character. It is obviously - manifest from the tenor of the document, that the construction - so sedulously contended for by the opponents of Democratic rule, - is that which was most earnestly deprecated by the prevailing - sentiment of its framers. Events were then in progress, and a - perilous catastrophe seemed to impend, that asked of American - statesmanship the exercise of all the decision, prudence and - energy at its command, to regulate and guide the one in such a - way as, if possible, to stay or avert the other. The local - administration in Cuba had become alarmed for its safety, and, - influenced by apprehension and terror of American filibusters, - had already adopted measures of undiscriminating aggression upon - the United States Government, by dishonoring its flag and - violating the rights of its citizens, which, if persisted in, - would inevitably have led to war. Nor was this the only danger; - for it was industriously affirmed by those in the interests of - Spanish rule, that the Island was to be “Africanized,” and - delivered over to “an internal convulsion which should renew the - horrors and the fate of St. Domingo”—an event to which, as Mr. - Everett truly declares in his letter to the British and French - ministers, declining the proposed alliance to guarantee Cuba to - Spain, both France and England would prefer any change in the - condition of that Island—not excepting even its acquisition by - the United States. Under the circumstances, nothing less than so - decided a manifestation of determined energy and purpose as was - made through the instrumentality of the Ostend conference, would - probably have prevailed to prevent that very struggle for the - conquest of Cuba, which it is now alleged to have been its - purpose to precipitate. And thus, as often happens in the - conduct of affairs, the decision and firmness which seemed - aggressive and menacing, facilitated a pacific and satisfactory - solution of difficulties that threatened war. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - 1854-1855 - - THE SOCIAL POSITION OF MR. BUCHANAN AND HIS NIECE IN ENGLAND. - - -The social position of Mr. Buchanan and his niece in England can be -described only by making extracts from letters. Miss Lane joined her -uncle in London in the spring of 1854, and remained with him until -the autumn of 1855. An American minister at the English court, at -periods of exciting and critical questions between the two nations, -is very likely to experience a considerable variation in the social -barometer. But the strength of Mr. Buchanan’s character, and the -agreeable personal qualities which were in him united with the -gravity of years and an experience of a very uncommon kind, overcame -at all times any tendency to social unpleasantness that might have -been caused by national feelings excited by temporary causes. -Letters written by Miss Lane from England to her sister Mrs. Baker -have been placed in my hands. From such letters, written in the -freedom of sisterly affection, I can take but very few extracts. -Many most eligible opportunities occurred which might have fixed the -fate of this young lady away from her own land; and it appears from -one of her uncle’s letters that after her return to America a very -exalted personage expressed regret that she had not been “detained” -in England. It was entirely from her own choice that she was not. - - [MISS LANE TO MRS. BAKER.] - - 56 HARLEY STREET, LONDON, Friday Feb. 9, 1855. - - I have no letter from you, dearest sister, since I last wrote, but - shall continue my fortnightly correspondence, though my letters - are written so hastily that they are not what they should be. We - are luxuriating in a deep snow, with a prospect of being housed, - as nobody thinks of sleighing in England—indeed there are no - sleighs. I returned home on Friday last, and really spent four - weeks near Liverpool most happily, and truly regretted when our - charming trio was broken up—we were so joyous and happy - together...... Mr. and Mrs. Brown and Miss Hargraves came up with - me, and Laly, after remaining a few days at the hotel, came to - stay with me. She will remain until Thursday, and is a sweet, dear - girl. - - To my great regret Mr. Welsh talks of going to the United States - on the 24th. I hope he may yet change his mind, for I shall miss - him so much, as there is no one in the legation I can call upon - with the same freedom as I do on him. Our secretary is not yet - appointed; it is said Mr. Appleton has received an offer of the - place; if he should come, uncle will be perfectly satisfied, as he - was his first choice. The Lawrences talk of going upon the - continent in March...... Mr. Mason continues to get better, but I - would not be surprised to hear of their anticipated return, as I - am sure his health would be much better in Virginia than in - Paris...... - - They have had great trouble here in forming a new ministry, and I - am sorry Lord Aberdeen has gone out, as he is a great friend of - the United States, and Lord Palmerston, the new prime minister, is - not. London is still dull, but begins to fill up more since - Parliament is in session. The war affects everything; there are no - drawing-rooms announced as yet, and it is doubted whether there - will be any, at least until after Easter. The queen returns to - town the middle of this month. Uncle is well, and seems to escape - the cold that is so prevalent. There are few Americans here now, - and the “Arctic” will deter them from crossing in such numbers to - the World’s Fair in Paris in May. We have had canvas-back duck - sent us lately, and it really takes one quite home again. How you - would have enjoyed them. Do you have them in California? Mr. —— - still continues in London. He has called since my return, but - unfortunately I was not at home; however I like his remaining so - long in London with no other attraction...... —— was in London for - two hours the other day, and passed one here. His sister continues - very ill. Do write me often, dear sister. I dare say your time is - much occupied now, but send a few lines. - - MARCH 2d, 1855. - - I did not send you a letter last week, dear sister, for I was not - very well and writing fatigued me. I am much better now, and as - the weather has become much milder, I hope my cold will pass - entirely off. I have your letters of Dec. 31st and Jan. 15th, and - think you have indeed been lucky in presents. There is not much of - that among grown persons here; they keep Christmas gaily, and the - children receive the presents...... - - Every thing is worn in Paris standing out. Skirts cannot be too - full and stiff; sleeves are still open, and basque bodies, either - open in front or closed; flounces are very much worn. I had some - dresses made in Paris that I wish you could see. - - Uncle wrote you ten days ago, direct to California. He is in good - health and spirits, and likes much to hear from you. We have dined - with the queen since I wrote. Her invitations are always short, - and as the court was in mourning and I had no black dress, one - day’s notice kept me very busy...... I ought to have black - dresses, for the court is often in mourning, and you know I belong - to it; but the season being quiet, I did not expect to go out to - any court parties. The queen was most gracious, and talked a great - deal to me. Uncle sat upon her right hand, and Prince Albert was - talkative, and altogether we passed a charming evening. The - Princess-Royal came in after dinner, and is simple, unaffected, - and very child-like—her perfect simplicity and sweet manners are - charming. Every thing of course was magnificent at the table—gold - in profusion, twelve candelabras with four candles each; but you - know I never can describe things of this sort. With mirrors and - candles all around the room, a band of delicious music playing all - the time, it was a little like fairy-land in its magnificence. We - had another band after dinner, while we took tea. Every thing is - unsettled here about the war and the ministry, and, really, - England seems in a bad way at present. It is positively stated - that the Emperor Napoleon is going to the Crimea, in opposition to - the advice of all his friends. - - MARCH 23d, 1855. - - I have your bright, cheerful letter of Jan. 31st, dear sister, and - rejoice in your good spirits. I have not been quite well for a few - weeks, suffering from cold—the weather has been so dreadful—so - that I have gone out but little; indeed, there seems to be a gloom - over everything in the gay line this year. Archbishop Hughes dined - with us on his way to the United States. He spoke of remembering - me in Washington at uncle’s, where he never saw me, and of course - it was you. We have given one large dinner this year, and I am - sorry it is time for them to commence. Our old butler, Cates, was - ill at the time, and on last Tuesday the honest old creature died. - We all felt it very much, as he was a capital servant, and so - faithful—my right-hand man. We dined two and twenty on the 10th, - English and Americans, and it passed off very well. Wednesday was - “fast-day,” and universally unpopular. They said, “we fast for the - gross mismanagement by the ministers of our affairs in the - Crimea,” and all such things. There is great satisfaction at the - czar’s death, and not the same respect paid by the court here that - there was in France. Mr. Appleton, our new Secretary, has arrived, - and will be presented to her Majesty on Monday. On Thursday, the - 29th, will be the first drawing-room. I shall not go. It will not - be a full one, as it comes before Easter, and it is rumored that - the Emperor and Empress of the French are coming in April. Unless - required to present Americans, I shall not go to more than two - this year. It is so expensive—one cannot wear the same dress - twice. There are usually four during the season. - - I have given up all idea of returning home before June, and most - likely not until uncle does in October; but I highly approve of - your plan to pay us a visit upon our return. As to my going to - California, you know how I should like it for your sake, but uncle - would never hear of my taking such a journey. It is different with - you; you return to see _every one_...... - - April 20th, 1855. - - I have yours of February 28th, and am delighted to hear you are so - snug and comfortable. Uncle positively talks of my return in June, - and he has really been so good and kind that if he thinks it best, - I must not oppose it. He is not going to charge me with any money - I have drawn, makes me a present of my visit here, and has - gratified me in every thing. He gives up his house on the 7th of - July, and will go to some place in the country, near London. If he - kept it until October, he would have to pay for several months - more, and it will economize a little to give it up—every thing is - so enormous here. I hope you have better luck about getting to - church, as I think you have been living very like a heathen. Much - obliged for the postage stamps. There are some alterations in the - postage law lately; every thing must be prepaid. - - The emperor and empress arrived here on Monday last, and went - immediately to Windsor. All London is mad with excitement and - enthusiasm, and wherever they move throngs of people follow them. - Yesterday they came to Buckingham Palace, and went into the city - to be present at a magnificent entertainment at Guildhall. There - never was such a crowd seen. In the afternoon at five they - received the diplomatic corps at the French Embassy, and I had a - long talk with her Majesty, who was most gracious and affable. She - is very striking, elegant and graceful. She wore a green silk, - flounced to the waist with seven or eight white lace flounces, - white lace mantle, and white crape bonnet and feathers. We go to - the palace to-night to an evening party, and there I shall even - have a better opportunity of seeing them. I was disappointed in - the emperor’s appearance—he is very short. Last night they - accompanied the queen, in state, to the opera, and there was a - grand illumination all over the city. I drove out to see it, but - there was such a crush of carriages, men, women and children, that - I was glad to get home. They were asking from fifty to one hundred - guineas for boxes at the opera, and from ten to forty for single - stalls. To-morrow the imperial guests depart, and London will - again return to its sober senses. There does not seem to be much - gaiety in prospect, but really this visit seems to be the only - thing thought of. The Masons are not coming to pay me a visit. - Betty has gone to Nice with her father, for his health. It is said - the queen will go to Paris at the opening of the exposition in - May. Ellen Ward’s marriage is postponed until the fifth of June, - by her father’s request. Mr. T. writes he has taken a state-room - on the Baltic, which was to sail on the 18th. He has talked of - this visit so long that I would not be surprised to hear it ended - in nothing. Lu has every thing planned and fixed and _destined_ to - take place just as she _wishes_, even that I am to be married in - my travelling dress and very quietly. I was at the Crystal Palace - on Tuesday, which is truly the most fairy-like and exquisitely - beautiful thing that could be made. The royal party go there - to-day. The building far exceeds in magnificence the one erecting - now in Paris. Mr. —— has lost his favorite sister, and is in great - distress, so I have not seen him for a time. I have made another - conquest, who comes in the true American style, _every day_. He is - rich and keeps a yacht, which costs him £2000 a year. Beaux are - pleasant, but dreadfully troublesome...... - - MAY 3d, 1855. - - I have yours, dear sister, of March 16th, and really your account - of the failures and rascals among your Californians is quite - frightful...... - - London is looking up in the way of gaiety, though the war is still - a sad weight upon many hearts. Yesterday (Wednesday) I attended - the second drawing-room of the season. You remember I was not - quite well at the first, and did not go. It was a very full and - brilliant one. I wore a pink silk petticoat, over-skirts of pink - tulle, puffed, and trimmed with wreaths of apple blossoms; train - of pink silk, trimmed with blonde and apple blossoms, and so was - the body. Head-dress, apple blossoms, lace lappits and - feathers.[20] There will be one more in celebration of the - birth-day on the 19th. Her Majesty was very gracious to me - yesterday, as was also the prince. On Wednesday next there is to - be a state ball at Buckingham Palace, which we shall of course - attend. On Monday Mrs. Shapter and I ran down to Brighton on the - sea-side, and returned on Tuesday night. We enjoyed it very much, - and I am sure the change was beneficial to both. I had two - splendid rides upon horseback along the water. Mrs. Shapter goes - away for a week on Saturday, and I shall miss her dreadfully. You - have doubtless heard of the attempt to assassinate the Emperor - Napoleon since his return from London. The diplomatic corps are - invited to be present at the singing of the Te Deum in the chapel - of the French Embassy on Sunday next, in celebration of the - emperor’s escape...... - - I have seen ——, and he ordered his gardener to send me from the - country all the roses he had in bloom, for the drawing-room. - Preceding the box came a sweet little note, which I of course - answered in a _tender_ way. Mr. ——, the man of the yacht, is - getting quite desperate, as he is ordered to join his regiment for - a month. He is constantly sending me flowers, and after his visit - to-day, despatched a magnificent bouquet. He is a very nice - fellow, and I really am sorry...... Uncle of course knows and sees - every one who comes to the house, and places _such confidence in - me_ that he gives himself no uneasiness. I have as many beautiful - flowers now, as my drawing-room can well hold. I wish I could see - you, dear Maye, and hope you can come home for a nice long visit - when we return. June is still _talked_ of for my return. I do not - know how it will be. My best love to Mr. B. - -Footnote 20: - - On their return home from that drawing-room, Mr. Buchanan said to - his niece: “Well, a person would have supposed you were a great - beauty, to have heard the way you were talked of to-day. I was - asked if we had many such handsome ladies in America. I answered, - ‘Yes, and many much handsomer. She would scarcely be remarked - there for her beauty.’” This anecdote is taken from a book - published at New York in 1870, entitled, LADIES OF THE WHITE - HOUSE, by Laura Carter Holloway. Deducting a little from the - somewhat gushing style in which the biographical sketches in this - book are written, it is reliable in its main facts, and it does no - more than justice to Miss Lane’s attractions and to the high - consideration in which she was held in English society. - - FRIDAY, July 13th, 1855. - - I have not had a letter from you in a long time, and hope “no news - is good news.” London is going through the usual routine of balls - and parties, and has nearly exhausted itself of its yearly labors. - Lord Raglan’s death has been very much felt, and throws many - families into mourning. Miss Steiner, one of the young ladies who - stood bridesmaid with me at Miss Jackson’s wedding, is now staying - with me. She is a sweet girl; came on Wednesday and I think will - leave on Monday. Her brother has just returned from America, and - expresses himself much pleased with all he saw. We have dined with - the Archbishop of Canterbury since I wrote you, which will please - Uncle Edward. He lives in Lambeth Palace, the residence of the - ancient archbishops, and we dined in the grand baronial reception - hall. We have had two large dinners, and give another next - Thursday, which will end our large entertainments, I dare say. We - went to Oxford the day of the Commemoration, and uncle had - conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Civil Law. It was most - gratifying and agreeable.[21] The same evening the queen gave her - last concert, and we were obliged to return to town. The King of - the Belgians is now on a visit to the queen, and they have all - gone to Osborne. The season is very nearly over, and I am really - glad to be done with lengthy dinners and crowded hot balls for a - while. I have now ...... a man of high position, clever and - talented, very rich, and the only fault to find is his age, which - is certainly great, as he will be sixty next year. He has a - daughter who is a widow, and I might pass for _her_ daughter. But - I really like him very much, and know how devoted he would be. I - should have everything to my heart’s best satisfaction, and go - home as often as I liked. But I will write no more about it...... - - Uncle is well and has passed this season remarkably well. I have - partially engaged a state-room for August 25th, but scarcely think - I will go then. The steamers are going so full now that it is - necessary to engage a long time before. - - We have been giving Friday evening receptions since June 15th, and - next Friday, the 20th, will be the last; we have had six. I hear - the exhibition in Paris is improving, and that will bring even - more Americans. As Miss Steiner and I are going out, I must stop - writing and get ready. How constantly I wish for you, and trust, - dear sister, whether I return to America or remain in England, - that it will not be many months before I see you once more. Love - to Mr. B. and yourself, from - - Your ever affectionate - HATTIE. - -Footnote 21: - - This mention of the Commemoration Day at Oxford, where Mr. - Buchanan, along with the poet Tennyson, received the degree of D. - C. L., does not do justice to the scene. The students, after their - fashion, greeted Miss Lane’s appearance with loud cheers, and on - her uncle they bestowed their applause vociferously. - - [TO MRS. BAKER.] - - LONDON, October 6, 1854. - - MY DEAR MARY:— - - I received your letter in due time, of the 14th July, and should - have answered it long ere this, but that I knew Harriet wrote to - you regularly. I wrote to you soon after my arrival in London, but - you have never acknowledged that letter, and as you have said - nothing about it in yours of the 14th July, I fear it has - miscarried. - - If I do not write often it is not because you are not freshly and - most kindly remembered. Indeed I feel great anxiety about your - health and prosperity, and am rejoiced that you appear to be happy - in San Francisco. You are often, very often, a subject of - conversation between Harriet and myself. - - We set out for Belgium to-morrow, where I have important public - business to transact. I take Harriet along to enable her to see a - little of the continent, and I may perhaps have time to accompany - her along the Rhine. - - I cannot be long absent, because the business of this legation is - incessant, important, and laborious. - - Thank God! I have been enjoying my usual health here, and am - treated as kindly as I could have expected. And yet I long to - return home, but must remain nearly another year to fulfill my - engagement with the President when I most reluctantly consented to - accept the mission. Should a kind Providence prolong my days, I - hope to pass the remnant of them in tranquillity and retirement at - Wheatland. I have been kindly treated by the world, but am - heartily sick of public life. Besides a wise man ought to desire - to pass some time in privacy before his inevitable doom...... - - I hope to be able to take Harriet on a short visit to Paris before - her return to the United States. I have but little time to write - to-day after my despatches, and determined not to let another post - for California pass without writing. Remember me kindly to Mr. - Baker, and believe me to be with warm and sincere affection and - regard - - Your uncle, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE IN PARIS.] - - LONDON, November 10, 1854. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I do not regard the article in the Pennsylvanian; but if Mr. Tyson - has really become a “know-nothing,” this would be a different - matter. It would at least, in some degree, modify the high opinion - which I had formed of him from his general character and his known - ability. - - I accompanied Mrs. Lawrence to the new lord mayor’s banquet last - evening. I got the lady mayoress to substitute her in your - place...... There were no ladies of foreign ministers present and - none I believe were invited, so that there would have been no - other mode of introducing you except through the lady mayoress. - The new lord mayor was exceedingly and specially civil to me. - - I wish you to make out your visit to Paris. We can get along - without you here, though you may think this impossible. Mr. Welsh - informs me that Mr. Mason will accompany you home; at this I - should be greatly rejoiced. The news, I fear, is too good to be - true. Much pleasure as it would afford me to see him, and have him - under my roof, I do not wish this unless he desires to pay me a - visit of some duration, and see the wonders of London. If it be - merely to accompany you and nothing more, it would be another - matter. This would be carrying civility too far. - - If I have felt anxious about you, just consider the unaccountable - marriages which —— and —— have both made. - - Many of your friends make kind inquiries after you. With my - kindest regards to Mr. and Mrs. Mason and the family, I remain, - - Yours affectionately, etc. - - LONDON, Jan. 20, 1855. - - I have received yours of yesterday. In answer I say, do just as - you please and then you will please me best. I desire that whilst - you remain in England, you should enjoy yourself prudently and - discreetly in the manner most agreeable to yourself. If you desire - it, there can be no objection to a visit to Miss Hargreaves. - - I send the letters received by the last steamer. I got one myself - from Mr. Macalester who says, “Please to say to Miss Harriet that - ‘Job’ will be out in the spring, provided the ...... gentleman is - disposed of (as he could wish) in the interim.” - - For my part, my impressions are favorable to “Job,” although I - consider him rather a cold lover to wait for a whole year. He does - not know that you will be home in the spring, and that he may - spare himself the voyage, nor did I so inform Mr. Macalester. - - I dine to-day “en famille” with General D’Oxholme. With my regards - to all, I remain, - - Yours affectionately, etc. - - January 31, 1855. - - ...... In regard to Miss Hargreaves, our loves are mutual. I - admire her very much. Return her my love, with all my heart; but - alas! what signifies the love of a man nearly sixty-four. - - I have accepted Mr. Atkinson’s invitation both for you and myself. - - August 18, 1855. - - I enclose a letter to you from Mr. H. Randall which I opened, - seeing that it came from Manchester, and believing it was about - the shawls. I have sent the two shawls mentioned in the letter as - requested to Messrs. —— & Co., and informed Mr. Randall where you - are, and that you would not be in London until Monday the 27th - instant. - - There is no news of any consequence. I dined yesterday with Sir - Richard Pakenham at the Traveller’s Club, and we had a pleasant - time of it. I shall meet him again at dinner on Tuesday next at - Count Lavradio’s, to which you were also invited. - - Sir Richard is a sensible man. He has absolutely resigned, and has - only been prevailed upon to attend the coronation of the young - king of Portugal as British Minister. He will be back from Lisbon - in October. He says he is determined not to wear out his life from - home, but pass the remnant of his days among his relatives and - friends in Ireland. I am persuaded he has not the least idea of - marrying a young wife, though younger than Sir F. He was born in - ’97 and Sir F. in ’96. I am in favor of a considerable disparity - between the ages of husband and wife for many reasons, and should - be especially so in your case. Still I do not think that your - husband ought to be more than double your age. - - August 20, 1855. - - I enclose you a number of letters, including all received by the - “Atlantic.” There is one, I presume, from Lady Ouseley. I wrote to - her and informed her of the circumstances of your visit to the - Isle of Wight, and your intention to pass some time with me at the - Star and Garter before proceeding to Lancashire, and our intention - then to visit them and Miss Gamble. - - I learn by a letter from John H. Houston that poor Jessie is very - ill of a typhoid fever, and her recovery doubtful, to say the - least. Brother Edward had been sent for, and was expected. - - I have received instructions from Governor Marcy on the Central - American questions, which render it almost morally certain that - from their nature they cannot be executed before the 30th of - September; with declarations that I am the most proper person, - etc., etc., etc., to carry them into effect, and not a word about - my successor. Indeed, Mr. Hunter, the chief clerk, writes me as - follows, under date of August 6th: “I hear nothing as to who is to - be your successor. It is no doubt a difficult question to decide.” - - August 23, 1855. - - I know nothing at present which will prevent me from accompanying - Mr. Appleton to the Isle of Wight. Why should I not occasionally - take “a spree” as well as Mr. Shapter? You may, therefore, secure - me a room in the hotel, should this be deemed necessary. I shall - be there some time on Saturday. Till then, farewell! - - August 28, 1855. - - I opened a letter for you from Glasgow. It is dated on the 24th, - and announces the sending of the two shawls—“grey centre, with - black and scarlet border.” They have not yet been received, - neither had those I returned been received. - - There was no letter for you by the “Asia.” I send the three last - _Heralds_. Poor Mr. Lawrence had been given up.[22] There were no - longer any hopes of his recovery. Col. L. is still in Paris. His - brother and lady are, I understand, in London, and will leave for - home by the “Arago,” from Southampton, to-morrow. - - I had not a word from Washington, official or unofficial—nothing - about poor Jessie. We had a very pleasant time on our return from - Black Gang Chine, and indeed throughout our excursion. The - Shanklin Chine is much more picturesque than the Black Gang - affair. No news. - -Footnote 22: - - The Honorable Abbot Lawrence, of Boston. - -Miss Lane returned to the United States shortly before the date of -this letter. - - LONDON, October 12, 1855. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have been watching the weather since you departed, and it has - been as favorable as I could have desired. If the winds and the - waves have been as propitious as my wishes and my hopes induce me - to believe, you will have had a delightful voyage. Good luck to - you on your native soil! I miss you greatly; but know it was for - your good that you should go home in this delightful weather, - instead of encountering a winter passage. - - Every person I meet has something kind to say of you. You have - left a good name behind, and that is something, but not more than - you deserve. - - Poor Lady Ouseley has lost her son. I have not seen her since this - sad event, but of course have called. - - I have met Lady Chantrey, Mrs. Shapter, the D’Oxholmes, etc., - etc., but need not repeat what they said. - - Sir Henry Holland called on Wednesday immediately after his - return, and expressed both sorrow and disappointment that he had - not seen you before your departure. He desired me to present you - his kindest regards, and says, God willing, he will call upon you - next summer in the United States. - - Take good care not to display any foreign airs and graces in - society at home, nor descant upon your intercourse with titled - people:—but your own good sense will teach you this lesson. I - shall be happy on my return to learn that it has been truly said - of you, “she has not been a bit spoiled by her visit to England.” - - I forgot to tell you I had seen the good duchess, who said many - extravagant things about you. - - I received a letter from Mrs. Plitt by the last steamer, directed - to you, with instructions that if you had left I might open and - read and then burn it, all which I have done. - - I wrote to Miss Hetty by the Southampton steamer on Wednesday - last, and sent two of the _Posts_. - - I shall give up the house towards the end of the month. Mr. - Appleton now occupies your room, and renders himself quite - agreeable. - - I have not seen Grey[23] since you left; but she says she did put - up your slippers in the black bag. I shall make it a point to see - her and talk with her before she finally leaves the house. She has - been absent, but is backwards and forwards. - - I heard nothing from Washington by the last steamer respecting - myself. I shall present my letter of recall, and take leave of the - queen soon after it arrives. As you know, I am heartily tired of - my position. But what then? I do not wish to arrive in the United - States before the meeting of Congress. I am uncertain what I shall - do, but will always keep you advised, having confidence that you - will not talk about my intended movements...... - - Louis Napoleon at the present moment wields more real power than - ever his great uncle did. All the potentates in Europe dread him, - and are paying court to him. He has England in leading strings - nearly as much as Sardinia. How have the mighty fallen! - - Mr. Ward came to the legation to take leave of you a few moments - after you left on Friday morning. Consols have been falling, - falling continually for the last week, and this makes him - melancholy. - - Mrs. Shapter promised to write by the steamer. She has arranged - the account you left with her in a satisfactory manner. She has - not yet sent her letter, which I shall transmit by the bag. - - Mrs. Lawrence called this morning to take leave of me. She appears - to be much rejoiced at the prospect of getting home. - -Footnote 23: - - Miss Lane’s English maid. - - October 19, 1855. - - Whilst I write, I congratulate myself with the belief that under - the blessing of Providence, you are again happily in your native - land and among kind friends. The passage of the Baltic from New - York to Liverpool was one of the smoothest and most agreeable ever - made. Hence we have every reason to believe that the Atlantic - enjoyed the same favorable weather. - - I had a very pretty note from Mrs. Sturgis on the 15th instant, - presenting me with a water melon, in which she says: “I was sorry - not to say ‘good bye’ to Miss Lane in person, but we did not - forget to drink her health and a prosperous voyage, and we feel - how very much we shall miss her and her praises another - season.[24]” Of course I answered this note in a proper manner. - - The good but eccentric duchess always speaks of you in terms of - warm affection and regard, and sends her kindest love. - - Mr. and Mrs. Alston, of South Carolina, and Mr. Elliott, the - Commissioner of that State at the Paris Exhibition, passed last - Sunday evening with us. She is a superior woman, and withal quite - good looking and agreeable. - - I received the enclosed letter from Mary to you on Monday last, by - the Baltic. Knowing from unmistakable signs that it came from - Mary, I opened it merely to ascertain that she was well. I - purposely know but little of its contents. I wrote to her - yesterday, and invited her to pay us a visit next spring, offering - to pay the expenses of her journey. I suggested that it would - scarcely be worth her while to pay us a visit for less than a - year, and that in the mean time, Mr. Baker’s expenses would be - much reduced, and he would have an opportunity of arranging his - affairs. - - Doctor and Mrs. Le Vert, formerly Miss Octavia Walton, are now - here. Strangely enough, I had never met her before. She is - sprightly, talkative and animated, but does not seem to understand - the art of growing old gracefully. I shall make a favorable - impression on her, I trust, by being a good listener. I have not - seen her daughter, but they are all to be with me some evening - before their departure, which will be in the Arago on the 24th - instant. - - I have not received my letter of recall, and entertain but little - hope that it will be sent before General Thomas shall reach - Washington. I will keep you advised. I dine to-day with General - D’Oxholme. - - The repulse of the Russians at Kars astonishes me. The Turks and - the French have acquired the glory of the present war. Our mother - England is rather upon the background. - - Sir William and Lady Ouseley are most deeply affected by the loss - of their son. I saw her last night for the first time since the - sad event, and most sincerely sympathized with her. She became - calmer after the first burst of grief was over, and talked much - about you. On request of Sir William I write to-day to Mrs. - Roosevelt, giving her the sad information. - - Lady Stafford requests me by letter to give you her warmest - regards, and to tell you she hopes Heaven will bless you both in - time and eternity. - - Mrs. Shapter looks delicate. I saw her yesterday. She said she - would write, but I have not yet received her letter. Should it - come, I shall send it by the despatch bag. - -Footnote 24: - - Mrs. Russell Sturgis. - - October 26, 1855. - - I have but little time to write before the closing of the mail, - having been much and unexpectedly engaged to-day. - - Almost every person I meet speaks kindly of you. I dined with Lady - Talbot de Malahide on Tuesday last, and she desired me specially - to send you her kindest love. Doctor, Madame and Miss Le Vert - passed last Sunday evening with me. She is a most agreeable - person. I think it right to say this of her, after what I wrote - you in my last letter. - - I dine to-day with Lady Chantrey, where I am to meet Dr. Twiss. - - Grey left yesterday morning on a visit to her relatives in - Devonshire. I made her a present of a sovereign to pay her - expenses there, besides paying her week’s wages. I have enlisted - Lady Chantrey warmly in her favor, and I hope she may procure a - place. - - I received by the last steamer a private letter from Governor - Marcy, in answer to mine requesting my letter of recall. He - informs me it had been sent and was then on its way. There is - something mysterious in the matter which I cannot explain. It has - not yet arrived, though it ought to have been here before your - departure. Before that, I had received despatches Nos. 109 and - 111. Despatch No. 110—the intermediate one—has not yet come to - hand. I presume my letter of recall was in the missing despatch. I - have my own suspicions, but these do not attach to Governor Marcy. - His letter was frank and friendly, and was evidently written in - the full conviction that I would have received my recall before - his letter could reach me. Some people are very anxious to delay - my return home. - - Now the aspect of things has changed. The British government has - recently sent a considerable fleet to our coasts, and most - inflammatory and absurd articles in reference to the object of - this fleet have appeared in the _Times_, the _Globe_, and the - _Morning Post_. I have no doubt they will be republished all over - the United States. The aspect of affairs between the two countries - has now become squally; and Mr. Appleton will not consent to - remain here as chargé till the new minister arrives. In this he is - right; and consistently with my honor and character, I could not - desert my post under such circumstances. I may, therefore, be - compelled to remain here until the end of December, or even - longer. This will depend on the time of the appointment of my - successor, which may not be until the meeting of Congress. It is - possible that Mr. Appleton may return home by the Pacific on the - 3d November. He is very anxious I should consent to it, which, - however, I have not yet done. - - I trust I may hear of your arrival at home by the Pacific on - to-morrow. The foggy and rainy weather has commenced, and the - climate is now dreary. Mr. and Mrs. John Wurts, of New York, - passed the evening with me yesterday. He is an old friend and she - an agreeable lady. They will return by the Pacific. - - November 9th, 1855. - - I have received your favors of the 21st and 22d October. I thank - Heaven that you have arrived at home in health and safety. The - weather since your departure has been such as you know prevails at - this season, and London has been even too dull for me, and this is - saying much for it. - - I received my letter of recall, dated on the 11th September, last - Monday, the 5th instant, with an explanation from Governor Marcy - of the mistake which had occasioned its delay. Had this been sent - on the 11th September, I might with all convenience have - accompanied you home, either on the 6th or, at latest, on the 20th - October. - - The storm which has been raised in England in regard to the - relations between the two countries renders it impossible that I - should leave the legation at the present moment. Mr. Appleton has - at length reluctantly consented to remain until my departure, and - this relieves me from much embarrassment. I now hope to be at home - early in January, but this for the present you had better keep to - yourself. I may in the meantime probably visit Paris. - - I regret that such unfounded reports respecting Mr. Mason’s health - should reach the United States. - - You speak to me concerning the Presidency. You of all other - persons best know that even if there were no other cogent reasons, - the state of my health is not such as would enable me to undergo - the intense anxiety and fatigue incident to wearing that crown of - thorns. Of course I wish nothing said about the state of my - health. - - My friends in Pennsylvania constitute the ablest and most honest - portion of the Democratic party. They now have the power in their - own hands, and they ought, _for their own benefit, not mine_, to - take care that Pennsylvania shall be represented by proper persons - in the national convention. They can, if they will, exert such a - powerful influence as to select the best man for the country from - among the list of candidates, and _thus take care of themselves_. - This would be my advice to them, were I at home. I hope they may - follow it. As far as I can learn, President Pierce is daily - growing stronger for a renomination. - - I enclose you a note which I have received from the Duchess of - Somerset. - - I know not whether Mrs. Shapter will write to you to-day. I - communicated your kind messages, with which she appeared to be - much gratified, and spoke of you most affectionately. - - You will be gratified to learn that Sir —— does not bear malice. - Mr. Bedinger in writing to me from Copenhagen on the 4th instant, - says: “I saw them both several times. Sir —— and his charming - niece (for so I found her), told me much of yourself and your - charming niece, who they said had recently left you for America.” - - I have a very long despatch for to-day, and must bid you adieu. - May God be with you to protect and direct you. Be prudent and - circumspect and cautious in your communications to others. There - are very few people in the world who can keep a secret. They must - tell or burst. - - November 16th, 1855. - - I have received your favor of the 30th ultimo, per the Atlantic. - - General Webb’s advice is likely to be followed, very much against - my own will. I am now in the midst of the storm, and my sense of - duty leaves me no alternative but to remain at my post until the - danger shall have passed away, or until President Pierce shall - think proper to appoint my successor. Mr. Appleton goes home by - this steamer. The President had sent him a commission as chargé ad - interim, to continue from my departure until the arrival of my - successor. I resisted his importunities to go home as long as I - could, but the last letter from his wife was of such a character - that I could no longer resist. He is a _perfect_ secretary, as - well as an excellent friend. He has been in the house with me - since your departure, and I shall not now give the house up for - the present. The little cook has done very well. - - I presume that ere this you know that Colonel Forney has come out - openly in favor of the renomination of General Pierce. You know - that I considered this almost unavoidable. General Pierce placed - him in the _Union_, and has maintained him there and afforded him - the means of making a fortune. Besides, he is the editor of the - President’s official journal. Under these circumstances, he could - not well have acted otherwise, and I do not blame him for it. - Still he will be severely attacked, and in self-defence will be - obliged to come out and say that he has acted thus because I had - determined not to become a candidate for nomination before the - national convention; and this defence will be nothing more than - the truth. This will possibly place Mr. Dallas and General Pierce - as rival candidates before the Democracy of Pennsylvania, which - might prove unfortunate. _But still be quiet and discreet and say - nothing._ - - If I had any views to the Presidency, which I have not, I would - advise you not to remain longer in Philadelphia than you can well - avoid. A large portion of my friends in that city are bitterly - hostile to those whom you must necessarily meet there. I presume, - without knowing, that Governor Bigler will be the candidate of the - administration for the Senate. - - Lady Ouseley desires me to send you her kindest love, and I - believe she entertains for you a warm affection. I have not seen - her to deliver your message since the receipt of your letter. Lady - Alice Peel, Lady Chantry and others send their kind regards. I - dine with Mrs. Shapter to-morrow. - - I shall write by the present steamer to James Henry to come out - here immediately, as I may be detained until January or February, - and I shall want some person to be in the house with me. Could I - have foreseen what has come to pass, I might have been selfish - enough to retain you here. I can scarcely see the paper for a - “yellow fog.” I wish you could call to see John G. Brenner and his - wife. - - Give my love to brother Edward and his family. - - November 23d, 1855. - - I have received your favors of the 5th and 6th instants, and - immediately posted your letters to the duchess, Lady Ouseley and - Miss Hargreaves. - - The weather here has been even more disagreeable than usual for - the season, and I have had a cough and clearing of the throat - exactly similar to your own last winter. I have not used any - remedies for it, and it is now, thank Heaven, passing away. Since - Mr. Appleton left, I have got Mr. Moran to sleep in the house with - me. - - Lady Ouseley has been quite unwell, but she was able to ride out - in my carriage yesterday...... She says, “when you write to Miss - Lane, pray give her my best love, with many thanks for her kind - note, which I will answer as soon as I am better.” - - In a letter from Mrs. Roosevelt, dated on the 13th ultimo, in - which, after mentioning that she had learned your intention to - return home, she invites you to make her house your home while in - New York, etc., etc. I have written to her to-day, thanking her - for her kind invitation, and expressing the desire that you should - know each other better. - - I agree with you in opinion that Mr. —— is not the man to succeed - in public life, or in captivating such fastidious ladies as - yourself; but yet I have no doubt he is a good and amiable man, as - he is certainly well informed. Much allowance ought to be made for - wounded vanity. But I admit I am no judge in these matters, since - you inform me that Mr. —— has been the admiration of Philadelphia - ladies. - - Mr. Van Dyke does not properly appreciate Mr. Tyler. I like them - both very much, as well as their wives. - - Van Dyke is able, grateful, energetic and influential, and should - he take care of himself, will yet win his way to a high position. - - Do not forget to present my love to Lily Macalester and my kind - regards to her father and Mrs. Lathrop. - - I know of no news here which would interest you much. A few dinner - parties are now given, to which I have been invited. I dine to-day - with Monckton Milnes, and on Tuesday next with Sir Henry and Lady - Holland. - - Many kind inquiries are still made about you. I wish you would - inform Eskridge without delay that I attach great importance to - the immediate transfer of the Michigan Central Railroad stock - about which I wrote to him by the last steamer. I hope, however, - that ere this can reach you he will have attended to this - business. - - In one respect, at least, I am now deemed a man of great - importance. In the present uneasy condition of the stock exchange, - an incautious word from me would either raise or sink the price of - consols. - - I see much of Mr. Ward, and he is _thoroughly American_ in our - present difficulties. This has raised him much in my estimation. - - London, November 2, 1855. - - I have but truly a moment to write to you. We did not learn your - arrival by the Pacific, which I had expected with much interest. - - Lord Clarendon told me yesterday that the queen had expressed her - regret not to have seen you before your departure. He said she had - heard you were to marry Sir ——, and expressed how much she would - have been gratified had you been detained in England. We had some - talk about the disparity of your ages, which I have not time to - repeat, even if it were worth repeating. I said it was supposed - Sir —— was very rich. “Yes,” he said, “enormously.” - - There is a great muss here at present about the relations between - the two countries, but I think it will all eventually blow over - and may do good. Everybody is now anxious to know something about - American affairs; and both in the press and the public we have - many powerful defenders against the measures adopted by Lord - Palmerston’s government. - - November 30, 1855. - - I have received your favor of the 12th instant from Lancaster. Ere - this can reach you Mr. Appleton will have seen you and told you - all about my affairs. I have but little to say to you of any - consequence. - - I saw the duchess two or three days ago, and she spoke in - raptures, as is her wont, about your “beautiful letter” and - yourself. She begged me to say to you she would soon answer it. - - I shall deliver your message to Mrs. Sturgis as soon as she shall - appear in public after her confinement........ Among the ancient - Jews she would have been considered a prodigy and a blessing. I - like her very much. - - Van Dyke’s message is like himself. He is a kind and true-hearted - fellow. I am persuaded, however, he does Tyler injustice. His - being for Wise was but another reason for being for myself. He had - written me several letters of a desponding character. He thought - the State was going all wrong,—great danger of Dallas, etc., and - attributed all to my refusal to be a candidate, and not returning - home at the time I had appointed. - - By the last steamer, however, I received a letter from him of a - character altogether different...... - - I shall be anxious to learn what plans you have adopted for the - winter. - - The enclosed letter from Lady Chantrey was handed to me by - Charles. In a hurry I opened it. “Why,” said he, “that is to Miss - Lane, and was brought here from Lady Chantrey.” I now take the - cover off, and enclose it to you, assuring you that I have not - read a single word of it. - - December 14, 1855. - - I have nothing of interest to communicate by this steamer. The - past week has been dull, gloomy, and cold for the season. The - walks in the park are covered with snow, and I find them very - slippery. The winter has set in with unusual severity, whilst the - price of provisions is very high. God help the poor in this vast - Babel! Their sufferings will be dreadful. - - Although I have not suffered, either from ennui or despondency, - yet I shall hail the arrival of James Henry with pleasure. I think - it may be of service to him to be with me a month or six weeks. - - I am extremely sorry to learn that “Mrs. Plitt’s health is very - bad.” She is a woman among a thousand. Most sincerely and deeply - do I sympathize with her. Give her my kindest love. - - I have heard nothing of the six shawls since your departure, but I - have already written to Mr. Randall, and requested him to send me - the bill, which I shall pay as soon as received...... - - I have received your furs from Mrs. Shapter, and shall send them - to New York by the “Arago,” which will leave Southampton on the - 19th instant. They are packed in a nice little box directed to the - care of George Plitt, Esquire. I shall, through Mr. Croshey, get - Captain Lines himself to take charge of them and pay the duty. - Please to so arrange it that some friend at New York may be ready - to receive them and refund him the duty which he may have paid. - - I have again inadvertently opened a letter addressed to you which - I enclose, and I assure that I did not read a single word in it, - except “My dearest Hattie.” I can, therefore, only guess who is - the writer. - - I started out yesterday and paid three very agreeable visits to - the Countess Bernsdorff, Lady Palmerston, and the Duchess of - Somerset. I found them all at home, and had a nice little chat - with each. The duchess told me Lord Panmure had been with her, and - had been quite extravagant in his praises of what he termed my - able, friendly, and discreet conduct in the late difficulties - between the two countries. But for me, he said, these might have - produced serious consequences. The duchess, as usual, spoke - extravagantly in your praise, and desired her love to you. - - I presume that Mrs. Lane and yourself have had a fine time of it - hearing Rachel. She is quite competent to understand and - appreciate the beauties of French tragedy. However this may be, - she possesses as much knowledge in this line as thousands of - others who will be quite enraptured with Rachel’s acting. I am - glad you are on good and friendly terms with her...... From - present appearances the war will end before the spring. This will - be the case should the czar accept the terms suggested by Austria - and consented to by the allies. - - December 21, 1855. - - Since the date of my last letter I have received the news of the - death of poor Mary.[25] I need not inform you of my devoted - attachment to her, and she deserved it all. Poor girl! she had her - own troubles, and she bore them all with cheerful patience. She is - now at rest, I trust, in that heavenly home where there is no more - pain and sorrow. Her loss will make the remainder of my residence - here, which I trust may be brief, dreary and disconsolate. - - How happy I am to know that you are with Mrs. Plitt! She has a - warm heart, and a fine intellect, and will, better than any other - person, know how to comfort and soothe you in your sorrow. I am - thankful that you are now at home. - - With Mrs. Plitt’s kind letter to me came that from Mrs. Speer to - you, and one from Lieutenant Beale to myself. I shall always - gratefully remember his kindness and that of his wife. His letter - was just what it ought to have been. I wrote to Mrs. Plitt from - Southampton by the “Arago,” which left on Wednesday last. - - The death of poor Mary has been your first serious sorrow, because - you were too young to feel deeply the loss of your parents. Ere - this can reach you a sufficient time will have elapsed for the - first natural overflowings of sorrow. I would not have restrained - them if I could. It is now time that they should moderate, and - that you should not mourn the dead at the expense of your duties - to the living. This sad event ought to teach you the vanity of all - things human and transitory, and cause you to fix your thoughts, - desires, and affections on that Being with whom “there is no - variableness or shadow of turning.” This will not render you - gloomy, but will enable you the better to perform all the duties - of life. In all calamitous events we ought to say emphatically: - “Thy will be done.” At the last, all the proceedings of a - mysterious Providence will be justified in another and a better - world, and it is our duty here to submit with humble resignation. - Although my course of life has been marked by temporal prosperity, - thanks be to Heaven, yet I have experienced heart-rending - afflictions, and you must not expect to be exempt from the common - lot of humanity. I have not seen Mrs. Shapter, but I sent her Mr. - Beale’s letter, which she returned with a most feeling note. She, - also, wrote to you by the “Arago.” - - You will know sooner in the United States than I can at what time - I shall be relieved. I shall now expect to hear by the arrival of - every steamer that my successor has been appointed. Should he - arrive here within a month or six weeks, I still have an idea of - running over to the continent; but I have yet determined upon - nothing. I have a great desire to be at home. - -Footnote 25: - - Mrs. Baker. - - December 28, 1855. - - I have received your favor of the 11th instant with the copy of - Mr. Baker’s letter, which I have read with deep interest. I wrote - to you last week on the subject of poor Mary’s death, which I - deeply deplore. I hope that ere this can reach you your mind will - have been tranquillized on that sad event. It would have been - wrong, it would have been unnatural, had you not experienced - anguish for the loss of so good, kind-hearted, and excellent a - sister. - - Still, the loss is irreparable, grief is unavailing, and you have - duties to perform towards yourself as well as your friends. To - mourn for the dead at the expense of these duties would be sinful. - We shall never forget poor Mary, her memory will always be dear to - us; but it is our duty to bow with submission to the will of that - Being in whose hands are the issues of life and death. You know - what a low estimate I have ever placed upon a woman without - religious principles. I know that in your conduct you are guided - by these principles, more than is common in the fashionable world; - but yet if this melancholy dispensation of Providence should cause - you to pay more attention than you have done to “the things which - pertain to your everlasting peace,” this would be a happy result. - I have lost many much-loved relatives and friends; but though age - becomes comparatively callous, I have felt and feel deeply the - loss of Mary and Jessie. Poor Jessie! She died breathing my name - with her devotions. What can I do—what shall I do for her - children? - - I send by the bag to the department a letter from the duchess, to - whom, I believe, I have not mentioned our loss. - - Sir William and Lady Ouseley dined with me a few days ago. There - were no persons present except ourselves. She sincerely - sympathizes with you. Time begins to produce its healing influence - on her grief, though both she and poor Sir William have been sadly - cast down by their calamity. - - James Henry arrived here on Christmas evening after a passage of - three weeks which he evidently enjoyed. He talks to Mr. Ward - knowingly about every part of a sailing vessel. His plan of travel - is quite extensive, far too much so for the sum he intends to - expend. I shall gradually cut it down to more reasonable limits. - - No news yet of the appointment of my successor, notwithstanding - the efforts of Mr. Appleton. I have not received the President’s - message, but expect it on Monday with much anxiety. Should I then - hear nothing of a successor or secretary of legation, I shall give - them formal notice that I will present my letter of recall on a - particular day; and should no person arrive in the meantime, that - I will leave the legation in charge of General Campbell. - - January 4, 1856. - - I have received yours of the 17th ultimo, and am pained to learn - that you neither see your friends nor take exercise since your - return to Philadelphia. Your grief for poor Mary’s death, or at - least the manifestation of it, exceeds all reasonable limits, and - I am truly sorry that you have not more self-command. Although I - know it is sincere, and it ought to be deep, yet you ought to - recollect that the world are severe censors. - - In regard to the bringing of dear Mary’s remains from San - Francisco to Lancaster or Franklin county, I have not a word to - say. This must be left to her nearer relatives. She sleeps as - sweetly on the distant shores of the Pacific as she could do on - any other spot of earth, and her disembodied spirit will be - equally near to you wherever you may wander. Still I know it is a - sort of instinct of nature to desire to have the tombs of our - friends near us; and even if I had any right to object, I should - not exercise it. Do as you please, and I shall be content...... - - James Henry is with me very busy and persevering in sight-seeing. - I am sorry I do not feel it proper to detain him with me. The - carnival comes so early this year that he must soon be off, as he - intends to take Naples en route to Rome. I get along very well - with Mr. Moran, though the labor is too great for one man to - perform. In truth I cannot answer all the letters I receive, and - attend to my appropriate duties. I shall, however, endeavor to - write you a few lines every week. Friends still inquire after you - with great kindness. - - January 11, 1856. - - I have received your favor of the 25th ultimo, together with an - agreeable little note from Mrs. Plitt, for which give her my - thanks. - - James Henry left us yesterday afternoon. He had drawn all his - plans with mathematical precision, and I did not like to mar them. - He was to go direct to Naples, and be at Rome during the carnival, - so that he had but little time. He is a calculating, and I think a - determined boy....... He has certainly made a favorable impression - here on the persons with whom he has been in company, especially - on Lady Holland. The dinner went off extremely well; some of them - said _almost_ as well as if you had been present. As you would - probably like to know the company, I will tell you: - - Mr. and Madame Tricoupi, the Count and Countess de Lavradio, Count - Bernstorff, the Brazilian Minister and Madame Moreiro, the Swedish - Minister and Baroness Hochschild, the Danish Minister and Madame - D’Oxholme, Mr. and Mrs. Comyn, Sir Henry and Lady Holland, Lady - Talbot de Malahide, R. Monckton Milnes, and J. Buchanan Henry, - Esq. - - Count Colloredo had the commands of the queen, and could not - attend. Countess Bernstorff was ill. Baron Bentinck had an - engagement in the country, and so had Mr. and Mrs. Musurus. So you - have the list of invitations as well as of those who attended. I - expect to leave the house next week. - - I very often think of poor Mary, and shall always cherish her - memory with deep affection. I trust that ere this your grief has - moderated, and that you begin to bear your loss with the - philosophy of a Christian, and with humble resignation to the - Divine will. - - James desired me to send his love to you, and say that he would - write to you from Rome. - - January 25, 1856. - - Without a secretary of legation, I have so much business to - transact and so many persons to see, that I must give great - offence by necessarily failing to answer the letters of my friends - on your side of the Atlantic. I have not yet heard of the - appointment of my successor from Washington; but the last steamer - brought out a report, on which some of the passengers thought - reliance might be placed, that Governor Toucey either had been or - would be appointed. It would be difficult to make a better - selection. In all this matter, they have treated me discourteously - and improperly. By every steamer since the return of Mr. Appleton - to the United States, I had a right to expect news of a new - appointment. I have written more than once _emphatically_ upon the - subject, and they are now fully apprised that I shall leave the - legation next month, and entrust its affairs to General Campbell, - should neither minister nor secretary in the mean time appear. - - The Central American questions might now, I think, be easily - settled with any other premier than Lord Palmerston. Since the - publication of the correspondence here and the articles in the - _Times_ and _Daily News_ in our favor, there would seem to be a - general public opinion that we are right. This, I think, renders - it certain that serious difficulties between the two countries - cannot grow out of these questions. I enclose you an article from - the _Morning Advertiser_, but little calculated to do me good in - the United States. What on earth could have induced the editor to - write such an article is a mystery. So far as regards any effect - it may produce upon the Presidency, I feel quite indifferent. - There is a profound wisdom in a remark of Rochefoucauld, with - which I met the other day: “Les choses que nous desirons - n’arrivent pas, ou, si elles arrivent, ce n’est, ni dans le tems, - ni de la manière que nous auraient fait le plus de plaisir.” I had - a letter yesterday from Judge Mason, dated on the 23d, giving me a - pressing and cordial invitation to stay with him when I visit - Paris. This, I believe, I shall accept, at least for part of my - brief visit. He is much pleased with Mr. Wise, his new secretary - of legation. James B. Henry, he says, who took the despatches to - him, “remained but a few hours in Paris, hurrying to Marseilles to - take a steamer for Italy.” I have not heard from him since he - left, nor did I expect to hear so soon. - - Mrs. Shapter has been quite unwell, but is now down-stairs again. - I have not seen her since the date of my last. - - We had quite an agreeable dinner party at Lord Woodehouse’s on - Wednesday last. I had a very pleasant conversation with the - Countess Persigny, who speaks English very prettily, though not - yet fluently. She is evidently proud of being the grand daughter - of Marshal Ney, and well she may be. We had quite a _tête à tête._ - She, or rather the count, has been very civil to me of late. The - woman-killer, for whom, as you know, I have very little respect, - and with whom I have had no intercourse for a considerable period, - seems determined that I shall be on good terms with him. I - suffered as usual the penalty of this dinner—a sleepless and - uncomfortable night. Dinner invitations are again becoming - numerous, but I shall accept none except from those to whom I feel - under obligations for past kindness. Your name still continues to - be mentioned with kindness by your friends and acquaintances. I - sent the other day by the “Frigate Bird,” to Charles Brown, the - collector, a portrait of the justly celebrated John Hampden, from - our friend MacGregor,[26] intended to be presented to Congress, - and have requested Mr. Brown to keep it for me till my return. I - also sent two boxes containing books and different articles—one of - them champagne and the other wine. These might be sent to - Eskridge. Please to tell Mr. Plitt about them, who, if he will - call on Mr. Brown, will hear all about the picture. I have neither - room nor time to write more. - -Footnote 26: - - James MacGregor, Esq., M. P. - - February 1st, 1856. - - I have but little time to write to-day. - - Parliament was yesterday opened by the queen. I need not describe - the ceremony to you, as you have already witnessed it. What struck - me most forcibly was the appearance in the diplomatic box of a - full-blooded black negro as the representative of his Imperial - Majesty of Hayti. - - I have received a letter from James Henry, dated at Rome on the - 20th ultimo...... Realities never correspond with the expectations - of youth. - - I had confidently expected to receive by the Atlantic, whose mails - and despatch bag have just come to hand, an answer to my last most - urgent request for the appointment of my successor and the - immediate appointment of a secretary of legation, but in this I - have been disappointed. Not one word in relation to the - subject...... - - I wish I had time to write you more. This steamer will carry a - most important despatch to Washington. - - February 8th, 1856. - - Our latest dates from New York are to Saturday, the 19th of - January. We have had no Collins or Cunard steamer during the - present week. Since the first spell of cold weather, the winter - has been open, damp and disagreeable. - - I have gone a good deal into society since the meeting of - Parliament, because it is my duty to embrace every opportunity of - conversing with influential people here on the relations between - the two countries. _The Morning Advertiser_ has been publishing a - series of articles, one stating that high words had passed between - Lord Clarendon and myself, at the foreign office, and that he had - used violent expressions to me there; another that I had, because - of this, declined to attend Lady Palmerston’s first reception; and - a third, which I have not seen, that Sir Henry Bulwer and myself - had been in conference together with a view of settling the - Central American questions. Now all this is mere moonshine, and - there is not a shadow of truth in any one of these statements. - - I went to Count Persigny’s on the evening of Shrove Tuesday, and - had quite an agreeable time of it. There were a number of - distinguished persons present, though not a crowd. Many kind - inquiries were made respecting yourself. I dine to-day at Sir - Henry Holland’s, on purpose to meet Macaulay, should his health - enable him to be present. On Tuesday at Mr. Butt’s, and on - Wednesday at Lord Granville’s, where there will be a party in the - evening. - - I met the “woman-killer” —— in the ante-chamber of the foreign - office on Wednesday last. He now seems determined to be such good - friends with me, that in good manners I must treat him kindly. - Knowing my tender point, he launched out in your praises, and said - such extravagant things of you as I could scarcely stand, - notwithstanding my weakness on this subject. Fortunately for me, - before he had concluded, he was summoned to Lord Clarendon, - greatly to my relief. - - I think they will hesitate about sending me away, even if Mr. - Crampton should receive his passports. Mr. Cobden told me the - other evening at the Reform Club that Mr. Willcox, the member of - Parliament from Southampton, had said to Lord Palmerston: “Well, - you are about to send Buchanan away;” and his reply was, “If - Buchanan should remain until I send him away, he will be here to - all eternity.” This, however, is _à la mode_ de Palmerston, and - means but little one way or the other. I only repeat it as one of - his jokes, and my hesitation on the subject is not in the - slightest degree founded on this remark. - - I should infer that my Presidential stock is declining in the - market. I do not now receive so many love letters on the subject - as formerly, always excepting the ever faithful Van Dyke and a few - others. Heaven bless them! I see the best face has been put on - Bigler’s election, but still it is an ugly symptom. Declining - prospects give me no pain. These would rather afford me pleasure, - were it not for my friends. Pierce’s star appears now to be in the - ascendant, though I think it is not very probable he will be - nominated. Heaven only knows who will be the man. - - February 15, 1856. - - Nothing of importance has occurred since I wrote you last. I have - been out a good deal, deeming it my duty at the present crisis to - mingle with influential society as much as possible. Everywhere - you are kindly remembered. Lord and Lady Stanhope have been very - particular in their inquiries about you, and say much which it - would be gratifying to you to hear. I promised to Mr. and Mrs. - Butt, that I would transmit you their kind compliments. The - Duchess of Somerset begged me to say to you, that at the date of - her letter to you, she had not heard of your affliction. - - I trust that Mr. Dallas may soon make his appearance in London, as - I am exceedingly anxious to be relieved from my present - position...... What will you say to my reconciliation with - Governor Bigler? He addressed me _such a letter_ as you have - scarcely ever read. It was impossible for me to avoid giving it a - kind answer. I accepted his overtures, and informed him that it - would not be my fault if we should not always hereafter remain - friends. He had often made advances to me indirectly before, which - I always declined. This seems to be the era of good feeling in - Pennsylvania. Davy Lynch’s letters, for some months past, have - been quite graphic and amusing. He says that “the Eleventh hour - Buchanan Legion” at Harrisburgh have unanimously elected him a - member, for which he kindly thanked them, and at the same time - advised them to work hard and diligently to make up for lost time. - They responded that their exertions should be directed with a view - to throw my old fogy friends into the shade. - - Notwithstanding all this, the signs of the times are not very - auspicious to my experienced eye, and I shall be neither - disappointed nor sorry should the Cincinnati convention select - some other person. It will, however, be always a source to me of - heartfelt gratification, that the Democracy of my native State - have not deserted me in my old age, but have been true to the - last. - - I am truly sorry to hear of Mr. Randall’s affliction. He is an - able and true hearted man, to whom I am much attached. Please to - remember me to him and Mrs. Randall in the kindest terms. - - Your uncle John has died at a good old age, with a character for - integrity which he well deserved. He had a kind and excellent - heart. As he advanced in life, his peculiarities increased, and - apparently obscured his merits, in his intercourse with his - relations and friends. But still he possessed them. For many years - after he came to Lancaster we were intimate friends, and we always - continued friends. - - I trust that Mr. Dallas may arrive by the next Collins steamer. It - is my intention to act handsomely towards him. I thank Heaven that - a successor has at last been appointed. Whether I shall return - home soon after his arrival or go to the continent I cannot at - present determine. On the 18th December last I paid Mr. Randall - for the six shawls, and have his bill and receipt. - - At Lord Granville’s dinner on Wednesday, the Marquis of Lansdowne - and Mr. Ellice said very pretty things about you. Colonel Seibels, - our minister at Brussels, is now here with me, and I am delighted - to see him. He will remain until after the queen’s levee on the - 20th. I shall leave the house on Tuesday next, on which day the - inventory is to be taken, and shall most probably go to the - Clarendon. - - February 22, 1856. - - Another week has passed, and I am happy to inform you that you are - still freshly remembered by your friends and acquaintances on this - side of the Atlantic. I delivered up possession of the house to - the agent of Mrs. Lewis on Tuesday morning last, with the - exception of the offices, and went to Fenton’s, because I could - not obtain comfortable apartments at the Clarendon. I retain the - offices for the present at the rate of £10 per month, awaiting the - arrival of Mr. Dallas. I earnestly hope he may be here in the - Pacific, which is expected at Liverpool on Wednesday or Thursday - next. The two house agents, on the part of Mrs. Lewis and myself - respectively, have been employed on the inventory ever since - Tuesday morning, and have not yet finished. - - I expect to be all ready, upon the arrival of Mr. Dallas, either - to go home or go to the continent, according to the then existing - circumstances. At present I am quite undetermined which course I - shall pursue. - - You will see by the _Morning Post_ that I presented Col. Seibels - at the levee on Wednesday. He paid me a visit for a week, and his - society afforded me great pleasure. He is both an honorable and - agreeable man, as well as a tried and sincere friend. I dine with - Lord and Lady Palmerston to-morrow, and with the Lord and Lady - Mayoress on Wednesday, and on Thursday attend the wedding of Miss - Sturgis and Mr. Coleman at 11 o’clock at the Church of “St. John, - Robin Hood,” close to the Robin Hood Gate of Richmond Park. Mr. - Sturgis’s country residence is close to this church. - - I receive letters from home, some of which say, with reference to - the Presidency, “Come home immediately,” and others, “Stay away a - while longer.” I shall not regulate my conduct with any view to - this office. If it be the will of Providence to bestow upon me the - Presidency, I shall accept it as a duty, a burden and a trial, and - not otherwise. I shall take no steps to obtain it. - - Mrs. Shapter’s health is delicate, and John has been quite unwell. - I shall not fail to leave her some token of my great regard before - I leave London. She richly deserves it. - - February 29th, 1856. - - ...... I dined with the queen on Wednesday last, and had a - pleasant time of it. I took the Duchess of Argyle in to dinner, - and sat between her and the princess royal. With the latter I had - much pleasant conversation. She spoke a great deal of you and made - many inquiries about you, saying how very much pleased she had - been with you. The queen also spoke of you kindly and inquired in - a cordial manner about you. Indeed, it would seem you were a - favorite of both. There has been a marked and favorable change of - feeling here within the last month towards the United States. I am - now made something of a lion wherever I go, and I go much into - society as a matter of duty. The sentiment and proceeding at the - Mansion House on Wednesday last were quite remarkable. Perhaps it - is just as well I received the command to dine with the queen on - that day. - - I am yet in ignorance as to the time when Mr. Dallas may be - expected to arrive. The moment I learn he has arrived in - Liverpool, I shall apply for my audience of leave and joyfully - surrender the legation to him with the least possible delay. - - March 7th, 1856. - - I received your two letters of February 15th and 19th on Monday - last, on my return from Mr. Lampson’s, where I went on Saturday - evening. Both Mr. and Mrs. Lampson talked much and kindly of you, - and desired to be remembered to you...... I shall expect Mr. - Dallas about the middle of next week, and intend soon after his - arrival to cross over to Paris. I hope to be at home some time in - April, but when, I cannot now inform you. - - I am glad to learn that you purpose to go to New York. It was very - kind in you to jog my memory about what I should bring you from - Paris. I know not what may be the result. Nous verrons. - - Becky Smith is a damsel in distress, intelligent and agreeable, - and a country-woman in a strange land. Her conduct in London has - been unexceptionable and she is making her way in the world. She - has my sympathy, and I have given her “a lift” whenever I could - with propriety. - - I delivered your letter to the Duchess of Somerset on Monday last, - and she was delighted with it. She handed it to me to read. It was - well and feelingly written. I was sorry to perceive that you - complained of your health, but you will, I trust, come out with - the birds in the spring, restored and renovated. I am pleased with - what you say concerning Senator Welsh. In writing to me, I think - you had better direct to me at Paris, to the care of Mr. Mason, - giving him his appropriate style, and you need not pay the - postage; better not, indeed. But you will scarcely have time to - write a single letter there before I shall have probably left. I - shall continue to write to you, but you need not continue to write - to me more than once after the receipt of this, unless I should - advise you differently by the next steamer. - - Mr. Bates is quite unwell, and I fear he is breaking up very fast. - At the wedding of Miss Sturgis the other day, as I approached to - take my seat beside Madame Van de Weyer, she said: “Unwilling as - you may be, you are now compelled to sit beside me.” Of course I - replied that this was no compulsion, but a great privilege. Mrs. - Bates complained much that Mrs. Lawrence has not written to her. - - March 14, 1856. - - I tell you the simple truth when I say I have no time to-day to - write to you at length. Mr. Dallas arrived at Liverpool yesterday - afternoon, and is to leave there to-morrow at nine for London; so - the consul telegraphed to me. I have heard nothing from him since - his appointment. I expect an audience of leave from the queen - early next week, and shall then, God willing, pass over to the - continent. - - I have this morning received your two letters of the 25th and - 29th, and congratulate you on your arrival in New York. I hope you - may have an agreeable time of it. Your letter of the 25th is - excellent. I like its tone and manner very much and am sorry I - have not time to write you at length in reply. I am also pleased - with that of the 29th. I send by the bag the daguerreotype of our - excellent friend, Mrs. Shapter. I have had mine taken for her. I - think hers is very good. I saw her yesterday in greatly improved - health and in fine spirits. - - March 18, 1856. - - The queen at my audience of leave on Saturday, desired to be - kindly remembered to you. - - The Marquis of Lansdowne at parting from me said: “If Miss Lane - should have the kindness to remember me, do me the honor to lay me - at her feet.” - - Old Robert Owen came in and has kept me so long that I must cut - this letter short. I go to Paris, God willing, on Thursday next, - in company with Messrs. Campbell and Croshey our consuls. I send a - letter from James which I have received open. - - BRUSSELS, March 27, 1856. - - I write this in the legation of Colonel Siebels. He and I intend - to go to-morrow to the Hague on a visit to Mr. Belmont, from which - I propose to return to Paris on Tuesday or Wednesday next. It is - my purpose, God willing, to leave for Havre for home in the Arago - on Wednesday, the 9th of April. I do not believe that a more - comfortable vessel, or a better or safer captain exists. All who - have crossed the Atlantic with him speak in the same terms both of - his ship and himself. - - I shall return to Mr. Mason’s at Paris, because I could not do - otherwise without giving offence. What a charming family it is. - Judge Mason, though somewhat disabled, has a much more healthy - appearance, and in the face resembles much more his former self, - than he did when attending the Ostend conference. The redness and - sometimes blueness of his face have disappeared, and he now looks - as he did in former years. - - I shall defer all accounts of my doings on the continent until - after we meet. I may or I may not write to you once more before - embarking. - - You might let Eskridge and Miss Hetty know at what time I shall - probably be at home, though I do not wish it to be noised abroad. - You cannot calculate our passage to be less than two weeks. Should - I reach my native shore on my birth-day, the 23d April, I shall - thank God and be content. The Arago takes the southern route to - keep clear of the ice. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - 1856. - -RETURN TO AMERICA—NOMINATION AND ELECTION TO THE - PRESIDENCY—SIGNIFICANCE OF MR. BUCHANAN’S ELECTION IN RESPECT TO - THE SECTIONAL QUESTIONS—PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. - - -Mr. Buchanan arrived at New York in the latter part of April, 1856, -and there met with a public reception from the authorities and -people of the city, which evinced the interest that now began to be -everywhere manifested in him as the probable future President. With -what feelings he himself regarded the prospect of his nomination by -his party, and his election, has appeared from his unreserved -communications with his friends. That he did not make efforts to -secure the nomination will presently appear upon other testimony -than his own. He reached Wheatland in the last week of April, and -there he remained a very quiet observer of what was taking place in -the political world. Before he left England, he had been informed -that a Democratic convention of his own State had unanimously -declared him to be the first choice of the Pennsylvania Democrats -for the Presidency. To this he had made no formal or public -response; but on the 8th of June he was waited upon by a committee -from this convention, and he then addressed them as follows: - - GENTLEMEN:— - - I thank you, with all my heart, for the kind terms in which, under - a resolution of the late Democratic State Convention, you have - informed me that I am “their unanimous choice for the next - Presidency.” - - When the proceedings of your convention reached me in a foreign - land, they excited emotions of gratitude which I might in vain - attempt to express. This was not because the Democracy of my - much-loved State had by their own spontaneous movement placed me - in nomination for the Presidency, an honor which I had not sought, - but because this nomination constitutes of itself the highest - evidence that, after a long course of public services, my public - conduct has been approved by those to whom I am indebted, under - Providence, for all the offices and honors I have ever enjoyed. In - success and in defeat, in the sunshine and in the storm, they have - ever been the same kind friends to me, and I value their continued - confidence and good opinion far above the highest official honors - of my country. - - The duties of the President, whomsoever he may be, have been - clearly and ably indicated by the admirable resolutions of the - convention which you have just presented to me, and all of which, - without reference to those merely personal to myself, I heartily - adopt. Indeed, they met my cordial approbation from the moment - when I first perused them on the other side of the Atlantic. They - constitute a platform broad, national, and conservative, and one - eminently worthy of the Democracy of our great and good old State. - - These resolutions, carried into execution with inflexibility and - perseverance, precluding all hope of changes, and yet in a kindly - spirit, will ere long allay the dangerous excitement which has for - some years prevailed on the subject of domestic slavery, and again - unite all portions of our common country in the ancient bonds of - brotherly affection, under the flag of the Constitution and the - Union. - -The Democratic National Convention assembled at Cincinnati soon -afterwards, and from a gentleman who was present, although not a -member of the body—my friend, Mr. S. L. M. Barlow of New York—I have -received an account of what took place, which I prefer to quote -rather than to give one of my own, which could only be compiled from -the public journals of the time: - - In February, 1856, I was in London, with a portion of my family, - and had lodgings at Fenton’s Hotel, St. James Street. Shortly - after I reached London, Mr. Buchanan, who was then our minister at - the court of St. James, gave up his own residence and came to the - same hotel with us, where for some weeks he remained, taking his - meals in our rooms. I had known Mr. Buchanan for some years, but - never intimately until this time. During my stay in London, I - became much interested in his nomination for the Presidency, and - frequently spoke to him about the action of the National - Democratic Convention to be held in Cincinnati in June, 1856, and - expressed to him the hope that he would be the nominee of the - party. He said that so great an honor could hardly be expected to - fall to his lot, as he had made little effort to secure the - nomination, and his absence for so long a time from home had - prevented any organization of his friends to that end, save what - Mr. Slidell in Louisiana, Mr. Schell in New York, and his own - nearest political friends in Pennsylvania, had been able to - effect, and that he thought it very unlikely that he could receive - the nomination. After a few weeks in London, Mr. Buchanan joined - us in a visit to the continent, remaining in Paris about ten days, - and he then embarked for the United States. - - I returned to New York in the early part of May, and shortly - afterwards went to Cincinnati, upon business connected with an - unfinished railroad, in which I was interested, and as the day for - the meeting of the convention approached, I was surprised to find - a lack of all organization on behalf of the friends of Mr. - Buchanan, and was satisfied that his nomination was impossible, - unless earnest efforts to that end were made, and at once. - - I had taken a large dwelling-house in Cincinnati for my own - temporary use, and shortly before the meeting of the convention, I - wrote to my political friends in Washington who were friendly to - him, telling them the condition of things, and that unless they - came to Cincinnati without delay, I thought Mr. Buchanan stood no - chance for the nomination. Among others I wrote to Mr. Slidell, - Mr. Benjamin, Mr. James A. Bayard, and Mr. Bright, all of whom - were then in the United States Senate. I promised them - accommodations at my house, and, much to my gratification, they - all answered that they would make up a party and come to - Cincinnati, to reach there the day before the meeting of the - convention. Before the time of their arrival, prominent Democrats - from all sections of the country had reached Cincinnati, and the - friends of Mr. Douglas were very prominent in asserting his claims - to the nomination, through thoroughly organized and noisy - committees. - - A consultation was held at my house, the evening before the - meeting of the convention, and it was evident that if the New York - delegation, represented by Mr. Dean Richmond and his associates, - who were known as the “Softs,” secured seats, that the nomination - of Mr. Douglas was inevitable. The other branch of the New York - Democrats, who called themselves “Hards,” was represented by Mr. - Schell as the head of that organization. - - When the convention was organized, Senator James A. Bayard, of - Delaware, was made chairman of the Committee on Credentials, and - to that committee was referred the claims of the two rival - Democratic delegations from New York. The remainder of that day, - and much of the night following, were passed in the earnest and - noisy presentation of the claims of these two factions to be - represented in the convention, each to the exclusion of the other, - and it was soon discovered that a majority of this committee was - in favor of the “Soft,” or Douglas delegation. A minority of this - committee, headed by Mr. Bayard, favored the admission of one-half - of the delegates of each branch of the party, so that the vote of - New York in the convention might be thereby equally divided - between Mr. Douglas and Mr. Buchanan. The preparation of the - minority report to this end occupied all the night, and it was not - completed until nine o’clock of the following morning, the hour of - the meeting of the convention. So soon as we could copy this - report, I took it to Mr. Bayard, the convention being already in - session. - - On the presentation of the majority, or Douglas report, it was - moved by the friends of Mr. Buchanan that the minority report - should be substituted, and this motion, after a close vote, was - adopted by the convention. As was foreseen, by thus neutralizing - the vote of New York, dividing it between the two candidates, Mr. - Buchanan retained sufficient strength to secure the nomination, - which was then speedily made. There can be little doubt that this - result was achieved almost wholly by the efforts of the friends of - Mr. Buchanan, who were induced at the last moment to come to - Cincinnati. Our house became the headquarters of all the friends - of Mr. Buchanan. Every move that was made emanated from some one - of the gentlemen there present, and but for their presence and - active cooperation, there is little doubt that Mr. Douglas would - have been nominated upon the first ballot after organization. - - Mr. Slidell was naturally the leader of the friends of Mr. - Buchanan. His calmness, shrewdness and earnest friendship for Mr. - Buchanan were recognized by all, and whatever he advised was - promptly assented to. At his request, I was present at all - interviews with the delegates from all parts of the country, which - preceded Mr. Buchanan’s actual nomination. I heard all that was - said on these occasions, and when the news of the nomination came - from the convention to our headquarters, Mr. Slidell at once said - to me: “Now, you will bear me witness, that in all that has taken - place, I have made no promises, and am under no commitments on - behalf of Mr. Buchanan to anybody. He takes this place without - obligations to any section of the country, or to any individual. - He is as free to do as as he sees fit as man ever was. Some of his - friends deserve recognition, and at the proper time I shall say so - to him, and I think he will be governed by my suggestions, but if - he should not be, no one can find fault, as I have made no - promises.” - - After the election, at the request of Mr. Buchanan, I met him on - the occasion of his first visit to Washington, before the - inauguration. I went to his room with Mr. Slidell. He had then - seen no one in Washington. In this first interview, Mr. Slidell - repeated to him, almost verbatim, the language which he had used - to me in Cincinnati, as to the President being entirely free and - uncommitted by any promise or obligation of any sort, made to - anybody, previous to his nomination. - - I do not know that the matters to which I have alluded will be of - any interest to you, but I have recalled them with much pleasure - as showing, contrary to the generally received opinion as to Mr. - Buchanan’s shrewdness as a politician and “wire-puller,” that when - he left London, there was no organization or pretence of - organization in his favor, that could be considered effective or - likely to be useful, outside of the efforts of a few personal - friends in the South, in Pennsylvania and New York; and before he - returned to America, he evidently saw that he had little chance of - success before the convention. The same marked absence of - organization, and of all political machine-work, was evident up to - the day before the meeting of the convention, when the friends of - Mr. Buchanan, whom I had thus suddenly called together, made their - appearance in Cincinnati. - - Mr. Buchanan’s opposition to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise - left him without support from the ultra Southern leaders, many of - whom believed that Mr. Douglas would be less difficult to manage - than Mr. Buchanan. Louisiana was controlled through the personal - influence of Messrs. Slidell and Benjamin, and Virginia was from - the beginning in favor of Mr. Buchanan’s nomination. Apart from - these States, the South was for Pierce or Douglas. Mr. Buchanan’s - strength was from the North, but it was unorganized. - - To that time, no one had undertaken to speak for him. There were - no headquarters where his friends could meet even for - consultation. There was no leader—no one whose opinions upon - questions of policy were controlling, and but for this almost - accidental combination of his friends in Cincinnati, it was - apparent that Mr. Buchanan could not have been nominated, simply - because of this utter lack of that ordinary preliminary - organization necessary to success, which was by his opponents - alleged to be the foundation of his strength, but which in fact - was wholly without existence. - - Mr. Slidell undertook this task, and before the meeting of the - convention Mr. Buchanan’s success was assured.[27] - -Footnote 27: - - The prominence given by Mr. Barlow to Mr. Slidell, as an active - and earnest friend of Mr. Buchanan, led me to ask him to add a - sketch of that distinguished man; and I have been at the greater - pains to show the strong friendship that subsisted between Mr. - Buchanan and Mr. Slidell, because, as will be seen hereafter, when - the secession troubles of the last year of Mr. Buchanan’s - administration came on, this friendship was one of the first - sacrifices made by him to his public duty, for he did not allow it - to influence his course in the slightest degree; and although he - had to accept with pain the alienation which Mr. Slidell and all - his other Southern friends, in the ardor of their feelings, deemed - unavoidable, he accepted it as one of the sad necessities of his - position and of the time. I think he and Mr. Slidell never met, - after the month of January, 1861. The following is Mr. Barlow’s - sketch of John Slidell:— - - “He was born in the city of New York in 1795; was graduated at - Columbia College in 1810, and entered commercial life, which he - soon abandoned for the study of the law. He removed to Louisiana - in 1825, and was shortly afterwards admitted to the bar of that - State. In 1829 he was appointed United States district attorney - for the Louisiana district by President Jackson, and from that - time took an active part in the politics of the State. He was soon - recognized, not only as one of the ablest and most careful - lawyers, but as the practical political head of the Democratic - party of the Southwest. - - “In 1842 he was elected to Congress from the New Orleans district. - In 1845 he was appointed by President Polk as minister to Mexico. - This mission was foredoomed to failure. The annexation of Texas - made a war with Mexico inevitable, but the broad sense shown by - Mr. Slidell in his despatches from Mexico was fully recognized by - the administration of President Polk, and his views were - maintained, and his advice was followed, to the time of the - breaking out of hostilities. - - “In 1853 he was elected to the United States Senate to fill an - unexpired term, and in 1854 was again elected for a full term, - which had not expired when the secession of Louisiana in 1861 put - it at an end. - - “He was shortly afterwards sent to France as a commissioner on - behalf of the Confederate States. On his voyage to that country he - was taken from the British steamer ‘Trent,’ and was imprisoned at - Fort Warren in Boston Harbor. His release by President Lincoln, - under the advice of Mr. Seward, will be remembered as one of the - most exciting and important incidents in the early history of the - war. He remained in Paris as the Commissioner of the Confederate - States until the termination of the rebellion, and during that - period was probably the most active and effective agent of the - Confederacy abroad. - - “His influence with the government of Louis Napoleon was very - great, and at one time, chiefly through his persuasion, the - emperor, as Mr. Slidell believed, had determined to recognize the - Confederacy; but fortunately this political mistake was averted by - the great victory gained by General McClellan over the Confederate - army at Antietam. - - “In 1835 Mr. Slidell was married to Miss Mathilde deLande, of an - old Creole family of Louisiana. He died at Cowes in England in - 1871. His pure personal character, his indomitable and coercive - will, his undoubted courage, and his cool and deliberate good - sense gave him a high place among the advisers of the Confederate - cause from its earliest organization to its final collapse. - - “One of his most striking characteristics, for which he was noted - through life, was his unswerving fidelity to his political - friends. From the lowest in the ranks to those of the highest - station, who were his allies and advocates, not one was forgotten - when political victory was secured, and no complaint was ever - justly made against him for forgetfulness of those through whom - his own political career was established, or to whom, through his - influence, the success of his political friends was achieved. - - “With strangers Mr. Slidell’s manners were reserved, and at times - even haughty, but to those who were admitted to the privacy of his - domestic life, or who once gained his confidence in politics, he - was most genial, gracious, and engaging.” - -When officially informed of his nomination by a committee, Mr. -Buchanan, on the 16th of June (1856), made this simple and -straightforward answer: - - I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication - of the 13th inst., informing me officially of my nomination by the - Democratic National Convention, recently held at Cincinnati, as a - candidate for the office of President of the United States. I - shall not attempt to express the grateful feelings which I - entertain towards my Democratic fellow-citizens for having deemed - me worthy of this—the highest political honor on earth—an honor - such as no other people have the power to bestow. Deeply sensible - of the vast and varied responsibility attached to the station, - especially at the present crisis in our affairs, I have carefully - refrained from seeking the nomination, either by word or by deed. - Now that it has been offered by the Democratic party, I accept it - with diffidence in my own abilities, but with an humble trust - that, in the event of my election, Divine Providence may enable me - to discharge my duty in such a manner as to allay domestic strife, - preserve peace and friendship with foreign nations, and promote - the best interests of the Republic. - - In accepting the nomination, I need scarcely say that I accept, in - the same spirit, the resolutions constituting the platform of - principles erected by the convention. To this platform I intend to - conform myself throughout the canvass, believing that I have no - right, as the candidate of the Democratic party, by answering - interrogatories, to present new and different issues before the - people. - -In all Presidential elections which have occurred for the past fifty -years, the State election in Pennsylvania, occurring in the autumn -before the election of a President, has been regarded as of great -importance. The Republican party was now in the field, with General -Fremont as its candidate, and with the advantage which it had -derived in all the free States from the consequences of the repeal -of the Missouri Compromise, the passage of the so-called -“Kansas-Nebraska Act,” which had been followed in Kansas by an -internecine contest between pro-slavery and anti-slavery settlers. A -brutal personal assault upon Senator Sumner, of Massachusetts, by a -rash and foolish Southerner, had added fuel to the already kindled -sectional flame of Northern feeling. The precise political issue -between the Democratic and Republican parties, so far as it related -to slavery, concerned of course slavery in the Territories. It was -apparent that if the Republicans should gain the State of -Pennsylvania in the State election of October, there was a very -strong probability, rather a moral certainty, that the electoral -votes of all the free States in the Presidential election would be -obtained by that party, while there was no probability that it would -prevail in a single slave-holding State. The political issue, -therefore, was whether the sectional division of the free and the -slave States in the election of a President was to come then, or -whether it was to be averted. The State election in Pennsylvania, in -October, turned in favor of the Democrats. Her twenty-seven -electoral votes were thus morally certain to be given to Mr. -Buchanan in the Presidential election. In the interval, a large body -of his friends and neighbors assembled at Wheatland, and called him -out. His remarks, never before printed, are now extant in his -handwriting. He said: - - MY FRIENDS AND NEIGHBORS:— - - I am glad to see you and to receive and reciprocate your - congratulations upon the triumph of the Democrats in Pennsylvania - and Indiana. - - It is my sober and solemn conviction that Mr. Fillmore uttered the - words of soberness and truth when he declared that if the Northern - sectional party should succeed, it would lead inevitably to the - destruction of this beautiful fabric reared by our forefathers, - cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as a priceless - inheritance. - - The people of the North seem to have forgotten the warning of the - Father of his Country against geographical parties. And by far the - most dangerous of all such parties is that of a combined North - against a combined South on the question of slavery. This is no - mere political question—no question addressing itself to the - material interests of men. It rises far higher. With the South it - is a question of self-preservation, of personal security around - the family altar, of life or of death. The Southern people still - cherish a love for the Union; but what to them is even our blessed - confederacy, the wisest and the best form of government ever - devised by man, if they cannot enjoy its blessings and its - benefits without being in constant alarm for their wives and - children. - - The storm of abolition against the South has been gathering for - almost a quarter of a century. It had been increasing by every - various form of agitation which fanaticism could devise. We had - reached the crisis. The danger was imminent. Republicanism was - sweeping over the North like a tornado. It appeared to be - resistless in its course. The blessed Union of these States—the - last hope for human liberty on earth—appeared to be tottering on - its base. Had Pennsylvania yielded, had she become an abolition - State, without a special interposition of Divine Providence, we - should have been precipitated into the yawning gulf of - dissolution. But she stood erect and firm as her own Alleghanies. - She breasted the storm and drove it back. The night is departing, - and the roseate and propitious morn now breaking upon us promises - a long day of peace and prosperity for our country. To secure - this, all we of the North have to do is to permit our Southern - neighbors to manage their own domestic affairs, as they permit us - to manage ours. It is merely to adopt the golden rule, and do - unto them as we would they should do unto us, in the like - circumstances. All they ask from us is simply to let them alone. - This is the whole spirit and essence of the much abused Cincinnati - platform. This does no more than adopt the doctrine which is the - very root of all our institutions, and recognize the right of a - majority of the people of a Territory, when about to enter the - Union as a State, to decide for themselves whether domestic - slavery shall or shall not exist among them. This is not to favor - the extension of slavery, but simply to deny the right of an - abolitionist in Massachusetts or Vermont to prescribe to the - people of Kansas what they shall or shall not do in regard to this - question. - - Who contests the principle that the will of the majority shall - govern? What genuine republican of any party can deny this? The - opposition have never met this question fairly. Within a brief - period, the people of this country will condemn their own folly - for suffering the assertion of so plain and elementary a principle - of all popular governments to have endangered our blessed - Constitution and Union, which owe their origin to this very - principle. - - I congratulate you, my friends and neighbors, that peace has been - restored to Kansas. As a Pennsylvanian I rejoice that this good - work has been accomplished by two sons of our good old mother - State, God bless her! We have reason to be proud of Colonel Geary - and General Smith. We shall hear no more of bleeding Kansas. There - will be no more shrieks for her unhappy destiny. The people of - this fine country, protected from external violence and internal - commotion, will decide the question of slavery for themselves, and - then slide gracefully into the Union and become one of the sisters - in our great Confederacy. - - Indeed, viewed in the eye of sober reason, this Kansas question is - one of the most absurd of all the Proteus-like forms which - abolition fanaticism has ever assumed to divide and distract the - country. And why do I say this? Kansas might enter the Union with - a free constitution to-day, and once admitted, no human power - known to the Constitution could prevent her from establishing - slavery to-morrow. No free-soiler has ever even contended that she - would not possess this power. - -The result of the election shows, with great distinctness, the -following facts: 1st. That Mr. Buchanan was chosen President, -because he received the electoral votes of the five free States of -Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Indiana, Illinois and California (62 in -all), and that without them he could not have been elected. 2d. That -his Southern vote (that of every slave-holding State excepting -Maryland) was partly given to him because of his conservative -opinions and position, and partly because the candidate for the -Vice-Presidency, Mr. Breckinridge, was a Southern man. 3d. That -General Fremont received the electoral vote of no Southern State, -and that this was due partly to the character of the Republican -party and its Northern tone, and partly to the fact that the -Republican candidate for the Vice Presidency (Mr. Dayton, of New -Jersey), was a citizen of a non-slaveholding State. General Fremont -himself was nominally a citizen of California. This election, -therefore, foreshadowed the sectional division which would be almost -certain to happen in the next one, if the four years of Mr. -Buchanan’s administration should not witness a subsidence in the -sectional feelings between the North and the South. It would only be -necessary for the Republicans to wrest from the Democratic party the -five free States which had voted for Mr. Buchanan, and they would -elect the President in 1860. Whether this was to happen, would -depend upon the ability of the Democratic party to avoid a rupture -into factions that would themselves be representatives of -irreconcilable dogmas on the subject of slavery in the Territories. -Hence it is that Mr. Buchanan’s course as President, for the three -first years of his term, is to be judged, with reference to the -responsibility that was upon him to so conduct the Government as to -disarm, if possible, the antagonism of section to section. His -administration of affairs after the election of Mr. Lincoln is to be -judged simply by his duty as the Executive, in the most -extraordinary and anomalous crisis in which the country had ever -been placed. - -I take from the multitude of private letters written or received -during and after the election, a few of the most interesting:— - - [FROM THE HON. JAMES MACGREGOR.] - - HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 20, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I am, indeed, very happy to receive to-day the decision with - regard to you at Cincinnati, and God grant the result be as - successful as I wish. The feeling in this house, and I am sure in - the country, is, I believe firmly, such as you could wish. I wish - that miserable dispute about Central America were dissipated; for - my part, I believe that if not only Central America, but all - Spanish America, south of California, were possessed and governed - by an Anglo-Saxon or Anglo-American race, the more would the - progress of civilization, the progress of industry and commerce, - and the happiness of mankind be advanced. - - I went over to Paris a few days after you left for Havre. Saw much - of Mr. Mason, Mr. Corbin and Mr. Childs. The latter drew me a most - able statement relative to the disputes with America, which I made - good use of, on my return, with Lord Palmerston. - - You will observe that even the meretricious _Times_, which I send - you a copy of, is coming to be more reasonable; although I cannot - trust that journal, which, I believe, was truly characterized by - O’Connell, in the House of Commons, as representing “the sagacity - of the rat and the morality of a harlot.” I write in great haste - for the post; but believe me always, and with my very kindest - regards to Miss Lane, - - Faithfully yours, - J. MACGREGOR. - - [TO WILLIAM B. REED, ESQ.] - - Monday Morning, July 7, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I return Mr. Stevenson’s letter with thanks. He appears to be “a - marvellous proper man.” There never was a more unfounded falsehood - than that of my connection with the bargain, or alleged bargain. - At the time I was a young member of Congress, not on terms of - intimacy with either Jackson or Clay. It is true I admired both, - and wished to see the one President and the other Secretary of - State; and after Mr. Clay had been instructed by the Kentucky - legislature to vote for Jackson, I believed my wish would be - accomplished. It must have been then that I had the conversation - with Mr. Clay, in Letcher’s room, to which Colton refers, for I - declare I have not the least trace on my memory of any such - conversation. Had I known anything of the previous history of - Jackson and Clay, I could not have believed it possible that the - former would appoint the latter Secretary. A conversation of a few - minutes with Jackson on the street on a cold and stormy day of - December, fully related by me in 1827, and a meeting with Mr. Clay - in Letcher’s room, and a conversation perfectly harmless as - stated, have brought me into serious difficulties. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO THE HON. JAMES C. DOBBIN.[28].] - - BEDFORD SPRINGS, August 20, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your favor of the 13th instant did not reach me at the Bedford - Springs until I was about leaving, hence the delay of my answer. I - did not reach home until the night before the last. - - I congratulate you, with all my heart, on the result of your - election. The population of the old North State is steady and - conservative. Of it you may be justly proud. The Southern States - now promise to be a unit at the approaching Presidential election. - Maryland is still considered doubtful, but the changes in our - favor have been great within the last three weeks. The letters of - Messrs. Pierce and Pratt have had a happy effect. - - I am glad to learn that our foreign affairs are assuming a - favorable aspect. I most heartily approved of the dismissal of Mr. - Crampton, and would have been quite as well satisfied had he been - sent home in the last autumn. About the present condition of the - Central American questions I knew nothing until the receipt of - your letter, except from the revelations in the British - Parliament, which I know, from experience, are not reliable. Mr. - Dallas said nothing to me about his instructions or the views of - the President, and, of course, I did not solicit his confidence. - The question of the Bay Islands is too clear for serious doubt. - Lord Aberdeen, the purest and most just of British statesmen, when - premier gave it up, as is shown by my correspondence with the - State Department, and it is highly probable Great Britain may make - a virtue of necessity, and surrender these islands to Honduras to - whom they clearly belong. - - I am glad to learn that the President enjoys good health, - notwithstanding the fatigue, troubles, and responsibility incident - to his position. I concur with you in opinion as to the character - of his manly and excellent address on the receipt of the - intelligence from Cincinnati. It was no more than what might have - been expected from him by all who knew him. My aspirations for the - Presidency had all died four years ago, and I never felt the - slightest personal interest in securing the nomination. It was - easy to foresee the impending crisis, and that the Union itself - might depend on the result of the election. In this view, whilst - we all have everything near and dear to us of a political - character at stake, the President of all men has the deepest - interest in the result. My election, so far as I am personally - concerned is a very small matter; but as identified with the - leading measures of his administration, the preservation of the - Constitution and the Union, and the maintenance of the equality of - the States, and of the right of the people of a Territory to - decide the question of slavery for themselves, in their - constitution, before entering the Union, it is a subject of vast - and transcendant importance. - - Most cordially reciprocating your friendly sentiments towards - myself, and wishing you all the blessings which you can desire, I - remain, as ever, very respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 28: - - Secretary of the Navy under President Pierce. - - [TO NAHUM CAPEN, ESQ., OF BOSTON.] - - WHEATLAND, August 27, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - On my return from Bedford Springs on Monday night, I found your - favor of the 22d instant, and your manuscript. The latter I have - endeavored to find the time to read with care, but this has been - impossible. I have, therefore, only been able to glance over it. - It is written with characteristic ability, and that portion of it - which gives extracts from my speeches has been prepared with much - labor and discrimination. I have not seen the manuscript of any - biography of mine before publication, nor have I read any one of - them since, and this simply because I did not choose to be - identified with any of them. - - For my own part, I consider that all incidental questions are - comparatively of little importance in the Presidential question, - when compared with the grand and appalling issue of union or - disunion. Should Fremont be elected, he must receive 149 Northern - electoral votes at the least, and the outlawry proclaimed by the - Republican convention at Philadelphia against fifteen Southern - States will be ratified by the people of the North. The - consequence will be _immediate_ and inevitable. In this region, - the battle is fought mainly on this issue. We have so often cried - “wolf,” that now, when the wolf is at the door, it is difficult to - make the people believe it; but yet the sense of danger is slowly - and surely making its way in this region. - - After reflection and consultation, I stated in my letter of - acceptance substantially, that I would make no issues beyond the - platform, and have, therefore, avoided giving my sanction to any - publication containing opinions with which I might be identified, - and prove unsatisfactory to some portions of the Union. I must - continue to stand on this ground. Had it not been for this cause, - I should have embraced your kind offer, and asked you to prepare a - biography for me, and furnished the materials. Indeed, I often - thought of this. - - I am deeply and gratefully sensible of your friendship, and - therefore most reluctantly adopt the course towards you which I - have done to all other friends under like circumstances. - - In the cursory glance I have been able to take of your manuscript, - I observed one or two errors. In page 37 of No. 1, my allusion was - to Mrs. Adams, and not to Mrs. Jackson. I entered college at the - age of sixteen, not of fourteen, having been previously prepared - for the Junior class. It is not the fact that I accepted no - compensation for trying the widow’s cause. “Millions for defence, - but not a cent for tribute,” was not original with me. - - I am so surrounded, I regret I cannot write more, and still more - deeply regret that my omission to sanction your very able - manuscript may give you pain. I sincerely wish you had referred it - to the National Committee, or to the committee in your own State. - - We are fighting the battle in this State almost solely _on the - great issue_, with energy and confidence. I do not think there is - any reason to apprehend the result, certainly none at the - Presidential election, so far as Pennsylvania is concerned. - - In haste, I remain always, very respectfully, your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO WILLIAM B. REED, ESQ.] - - WHEATLAND, September 8, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 5th inst. I do not recollect the - names of the two members of the Society of Friends to whom you - refer; but should you deem it important, I can, with some trouble, - find the original letter. I have no doubt Dr. Parrish was one of - them. He, William Wharton and Joseph Foulke were the three - gentlemen referred to in my remarks on the 25th April, 1836, in - presenting the petition of the Society of Friends against the - admission of Arkansas, etc. They not only acquiesced in my course, - but requested me to procure for them a number of copies of the - _National Intelligencer_ containing my remarks, and left - Washington entirely satisfied. (Vide the volume of the Register of - Debates, to which you refer, pages 1277 and 1278.) - - I cannot procure the _London Quarterly_ in Lancaster. I took the - Reviews in England, but neglected to order them since my return. I - have no doubt it does me great injustice. I was so popular - personally in England, that whenever I appeared at public dinners, - etc., I was enthusiastically cheered; but now they are all for - Fremont ......, and a dissolution of the Union. - - I am gratified that you have sent me Mr. Stevenson’s letter. I - have no doubt he is a gentleman of fastidious honor as well as - much ability. Although a patient and much-enduring man, I have - never had patience about “the bargain and sale story.” So far as I - am concerned, it all arose from the misapprehension by General - Jackson of as innocent a conversation on the street, on my part, - as I ever had with any person. I cannot charge myself even with - the slightest imprudence. And then, as a rebutter, a conversation - equally innocent, in Letcher’s room, about the particulars of - which I have no more recollection than if it had never taken - place. Still, I have not the least doubt it has been stated - accurately; because it is just what I would have said under the - circumstances, and in entire ignorance of the nature of the - personal relations between General Jackson and Mr. Clay. Blair’s - exposé has fallen dead, so far as I can learn. - - (Private and confidential.) WHEATLAND, September 14, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have at length found, and now enclose, the letter to which you - refer. I have very often spoken in the Senate on the subject of - slavery in the different forms which the question has assumed, but - have not the time at the present moment to look over the debates. - - I have recently received a letter from Governor Wright, of - Indiana, who informs me it would be of great importance in that - State should the _National Intelligencer_ come out in favor of the - Democratic candidates. He had heard, as we have done, that such - was the intention of its editors, after the adjournment of - Congress. But they have at length come out in favor of Fremont. I - say this, because they scout the idea that the Union would be in - danger from his election...... Better they had at once raised the - Republican flag. This opinion they have expressed, notwithstanding - I am in the daily receipt of letters from the South, which are - truly alarming, and these from gentlemen who formerly opposed both - nullification and disunion. They say explicitly that the election - of Fremont involves the dissolution of the Union, and this - immediately. They allege that they are now looking on calmly for - the North to decide their fate. When I say from the South, I refer - to the States south of the Potomac. These evidences of public - determination first commenced in the extreme South; but now the - same calm and determined spirit appears to pervade Virginia. - Indeed, the most alarming letter I have received has been from - Virginia, and this, too, from a prudent, tranquil and able man, - who has for some years been out of public life from his own - choice. The remarks of the _National Intelligencer_ will either - serve to delude the Northern people, or the Southrons are - insincere. God save the Union! I do not wish to survive it. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—I refer to the article in the _Intelligencer_ of the 11th - instant, headed, “The Balance Wheels of the Government.” One - gentleman informs me that the men who were our contemporaries when - the States lived in peace with each other, before the slavery - excitement commenced, have passed away, and they have been - succeeded by a new generation, who have grown up pending the - slavery agitation. He says that they have been constantly assailed - by the North, and now have as much hatred for the people of New - England as the latter have for them; and many now deem that it - would be for the mutual advantage of all parties to have a - Southern Confederation, in which they can live at peace. I have - received such communications with regret and astonishment. - - [TO A CITIZEN OF CALIFORNIA.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, PENN., Sept. 17, 1856. - - SIR:— - - I have received numerous communications from sources in - California, entitled to high regard, in reference to the - proposed Pacific Railroad. As it would be impossible for me to - answer them all, I deem it most proper and respectful to - address you a general answer in your official capacity. In - performing this duty to the citizens of California, I act in - perfect consistency with the self-imposed restriction - contained in my letter accepting the nomination for the - Presidency, not to answer interrogatories raising new and - different issues from those presented by the Cincinnati - convention, because that convention has itself adopted a - resolution in favor of this great work. I, then, desire to - state briefly that, concurring with the convention, I am - decidedly favorable to the construction of the Pacific - Railroad; and I derive the authority to do this from the - constitutional power “to declare war,” and the constitutional - duty “to repel invasions.” In my judgment, Congress possess - the same power to make appropriations for the construction of - this road, strictly for the purpose of national defence, that - they have to erect fortifications at the mouth of the harbor - of San Francisco. Indeed, the necessity, with a view to repel - foreign invasion from California, is as great in the one case - as in the other. Neither will there be danger from the - precedent, for it is almost impossible to conceive that any - case attended by such extraordinary and unprecedented - circumstances can ever again occur in our history. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - To B. F. WASHINGTON, Esq., Chairman of the Democratic State - Central Committee of California. - - [TO JOSHUA BATES, ESQ., LONDON.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, Nov. 6, 1856. - - MR DEAR SIR:— - - I received in due time your kind congratulatory letter of the 10th - July, which I should have immediately answered had I been able to - express a decided opinion as to the result of the Presidential - election. It was one of the most severe political struggles - through which we have ever passed. The preachers and fanatics of - New England had excited the people to such a degree on the slavery - questions, that they generally prayed and preached against me from - their pulpits on Sunday last, throughout that land of “isms.” Your - information from Massachusetts was entirely unfounded—Boston is a - sad place. In that city they have re-elected to Congress a - factious fanatic, ...... who, in a public speech, said that we - must have an anti-slavery Constitution, an anti-slavery Bible, and - an anti-slavery God. - - Whilst the British press, by their violent attacks, did me much - good service, I very much regretted their hostile publications, - because it was and is my sincere desire to cultivate the most - friendly relations with that country. The _Times_ does England - much injury, at least in foreign nations; it has made the English - unpopular throughout the continent, and keeps alive the ancient - prejudice which still exists in large portions of our country. In - very many of the Democratic papers, throughout the late canvass, - beautiful extracts from the _Thunderer_, the _Chronicle_, and - other English journals, were kept standing at the head of their - columns. But enough of this. I most sincerely hope the Central - American questions may be settled before the 4th of March. I know - nothing of their condition at present. I never doubted in regard - to the true construction of the treaty, nor did I ever consider it - doubtful. The purest and the wisest statesmen I met in England - agreed with me in regard to the construction of the treaty. If we - are to be as good friends as I desire we may be, your government - ought to be careful to select the proper man as minister, and not - send us some government pet simply because they have no other - provision for him. I have said much to Lord Clarendon on this - subject before I had the slightest idea of becoming President. By - the bye, I like his lordship personally very much, as well as Lord - Palmerston. They are both agreeable and witty companions, as well - as great statesmen. I should like them much better, however, if - their friendly feelings were a little stronger for this country. I - have no doubt they both, as you say, expressed their satisfaction - at the prospect of my becoming President. This was, however, at an - early day. They have probably since changed their opinion. I have - been a good deal quizzed by private friends since I came home, - [because] I spoke in strong and warm terms of the kindness and - civility which had been extended to me in England, and of the vast - importance to both countries and to the world that friendly - feelings between the two countries should be cherished by the - governments and people of each. How often have the articles from - British newspapers been cast up to me as a comment upon my - remarks. They have, however, produced no effect upon my feelings. - I was delighted to see Sir Henry Holland, and to gossip with him - about valued friends and acquaintances on the other side of the - water. Please to remember me very kindly to Mrs. Bates, and Miss - Lane desires me to present her warm regards to you both. It is - long since I have heard from Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [FROM THE HON. EDWARD EVERETT.] - - BOSTON, Dec, 8th, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - ....... I can hardly congratulate you on your election, first, - because I did not vote for you (unless upon the theory that every - vote given to Fillmore was in effect given to you), and second, - because I fear that to be chosen President is not a thing upon - which a friend is to be congratulated, in the present state of the - country. - - You have my best wishes, however, for a prosperous administration. - I devoutly hope that you will be able to check the progress of - sectional feeling. The policy of the present administration has - greatly impaired (as you are well aware) the conservative feeling - of the North, has annihilated the Whig party, and seriously - weakened the Democratic party in all the free States. - - Though much opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, we - could have stood that, but the subsequent events in Kansas gave us - the _coup de grace_. Those events, and the assault on Mr. Sumner, - gave its formidable character and strength to the Republican - nomination. You can do nothing directly to prevent the occurrence - of events like the assault, but you may, even in advance of the - 4th of March, do much to bring about a better state of things in - Kansas, and prevent the enemies of the Constitution from - continuing to make capital out of it. - - I am, dear sir, with much regard and sincere good wishes, - - Very truly yours, - EDWARD EVERETT. - - [TO THE HON. JOHN Y. MASON.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December 29, 1856. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Ere this can reach Paris, you will doubtless have received my - letter to Miss Wight. I shall not repeat what I have said to her, - because such is the pressure now upon me that I have scarce time - to say my prayers. This I can say in perfect good faith, that the - man don’t live whom it would afford me greater pleasure to serve - than yourself. In this spirit I have determined that you shall not - be disturbed during the next year, no matter what may be the - pressure upon me. I am not committed, either directly or - indirectly, to any human being for any appointment, but yet I - cannot mistake the strong current of public opinion in favor of - changing public functionaries, both abroad and at home, who have - served a reasonable time. They say, and that, too, with - considerable force, that if the officers under a preceding - Democratic administration shall be continued by a succeeding - administration of the same political character, this must - necessarily destroy the party. This, perhaps, ought not to be so, - but we cannot change human nature. - - The great object of my administration will be to arrest, if - possible, the agitation of the slavery question at the North, and - to destroy sectional parties. Should a kind Providence enable me - to succeed in my efforts to restore harmony to the Union, I shall - feel that I have not lived in vain. - - I beg of you to say nothing to any of your colleagues in Europe - about your continuance in office during the next year. Had it been - announced I had informed you, in answer to Miss Wight, that you - should continue indefinitely in office, this would have done both - you and myself injury. We know not what may transpire in 1857, and - therefore, in reference to the mission after that period, I can - say nothing. “Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof.” - - Even if I had the time, I could not communicate any news to you - which you will not see in the papers. The pressure for office - will be nearly as great as though I had succeeded a Whig - administration. - - With my kind and affectionate regards to Mrs. Mason and your - excellent family, and cordially wishing you and them many a happy - Christmas and many a prosperous New Year, I remain, always, - - Very respectfully your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—In reading over my letter, I find it is quite too cold in - reference to Mary Ann, and therefore I beg to send her my love. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - 1857-1858. - -INAUGURATION AS PRESIDENT—SELECTION OF A CABINET—THE DISTURBANCES IN - KANSAS—MR. BUCHANAN’S CONSTRUCTION OF THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA ACT, - AND OF THE “PLATFORM” ON WHICH HE WAS ELECTED—FINAL ADMISSION OF - KANSAS INTO THE UNION. - - -From the communication which has been furnished to me by Mr. James -Buchanan Henry, I select the following account of the period -preceding the inauguration of his uncle as President, on the 4th of -March, 1857: - - Soon after Mr. Buchanan’s election to the Presidency, he sent for - me—I was in Philadelphia, where I had begun the practice of the - law—to come to Wheatland. He then told me that he had selected me - to be his private secretary, and spoke to me gravely of the - temptations by which I should probably be assailed in that - position. Soon afterwards prominent men and politicians began to - make their way to Wheatland in great numbers, and the stream - increased steadily until the departure of Mr. Buchanan for - Washington. - - In addition to personal attendance upon the President-elect, I - soon had my hands full of work in examining and briefing the daily - mails, which were burdened with letters of recommendation from - individuals, committees and delegations of various States, in - regard to the cabinet appointments and a few of the more important - offices. Mr. Buchanan was also preparing his inaugural address - with his usual care and painstaking, and I copied his drafts and - recopied them until he had it prepared to his satisfaction. It - underwent no alteration after he went to the National Hotel in - Washington, except that he there inserted a clause in regard to - the question then pending in the Supreme Court, as one that would - dispose of a vexed and dangerous topic by the highest judicial - authority of the land. When the time came to leave Wheatland for - the capital, preliminary to his inauguration, Mr. Buchanan, Miss - Lane, Miss Hetty and I drove into Lancaster in his carriage, - escorted all the way to the railway station by a great and - enthusiastic crowd of Lancaster citizens and personal friends, - with a band of music, although it was very early on a bleak winter - morning. I remember his modestly remarking upon the vast crowd - thus doing reverence to a mortal man. At the station he was met by - an ardent personal and political friend, Robert Magraw, then - president of the Northern Central Railroad, and received into a - special car, built for the occasion, and the windows of which were - in colors and represented familiar scenes of and about Wheatland. - After receiving ovations all along the way, especially at - Baltimore, the President-elect and party arrived safely in - Washington. We were somewhat fearful that Mr. Buchanan might be - seriously embarrassed during the inaugural ceremonies from the - effects of what was then known as the National Hotel disease, a - disorder which, from no cause that we could then discover, had - attacked nearly every guest at the house, and from the dire - effects of which many never wholly recovered. Dr. Foltz, a naval - surgeon, whose appointment in the service, many years before, Mr. - Buchanan had assisted, was in constant attendance upon him, and I - remember that he and I went together to the Capitol in a carriage - just behind the one that conveyed the retiring President and the - President-elect, and that he had occasion to administer remedies. - The inauguration ceremonies, the ball, and the first reception at - the White House by the new President, were very largely attended - and successful. It happened that they took place during a short - era of good feeling among all shades of politics and party, but - unhappily an era of peace destined soon to terminate in bitter - discord over the Lecompton Constitution, or Kansas question, and - by the more disastrous following appeal to the passions of the two - great political sections of the North and the South, which so - nearly ended the administration in blood. The dinners at the White - House, during the first year, were attended by Republicans as well - as Democrats, with great seeming friendship and good-will. - -The Inaugural Address of the new President was as follows: - - FELLOW-CITIZENS: I appear before you this day to take the solemn - oath “that I will faithfully execute the office of President of - the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, - protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.” - - In entering upon this great office, I most humbly invoke the God - of our fathers for wisdom and firmness to execute its high and - responsible duties in such a manner as to restore harmony and - ancient friendship among the people of the several States, and to - preserve our free institutions throughout many generations. - Convinced that I owe my election to the inherent love for the - Constitution and the Union which still animates the hearts of the - American people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support in - sustaining all just measures calculated to perpetuate these, the - richest political blessings which Heaven has ever bestowed upon - any nation. Having determined not to become a candidate for - re-election, I shall have no motive to influence my conduct in - administering the government except the desire ably and faithfully - to serve my country, and to live in the grateful memory of my - countrymen. - - We have recently passed through a presidential contest in which - the passions of our fellow-citizens were excited to the highest - degree by questions of deep and vital importance; but when the - people proclaimed their will, the tempest at once subsided, and - all was calm. - - The voice of the majority, speaking in the manner prescribed by - the Constitution, was heard, and instant submission followed. Our - own country could alone have exhibited so grand and striking a - spectacle of the capacity of man for self-government. - - What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to apply this - simple rule—that the will of the majority shall govern—to the - settlement of the question of domestic slavery in the Territories! - Congress is neither “to legislate slavery into any Territory or - State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people - thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic - institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of - the United States.” As a natural consequence, Congress has also - prescribed that, when the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as - a State, it “shall be received into the Union, with or without - slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their - admission.” - - A difference of opinion has arisen in regard to the point of time - when the people of a Territory shall decide this question for - themselves. - - This is, happily, a matter of but little practical importance. - Besides, it is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to - the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now - pending, and will, it is understood, be speedily and finally - settled. To their decision, in common with all good citizens, I - shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may be, though it has ever - been my individual opinion that, under the Nebraska-Kansas act, - the appropriate period will be when the number of actual residents - in the Territory shall justify the formation of a constitution - with a view to its admission as a State into the Union. But be - this as it may, it is the imperative and indispensable duty of the - government of the United States to secure to every resident - inhabitant the free and independent expression of his opinion by - his vote. This sacred right of each individual must be preserved. - That being accomplished, nothing can be fairer than to leave the - people of a Territory free from all foreign interference, to - decide their own destiny for themselves, subject only to the - Constitution of the United States. - - The whole territorial question being thus settled upon the - principle of popular sovereignty—a principle as ancient as free - government itself—everything of a practical nature has been - decided. No other question remains for adjustment; because all - agree that, under the Constitution, slavery in the States is - beyond the reach of any human power, except that of the respective - States themselves wherein it exists. May we not, then, hope that - the long agitation on this subject is approaching its end, and - that the geographical parties to which it has given birth, so much - dreaded by the Father of his Country, will speedily become - extinct? Most happy will it be for the country when the public - mind shall be diverted from this question to others of more - pressing and practical importance. Throughout the whole progress - of this agitation, which has scarcely known any intermission for - more than twenty years, whilst it has been productive of no - positive good to any human being, it has been the prolific source - of great evils to the master, the slave, and to the whole country. - It has alienated and estranged the people of the sister States - from each other, and has even seriously endangered the very - existence of the Union. Nor has the danger yet entirely ceased. - Under our system there is a remedy for all mere political evils in - the sound sense and sober judgment of the people. Time is a great - corrective. Political subjects which but a few years ago excited - and exasperated the public mind have passed away and are now - nearly forgotten. But this question of domestic slavery is of far - graver importance than any mere political question, because, - should the agitation continue, it may eventually endanger the - personal safety of a large portion of our countrymen where the - institution exists. In that event, no form of government, however - admirable in itself, and however productive of material benefits, - can compensate for the loss of peace and domestic security around - the family altar. Let every Union-loving man, therefore, exert his - best influence to suppress this agitation, which, since the recent - legislation of Congress, is without any legitimate object. - - It is an evil omen of the times that men have undertaken to - calculate the mere material value of the Union. Reasoned estimates - have been presented of the pecuniary profits and local advantages - which would result to different States and sections from its - dissolution, and of the comparative injuries which such an event - would inflict on other States and sections. Even descending to - this low and narrow view of the mighty question, all such - calculations are at fault. The bare reference to a single - consideration will be conclusive on this point. We at present - enjoy a free trade throughout our extensive and expanding country, - such as the world has never witnessed. This trade is conducted on - railroads and canals—on noble rivers and arms of the sea—which - bind together the north and the south, the east and the west of - our confederacy. Annihilate this trade, arrest its free progress - by the geographical lines of jealous and hostile States, and you - destroy the prosperity and onward march of the whole and every - part, and involve all in one common ruin. But such considerations, - important as they are in themselves, sink into insignificance when - we reflect on the terrific evils which would result from disunion - to every portion of the confederacy—to the north not more than to - the south, to the east not more than to the west. These I shall - not attempt to portray; because I feel an humble confidence that - the kind Providence which inspired our fathers with wisdom to - frame the most perfect form of Government and Union ever devised - by man will not suffer it to perish until it shall have been - peacefully instrumental, by its example, in the extension of civil - and religious liberty throughout the world. - - Next in importance to the maintenance of the Constitution and the - Union is the duty of preserving the government free from the - taint, or even the suspicion, of corruption. Public virtue is the - vital spirit of republics; and history shows that when this has - decayed, and the love of money has usurped its place, although the - forms of free government may remain for a season, the substance - has departed forever. - - Our present financial condition is without a parallel in history. - No nation has ever before been embarrassed from too large a - surplus in its treasury. This almost necessarily gives birth to - extravagant legislation. It produces wild schemes of expenditure, - and begets a race of speculators and jobbers, whose ingenuity is - exerted in contriving and promoting expedients to obtain public - money. The purity of official agents, whether rightfully or - wrongfully, is suspected, and the character of the government - suffers in the estimation of the people. This is in itself a very - great evil. - - The natural mode of relief from this embarrassment is to - appropriate the surplus in the treasury to great national objects, - for which a clear warrant can be found in the Constitution. Among - these I might mention the extinguishment of the public debt, a - reasonable increase of the navy, which is at present inadequate to - the protection of our vast tonnage afloat, now greater than that - of any other nation, as well as to the defence of our extended - seacoast. - - It is beyond all question the true principle, that no more revenue - ought to be collected from the people than the amount necessary to - defray the expenses of a wise, economical, and efficient - administration of the government. To reach this point, it was - necessary to resort to a modification of the tariff; and this has, - I trust, been accomplished in such a manner as to do as little - injury as may have been practicable to our domestic manufactures, - especially those necessary for the defence of the country. Any - discrimination against a particular branch, for the purpose of - benefiting favored corporations, individuals, or interests, would - have been unjust to the rest of the community, and inconsistent - with that spirit of fairness and equality which ought to govern in - the adjustment of a revenue tariff. - - But the squandering of the public money sinks into comparative - insignificance as a temptation to corruption when compared with - the squandering of the public lands. - - No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with so rich - and noble an inheritance as we enjoy in the public lands. In - administering this important trust, whilst it may be wise to grant - portions of them for the improvement of the remainder, yet we - should never forget that it is our cardinal policy to reserve - these lands, as much as may be, for actual settlers, and this at - moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promote the - prosperity of the new States and Territories by furnishing them a - hardy and independent race of honest and industrious citizens, but - shall secure homes for our children and our children’s children, - as well as for those exiles from foreign shores who may seek in - this country to improve their condition, and to enjoy the - blessings of civil and religious liberty. Such emigrants have done - much to promote the growth and prosperity of the country. They - have proved faithful both in peace and in war. After becoming - citizens, they are entitled, under the Constitution and laws, to - be placed on a perfect equality with native-born citizens, and in - this character they should ever be kindly recognized. - - The Federal Constitution is a grant from the States to Congress of - certain specific powers; and the question whether this grant - should be liberally or strictly construed, has, more or less, - divided political parties from the beginning. Without entering - into the argument, I desire to state, at the commencement of my - administration, that long experience and observation have - convinced me that a strict construction of the powers of the - Government is the only true, as well as the only safe, theory of - the Constitution. Whenever, in our past history, doubtful powers - have been exercised by Congress, these have never failed to - produce injurious and unhappy consequences. Many such instances - might be adduced, if this were the proper occasion. Neither is it - necessary for the public service to strain the language of the - Constitution; because all the great and useful powers required for - a successful administration of the Government, both in peace and - in war, have been granted, either in express terms or by the - plainest implication. - - Whilst deeply convinced of these truths, I yet consider it clear - that, under the war-making power, Congress may appropriate money - towards the construction of a military road, when this is - absolutely necessary for the defence of any State or Territory of - the Union against foreign invasion. Under the Constitution, - Congress has power “to declare war,” “to raise and support - armies,” “to provide and maintain a navy,” and to call forth the - militia to “repel invasions.” Thus endowed, in an ample manner, - with the war-making power, the corresponding duty is required that - “the United States shall protect each of them [the States] against - invasion.” Now, how is it possible to afford this protection to - California and our Pacific possessions, except by means of a - military road through the Territories of the United States, over - which men and munitions of war may be speedily transported from - the Atlantic States to meet and to repel the invader? In the event - of a war with a naval power much stronger than our own, we should - then have no other available access to the Pacific coast, because - such a power would instantly close the route across the isthmus of - Central America. It is impossible to conceive that, whilst the - Constitution has expressly required Congress to defend all the - States, it should yet deny to them, by any fair construction, the - only possible means by which one of these States can be defended. - Besides, the Government, ever since its origin, has been in the - constant practice of constructing military roads. It might also be - wise to consider whether the love for the Union which now animates - our fellow-citizens on the Pacific coast may not be impaired by - our neglect or refusal to provide for them, in their remote and - isolated condition, the only means by which the power of the - States, on this side of the Rocky Mountains, can reach them in - sufficient time to “protect” them “against invasion.” I forbear - for the present from expressing an opinion as to the wisest and - most economical mode in which the Government can lend its aid in - accomplishing this great and necessary work. I believe that many - of the difficulties in the way, which now appear formidable, will, - in a great degree, vanish as soon as the nearest and best route - shall have been satisfactorily ascertained. - - It may be proper that, on this occasion, I should make some brief - remarks in regard to our rights and duties as a member of the - great family of nations. In our intercourse with them there are - some plain principles, approved by our own experience, from which - we should never depart. We ought to cultivate peace, commerce, and - friendship with all nations; and this not merely as the best means - of promoting our own material interests, but in a spirit of - Christian benevolence towards our fellow-men, wherever their lot - may be cast. Our diplomacy should be direct and frank, neither - seeking to obtain more nor accepting less than is our due. We - ought to cherish a sacred regard for the independence of all - nations, and never attempt to interfere in the domestic concerns - of any, unless this shall be imperatively required by the great - laws of self-preservation. To avoid entangling alliances has been - a maxim of our policy ever since the days of Washington, and its - wisdom no one will attempt to dispute. In short, we ought to do - justice, in a kindly spirit, to all nations, and require justice - from them in return. - - It is our glory that, whilst other nations have extended their - dominions by the sword, we have never acquired any territory - except by fair purchase, or, as in the case of Texas, by the - voluntary determination of a brave, kindred, and independent - people to blend their destinies with our own. Even our - acquisitions from Mexico form no exception. Unwilling to take - advantage of the fortune of war against a sister republic, we - purchased these possessions, under the treaty of peace, for a sum - which was considered at the time a fair equivalent. Our past - history forbids that we shall in the future acquire territory, - unless this be sanctioned by the laws of justice and honor. Acting - on this principle, no nation will have a right to interfere or to - complain if, in the progress of events, we shall still further - extend our possessions. Hitherto, in all our acquisitions, the - people, under the protection of the American flag, have enjoyed - civil and religious liberty, as well as equal and just laws, and - have been contented, prosperous, and happy. Their trade with the - rest of the world has rapidly increased, and thus every commercial - nation has shared largely in their successful progress. - - I shall now proceed to take the oath prescribed by the - Constitution, whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine - Providence on this great people. - -In the selection of his cabinet, the President followed the -long-established custom of making it a representation of the -different portions of the Union, so far as might be consistent with -a proper regard for personal qualifications for the different posts. -The cabinet, which was confirmed by the Senate on the 6th day of -March, 1857, consisted of Lewis Cass, of Michigan, Secretary of -State; Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John B. -Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War; Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, -Secretary of the Navy; Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, Postmaster -General; Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior; -and Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania, Attorney General. So far as -was practicable within the limits of a selection which, according to -invariable usage and sound policy was confined to the Democratic -party, this cabinet was a fair representation of the Eastern, the -Middle, the Western and the Southern States. - -The state of the country, however, when this administration was -organized, was ominous to its internal peace and welfare. The -preceding administration of President Pierce had left a legacy of -trouble to his successor in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. -Had it not been for this ill-advised step, the country might have -reposed upon the settlement of all the slavery questions that was -made by the “Compromise Measures” of 1850. How the flood-gates of -sectional controversy were again opened by the repeal of the earlier -settlement of 1820, and how this repeal tended to unsettle what had -been happily settled in 1850, is a sad chapter in our political -history. - -The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was effected in the following -manner: In the session of 1854, Senator Douglas, chairman of the -Senate Committee on Territories, reported a bill for the -establishment of a Territorial government in Nebraska. It did not -touch the Missouri Compromise; and, being in the usual form, it -would probably have been passed without much opposition, but for the -intervention of a Senator from Kentucky, Mr. Dixon. He gave notice, -on the 16th of January, that when the bill should be reached in its -order, he would move a section repealing the Missouri Compromise, -both as to Nebraska and all other Territories of the United States. -Mr. Dixon was a Whig, and Mr. Douglas was a prominent and most -energetic Democrat, who had long been an aspirant to the Presidency. -Conceiving the idea that a new doctrine respecting the sovereign -right of the people of a Territory to determine for themselves -whether they would or would not have slavery while they were in the -Territorial condition, would better reconcile both sections of the -Union than the continuance of the Missouri Compromise, he introduced -a substitute for the original bill, which, after dividing Nebraska -into two Territories, calling one Nebraska and the other Kansas, -annulled the Missouri Compromise in regard to these and all other -Territories. This he called, “Non-intervention by Congress with -slavery in the States or Territories,” which his bill declared was -the principle of the settlement of 1850, although that settlement -had not only not invalidated the Missouri Compromise, but that -Compromise had been expressly recognized in the case of Texas. Mr. -Dixon expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with Mr. Douglas’s -new bill, and the latter, being a man of great power, both as a -debater and as a politician, carried his bill through the two -Houses, and persuaded President Pierce to approve it. It was long -and disastrously known as “the Kansas-Nebraska Act.” - -Its discussion in Congress was attended with heats such as had not -been witnessed for many years. It laid the foundation for the -political success of the party then beginning to be known as the -Republican, and it produced the hopeless disruption of the -Democratic party when its nomination for the Presidency next after -Mr. Buchanan’s was to be made. Proud, disdainful of the predictions -made by others of the danger to the Union arising from his measure, -confident in his own energies and his ability to unite the -Democratic party in the South and in the North upon his principle of -“non-intervention,” Mr. Douglas gained a momentary triumph at the -expense of his own political future, of the future of his party, and -of the peace of the Union. For a time, however, it seemed as if he -had secured a following that would insure the acceptance of his -principle. All the Southern Senators, Whigs and Democrats, with two -exceptions,[29] and all the Northern Democratic Senators, with three -exceptions,[30] voted for his bill. The Whig Senators from the -North, and those who more distinctively represented the Northern -anti-slavery, or “Free-soil” sentiment, voted against it; but the -latter hailed it as a means that would consolidate the North into a -great political organization, with freedom inscribed upon its -banners. Mr. Buchanan, it will be remembered, was at this time in -England. - -Footnote 29: - - Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, and Mr. Clayton, of Delaware. - -Footnote 30: - - Messrs. Allen and James, of Rhode Island, and Mr. Walker, of - Wisconsin. - -He has said that although down to this period the anti-slavery party -of the North had been the assailing party and kept the people of the -South in constant irritation, yet, “in sustaining the repeal of the -Missouri Compromise the Senators and Representatives of the Southern -States became the aggressors themselves.”[31] And it was one of the -worst features of this aggression that it was made under the lead of -a Northern Democrat; for if the repeal of the Missouri Compromise -was a boon offered to the South, they could say that it was a boon -offered from the North.[32] - -Footnote 31: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 28. - -Footnote 32: - - It must be remembered that this took place long before the case of - “Dred Scott” had been acted upon in the Supreme Court of the - United States. - -The fatal effects of this measure were two-fold; first in unsettling -what had been settled in 1850, and secondly in precipitating a -struggle in Kansas as between the pro-slavery and the anti-slavery -parties, which, although it was local, spread itself in opposite -sympathies throughout the North and the South. The Compromise -Measures of 1850 had settled every possible question in relation to -slavery on which Congress could then or ever afterwards act. - -Such was the general repose of the country upon these topics when -President Pierce was inaugurated, that he congratulated the country -upon the calm security now evinced by the public mind, and promised -that it should receive no shock during his official term, if he -could prevent it. But the shock came within two years, and it came -because the repeal of the Missouri Compromise threw open again the -whole question of slavery in the Territories, to remain an unending -sectional controversy until it had divided one great national party, -built up a new and sectional party, and finally rent the Union into -a geographical array of section against section. - -The more immediate and local effect remains to be described. Kansas -at once became the theatre where the extreme men of both sections -entered into a deadly conflict, the one party to make it a free, the -other to make it a slaveholding Territory and State. Congress having -abdicated its duty of fixing the character of the Territory by law, -one way or the other, the beauty of Mr. Douglas’s principle of -“non-intervention,” now become popularly known in the political -jargon of the day as “squatter sovereignty,” had ample room for -development. What one party could do, on this principle, the other -could do. The Southern pro-slavery settler, or his sympathizer in -the Southern State which he had left, could claim that his slaves -were property in Kansas as much as in Missouri, or Tennessee, or -Kentucky. The Northern anti-slavery settler, or his sympathizer in -the Northern State from which he had come, could contend that -slavery was local and confined to the States where it existed. -Fierce war arose between the parties in their struggle for local -supremacy; both parties were respectively upheld and supplied by -their sympathizers in the near and in the distant States, North and -South; scenes of bloodshed and rapine ensued; and the bitter fruits -of opening a fine Territory to such a contest were reaped in an -abundance that made sober men stand aghast at the spectacle. - -It was when Mr. Buchanan entered upon the duties of the Presidency -that this condition of things in Kansas came to its culmination. The -pro-slavery party in the Territory, in general violent and lawless -enough, in one respect kept themselves on the side of law. They -sustained the Territorial government which had been organized under -the Act of Congress, and obtained control of its legislature. The -anti-slavery party repudiated this legislature, alleging, with some -truth, that frauds and violence had been committed in the election. - -To meet this wrong they committed another. They held a convention at -Topeka, framed a State constitution, elected a governor and -legislature to take the place of those who were governing the -Territory under the organic law, and applied to Congress for -admission into the Union. They had thus put themselves out of pale -of law. Congress at the end of a violent struggle rejected the -application for admission into the Union, under the Topeka -constitution, and recognized the authority of the Territorial -government. This took place in the session of Congress which -terminated on the day before Mr. Buchanan’s inauguration. As -President of the United States, he had no alternative but to -recognize and uphold the Territorial government. The fact that the -legislature of that government was in the hands of the pro-slavery -party, made the course which he adopted seem as if he favored their -pro-slavery designs, while, in truth, he had no object to subserve -but to sustain, as he was officially obliged to sustain, the -government which Congress had recognized as the lawful government of -the Territory. - -This government at once proceded to call a convention, to assemble -at Lecompton, and frame a State constitution. It was now the -President’s hope that the anti-slavery party would cease their -opposition to the Territorial government, obey the laws, and elect -delegates to the Lecompton convention in sufficient number to insure -a free constitution. But for the ten months which followed from the -4th of March, 1857, to the first Monday in January, 1858, this party -continued to adhere to their Topeka constitution, and to defy the -Territorial government. In the meantime the peace had to be kept by -troops of the United States to prevent open war between the two -parties. - -The President, soon after his inauguration, sent the Hon. Robert J. -Walker to Kansas, as Territorial governor, in place of Governor -Geary, who had resigned. Governor Walker was directed, if possible, -to persuade the anti-slavery party to unite with their opponents in -forming a State constitution, and to take care that the election of -delegates to the convention should be conducted so as to express the -true voice of the people on the question of slavery or freedom. The -governor performed this duty with entire impartiality. The laws -which provided for the election of delegates to the convention, and -for the registration of voters, were just and equitable. The -governor administered them fairly; he exhorted the whole body of -registered electors to vote. Nevertheless, the party that adhered to -the Topeka government and refused to recognize the Territorial -legislature, stayed away from the polls. The consequence was that a -large majority of pro-slavery delegates were elected to the -convention which was alone authorized, under the principles which, -in this country, recognize the sovereignty of the people, and -require it to be exercised through the ballot-box, under the -superintendence of the existing government, to form a constitution. - -While these things were taking place in Kansas, in the summer of -1857, while a portion of the inhabitants were in a state of -rebellion against the only government that had any lawful authority; -while the friends of freedom were setting the example of disloyalty -to the established authority of the Territory, and the friends of -slavery were, in one respect, the law-abiding part of the community; -while the revolutionary Topeka legislature was in session, claiming -to be the lawful legislature, and a turbulent and dangerous military -leader was at the head of the anti-slavery party, in open opposition -to the only lawful government of the Territory, presses and pulpits -throughout the North teemed with denunciations of the new President, -who had not allowed revolutionary violence to prevail over the law -of the land. At length there came from the State of Connecticut a -memorial to the President, signed by forty-three of its -distinguished citizens, among them several eminent clergymen, -imputing to him a violation of his official oath, and informing him -that they prayed the Almighty to preserve him from the errors of his -ways. To this he replied with spirit and with a clear exposition of -the mistakes into which ignorant zeal in the cause of freedom had -led those who thus addressed him. His reply, dated August 15, 1857, -is worthy of being reproduced: - - “When I entered upon the duties of the Presidential office, on the - fourth of March last, what was the condition of Kansas? This - Territory had been organized under the Act of Congress of 30th - May, 1854, and the government in all its branches was in full - operation. A governor, secretary of the Territory, chief justice, - two associate justices, a marshal, and district attorney had been - appointed by my predecessor, by and with the advice and consent of - the Senate, and were all engaged in discharging their respective - duties. A code of laws had been enacted by the Territorial - legislature, and the judiciary were employed in expounding and - carrying these laws into effect. It is quite true that a - controversy had previously arisen respecting the validity of the - election of members of the Territorial legislature and of the laws - passed by them; but at the time I entered upon my official duties, - Congress had recognized this legislature in different forms and by - different enactments. The delegate elected to the House of - Representatives, under a Territorial law, had just completed his - term of service on the day previous to my inauguration. In fact, I - found the government of Kansas as well established as that of any - other Territory. Under these circumstances, what was my duty? Was - it not to sustain this government? to protect it from the violence - of lawless men, who were determined either to rule or ruin? to - prevent it from being overturned by force? in the language of the - Constitution, to ‘take care that the laws be faithfully executed?’ - It was for this purpose, and this alone, that I ordered a military - force to Kansas to act as a posse comitatus in aiding the civil - magistrate to carry the laws into execution. The condition of the - Territory at the time, which I need not portray, rendered this - precaution absolutely necessary. In this state of affairs, would I - not have been justly condemned had I left the marshal and other - officers of a like character impotent to execute the process and - judgments of courts of justice established by Congress, or by the - Territorial legislature under its express authority, and thus have - suffered the government itself to become an object of contempt in - the eyes of the people? And yet this is what you designate as - forcing ‘the people of Kansas to obey laws not their own, nor of - the United States’; and for doing which you have denounced me as - having violated my solemn oath. I ask, what else could I have - done, or ought I to have done? Would you have desired that I - should abandon the Territorial government, sanctioned as it had - been by Congress, to illegal violence, and thus renew the scenes - of civil war and bloodshed which every patriot in the country had - deplored? This would, indeed, have been to violate my oath of - office, and to fix a damning blot on the character of my - administration. - - “I most cheerfully admit that the necessity for sending a military - force to Kansas to aid in the execution of the civil law, reflects - no credit upon the character of our country. But let the blame - fall upon the heads of the guilty. Whence did this necessity - arise? A portion of the people of Kansas, unwilling to trust to - the ballot-box—the certain American remedy for the redress of all - grievances—undertook to create an independent government for - themselves. Had this attempt proved successful, it would of course - have subverted the existing government, prescribed and recognized - by Congress, and substituted a revolutionary government in its - stead. This was a usurpation of the same character as it would be - for a portion of the people of Connecticut to undertake to - establish a separate government within its chartered limits for - the purpose of redressing any grievance, real or imaginary, of - which they might have complained against the legitimate State - government. Such a principle, if carried into execution, would - destroy all lawful authority and produce universal anarchy.” - - And again: “I thank you for the assurances that you will ‘not - refrain from the prayer that Almighty God will make my - administration an example of justice and beneficence.’ You can - greatly aid me in arriving at this blessed consummation, by - exerting your influence in allaying the existing sectional - excitement on the subject of slavery, which has been productive of - much evil and no good, and which, if it could succeed in attaining - its object, would ruin the slave as well as his master. This would - be a work of genuine philanthropy. Every day of my life I feel how - inadequate I am to perform the duties of my high station without - the continued support of Divine Providence, yet, placing my trust - in Him and in Him alone, I entertain a good hope that He will - enable me to do equal justice to all portions of the Union, and - thus render me an humble instrument in restoring peace and harmony - among the people of the several States.” - -The condition of Kansas continued for some time longer to be -disturbed by the revolutionary proceedings of the adherents of the -Topeka constitution. The inhabitants of the city of Lawrence -undertook to organize an insurrection throughout the Territory. This -town had been mainly established by the abolition societies of the -Eastern States. It had some respectable and well behaved citizens, -but it was the headquarters of paid agitators, in the employment of -certain anti-slavery organizations. It became necessary for Governor -Walker to suppress this threatened insurrection. The military leader -of the Free State party undertook, in July, to organize his party -into volunteers, and to take the names of all who refused -enrollment. The professed purpose of this organization was to -protect the polls at an election in August of a new Topeka -legislature. Many of the conservative citizens, who had hitherto -acted with the Free State party, were subjected to personal outrages -for refusing to be enrolled. To meet this revolutionary military -organization, and to prevent the establishment of an insurrectionary -government at Lawrence, the Territorial Governor had to retain in -Kansas a large body of United States troops. The insurgent general -and his military staff denied the authority of the Territorial laws, -and counselled the people not to participate in the elections -ordered under the authority of the Lecompton convention.[33] - -Footnote 33: - - Governor Walker’s despatches to the Secretary of State, July 15th, - 20th and 27th, 1857. - -The Lecompton convention, which met for the second time on the 2d of -September, and then proceeded to frame a State constitution, -adjourned on the 7th of November. Although this constitution -recognized slavery, the convention took steps to submit the question -to the people of the Territory, in a free ballot, by all the white -male inhabitants, before it should be sent to Congress for admission -into the Union. It would have been more regular to have submitted -the whole constitution to the people, although the organic Act did -not require it; but on the question of slavery, which was the vital -one, it can not be pretended that the convention acted unfairly. The -election was directed to be held on the 21st of December, (1857), -and the ballots were to be “Constitution with Slavery,” and -“Constitution with no Slavery.” Thus the opportunity was again -presented for the people of the Territory to vote upon the question -on which they were divided; and again the anti-slavery party, with -the exception of a few hundred of the voters, abstained from voting. -The result was that there were 6,226 votes in favor of the -“Constitution with Slavery,” and only 569 against it. - -The Lecompton constitution provided for holding an election of State -officers, a legislature and a member of Congress, on the first -Monday of January, 1858. The President sent instructions to the -Territorial governor which secured a peaceable election. A larger -vote was polled than at any previous election. The party which had -previously refused to vote, now changed their tactics. They elected -a large majority of the members of the legislature, and the -political power of the proposed new State was therefore in their -hands. But for their previous factional resistance to the authority -of the Territorial government, they might have attained this result -at a much earlier period. - -On the 30th of January, 1858, the President received the so-called -Lecompton constitution from the president of the convention, with a -request that it be laid before Congress. And here it is necessary to -pause, for the purpose of a just understanding of the grounds on -which the President recommended the admission of Kansas with this -constitution. He was assailed with almost every epithet of -vituperation of which our language admits, as if he was responsible -for and in favor of the pro-slavery feature of this constitution. A -simple and truthful consideration of his official duty under the -organic Act by which the Territory was organized, and a candid -recital of the reasons on which he urged the admission of the State -with this constitution, will enable my readers to determine with -what justice he was treated in this matter. - -Mr. Buchanan was elected President upon a political “platform,” -adopted by the Cincinnati Convention, which nominated him, and -which, like all the platforms of that period, dealt, among other -things, with the vexed subject of slavery in Territories. But the -Cincinnati platform of the Democratic party did not affirm the right -of a Territorial legislature to establish or to prohibit slavery: -nor did it admit the doctrine of “popular sovereignty,” as applied -to a people while in the Territorial condition. What it did affirm -was, that at the period when the people of a Territory should be -forming and adopting a State constitution, they should be allowed to -sanction or exclude slavery as they should see fit. This distinction -has of course no interest at the present day. But in the condition -of the Union in the year 1856, this distinction was of great -practical importance. The political men who framed the Cincinnati -platform had to consider how they could present to the people of the -United States a principle of action on this exciting topic of -slavery in the Territories, that would be consistent with the rights -of slave-holding and non-slaveholding States in the common property -of the Union, and at the same time affirm as a party doctrine a -basis of proceeding that could be safely applied in any Territory -and that would maintain its true relation as a Territory to the -Government of the United States. If they were in pursuit of votes -for their candidate, it should also be remembered that they were -preparing for a great national party a set of political principles -that would live and be active for a long time to come. Mr. Douglas -had caused the Missouri Compromise to be swept away; he had procured -the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which had affirmed something -that was both new and strange in the politics of this difficult -subject. This was, that in creating the body politic known as a -Territory of the United States, Congress should neither legalize nor -prohibit slavery while the Territorial condition continued, but that -the same species of “popular sovereignty” should be held to be -inherent in the people of a Territory that is inherent in the people -of a State, so that they could act on the subject of slavery for -themselves from the time of their first entry into the Territory and -before they had been authorized to form themselves into a State. The -ad captandum phrase “popular sovereignty” procured for this theory -many adherents. But it was irreconcilable with what others asserted -to be the true relation of a Territory to the Congress of the United -States, and equally irreconcilable with the claim of the Southern -slaveholder to go into a Territory with his property in slaves and -to maintain there that property until the State constitution had -sanctioned or prohibited it. The framers of the Cincinnati platform -did not propose to elect a President on this basis. They therefore -did not affirm that a Territorial legislature, or the people of a -Territory, should be allowed to act on the subject of slavery in any -way; but they proclaimed as their doctrine that when the people of a -Territory, acting under the authority of an organic law, should -frame and adopt a State constitution, they should be at liberty to -make their State free or slave as they might see fit. - -Before this period the Cincinnati platform was silent; and it was -silent because its framers did not see fit to trammel themselves or -their candidate with a doctrine of “popular sovereignty” -irreconcilable with the governing authority of Congress, and also -because in this matter of slavery there was a question of property -involved. When, therefore, Mr. Buchanan accepted the Cincinnati -platform, and was elected upon it, he went into the office of -President without being in any way committed to the doctrine of -“popular sovereignty,” as expounded by Mr. Douglas. - -But the Kansas-Nebraska Act was both a bone of contention between -two portions of the Democratic party and a law of the land. As -President, Mr. Buchanan had only to construe and administer it. It -contained, as explanatory of the purpose of Congress in abolishing -the Missouri Compromise restriction, the following declaration: “It -being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate -slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, -but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate -their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the -Constitution of the United States.” This was in one respect -ambiguous, and in another not so. It was ambiguous in not clearly -defining the time at which this right to form their own domestic -institutions was to be considered as inhering in the people of a -Territory. It was unambiguous in subordinating the exercise of this -right to the Constitution of the United States. In carrying out the -law, the President had to consider what was the limitation imposed -by the Constitution of the United States upon the operation of this -newly created right. This brought before him the action of the -Supreme Court of the United States on the subject of slave property -in the Territories, which had occurred a few days after his -inauguration. - -Whatever may be said of the action of the Supreme Court in the -well-known case of “Dred Scott,” in regard to its being technically -a judicial decision, there can be no doubt as to what a majority of -the judges meant to affirm and did affirm in their respective -opinions.[34] This was that property in slaves, being recognized as -a right of property by the Constitution of the United States, -although established only by the local law of a particular State, -travelled with the person of the owner into a Territory; and while -the Territorial condition continued, such property could not be -abolished by the legislation of Congress or the legislation of the -Territorial government. Mr. Buchanan always regarded this as a -judicial decision of this question of property; and as the -construction of the Kansas-Nebraska Act was by its express terms to -be determined by the court, he considered it his duty to regard the -period of time on which the people of Kansas were to decide the -question of slavery or no slavery to be at the formation and -adoption of a State constitution. This was the clear deduction to be -drawn from the constitutional doctrine which had been enunciated by -a majority of the judges. - -Footnote 34: - - I have more than once publicly expressed my belief that there was, - technically speaking, no judicial decision in that case. But - others, among them President Buchanan, always regarded it as a - “decision.” - -Hence it was that all his official influence was exerted, through -the Territorial government, to induce the people of Kansas to act on -the question of slavery at the proper time and in the only practical -way: namely, by voting for delegates to the convention called under -the authority of the Territorial laws, and then voting on the -constitution which that convention should frame. It certainly was no -wish of his to have Kansas become a slaveholding State; he could -have no motive in the whole matter but to get it decided what her -domestic condition was to be, by the ballot-box instead of the -rifle, by voting and not by fighting. He could, by no sort of -justice, be held responsible for the result which was produced by -the refusal of the anti-slavery party to vote; and when the -Lecompton constitution reached him, he could not avoid submitting it -to Congress. He submitted it with a strong recommendation that -Kansas be received into the Union under it. His reasons for this -recommendation are now to be stated. - -1. The Lecompton constitution was republican in form, and it had -been framed and voted upon in a free and open ballot, which the -convention had directed to be taken on the all-important question of -slavery. 2. The question of slavery was thus localized, confined to -the people whom it immediately concerned, and banished from the -halls of Congress, where it had been always exerting a baneful -influence upon the country at large. 3. If Congress, for the sake of -those who had refused to exercise their power of excluding slavery -from the constitution of Kansas, should now reject it because -slavery remained in it, the agitation would be renewed everywhere in -a more alarming form than it had yet assumed. 4. After the admission -of the State, its people would be sovereign over this and every -other domestic question; they could mould their institutions as they -should see fit, and if, as the President had every reason to -believe, a majority of the people were opposed to slavery, the -legislature already elected under this constitution could at once -provide for amending it in the proper manner. 5. If this -constitution should be sent back by Congress because it sanctioned -slavery, a second constitution would have to be framed and sent to -Congress, and there would be a revival of the slavery agitation, -both in Congress and throughout the Union. 6. The speedy admission -of Kansas, which would restore peace and harmony to the whole -country, was of infinitely greater consequence than the small -difference of time that would be required for the people to exercise -their own sovereign power over the whole subject after they had -become a State, compared with the process of a new convention to be -held under the auspices of the Territorial government.[35] - -Footnote 35: - - See the President’s message of February 28, 1858, submitting the - Lecompton constitution. In describing the President’s views on - this subject I have not only relied upon his messages and other - official papers, but I have drawn them also from an elaborate - private paper in his hand-writing, which is of too great length to - be inserted textually in this work. It relates to the construction - of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, a construction which he felt bound to - adopt in consequence of the views taken of the subject of slavery - in Territories by the Supreme Court, as he said in his inaugural - address that he should do. In this MS., he speaks of “The infamous - and unfounded assertion of Mr. ——, that in a conversation with - Chief Justice Taney, he [the Chief Justice] had informed him in - advance of the inaugural what the opinion [of the court] would - be.” - -“This message,” says Mr. Buchanan, “gave rise to a long, exciting, -and occasionally violent debate in both Houses of Congress, between -the anti-slavery members and their opponents, which lasted for three -months. In the course of it, slavery was denounced in every form -which could exasperate the Southern people, and render it odious to -the people of the North; whilst on the other hand, many of the -speeches of Southern members displayed characteristic violence. Thus -two sessions of Congress in succession had been in a great degree -occupied with the same inflammatory topics, in discussing the -affairs of Kansas.”[36] At length, however, an Act which had been -reported by a committee of conference of both Houses, admitting -Kansas into the Union as a State under the Lecompton constitution, -was passed in the Senate by a vote of 31 to 22, and in the House by -a vote of 112 to 103, and was signed by the President on the 4th of -May, 1858.[37] The validity of the proceedings in Kansas which had -produced the Lecompton constitution was expressly admitted by the -preamble of this statute. - -Footnote 36: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 45. - -Footnote 37: - - II U. S. Laws, p. 269. In the Senate, Mr. Douglas voted with the - minority, as did a few anti-Lecompton Democrats in the House. - [_Congressional Globe_, 1857-8, pp. 1899, 1905.] The Act was - carried by a party vote. - -But the Act annexed a condition precedent to the final admission of -the State under this constitution. This related, not to slavery, but -to the public lands within the territory. The ordinance of the -convention which accompanied the Lecompton constitution demanded for -the State a cession of the public lands more than six times the -quantity that had ever been granted to any other State, when -received into the Union. Congress would not assent to such an -exaction. It was therefore provided that the people of the State -should vote upon a proposition reducing the number of acres to be -ceded to the same number that had been granted to other States; and -that when this proposition should have been ascertained by the -President’s proclamation to have been accepted, the admission of the -State, upon an equal footing with all the other States, should be -complete and absolute. But the condition was never fulfilled. The -people of Kansas rejected it on the 2d of August, 1858, and the -Lecompton constitution thus fell to the ground. “Notwithstanding -this,” Mr. Buchanan observes, “the recognition by Congress of the -regularity of the proceedings in forming the Lecompton constitution, -did much good, at least for a season. It diverted the attention of -the people from fighting to voting, a most salutary change.”[38] - -Footnote 38: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 46. - -In his next annual message, of December 6, 1858, the President said: - - When we compare the condition of the country at the present day - with what it was one year ago, at the meeting of Congress, we have - much reason for gratitude to that Almighty Providence which has - never failed to interpose for our relief at the most critical - periods of our history. One year ago the sectional strife between - the North and the South on the dangerous subject of slavery had - again become so intense as to threaten the peace and perpetuity of - the confederacy. The application for the admission of Kansas as a - State into the Union fostered this unhappy agitation, and brought - the whole subject once more before Congress. It was the desire of - every patriot that such measures of legislation might be adopted - as would remove the excitement from the States and confine it to - the Territory where it legitimately belonged. Much has been done, - I am happy to say, towards the accomplishment of this object - during the last session of Congress. - - The Supreme Court of the United States had previously decided that - all American citizens have an equal right to take into the - Territories whatever is held as property under the laws of any of - the States, and to hold such property there under the guardianship - of the Federal Constitution, so long as the Territorial condition - shall remain. This is now a well-established position, and the - proceedings of the last session were alone wanting to give it - practical effect. - - The principle has been recognized, in some form or other, by an - almost unanimous vote of both Houses of Congress, that a Territory - has a right to come into the Union either as a free or a slave - State, according to the will of a majority of its people. The just - equality of all the States has thus been vindicated, and a - fruitful source of dangerous dissension among them has been - removed. - - While such has been the beneficial tendency of your legislative - proceedings outside of Kansas, their influence has nowhere been so - happy as within that Territory itself. Left to manage and control - its own affairs in its own way, without the pressure of external - influence, the revolutionary Topeka organization, and all - resistance to the Territorial government established by Congress, - have been finally abandoned. As a natural consequence, that fine - Territory now appears to be tranquil and prosperous, and is - attracting increasing thousands of immigrants to make it their - happy home. - - The past unfortunate experience of Kansas has enforced the lesson, - so often already taught, that resistance to lawful authority, - under our form of government, cannot fail in the end to prove - disastrous to its authors. - -The people of Kansas, from this time forward, “left to manage their -own affairs in their own way, without the presence of external -influence,” found that they could decide this question of slavery by -their own votes, and that the stimulus and the materials for -fighting, which had been supplied to them from the Northern or the -Southern States, were poor means in comparison with the ballot-box. -The anti-slavery party were numerically the strongest; and having -now given up all factious resistance to the Territorial government, -they were able, under its auspices, to establish a free -constitution, under which the State was admitted into the Union on -the 29th of January, 1861. But the effect of this struggle, -precipitated by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and carried -on for a period of seven years, was most disastrous to the peace and -harmony of the Union. It fixed the attention of both sections of the -Union upon a subject of the most inflammatory nature. On the one -hand, the Democratic party, which extended throughout all the -States, slaveholding and non-slaveholding, and which had elected Mr. -Buchanan by the votes of both free and slave States, no longer had a -common bond of party union in a common principle of action on the -question of slavery in Territories. A portion of the party, under -the lead of Mr. Douglas, and known as “the Northern Democracy,” -rejected the doctrine enunciated by the Judges of the Supreme Court, -and still adhered to their principle of “popular sovereignty.” The -residue of the party, calling themselves “the Old Democracy,” -adhered to what they regarded as the decision of the court, -maintained that the time for the people of a Territory to act on the -subject of slavery was when forming and adopting a State -constitution, and that in the previous period, the equal right of -all the States in the common property of the Union could be -respected only by confining the power of the people of a Territory -to the time of adopting a constitution. On the other hand, the new -party, to which these events had given birth, and into which were -now consolidating all the elements of the anti-slavery feeling of -the free States, rejected entirely the principle enunciated by a -majority of the Supreme Court, maintained that the Southern -slave-holder could have no right to hold as property in a Territory -that which was property at all only under the local law of a -slave-holding State, and proclaimed that Congress must, by positive -statute, annul any such supposed right in regard to all existing and -all future Territories. If these conflicting sectional feelings and -interests could have been confined to the practical question of what -was to be done in the Territories before they should become States, -there might have been less danger resulting from their agitation. In -the nature of things, however, they could not be so confined. They -brought into renewed discussion the whole subject of slavery -everywhere, until the North and the South became involved in a -struggle for the Presidency that was made to turn almost exclusively -upon this one topic. But how this came about, and how it resulted in -an attempted disruption of the Union, must be related hereafter. - - - - - CHAPTER X. - 1857-1861. - - FOREIGN RELATIONS DURING MR. BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. - -The internal affairs of the country during the administration of Mr. -Buchanan occupied so much of the public attention at the time, and -have since been a subject of so much interest, that his management -of our foreign relations has been quite obscured. Before I approach -the troubled period which witnessed the beginning of the Southern -revolt, I shall describe, with as much brevity as I can use, -whatever is most important in the relations of the United States -with other countries, that transpired during his Presidency. - -It will be seen, hereafter, from what he recorded in his private -papers at the time of the resignation of General Cass from the State -Department, in the latter part of the year 1860, that Mr. Buchanan -had to be virtually his own Secretary of State, until Judge Black -succeeded to that office. This was less irksome to him than it might -have been to other Presidents, because of his great familiarity with -the diplomatic history of the country, and his experience in the -diplomatic service. His strong personal regard for General Cass, -whose high character, as well as his political standing in the party -of which they were both members, and the demand of the Western -States, had been the reasons for offering to him the Department of -State, made Mr. Buchanan patient and kind towards one who did not -render him much aid in the business of that office. Mr. Buchanan, -too, was a man who never shrank from labor. His industry was -incessant and untiring; it did not flag with his advancing years; -and it was an industry applied, in foreign affairs, to matters of -which he had a fuller and more intimate knowledge than any American -statesman of his time who was living when he became President of the -United States. His private papers bear ample testimony to the minute -and constant attention which he gave to the foreign relations of the -country, and to the extent of his employment of his own pen. He -wrote with great facility, precision and clearness, from a mind -stored with historical information and the principles of public law. -There was no topic and no question in the foreign relations of the -United States on which his knowledge did not come readily and -promptly to his hand. In this respect, with the exception of Mr. -Jefferson and Mr. John Quincy Adams, we have as yet had no President -who was his superior, or his equal. Like them, he had passed through -the office of Secretary of State, as well as through very important -foreign missions; an advantage which always tells in the office of -President, when it is combined with the qualifications that are -peculiar to American statesmanship. - -First in importance, if not in dignity, the relations of the United -States with England, at any period of our history, and the mode in -which they were handled, are topics of permanent interest. How often -these two kindred nations have been on the verge of war, and how -that peril has been encountered and averted cannot cease to be -instructive. Nor is it of less consequence to note the course of a -President, who, during an administration fraught with the most -serious hazards to the internal relations of the United States with -each other, kept steadily in view the preservation of peace and good -will between the United States and Great Britain, while he abated -nothing from our just claims or our national dignity. Mr. Buchanan -left to his successor no unsettled question between these two -nations, that was of any immediate importance, and he left the -feeling between them and their respective governments in a far -better condition than he found it on his accession to the -Presidency, and in a totally different state from that which ensued -after the beginning of our civil war. - -But when he became President, two irritating and dangerous questions -were pending, inherited from former administrations. The first of -these related, as we have seen, to the British claim of a -protectorate over the Mosquito coast, and to the establishment of -colonial government over the Bay Islands; territories that belonged -respectively to the feeble republics of Nicaragua and Honduras. It -has been seen in a former chapter how the ambiguity of the -Clayton-Bulwer treaty had led the British government to adopt a -construction of it which would support these claims, and which would -justify the pretension that by that treaty the United States had -receded from what was called the “Monroe Doctrine.” This treaty, -concluded in 1850 by the administration of General Taylor, was -supposed in this country to have settled these questions in favor of -the United States, and that Great Britain would withdraw from the -territories of Nicaragua and Honduras. But she did not withdraw. Her -ministers continued to claim that the treaty only restrained her -from making future acquisitions in Central America, and that the -true inference from this was that she could hold her existing -possessions. It was, as has been seen, in the hope of settling this -question, that Mr. Buchanan accepted the mission to England in 1853. -Why it was not settled at that time, has been already stated in -detail. It remained to be amicably and honorably settled, under his -advice and approbation, after he became President, by treaties -between Great Britain and the two Central American States, in -accordance with the American construction of the Clayton-Bulwer -treaty. - -The long standing question in regard to the right of search came -into the hands of President Buchanan at a moment and under -circumstances that required the most vigorous action. The -belligerent right of search, exercised by Great Britain in the -maritime wars of 1812, had been a cause of constant irritation to -the people of this country. In progress of time, England undertook -to assert a right to detain and search merchantmen on the high seas, -in time of peace, suspected of being engaged in the slave trade. -There was no analogy, even, in this to the belligerent right of -visitation and search, whatever the latter might comprehend. An -accommodation, rather than a settlement, of this claim was made in -the treaty of 1842, negotiated between Lord Ashburton and Mr. -Webster, by which each nation agreed to keep a squadron of its own -on the coast of Africa, for the suppression of the slave trade when -carried on under their respective flags, or under any claim or use -of their flags, or by their subjects or citizens respectively. -Although this stipulation was accompanied by a very forcible -declaration made by Mr. Webster, under the direction of President -Tyler, that the American Government admitted of no right of -visitation and search of merchant vessels in time of peace, England -did not wholly abandon or renounce her claim of a right to detain -and search all vessels on the high seas which the commanders of her -cruisers might suspect to be slave traders. In the spring of 1858, a -number of small cruisers which had been employed in the Crimean war -was despatched by the British government to the coast of Cuba and -the Gulf of Mexico, with orders to search all merchantmen suspected -to be engaged in the slave trade. The presence of these cruisers, -acting under such orders, in waters traversed in all directions by -American vessels engaged in the foreign and coastwise trade, became -most alarming. Nor was the alarm lessened by the manner in which the -orders were carried out. Many American vessels were stopped and -searched rudely and offensively. A loud call was made upon the -President to interfere. A general indignation broke forth in all -quarters of the Union. President Buchanan, always vigilant in -protecting the commerce of the country, but mindful of the -importance of preventing any necessity for war, remonstrated to the -English government against this violation of the freedom of the -seas. - -Still, the occasion required, in the opinion of the President, that -remonstrance should be backed by force. Great Britain had thought -proper, without warning, to send a force into waters filled with -American commerce, with orders to do what she had not the smallest -right to do. It was a very aggressive proceeding to be taken against -the commerce of a nation that had always denied the alleged right of -search as a right to be exercised in time of peace for any purpose -whatever. A very large naval force was at once despatched to the -neighborhood of Cuba, by order of the President, with instructions -“to protect all vessels of the United States on the high seas from -search or detention by the vessels of war of any other nation.” Any -one of the cruisers sent on this mission could have resisted a ship -of the largest class. The effect was most salutary. The British -government receded, recalled their orders, abandoned the claim of -the right of search, and recognized the principle of international -law in favor of the freedom of the seas. This was the end of a long -controversy between the two governments.[39] - -Footnote 39: - - The Senate, although at a late period, unanimously approved of the - instructions given to the Secretary of the Navy, and by him - carried out. (See _Congressional Globe_, 1858-9, p. 3061; Senate - Documents, vol. IV, p. 3, Report of the Secretary of the Navy.) - -During the whole of Mr. Buchanan’s administration our relations with -Mexico were in a complicated and critical position, in consequence -of the internal condition of that country and of the danger of -interference by European powers. Mr. Buchanan has himself concisely -and accurately described the state of things in Mexico at the time -of his accession to the Presidency, and down to the end of the year -1859, and I therefore quote his description, rather than make one of -my own: - - That republic has been in a state of constant revolution ever - since it achieved its independence from Spain. The various - constitutions adopted from time to time had been set at naught - almost as soon as proclaimed; and one military leader after - another, in rapid succession, had usurped the government. This - fine country, blessed with a benign climate, a fertile soil, and - vast mineral resources, was reduced by civil war and brigandage to - a condition of almost hopeless anarchy. Meanwhile, our treaties - with the republic were incessantly violated. Our citizens were - imprisoned, expelled from the country, and in some instances - murdered. Their vessels, merchandise, and other property were - seized and confiscated. While the central government at the - capital were acting in this manner, such was the general - lawlessness prevailing, that different parties claiming and - exercising local authority in several districts were committing - similar outrages on our citizens. Our treaties had become a dead - letter, and our commerce with the republic was almost entirely - destroyed. The claims of American citizens filed in the State - Department, for which they asked the interposition of their own - Government with that of Mexico to obtain redress and indemnity, - exceeded $10,000,000. Although this amount may have been - exaggerated by the claimants, still their actual losses must have - been very large.[40] - -Footnote 40: - - List of Claims, Senate Executive Documents, p. 18, 2d session - 35th Congress, President’s Message. - - In all these cases as they occurred our successive ministers - demanded redress, but their demands were only followed by new - injuries. Their testimony was uniform and emphatic in reference to - the only remedy which in their judgments would prove effectual. - “Nothing but a manifestation of the power of the Government of the - United States,” wrote Mr. John Forsyth, our minister in 1856, “and - of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail. I assure you - that the universal belief here is, that there is nothing to be - apprehended from the Government of the United States, and that - local Mexican officials can commit these outrages upon American - citizens with absolute impunity.” - - In the year 1857 a favorable change occurred in the affairs of the - republic, inspiring better hopes for the future. A constituent - congress, elected by the people of the different States for this - purpose, had framed and adopted a republican constitution. It - adjourned on the 17th February, 1857, having provided for a - popular election to be held in July for a president and members of - congress. At this election General Comonfort was chosen president - almost without opposition. His term of office was to commence on - the 1st of December, 1857, and to continue for four years. In case - his office should become vacant, the constitution had provided - that the chief justice of Mexico, then General Juarez, should - become president, until the end of the term. On the 1st December, - 1857, General Comonfort appeared before the congress then in - session, took the oath to support the constitution, and was duly - inaugurated. - - But the hopes thus inspired for the establishment of a regular - constitutional government soon proved delusive. President - Comonfort, within one brief month, was driven from the capital and - the republic by a military rebellion headed by General Zuloaga; - and General Juarez consequently became the constitutional - president of Mexico until the 1st day of December, 1861. General - Zuloaga instantly assumed the name of president with indefinite - powers; and the entire diplomatic corps, including the minister - from the United States, made haste to recognize the authority of - the usurper without awaiting instructions from their respective - governments. But Zuloaga was speedily expelled from power. Having - encountered the resistance of the people in many parts of the - republic, and a large portion of the capital having “pronounced” - against him, he was in turn compelled to relinquish the - presidency. The field was now cleared for the elevation of General - Miramon. He had from the beginning been the favorite of the - so-called “Church party,” and was ready to become their willing - instrument in maintaining the vast estates and prerogatives of the - Church, and in suppressing the Liberal constitution. An assembly - of his partisans, called together without even the semblance of - authority, elected him president, but he warily refused to accept - the office at their hands. He then resorted to another but - scarcely more plausible expedient to place himself in power. This - was to identify himself with General Zuloaga, who had just been - deposed, and to bring him again upon the stage as president. - Zuloaga accordingly reappeared in this character, but his only act - was to appoint Miramon “president substitute,” when he again - retired. It is under this title that Miramon has since exercised - military authority in the city of Mexico, expecting by this - stratagem to appropriate to himself the recognition of the foreign - ministers which had been granted to Zuloaga. He succeeded. The - ministers continued their relations with him as “president - substitute” in the same manner as if Zuloaga had still remained in - power. It was by this farce, for it deserves no better name, that - Miramon succeeded in grasping the presidency. The idea that the - chief of a nation at his own discretion may transfer to whomsoever - he please the trust of governing, delegated to him for the benefit - of the people, is too absurd to receive a moment’s countenance. - But when we reflect that Zuloaga, from whom Miramon derived his - title, was himself a military usurper, having expelled the - constitutional president (Comonfort) from office, it would have - been a lasting disgrace to the Mexican people had they tamely - submitted to the yoke. To such an imputation a large majority - proved themselves not to be justly exposed. Although, on former - occasions, a seizure of the capital and the usurpation of power by - a military chieftain had been generally followed, at least for a - brief season, by an acquiescence of the Mexican people, yet they - now rose boldly and independently to defend their rights. - - President Juarez, after having been driven from the city of Mexico - by Zuloaga, proceeded to form a constitutional government at - Guanajuato. From thence he removed to Vera Cruz, where he put his - administration in successful operation. The people in many - portions of the republic rallied in its support and flew to arms. - A civil war thus began between the friends of the constitution and - the partisans of Miramon. In this conflict it was not possible for - the American people to remain indifferent spectators. They - naturally favored the cause of President Juarez, and expressed - ardent wishes for his success. Meanwhile Mr. Forsyth, the American - minister, still continued at the city of Mexico in the discharge - of his official duties until June, 1858, when he suspended his - diplomatic relations with the Miramon government, until he should - ascertain the decision of the President. Its outrages towards - American citizens and its personal indignities towards himself, - without hope of amendment or redress, rendered his condition no - longer tolerable. Our relations, bad as they had been under former - governments, had now become still worse under that of Miramon. - President Buchanan approved the step which Mr. Forsyth had taken. - He was consequently directed to demand his passports, to deposit - the archives of the legation with Mr. Black, our consul at the - city of Mexico, and to proceed to Vera Cruz, where an armed - steamer would be in readiness to convey himself and family to the - United States.[41] - -Footnote 41: - - Letter of General Cass to Mr. Forsyth, July 15th, 1858. Senate - Documents, 1858-1859, vol. i., p. 48 - - Thus was all diplomatic intercourse finally terminated with the - government of Miramon, whilst none had been organized with that of - Juarez. The President entertained some hope that this rupture of - diplomatic relations might cause Miramon to reflect seriously on - the danger of war with the United States, and might at least - arrest future outrages on our citizens. Instead of this, however, - he persisted in his course of violence against the few American - citizens who had the courage to remain under his power. The - President, in his message of December, 1859,[42] informs Congress - that “murders of a still more atrocious character have been - committed in the very heart of Mexico, under the authority of - Miramon’s government, during the present year. Some of these were - worthy only of a barbarous age, and if they had not been clearly - proven, would have seemed impossible in a country which claims to - be civilized.” And in that of December, 1860, he says: “To cap the - climax, after the battle of Tacubaya, in April, 1859, General - Marquez ordered three citizens of the United States, two of them - physicians, to be seized in the hospital at that place, taken out - and shot, without crime, and without trial. This was done, - notwithstanding our unfortunate countrymen were at the moment - engaged in the holy cause of affording relief to the soldiers of - both parties who had been wounded in the battle, without making - any distinction between them.” - -Footnote 42: - - House Journal, p. 207. - - “Little less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase, who was - shot in Tepic, on the 7th August, by order of the same Mexican - general, not only without a trial, but without any conjecture by - his friends of the cause of his arrest.” He was represented to - have been a young man of good character and intelligence, who had - made numerous friends in Tepic, and his unexpected execution - shocked the whole community. “Other outrages,” the President - states, “might be enumerated; but these are sufficient to - illustrate the wretched state of the country and the unprotected - condition of the persons and property of our citizens in Mexico.” - - “The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are before the - world, and must deeply impress every American citizen. A - government which is either unable or unwilling to redress such - wrongs, is derelict to its highest duties.” - - Meanwhile, the civil war between the parties was conducted with - various success, but the scale preponderated in favor of the - constitutional cause. Ere long the government of Juarez extended - its authority, and was acknowledged in all the important ports and - throughout the sea-coasts and external territory of the republic; - whilst the power of Miramon was confined to the city of Mexico and - the surrounding States. - - The final triumph of Juarez became so probable, that President - Buchanan deemed it his duty to inquire and ascertain whether, - according to our constant usage in such cases, he might not - recognize the constitutional government. For the purpose of - obtaining reliable information on this point, he sent a - confidential agent to Mexico to examine and report the actual - condition and prospects of the belligerents. In consequence of his - report, as well as of intelligence from other sources, he felt - justified in appointing a new minister to the Mexican republic. - For this office Mr. Robert M. McLane, a distinguished citizen of - Maryland, was selected. He proceeded on his mission on the 8th - March, 1859, invested “with discretionary authority to recognize - the government of President Juarez, if on his arrival in Mexico he - should find it entitled to such recognition, according to the - established practice of the United States.” In consequence, on the - 7th of April, Mr. McLane recognized the constitutional government - by presenting his credentials to President Juarez, having no - hesitation, as he said, “in pronouncing the government of Juarez - to be the only existing government of the republic.” He was - cordially received by the authorities at Vera Cruz, who have ever - since manifested the most friendly disposition toward the United - States. - - Unhappily, however, the constitutional government, though - supported by a large majority, both of the people and of the - several Mexican States, had not been able to expel Miramon from - the capital. In the opinion of the President, it had now become - the imperative duty of Congress to act without further delay, and - to enforce redress from the government of Miramon for the wrongs - it had committed in violation of the faith of treaties against - citizens of the United States. - - Toward no other government would we have manifested so long and so - patient a forbearance. This arose from our warm sympathies for a - neighboring republic. The territory under the sway of Miramon - around the capital was not accessible to our forces without - passing through the States under the jurisdiction of the - constitutional government. But this from the beginning had aways - manifested the warmest desire to cultivate the most friendly - relations with our country. No doubt was therefore entertained - that it would cheerfully grant us the right of passage. Moreover, - it well knew that the expulsion of Miramon would result in the - triumph of the constitutional government and its establishment - over the whole territory of Mexico. What was, also, deemed of - great importance by the President, this would remove from us the - danger of a foreign war in support of the Monroe doctrine against - any European nation which might be tempted, by the distracted - condition of the republic, to interfere forcibly in its internal - affairs under the pretext of restoring peace and order.[43] - -Footnote 43: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 267 _et seq._ - -It is now necessary to trace the President’s policy in regard to -these Mexican affairs, for the remainder of his term after the -commencement of the session of Congress in December, 1859. He saw -very clearly that unless active measures should be taken by the -Government of the United States to reach a power with which a -settlement of all claims and difficulties could be effected, some -other nation would undertake to establish a government in Mexico, -and the United States would then have to interfere, not only to -secure the rights of their citizens, but to assert the principle of -the “Monroe Doctrine,” which, according to the long standing -American claim, opposes European establishments upon any part of -this continent. He had his eye especially at this time upon the -Emperor of the French, whose colonizing policy for France was well -known, and who, Mr. Buchanan was well informed, was exercising, -through his minister, great influence over Miramon. It was morally -certain that if our Congress did not give the President the means -necessary either to uphold the constitutional government of Juarez, -or to compel the government of Miramon to do justice to our -citizens, he would be involved in the necessity for counteracting -the designs of Louis Napoleon. If this would be an interference with -the internal affairs of a foreign nation, contrary to our long -avowed policy, was not this an exceptional case? Mexico was our -neighbor, with whom our social, commercial and political relations -were very close. She had no settled government. Without the friendly -aid of some external power, she could have no government that could -preserve her internal peace, or fulfill her treaty obligations. She -was, as Mr. Buchanan forcibly said, “a wreck upon the ocean, -drifting about as she is impelled by different factions.” What power -could more safely and appropriately undertake to assist her in -establishing a settled government than the great neighboring -Republic of the United States, whose people and rulers could have no -desire to see her depart from the principles of constitutional and -republican institutions? And if the United States had wrongs of -their own citizens for which to seek redress and indemnification -from the Mexican nation, was that a reason for refusing to do -whatever might appropriately be done towards assisting any -government which the Mexican people might be disposed to support and -acknowledge, to acquire the position and authority of a legitimate -representative of the nation? It seemed to President Buchanan that -there were but two alternatives: either to march a force into Mexico -which would be sufficient to enable the constitutional government to -reach the capital and extend its power over the whole republic, or -to let things drift in uncertainty until Louis Napoleon should -interfere. If the United States would act in concert with the -constitutional government, the President believed that their consent -and co-operation could be obtained. If the United States did -nothing, the French would enter the country and the whole condition -of affairs would become more complicated than they had ever been. - -Accordingly, the President, in his message to Congress, of December -19th, 1859, recommended the passage of a law, authorizing him, under -such conditions as Congress might deem expedient, to employ a -sufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose of -obtaining indemnity for the past and security for the future. After -explaining the necessity and expediency of this step, and pointing -out in what manner this force could aid the constitutional -government of Juarez, he said that if this were not done, “it would -not be surprising should some other nation undertake the task, and -thus force us to interfere at last, under circumstances of increased -difficulty, for the maintenance of our established policy.” The -entire session of 1859-60 passed away without any notice being taken -in Congress of this recommendation. The attention of that body was -absorbed in discussions about slavery, and in shaping the politics -of the next Presidential election. If the President’s recommendation -about Mexico had been discussed, we might have been able to judge -whether his political opponents were fearful that more territory -would be acquired from Mexico, for the further extension of slavery. -But in regard to any such result of the mode in which the President -proposed to secure an indemnification of the claims of our citizens, -it is to be observed that according to the terms of his -recommendation, it would rest entirely with Congress to fix the -preceding conditions of the intervention, and that if a treaty were -to follow or precede, it would have to be ratified by the Senate. - -The President again brought this subject before Congress by his -annual message of December, 1860. Mr. Lincoln had now been elected -President and the foreign relations of the country would in three -months be in his hands. At this time, however, it had become still -more necessary for the United States Government to determine, and to -determine promptly, whether it would leave American citizens to the -mercy of Miramon’s government, or whether it would do something to -establish the constitutional government of Juarez. Again the -President repeated the warning that foreign powers would interfere -if this matter were to be much longer neglected, although at that -moment informal and verbal assurances had been given by some of the -European diplomatists in Mexico that such interference was not -intended. Congress, however, spent the whole winter of 1860-61 in a -dreary discussion of our internal affairs, without either making any -effort to arrest the spread of secession by conciliatory measures, -or doing anything to strengthen the hands of the President or his -successor. - -But it had been for some time apparent to Mr. Buchanan that our -relations with Mexico could not be left in the condition in which -they stood. Both to satisfy the long deferred claims of our -citizens, and to prevent foreign interference with the internal -affairs of Mexico, he had instructed Mr. McLane to make a treaty -with the Constitutional government. On the 14th of December, 1859, a -“Treaty of Transit and Commerce” was signed between the Mexican -Republic and the United States, and also a “Convention to enforce -treaty stipulations, and to maintain order and security in the -territory of the Republics of Mexico and the United States.” Great -advantages of trade, transit and commerce were secured by these -arrangements. The United States was to pay $4,000,000 for the -surrender of certain Mexican duties, two millions to be paid down, -and two millions to be reserved and distributed to the American -claimants who could prove their injuries. With the two millions to -be placed in the hands of the constitutional government, it was -expected that it would be able to expel the usurping government from -the capital and establish itself over the whole territory of the -republic. All acquisition of further Mexican territory was thus -avoided. If this treaty had been approved by the Senate of the -United States, the empire of Maximilian would never have been heard -of. The American negotiator, Mr. McLane, in his despatch to the -Secretary of State, dated on the day this treaty and convention were -signed at Vera Cruz, expressed his apprehension that if they were -not ratified, further anarchy would prevail in Mexico, until it -should be ended by interference from some other quarter. The -President submitted the treaty and the convention to the Senate on -the 24th of January, 1860. They were neither of them approved. -Mexico was left to the interference of Louis Napoleon; the -establishment of an empire, under Maximilian, a prince of the House -of Hapsburg, followed, for the embarrassment of President Lincoln’s -administration while we were in the throes of our civil war, and the -claims of American citizens were to all appearance indefinitely -postponed. - -The relations of the United States with Spain at the commencement of -Mr. Buchanan’s administration, and the manner in which he dealt with -them, have been described by him as follows: - - Our relations with Spain were in a very unsatisfactory condition - on his accession to power. Our flag had been insulted, and - numerous injuries had been inflicted on the persons and property - of American citizens by Spanish officials acting under the direct - control of the Captain General of Cuba. These gave rise to many - but unavailing reclamations for redress and indemnity against the - Spanish government. Our successive ministers at Madrid had for - years ably presented and enforced these claims, but all without - effect. Their efforts were continually baffled on different - pretexts. There was a class of these claims called the “Cuban - claims,” of a nature so plainly just that they could not be - gainsayed. In these more than one hundred of our citizens were - directly interested. In 1844 duties were illegally exacted from - their vessels at different custom houses in Cuba, and they - appealed to the Government to have these duties refunded. Their - amount could be easily ascertained by the Cuban officials - themselves, who were in possession of all the necessary documents. - The validity of these claims was eventually recognized by Spain, - but not until after a delay of ten years. The amount due was - fixed, according to her own statement, with which the claimants - were satisfied, at the sum of $128,635.54. Just at the moment when - the claimants were expecting to receive this amount without - further delay, the Spanish government proposed to pay, not the - whole, but only one-third of it, and this provided we should - accept it in full satisfaction of the entire claim. They added - that this offer was made, not in strict justice, but as a special - favor. - - Under these circumstances, the time had arrived when the President - deemed it his duty to employ strong and vigorous remonstrances to - bring all our claims against Spain to a satisfactory conclusion. - In this he succeeded in a manner gratifying to himself, and it is - believed to all the claimants, but unfortunately not to the Senate - of the United States. A convention was concluded at Madrid on the - 5th March, 1860, establishing a joint commission for the final - adjudication and payment of all the claims of the respective - parties. By this the validity and amount of the Cuban claims were - expressly admitted, and their speedy payment was placed beyond - question. The convention was transmitted to the Senate for their - constitutional action on the 3d May, 1860, but on the 27th June - they determined, greatly to the surprise of the President, and the - disappointment of the claimants, that they would “not advise and - consent” to its ratification. - - The reason for this decision, because made in executive session, - cannot be positively known. This, as stated and believed at the - time, was because the convention had authorized the Spanish - government to present its Amistad claim, like any other claim, - before the Board of Commissioners for decision. This claim, it - will be recollected, was for the payment to the Spanish owners of - the value of certain slaves, for which the Spanish government held - the United States to be responsible under the treaty with Spain of - the 27th October, 1795. Such was the evidence in its favor, that - three Presidents of the United States had recommended to Congress - to make an appropriation for its payment, and a bill for this - purpose had passed the Senate. The validity of the claim, it is - proper to observe, was not recognized by the convention. In this - respect it was placed on the same footing with all the other - claims of the parties, with the exception of the Cuban claims. All - the Spanish government obtained for it was simply a hearing before - the Board, and this could not be denied with any show of - impartiality. Besides, it is quite certain that no convention - could have been concluded without such a provision. - - It was most probably the extreme views of the Senate at the time - against slavery, and their reluctance to recognize it even so far - as to permit a foreign claimant, although under the sanction of a - treaty, to raise a question before the Board which might involve - its existence, that caused the rejection of the convention. Under - the impulse of such sentiments, the claims of our fellow-citizens - have been postponed if not finally defeated. Indeed, the Cuban - claimants, learning that the objections in the Senate arose from - the Amistad claim, made a formal offer to remove the difficulty by - deducting its amount from the sum due to them, but this of course - could not be accepted.[44] - -Footnote 44: - - Buchanan’s Defence, pp. 258-260; written and published in - 1865-’66. - -The following account of an expedition which President Buchanan -found it necessary to send to Paraguay, is also taken from his -Defence of his Administration: - - The hostile attitude of the government of Paraguay toward the - United States early commanded the attention of the President. That - government had, upon frivolous and even insulting pretexts, - refused to ratify the treaty of friendship, commerce and - navigation, concluded with it on the 4th March, 1853, as amended - by the Senate, though this only in mere matters of form. It had - seized and appropriated the property of American citizens residing - in Paraguay, in a violent and arbitrary manner; and finally, by - order of President Lopez, it had fired upon the United States - steamer Water Witch (1st February, 1855), under Commander Thomas - J. Page of the navy, and killed the sailor at the helm, whilst she - was peacefully employed in surveying the Parana river, to - ascertain its fitness for steam navigation. The honor, as well as - the interests of the country, demanded satisfaction. - - The President brought the subject to the notice of Congress in his - first annual message (8th December, 1857). In this he informed - them that he would make a demand for redress on the government of - Paraguay, in a firm but conciliatory manner, but at the same time - observed, that “this will the more probably be granted, if the - Executive shall have authority to use other means in the event of - a refusal. This is accordingly recommended.” Congress responded - favorably to this recommendation. On the 2d June, 1858,[45] they - passed a joint resolution authorizing the President “to adopt such - measures, and use such force as, in his judgment, may be necessary - and advisable, in the event of a refusal of just satisfaction by - the government of Paraguay, in connection with the attack on the - United States steamer Water Witch, and with other matters referred - to in the annual message.”[46] They also made an appropriation to - defray the expenses of a commissioner to Paraguay, should he deem - it proper to appoint one, “for the adjustment of difficulties” - with that republic. - -Footnote 45: - - U. S. Statutes at Large, vol. xi, p. 370. - -Footnote 46: - - U. S. Statutes at Large, vol. xi, p. 319. - - Paraguay is situated far in the interior of South America, and its - capital, the city of Asuncion, on the left bank of the river - Paraguay, is more than a thousand miles from the mouth of the La - Plata. - - The stern policy of Dr. Francia, formerly the Dictator of - Paraguay, had been to exclude all the rest of the world from his - dominions, and in this he had succeeded by the most severe and - arbitrary measures. His successor, President Lopez, found it - necessary, in some degree, to relax this jealous policy; but, - animated by the same spirit, he imposed harsh restrictions in - his intercourse with foreigners. Protected by his remote and - secluded position, he but little apprehended that a navy from - our far distant country could ascend the La Plata, the Parana, - and the Paraguay, and reach his capital. This was doubtless the - reason why he had ventured to place us at defiance. Under these - circumstances, the President deemed it advisable to send with - our commissioner to Paraguay, Hon. James B. Bowlin, a naval - force sufficient to exact justice should negotiation fail.[47] - This consisted of nineteen armed vessels, great and small, - carrying two hundred guns and twenty-five hundred sailors and - marines, all under the command of the veteran and gallant - Shubrick. Soon after the arrival of the expedition at - Montevideo, Commissioner Bowlin and Commodore Shubrick proceeded - (30th December, 1858) to ascend the rivers to Asuncion in the - steamer Fulton, accompanied by the Water Witch. Meanwhile the - remaining vessels rendezvoused in the Parana, near Rosario, a - position from which they could act promptly, in case of need. - -Footnote 47: - - Message, 19th Dec. 1859. - - The commissioner arrived at Asuncion on the 25th January, 1859, - and left it on the 10th February. Within this brief period he had - ably and successfully accomplished all the objects of his mission. - In addition to ample apologies, he obtained from President Lopez - the payment of $10,000 for the family of the seaman (Chaney) who - had been killed in the attack on the Water Witch, and also - concluded satisfactory treaties of indemnity and of navigation and - commerce with the Paraguayan government.[48] Thus the President - was enabled to announce to Congress, in his annual message - (December, 1859), that “all our difficulties with Paraguay had - been satisfactorily adjusted.” - -Footnote 48: - - United States Pamphlet Laws, 1859-60, p. 119, appendix. - - Even in this brief summary it would be unjust to withhold from - Secretary Toucey a commendation for the economy and efficiency he - displayed in fitting out this expedition.[49] It is a remarkable - fact in our history, that its entire expenses were defrayed out of - the ordinary appropriations for the naval service. Not a dollar - was appropriated by Congress for this purpose, unless we may - except the sum of $289,000 for the purchase of seven small - steamers of light draft, worth more than their cost, and which - were afterwards usefully employed in the ordinary naval service. - -Footnote 49: - - Report of Secretary Toucey, 2d Dec., 1859; Sen. Doc., 1859-60, - vol. iii, p. 1137. - - It may be remarked that the President, in his message already - referred to, justly observes, “that the appearance of so large a - force, fitted out in such a prompt manner, in the far distant - waters of the La Plata, and the admirable conduct of the officers - and men employed in it, have had a happy effect in favor of our - country throughout all that remote portion of the world.” - -The relations between the United States and China had been governed -for twelve years by the treaty made in 1844, by Mr. Caleb Cushing, -under the instructions of Mr. Webster as Secretary of State. This -treaty had provided for its own amendment at the expiration of -twelve years from its date, and it devolved on Mr. Buchanan’s -administration to institute the negotiations for this purpose, His -own account of these negotiations, although greatly condensed, is -all that need be here given: - - The same success attended our negotiations with China.[50] The - treaty of July, 1844, with that empire, had provided for its own - revision and amendment at the expiration of twelve years from its - date, should experience render this necessary. Changes in its - provisions had now become indispensable for the security and - extension of our commerce. Besides, our merchants had just claims - against the Chinese government, for injuries sustained in - violation of the treaty. To effect these changes, and to obtain - indemnity for these injuries, the Hon. William B. Reed was sent as - minister to China. His position proved to be one of great - delicacy. England and France were engaged in war against China, - and urged the United States to become a party to it. They alleged - that it had been undertaken to accomplish objects in which we had - a common interest with themselves. This was the fact; but the - President did not believe that our grievances, although serious, - would justify a resort to hostilities. Whilst Mr. Reed was, - therefore, directed to preserve a strict neutrality between the - belligerents, he was instructed to coöperate cordially with the - ministers of England and France in all peaceful measures to secure - by treaty those just concessions to commerce which the civilized - nations of the world had a right to expect from China. The Russian - government, also, pursued the same line of policy. - -Footnote 50: - - Message, 8th December, 1857, p. 14. - - The difficulty, then, was to obtain for our country, whilst - remaining at peace, the same commercial advantages which England - and France might acquire by war. This task our minister performed - with tact, ability and success, by the conclusion of the treaty of - Tientsin of the 18th June, 1858, and the two supplemental - conventions of Shanghae of the 8th November following.[51] These - have placed our commercial relations with China on the same - satisfactory footing with those of England and France, and have - resulted in the actual payment of the full amount of all the just - claims of our citizens, leaving a surplus to the credit of the - Treasury. This object has been accomplished, whilst our friendly - relations with the Chinese government were never for a moment - interrupted, but on the contrary have been greatly strengthened. - -Footnote 51: - - United States Pamphlet Laws, 1861-’62, p. 177, appendix. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - 1858-1860. - -COMPLIMENTARY GIFT FROM PRINCE ALBERT TO MR. BUCHANAN—VISIT OF THE - PRINCE OF WALES—CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE QUEEN—MINOR INCIDENTS OF - THE ADMINISTRATION—TRAITS OF CHARACTER—LETTERS TO MISS - LANE—MARRIAGE OF A YOUNG FRIEND. - - -There are good reasons for believing that the regard which was -always expressed by the members of the royal family of England for -Mr. Buchanan and his niece was something more than a dictate of -policy towards the great nation that he had represented at their -court. One token of this regard, which came after he had been made -President, was certainly intended as a personal reminder of the -pleasant intercourse which he had with the queen and her husband, -and of the liking for him which their eldest daughter had often and -artlessly manifested. When the Princess Royal was married to the -crown prince of Prussia in 1858, her father sent, not to the -President of the United States, but to Mr. Buchanan, a copy of the -medal struck in honor of the marriage, accompanied by this note: - - [PRINCE ALBERT TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - BUCKINGHAM PALACE, Feb. 16, 1858. - - MY DEAR MR. BUCHANAN:— - - The belief that your recollection of the time passed by you in - England will have made you feel an interest in the late happy - marriage of our eldest daughter, induces me to send for your - acceptance a medal struck in commemoration of that event. You - will, I think, be able easily to recognize the Princess Royal’s - features; the likeness of Prince Frederick William is also very - good. - - Trusting that your health continues unimpaired, notwithstanding - the manifold duties of your high and responsible office, in which - hope the queen joins with me, I remain, ever, my dear Mr. - Buchanan, yours truly, - - ALBERT. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO PRINCE ALBERT.] - - WASHINGTON CITY, March 13, 1858. - - SIR:— - - I have had the honor to receive from Lord Napier your very kind - note of the 13th ultimo, with the medal struck in commemoration of - the marriage of the Princess Royal with Prince Frederick William. - Whilst in England I had upon one or two occasions the privilege of - meeting and conversing with the Princess Royal, which caused me to - form a very high estimate of the excellence of her character, and - to feel a deep interest in her prosperity and happiness. May her - destiny prove fortunate, and her married life be crowned by a kind - Providence with all the blessings which it is the lot of humanity - to enjoy. - - With my most respectful regards to the queen. I remain truly - yours, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -When the President in June, 1860, learned that the Prince of Wales -would visit Canada, he hastened to write to the queen, and to extend -a national invitation to the Prince to come to Washington. The -following are the letters which passed between the President and the -queen: - - [THE PRESIDENT TO QUEEN VICTORIA.] - - WASHINGTON CITY, June 4, 1860. - - TO HER MAJESTY QUEEN VICTORIA:— - - I have learned from the public journals that the Prince of Wales - is about to visit your Majesty’s North American dominions. Should - it be the intention of His Royal Highness to extend his visit to - the United States, I need not say how happy I shall be to give him - a cordial welcome to Washington. You may be well assured that - everywhere in this country he will be greeted by the American - people in such a manner as cannot fail to prove gratifying to your - Majesty. In this they will manifest their deep sense of your - domestic virtues, as well as the conviction of your merits as a - wise, patriotic, and constitutional sovereign. - - Your Majesty’s most obedient servant, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [QUEEN VICTORIA TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - BUCKINGHAM PALACE, June 22, 1860. - - MY GOOD FRIEND:— - - I have been much gratified at the feelings which prompted you to - write to me inviting the Prince of Wales to come to Washington. He - intends to return from Canada through the United States, and it - will give him great pleasure to have an opportunity of testifying - to you in person that those feelings are fully reciprocated by - him. He will thus be able at the same time to mark the respect - which he entertains for the Chief Magistrate of a great and - friendly state and kindred nation. - - The Prince will drop all royal state on leaving my dominions, and - travel under the name of Lord Renfrew, as he has done when - travelling on the continent of Europe. - - The Prince Consort wishes to be kindly remembered to you. - - I remain ever your good friend, - VICTORIA RA. - -The Prince arrived in Washington early in October, 1860, and he and -the principal persons in his suite became the guests of the -President at the White House, where they remained until the 6th of -that month. During this visit there was an excursion to Mount -Vernon, to afford the Prince an opportunity to see the tomb of -Washington. The Prince and his suite, accompanied by a considerable -number of invited guests, were taken to Mount Vernon on the revenue -cutter, Harriet Lane, a vessel of the revenue service, which had -been named for the President’s niece by the Secretary of the -Treasury. The President and Miss Lane were of the party. The -incidents of the visit are well known, but there is an anecdote -connected with it which should be repeated here, because it -illustrates Mr. Buchanan’s scrupulous care in regard to public -money. The Secretary of the Treasury had given liberal orders for a -supply of refreshments to be put on board the cutter. When the -President heard that the bills for this and other expenses of the -excursion were about to be audited and paid at the Treasury, he -directed them to be sent to him. They were not paid at the Treasury, -but the whole expense was defrayed by a private arrangement between -the President and Mr. Cobb, the Secretary.[52] - -Footnote 52: - - I believe these bills were paid by Mr. Cobb, from his own private - means. The whole affair was gotten up by him, and the President - and Miss Lane went as invited guests. It is proper to say here - that the entertainment of the Prince and his suite at the White - House entailed a good deal of expense, for extra servants and - other things, and that Congress was never asked to defray any part - of it. Mr. Buchanan would never hear of any suggestion that the - extraordinary charges of his position should fall upon any fund - but his salary and his private income. - - [THE PRESIDENT TO QUEEN VICTORIA.] - - WASHINGTON, October 6, 1860. - - TO HER MAJESTY, QUEEN VICTORIA:— - - When I had the honor of addressing your Majesty in June last, I - confidently predicted a cordial welcome for the Prince of Wales - throughout this country, should he pay us a visit on his return - from Canada to England. What was then prophecy has now become - history. He has been everywhere received with enthusiasm, and this - is attributed not only to the very high regard entertained for - your Majesty, but also to his own noble and manly bearing. He has - passed through a trying ordeal for a person of his years, and his - conduct throughout has been such as became his age and station. - Dignified, frank and affable, he has conciliated wherever he has - been the kindness and respect of a sensitive and discriminating - people. - - His visit thus far, has been all your Majesty could have desired, - and I have no doubt it will so continue to the end. - - The Prince left us for Richmond this morning with the Duke of - Newcastle and the other members of his wisely selected suite. I - should gladly have prolonged his visit had this been possible - consistently with previous engagements. In our domestic circle he - won all hearts. His free and ingenuous intercourse with myself - evinced both a kind heart and good understanding. I shall ever - cherish the warmest wishes for his welfare. - - The visit of the Prince to the tomb of Washington and the simple - but solemn ceremonies at this consecrated spot will become a - historical event and cannot fail to exert a happy influence on the - kindred people of the two countries. - - With my respectful regards for the Prince Consort, - - I remain your Majesty’s friend and obedient servant, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [SIR HENRY HOLLAND TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - BROOK STREET, LONDON, November 2, 1860. - - MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT:— - - In writing to you thus soon after my return to England, my first - and foremost object is, to thank you once again, which I do very - warmly, for all your kindness during my last visit at Washington. - In the course of a life somewhat checquered with various - incidents, in various places, I know not that I ever enjoyed five - days so much;—including under this expression both the time of the - royal visit, and that which I afterwards passed with you alone. - The Executive Mansion is lost to me for the future, if even I ever - return to America; but you I trust will preserve to me hereafter - the regard and friendship which it is pleasant to me to possess. - - The letter you entrusted to my care was in the hands of the queen - exactly fourteen days after I had received it from you. It will - give you pleasure, I know, to learn (which I presume you will - afterwards do in some way from the queen herself), how very much - she was gratified by it. Both Lord Palmerston and Lord John - Russell have expressly and strongly mentioned this to me. - - All England, as far as I can see and hear, is delighted with the - reception of the Prince in the United States. It has produced a - strong impression here;—reciprocated I hope and believe in - America. - - The squadron which brings him home has not yet been heard of; but - as they have now been twelve or thirteen days at sea, the arrival - can not be long delayed. Probably to-day may bring some - intelligence. I shall be impatient to see again the several - members of the Prince’s suite, and to hear their detail of all - that followed after our parting at Washington. They will all, I am - persuaded, come back with the same strong sentiment they had at - that time regarding their reception in the United States. - - You will see that the European continent is still laboring under - the same strange political complications;—enlivened, if I may so - phrase it, by an occasional battle, but obscured by a dark haze - over the future. Lord Palmerston tells me that he believes it will - all end rightly, and I am willing to believe him, though I do not - see my way towards this result. Many games are evidently at this - moment played underhand—not like the open and frank bowling of the - ten-pin courts. Our excellent ally, Louis Napoleon, comes under - this suspicion, while some suspect that he, between Church and - State affairs, is under as much perplexity as his neighbors. It - seems even doubtful whether the compulsory concession of the - Emperor of Austria will satisfy Hungary, or leave him free for the - contingencies of an Italian campaign. If a general war can be - avoided, it is the utmost the most sanguine dare hope for. For the - present the great interest is concentrated on the spot where the - King of Naples still makes a show of resistance to the King of - Sardinia and Garibaldi,—a matter that a few days must decide. Then - comes the question of the Pope and Rome,—a still more complex and - delicate affair, with interests rooted all over Europe. - - In England we are happy and prosperous, despite our indifferent - harvest,—better, however, than at one time expected. But we shall - be fed out of your abundance, if need there be. - - The telegraphic news from China seems good as far as it goes, but - we shall need the details to know its full import. Lord Palmerston - tells me that the last despatches led them to believe that the - Emperor of China was very desirous, or at least not unwilling, - that his army should be defeated, to rescue himself from the hands - of a war party at Pekin, which overruled him in his own wishes. - Chinese rumors are very apocryphal documents. - - I must not intrude further upon your time, by what, after all, is - little more than may be drawn from the newspapers of the day. In - bidding you farewell, my dear Mr. President, I have but again to - repeat the expressions of acknowledgment for kindnesses received, - and of cordial regard and respect, with which I remain, - - Ever yours most faithfully, - H. HOLLAND. - - [QUEEN VICTORIA TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - WINDSOR CASTLE, November 19, 1860. - - MY GOOD FRIEND:— - - Your letter of the 6th ultimo has afforded me the greatest - pleasure, containing, as it does, such kind expressions with - regard to my son, and assuring me that the character and object of - his visit to you and to the United States have been fully - appreciated, and that his demeanor and the feelings evinced by him - have secured to him your esteem and the general good will of your - countrymen. - - I purposely delayed the answer to your letter until I should be - able to couple it with the announcement of the Prince of Wales’s - safe return to his home. Contrary winds and stress of weather have - much retarded his arrival, but we have been fully compensated for - the anxiety which this long delay has naturally caused us, by - finding him in such excellent health and spirits, and so delighted - with all that he has seen and experienced in his travels. - - He cannot sufficiently praise the great cordiality with which he - has been everywhere greeted in your country, and the friendly - manner in which you received him; and whilst, as a mother, I am - grateful for the kindness shown him, I feel impelled to express, - at the same time, how deeply I have been touched by the many - demonstrations of affection personally toward myself, which his - presence has called forth. - - I fully reciprocate towards your nation the feelings thus made - apparent, and look upon them as forming an important link to - cement two nations of kindred origin and character, whose mutual - esteem and friendship must always have so material an influence - upon their respective development and prosperity. - - The interesting and touching scene at the grave of General - Washington, to which you allude, may be fitly taken as the type of - our present feeling, and I trust of our future relations. - - The Prince Consort, who heartily joins in the expressions - contained in this letter, wishes to be kindly remembered to you, - as we both wish to be to Miss Lane. - - Believe me always your good friend, - VICTORIA R. - -It is noteworthy that this graceful and cordial letter was written -on the eve of that great convulsion which was so soon to put in -imminent peril the perpetuity of this Union and the very existence -of our Government. To the feelings of the queen and her husband -towards this country, secured by President Buchanan’s wise and -well-timed reception of the Prince of Wales, and the demonstrations -everywhere made towards him in this country, the queen’s subjects -and the people of the United States owe it, that in the dark and -dangerous hour of our civil war, the many irritating causes of -alienation were not allowed by the sovereign of England to disrupt -the bonds of peace or the neutrality of her government between the -warring sections of this Republic. When we look back to the state of -feeling that at one time existed in England towards our Government, -and remember how many British statesmen of great consequence made -serious mistakes, it is but simple historical justice to impute to -the queen and her husband a moderating and restraining influence; -and if that influence had been wanting, there can be no rational -doubt that there would have been a recognition of the Confederate -States, not merely as a belligerent and a _de facto_ power, but as a -permanent and established government, and possibly as an ally of -Great Britain. - - [FROM B. MORAN.] - - LONDON, June 29th, 1860. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - The publication of your invitation to the Prince of Wales to - become your guest has caused a great deal of happiness in England, - and the newspapers generally speak highly of the act. I send, - herewith, an editorial from the _Morning Chronicle_ of to-day, in - which there are some deserved and well-expressed compliments. The - British people have more respect for you than for any President - since Washington, and I have never seen a personal attack on you - in any English journal. Whenever you are spoken of, it is in a - tone of regard, and never in a carping spirit. - - We are almost run down with visitors from home. From forty to - seventy are here daily, and I have to see them all. I have my - hands full. This is comfort to me, for I would be unhappy without - employment. - - ...... I hope you will not take offence when I say that I hope the - Baltimore Convention have nominated you, notwithstanding your - declinature to be a candidate. And if such be the case, you will - be elected triumphantly. We are anxiously waiting for news on this - point. - - With best regards to yourself and Miss Lane, I am - - Ever faithfully yours, - B. MORAN.[53] - -Footnote 53: - - Mr. Moran was one of the secretaries of the American legation - under Mr. Dallas. - -Both with reference to this visit of the Prince of Wales, and to -some other incidents of the administration, and to certain traits of -Mr. Buchanan’s character, I insert here an extract from Mr. J. -Buchanan Henry’s communication to me, before I proceed to the trying -period of “secession,” which is to occupy a large part of the -remaining pages of this volume. - - As private secretary, I had to be in my office, a room on the - southwest corner of the second story adjoining that of the - President, whenever he was there, which was from eight in the - morning until luncheon at one o’clock, and from that time until - five, when, with rare exceptions, he took an hour’s walk. I doubt - whether Mr. Buchanan used his coach and horses a dozen times a - year, except during the summer when he was at the “Soldier’s - Home;” then he drove in to the executive mansion in the morning - and out in the evening. He greatly preferred the exercise of - walking, with its exchange of kindly personal greetings with - friends. On returning from this daily exercise he dined with the - members of his household. It was not then etiquette for the - President to accept dinner or other invitations, for the wise - reason, I believe, that any discrimination would have been - impossible without giving offence, and universal acceptance would - have been impossible. Once a week Mr. Buchanan caused some of the - Cabinet members and their wives to be invited to dinner “en - famille” and as there was but little ceremony and all were - agreeable guests, with common and identical interests for the most - part, I remember that these were most pleasant little - entertainments. During the winter, or properly during the session - of Congress, there was what might be called a State dinner, once a - week, an entertainment of a much more formal and formidable - character, in the large dining-room, capable of seating about - forty persons. The first of these dinners was, I think, given to - the Justices of the Supreme Court, the next to the Diplomatic - Corps, then to the members of the Senate, and the House of - Representatives, including each member in his turn, according to - official seniority, except in a very few cases where individuals - had by discourtesy or offence rendered such an invitation - improper. Miss Lane and I attended to the details of these social - matters, including dinner and party attending, making visits, - etc., for the President. Among the most troublesome of these - duties was the proper assigning of precedence to the guests at - these so-called state dinners; a delicate task in these Washington - entertainments, as any neglect would pretty surely give offence. - Miss Lane, from natural aptitude and tact and the experience she - had in London whilst her uncle was minister there, managed these - details very cleverly. I had the difficult and worrying task at - these dinners, in the short time between the arrival of the forty - odd guests in the drawing-room and the procession into the great - dining-room, of ascertaining the name of each gentleman and - telling him what lady he was to take in, and probably introducing - the parties to each other. It was sometimes a very _mauvaise quart - d’heure_ of expectation for me; as I was pretty sure to find at - the last moment, when the President was leading the procession to - the table, that some male guest, perhaps not accustomed to such - matters, had strayed away from his intended partner, leaving the - lady standing alone and much embarrassed. I had then to give them - a fresh start. - - As private secretary I was charged with the expenditure of the - library fund, the payment of the steward, messengers, and also of - the expenditures of the household which were paid out of the - President’s private purse. I might here mention that these latter - expenditures generally exceeded the President’s salary in the - winter months, because President Buchanan enjoyed entertaining and - entertained liberally from inclination. In summer the social - entertaining being much less, and the President being at the - Soldier’s Home, a modest but pretty stone cottage on the hills - near Washington, the expenses were much less. Taking the year - through, the salary of $25,000 was nearly sufficient to pay the - actual expenses of the executive mansion, but nothing beyond that, - or to allow the President to save any part of it; but on the - contrary, I think he had to draw upon his private means to a - considerable extent. - - My first duty was to organize the private secretary’s office. I - had a set of books or records carefully prepared, in which could - be briefly entered the date of receipt of any letter or - communication addressed to the President, the name of the - writer—subject-matter condensed to the utmost—dates and substance - of answer, if any, to what department referred, and date of such - reference. If the letter contained a recommendation for - appointment to office, these records indicated the office, the - name of the applicant and by whom recommended. Such communications - as the President ought to see I folded and briefed and took them - to him every morning at eight o’clock and received his - instructions as to the answer I should make, and in some instances - he would answer them himself, if of a purely personal nature. - Either he or I would then endorse upon all letters “Respectfully - referred to the Secretary of State,” War, or otherwise, according - as the communication in subject matter related to the business of - that department; and once a day I would enclose them, as they - accumulated, in large envelopes, with printed addresses, and - despatch them by the messenger to the several departments. By this - system I could recall any letter or communication of any kind by - reference to the entries on my books, whenever the President - desired them for action. This was the routine of the Executive - Office. - - It will hardly be credited that this simple and natural course of - business gave the pretext at a later day, and I can scarcely - suppress my indignation as I think of it, for that infamous - “mare’s nest,” discovered by Covode of Pennsylvania, a member of - the House of Representatives, and for the investigation of which - he obtained a committee with full powers. The letters of General - Patterson and others to which it related, were simply referred to - the Secretary of the Navy according to the ordinary and proper - routine of business in the Executive Office, as I have above - described, and were endorsed exactly as thousands of others had - been either by the President or by me, and such endorsement had - therefore no signification whatever. It was a cruel and malicious - pretence to infer that the Secretary of the Navy would attach any - importance whatever to the mere act of reference by the President - himself because a multitude of such papers were similarly endorsed - either by him or by me every day. - - There would have been no room to keep such a mass of papers in the - White House, and they would have been out of place there, as they - related to the business of the several cabinet officers, and yet - upon this miserable basis was the “Covode investigation” erected, - and the first attempt ever made to soil a spotless public life, - extending over more than forty years in every exalted station of - our Government, as member of the legislature of Pennsylvania, many - years member of the House of Representatives, Senator of the - United States, twice diplomatic representative of the nation at - the two principal courts of Europe, Secretary of State of the - United States, and finally President of the Republic. The meagre - partisan fruits of the investigation when made, and the refusal, - to its credit be it said, of a bitterly hostile opposition in the - House to propose even a censure, clearly showed its baseless - character. - - The committee, with well simulated delicacy, never summoned me to - appear and testify, but sent for my clerk, and after examining him - were glad, it seems, to drop it. I dwell upon this matter, because - in a long career of public service it is the only attempt ever - made to impeach Mr. Buchanan’s public or private integrity. He - himself felt it very bitterly, and I think it will be admitted - that he administered a wholesome and deserved rebuke to the House - in his special message of protest. Although the result - demonstrated that there was not the most gossamer pretext for the - charge made by Covode, I think Mr. Buchanan’s friends can be well - pleased at its having been made, and its futility exposed, as it - leads to the fair conclusion for history, that Mr. Buchanan was - invulnerable to any assaults upon the honor of his public or - private life. Surely this is much to be able to say of a public - servant, and a nation capable of breeding many such public men can - justly congratulate itself. - - Another feature of Mr. Buchanan’s public life I will refer to, - which possibly may not now be esteemed a great virtue. I mean his - dislike of nepotism. Not unnaturally, there were members of our - family who would have been very glad to have obtained civil or - other appointments during his administration. But such was Mr. - Buchanan’s freely expressed repugnance to using his public - authority for the advantage of his relatives, that I am not aware - that any of them even made application to him for office of any - kind. Public policy clearly indicates the propriety and - desirability of the President’s private secretary being, if - possible, a blood relation, upon the ground that the honor and - interests of the President and his high office can be most safely - entrusted to one having an interest in his good name and fame, and - therefore more guarded against temptation of any kind. I therefore - do not consider the selection of myself, or my cousin Mr. James - Buchanan, who followed me, as any exception to what I have stated. - To such an extent did I know that my uncle disliked the appointing - of relatives to office, that I never dared to tell him of my - desire to be appointed to the paymaster corps of the navy, a - position which from my nomadic tastes I had long coveted, and I - concluded to save myself the mortification of a refusal. I could - exercise no influence with him for myself. As an instance of this, - I will mention that when the Hon. John Cadwalader, late Judge of - United States Circuit Court of Eastern Pennsylvania, was appointed - to that judgeship by Mr. Buchanan, he tendered me the clerkship of - his court, a permanent and honorable position, and one that I - should have been willing to accept. Judge Cadwalader had been my - legal preceptor, and for years my warm personal friend, so that - the proffered position would have been in every way agreeable and - proper. Although I was then residing in New York as a private - citizen, I consulted Mr. Buchanan as to its acceptance by me, and - on finding that he entertained serious reasonable objections to my - doing so, I declined the compliment. The President said the public - might justly infer that there had been some previous understanding - between him and the new judge, and that however erroneous such a - conclusion would be, it would be natural. Inasmuch, therefore, as - my acceptance might work injury, both to the President and his - excellent appointee, I quickly made my decision. These little - events, unknown to the public, will serve to illustrate the - delicate sense of right and the very appearance of right, which so - strongly marked his public service. - - Among the minor but interesting incidents of the administration, I - may mention the receipt of the first message by the new ocean - telegraph from the British sovereign, and the President’s reply to - it. As the cable became silent almost immediately after, the - public were for a long time in doubt whether any message had - really been transmitted over the wonderful wire under the sea. I - well remember the reception of the message, and I had it and the - draft of the President’s reply in my possession for years - afterwards as a curiosity. - - You doubtless know all about the visit of the Prince of Wales to - President Buchanan, and the pleasant social incidents following in - its train. The Duke of Newcastle, Lord St. Germains and Sir Henry - Holland—the latter an old friend of the President’s—in the - Prince’s suite, were also guests at the White House. I was then - residing in New York, and was sent for by my uncle to my old - quarters in Washington, to assist in entertaining these - distinguished persons, who, though entertained at the private - expense of Mr. Buchanan, were nevertheless looked upon, and - properly so, as the guests of the nation. - - Probably among the most interesting, and I may say touching, - incidents of this visit, was a trip made by the royal guest and - suite, in company with the President, to Mount Vernon. I well - remember the whole party—the tall, venerable form of the - President, the youthful Prince, and the other guests representing - the highest social order in Great Britain, standing bare-headed in - front of the tomb of Washington. It was a most impressive and - singular spectacle, and I have often thought it would make a very - striking subject for a large historical painting. The Prince - planted a small tree near the tomb in commemoration of his visit, - but I have never learned whether it grew. Many interesting - incidents occurred in this visit, but I shall not repeat them. I - will only say that I never saw a more agreeable or unrestrained - intercourse of a social character—for the visit had no political - significance whatever, and the Queen and the Prince subsequently - expressed their appreciation of the President’s hospitality, the - former in an autograph letter, and the latter both by letter and - the presentation of a three-quarter length portrait, painted by - one of Britain’s greatest artists. The value of this was enhanced - by the delicacy which marked its presentation _after_ Mr. Buchanan - had retired to private life as a simple citizen. These letters and - portrait are now in the possession of my cousin, and also the - autograph letter of the Prince Consort to Mr. Buchanan on the - occasion of the marriage of the Princess Royal, in which he uses - some pleasant expressions of a personal character, and referring - back to Mr. Buchanan’s residence in London as minister. I think - the era of good feeling between America and England, and - especially the enduring friendship of the Queen herself for the - United States, so decidedly shown by her during our terrible war, - may be traced as one of the happy results of the visit of the - Prince of Wales to the President. The kindly feelings of these two - great nations towards each other, a _rapprochement_, now so - marked, had, I think, its beginning at that period. - - Another trait of Mr. Buchanan I must not omit alluding to. He made - it an invariable rule, as President, to accept no gifts or - presents of any value, even from the most intimate friends, and it - was part of my duty to return them at once, with a kind but - emphatic declination, telling the donor that the President had - made it a rule, not to be broken, that he could accept no gifts; - and I was directed, at the same time, to express his thanks for - the friendly intentions in all cases where it seemed probable that - it was not a bold effort to purchase favor, and from purely - selfish motives. A number of costly gifts were thus returned. - - After a personal intercourse with Mr. Buchanan from my boyhood, - more or less intimate, and therefore having had an opportunity to - judge, I can conscientiously say that I never knew a man of purer - private life, or one actuated by nobler or more upright motives. - He was, to us around him, an object of unbroken respect and - reverence. I can truly aver that I never heard him express an - ignoble sentiment, or do an act that could diminish that respect - and reverence. He was strong willed, rather austere, and somewhat - exacting to those around him, but always and in all things the - Christian gentleman. This was the impression made upon me as a - youth, and now, as I look back from later life, I see no cause to - change or modify my estimate of his character. His only fault, if - fault it be, was a too great readiness to forgive and conciliate - those who had been his enemies, regarding it as a triumph for his - principles and a vindication of his motives. And yet this has been - at times attributed to him as a weakness. - - Mr. Buchanan had an extraordinary memory, and could repeat - verbatim much of the classic authors of his college days, and I - remember he often put me to shame, when I was yet in the midst of - my books, by questions that I failed to answer to my satisfaction. - He was also a remarkably fluent and agreeable conversationalist—a - rare and valuable gift—and it was one of my greatest pleasures to - listen to him, when in congenial company, relating anecdotes of - his great contemporaries in public life at home, and incidents - occurring during his missions in St. Petersburgh and later in - London. This quality made him a most agreeable companion among - men, and an especial favorite with the fair sex, whose friendship - in turn he appreciated and enjoyed to the end of his life. The - correctness of his own private life, and his association with only - the nobler of the other sex, resulted in his never entertaining or - expressing cynical views of them, so common in men’s later years. - - I do not know if you have any account of Mr. Buchanan’s personal - appearance or dress. The best likeness of him is a miniature - portrait on ivory, by Brown of Philadelphia, now in the possession - of his brother, the Rev. Dr. Buchanan. I have an oil photograph - painted in 1857, which is excellent; also a bust in marble by a - Boston sculptor, which is good. My cousin has a half-length - portrait, painted by Eicholtz about the year 1833. His figure and - general appearance whilst President is very accurately represented - in a full-length engraving by Buttre of New York. On the whole, I - think it is the best average representation of him extant. Healy - executed a portrait of Mr. Buchanan at the White House, but he was - an impatient sitter, and I do not think it was very successful. - - Mr. Buchanan, in his sketch of the four last months of his - administration, gives a short account of a remarkable naval - expedition ordered by him to Paraguay, to settle certain - difficulties with that republic. This naval demonstration on a - considerable scale was entirely successful, and resulted in a - permanent peace with that country ever since. It had, however, - this most uncommon feature to distinguish it, that it cost the - United States not one dollar beyond the usual small annual - appropriation for the navy. I sometimes wonder whether any other - such expedition of its size and importance, in this or any other - country, can show such an example of economy, honesty and - efficiency and success combined, as did this. - - [TO MISS LANE, IN NEW YORK.] - - WASHINGTON, May 20th, 1858. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - Learning that you were about to purchase furniture in New York - [for the White House], I requested Doctor Blake to furnish me a - statement of the balance of the appropriation unexpended. This - balance is $8,369.02. In making your purchases, therefore, I wish - you to consider that this sum must answer our purpose until the - end of my term. I wish you, therefore, not to expend the whole of - it, but to leave enough to meet all contingencies up till 4th - March, 1861. Any sum which may be expended above the appropriation - I shall most certainly pay out of my own pocket. I shall never ask - Congress for the deficiency. - - Who should make his appearance this morning but Mr. Keitt.[54] - After talking about other matters for some time, he said he was - married. I expressed strong doubts upon the subject, when he - insisted that he was actually and _bona fide_ married. The lady is - Miss Sparks, whom he has been so long addressing. - - With my kind regards to Mr. and Mrs. R., I remain, etc. - -Footnote 54: - - Of South Carolina. Pronounced Kitt. - - [TO MISS LANE, IN PHILADELPHIA.] - - October 15th, 1858. - - We have not yet heard from you since you left us. I hope you - arrived safely in Philadelphia, and did not contract a hoarseness - in talking on the way. We get along very nicely since your absence - and will give a big dinner on Thursday next. I have not seen any - of your lady friends since your departure, and can therefore give - you no news. - - Well! we have met the enemy in Pennsylvania and we are theirs. - This I have anticipated for three months, and was not taken by - surprise, except as to the extent of our defeat. I am astonished - at myself for bearing it with so much philosophy. - - The conspirators against poor Jones have at length succeeded in - hunting him down. Ever since my election the hounds have been in - pursuit of him. I now deeply regret—but I shall say no more. With - the blessing of Providence, I shall endeavor to raise him up and - place him in some position where they can not reach him. - - Judge Black, General Anderson of Tennessee, Mr. Brenner, and Mr. - Van Dyke dined with me yesterday, and we had a merry time of it, - laughing, among other things, over our crushing defeat. It is so - great that it is almost absurd. - - We will present a record of success at the meeting of Congress - which has rarely been equalled. We have hitherto succeeded in all - our undertakings. - - Poor bleeding Kansas is quiet, and is behaving herself in an - orderly manner; but her wrongs have melted the hearts of the - sympathetic Pennsylvanians, or rather Philadelphians. In the - interior of the State the tariff was the damaging question, and in - defeating Jones, the iron interest have prostrated a man who could - render them more service than all the Republican Representatives - from Pennsylvania. He will be a loss to the whole country in the - House of Representatives. - - I have heard nothing of the good and excellent Robert since you - left us. He is a man among a thousand. I wish I could say so much - for his brother. - - It is growing late and I must retire. I sleep much better now, but - not near so well as at the Soldiers’ Home. - - May 13th, 1859. - - I send you an oration received from Hon. William Porcher - Miles,[55] and franked by him to yourself. A precious - recognition!...... - - I wrote a long letter to Mrs. Roosevelt, ten days ago, and left it - on my table open. It marvellously disappeared, and I had neither - courage nor time to copy it from memory. I know not what has - become of it, but it contains nothing which might not be published - in the _New York Herald_. My respect and admiration for Mrs. - Roosevelt, to be sure, appear in the letter; but this is well - known and does me honor. It is possible that in clearing my own - table I may have by mistake torn this letter up with other - manuscripts; but I can not believe it. - - I have but little news. Mr. Magraw came to us on Saturday last and - still remains, much to my gratification. We get along very - comfortably and quietly. Miss Hetty is very busy. Washington, they - say, is extremely dull. I called yesterday at Mr. Thompson’s, just - before dinner. The lady was not at home. She had gone to a - travelling circus and show in company with Mrs. Gwin, her sister - and Miss Lucy. I made no remark to Mr. Thompson on receiving the - information, except that you would certainly have been of the - party had you been in Washington. - - I met Mrs. Conrad and her daughters on the street the other day - and walked with them some distance. She does not appear to have - seen much of Lord Lyons. I think he keeps himself very much to - himself. Count Sartiges has been here several times. I shall miss - him more than I would any of the foreign ministers. - -Footnote 55: - - Of South Carolina. - - May 14th, 1859. - - I send you the enclosed letter from Mr. ——, of New York. It speaks - for itself. He seems to be a warm-hearted German, and I would - advise you to address him a few lines. In acknowledging the - compliment, I have said I would send his letter to you at Judge - Roosevelt’s. You have been hailed as “The Great Mother of the - Indians,” and it must gratify you to learn that your adopted - countrymen desire to perpetuate your name by giving it to their - children. - - Two of the Secretaries and myself were to have visited Baltimore - to-day to select a site for the Federal Courts; but we agreed to - postpone our visit until Monday to enable them to attend a dinner - given by Lord Lyons to-day to the members of the cabinet. It is - quite probable we shall be accompanied on Monday by Mrs. Thompson, - Mrs. Gwin and other ladies. - - What means the ominous conjunction between Mr. Van Buren and Mr. - Douglas at the —— Hotel. I do not, however, consider it ominous at - all, though others do. - - Sir William ought to have been very careful in obeying his - instructions, especially after his former experience in South - America. The British government are not at all pleased with him. - We know this from Lord Lyons. - - Here I was called away after ten at night, to hear the music of - the Knights Templars. It was, I think, excellent; though I am, as - you know, no great judge. Good-night! My affectionate regards to - Mrs. Roosevelt and my respectful compliments to the Judge. - - Mr. Thompson and myself intend to set out for Chapel Hill on - Monday, 10th instant. I think Mr. Magraw will accompany us. They - are making great preparations to receive us. I hope you are - enjoying yourself. Stay as long as it affords you pleasure. We are - getting along very well. Miss Hetty is very busy in having things - put in order for the summer. - - May 18th, 1859. - - I return Lady Ouseley’s letter. When you write please to remember - me to her in the very kindest terms. I should be sorry indeed to - think I should never meet her again. - - The conduct of Sir William has been most decidedly disapproved by - Lord Malmesbury. Of this we have the official evidence. I am truly - sorry he did not obey his instructions. But of this say nothing to - Mrs. Roosevelt. - - Our two successful diplomatists, Messrs. Reed and Bowden, with - their ladies, are to dine with me to-day _en famille_. Mr. Cobb - now dines here regularly. - - I never laughed as much on any one day as on Monday last at - Baltimore and on the way. - - Remember me always most affectionately to Mrs. Roosevelt, and very - kindly to the Judge. - - June 10th, 1859. - - I have received your favor of yesterday. We returned to Washington - on Tuesday morning last from our visit to North Carolina. On - Wednesday morning Miss Hetty left for Wheatland with my full and - entire approbation, and I wish to say to you emphatically, that - you need not return home on my account. I shall be rejoiced to see - you whenever you may think proper to return; but I get along both - comfortably and happily in the absence both of Miss Hetty and - yourself. - - I am sorry to find that your excursion to West Point on the - Harriet Lane, has been made the subject of newspaper criticism on - yourself. This is most ungallant and ungentlemanly. The practice, - however, of employing national vessels on pleasure excursions, to - gratify any class of people, is a fair subject of public - criticism. You know how much I condemned your former trip on the - same vessel, and I did not expect you would fall into a second - error. The thing, however, is past and gone, and let it pass. - After a fair time shall have elapsed, it is my purpose to cause - general orders to be issued by the Treasury and Navy Departments - to put a stop to the practice. - - I am truly rejoiced to learn that James Henry is succeeding in his - practice. - - I have not the least idea of paying the price you mention for a - cane. Let it pass for the present. I will get Mr. Baker to attend - to it. - - Washington has been very quiet but very agreeable since you left. - I dined yesterday with Mrs. Thompson. Mrs. Gwin and her sister and - Mr. Cobb were the only persons present out of the family. We had a - merry time of it. The same party are to dine with Mrs. Gwin on - Tuesday next. - - It was with the utmost reluctance I removed Mr. ——, though his - removal was inevitable. His brother —— has done him much injury. I - have known him long, and can say with truth that I know not a more - unprincipled man in the United States. I wished to avoid the - publication of Mr. Holt’s report, but Mr. —— and his brother made - this impossible. The trio are now all together in happy communion, - I mean ——, ——, and ——, the last the most contemptible of the set. - - I have just had long and interesting letters from Jones and - Preston. They are both pleased, and both get along well. The - former evidently stands well with the Austrian government, and - gives us valuable information. - - I remain, yours affectionately, etc. - - BEDFORD SPRINGS, August 22, 1860. - - I have only time to write a line before Mr. Wagner, the messenger - of Mr. Thompson, leaves. I am well, and the water is producing its - usual good effect. The company is reduced very much, though what - remains is agreeable and respectable. My visits from the - neighborhood are numerous. - - Give my love to Lily. If things proceed as from appearances we - might anticipate she will soon be on the diplomatic corps, but I - yet entertain doubts whether she will stand fire at the decisive - moment. - - Many inquiries have been made about you here, and regrets - expressed that you did not accompany me. In haste, yours - affectionately, - - [FROM MISS MACALESTER.] - - GLENGARRY, TORRISDALE, Oct. 8, 1860. - - MY DEAR MR. BUCHANAN:— - - You have always evinced such a kind and anxious interest in regard - to my matrimonial arrangements, that I feel it a duty, as well as - a pleasure, to relieve your solicitude on the subject, by assuring - you that I at last really am engaged. I consider you entirely - responsible for this result, my dear Mr. Buchanan, for you so - terrified me last spring and summer by your forebodings, and made - me so fully realize my almost hopeless condition and approaching - _superannuation_, that I determined to trifle no longer with time. - I think, therefore, I may fairly claim your kind wishes and - congratulations upon my escape from the prospect of a dreary - spinsterhood, and in due season I shall also claim your - fulfillment of a promise made long ago, and frequently repeated - since, to be present at my wedding when that incomprehensible - event takes place. _En attendant_, believe me always, my dear Mr. - Buchanan, - - With truest love yours, - LILY L. MACALESTER. - - [TO MISS MACALESTER.[56]] - - WASHINGTON, October 10, 1860. - - MY DEAR LILY:— - - I have received your favor of the 10th, announcing your - engagement, and most sincerely and ardently do I hope that your - marriage may prove auspicious and secure your future happiness and - prosperity. I need not assure you that I feel all the interest - which devoted friendship can inspire in your permanent welfare. - - I had thought that “the prospect of a dreary spinsterhood” would - not have impelled you into an engagement, without saying a word to - your superannuated bachelor friend, but when young ladies have - determined to marry they will go ahead. - - May you enjoy all the blessings in your matrimonial state which I - ardently desire, and you so richly deserve. Always your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 56: - - This lady, daughter of Charles Macalester, Esq., of Philadelphia, - married Mr. Berghmans, Secretary of the Belgian Legation in - Washington. He died about ten years since. - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - 1860—March and June. - - THE SO-CALLED “COVODE INVESTIGATION.” - - -Reference has been made by Mr. Henry, in a part of his communication -quoted in the last chapter, to a proceeding in the House of -Representatives, which has been called the “Covode Investigation.” -It is proper that a detailed account of this occurrence should be -here given. - -Among the lower, or rather the lowest, political tactics, -inculpation of a retiring administration has often been resorted to -for promoting the success of the opposite party, and it seems not -infrequently to have been the calculation that the effect produced -would be in proportion to the grossness of the imputations. Mr. -Buchanan could not hope to escape calumny. None of his predecessors, -not even the most illustrious of them all, not even Washington -himself, had escaped it. Scarcely any of them, however, had been -made the object of this kind of attack, by a method so base and by -means so foul, as those to which President Buchanan was now to be -subjected. Before any of the troubles of secession arrived, before -either of the political parties had made its nomination for the next -Presidential election, it was determined that an assault should be -made upon him that would render him and his administration odious to -the people of the country. - -It is certainly unavoidable, perhaps it is well, that free -governments should be administered by parties. In a vigilant, -jealous and active opposition, there is great security against the -misuse of power by those who hold it. But the freedom of opposition, -like the freedom of the press, can easily degenerate into -licentiousness; and the greater the latitude allowed by the -political maxims or habits of a people, the greater will be the -danger of abuse of that right of criticism and inculpation which is -essential to liberty, to purity, and to the public interests. -Happily, there are some restraints upon the exercise of this right, -imposed by the forms of procedure which our Constitution -has prescribed when the conduct of the executive branch of -the Government is to be called in question by the House of -Representatives. When these restraints are violated, as they were -violated against President Buchanan, there is but one judgment for -history to pronounce. Those who institute a proceeding that is out -of the limits of their constitutional function, for the purpose of -exciting hatred of one who fills for the time a coördinate and -independent department of the Government, and who conduct such a -proceeding in secret, leave upon the records of the country a -condemnation of themselves; and it is some evidence of the progress -which a people are making in freeing their partisan warfare from -such abuses, if we are able to say, as probably we can say, that -such a proceeding would not be tolerated at the present day by any -portion of the people of this country, as that which was begun and -prosecuted against President Buchanan in the spring and summer of -1860. - -The House of Representatives was at this time under the control of a -majority held by the opponents of the administration. If they had -reason to believe that the President had been guilty of an exercise, -or of any attempt at an exercise, of improper influence over -legislation, or that he or any of his subordinate executive officers -had defeated, or attempted to defeat, the execution of any law, or -that he had failed or refused to execute any law, their course was -plain. In regard to the President, it was their duty to make a -specific charge, to investigate it openly, and to impeach him before -the Senate, if the evidence afforded reasonable ground to believe -that the charge could be substantiated. In regard to his -subordinates, their power to investigate was somewhat broader, -because, as a legislative body, the House of Representatives might -have occasion to remedy by legislation any future wrongs of the same -kind. But over the President, they had no authority of investigation -or inquiry, excepting as the impeaching body to which the -Constitution had committed the duty of accusation. By no -constitutional propriety, by no precedent and no principle, could an -accusation of official misconduct on the part of the President be -brought within the jurisdiction of the House, excepting by the -initiation of a proceeding looking to his impeachment. Any -proceeding, aside from the impeaching process, could have no object -and no effect but to propagate calumny, without opportunity for -exculpation and defence; and from the beginning to the end of this -extraordinary persecution every step was marked by the design with -which it was originated. - -It began by the introduction of a resolution, offered in the House -by Mr. Covode, a member from Pennsylvania, on the 5th March, 1860; -and to make way for its introduction, he moved and obtained a -suspension of the rules. This was of course by previous concert. The -Speaker, after the reading of the resolution, ruled that it was not -debatable. Attempts were made by different members to point out the -absence from the resolution of any specific or tangible charge, or -to extract from the mover some declaration that he had been informed -or believed that the President had been guilty of some official -misconduct, within the generality and vagueness of the inquiry that -he proposed to have made. All these efforts were put down by the -Speaker and by clamorous cries of “order.” It became evident that -the resolution was to pass, as a foregone conclusion, without a -moment’s consideration of its character or its terms. Under the -operation of “the previous question,” it was adopted, and the mover -was afterwards placed by the Speaker at the head of the committee -which he called for. Thus, so far as there was any accuser, that -accuser was made the principal judge who was to try the accusation; -and by the terms of the resolution, all the accusation that was made -was wrapped in the following vague and indefinite language: - - _Resolved_, That a committee of five members be appointed by the - Speaker, for the purpose, first, of investigating whether the - President of the United States, or any officer of the Government, - has, by money, patronage, or other improper means, sought to - influence the action of Congress, or any committee thereof, for or - against the passage of any law appertaining to the rights of any - State or Territory; and, second, also to inquire into and - investigate whether any officer or officers of the Government - have, by combination or otherwise, prevented or defeated, or - attempted to prevent or defeat, the execution of any law or laws - now upon the statute book, and whether the President has failed or - refused to compel the execution of any law thereof. - -The committee, under the mover of the resolution as chairman, -proceeded to make, with closed doors, a general investigation into -every thing that any enemy of the President could bring to them. -Never, in the history of parliamentary proceedings, since they -ceased to be made the instruments of mere partisan malice, had there -been such a violation of constitutional principles and of every -maxim of justice. A secret inquisition into the conduct of a -President of the United States, not conducted in the forms or with -the safeguards of the impeachment process, without one specific -accusation, was a proceeding unknown alike to the Constitution and -to the practice, the habits and the instincts, of the people of the -United States. The President was left to learn what he could of the -doings of this committee from what they permitted to leak into the -public prints, or from other sources. More concerned for the safety -of his successors in the great office which he held than for his own -reputation, but not unmindful of the duty which he owed to himself, -he transmitted to the House, on the 28th of March, the following -message, embracing a dignified and energetic protest against this -unexampled proceeding: - - TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:— - - After a delay which has afforded me ample time for reflection, and - after much and careful deliberation, I find myself constrained by - an imperious sense of duty, as a coördinate branch of the Federal - Government, to protest against the first two clauses of the first - resolution adopted by the House of Representatives on the 5th - instant, and published in the _Congressional Globe_ on the - succeeding day. These clauses are in the following words: - “_Resolved_, That a committee of five members be appointed by the - Speaker, for the purpose, 1st, of investigating whether the - President of the United States, or any other officer of the - Government, has, by money, patronage, or other improper means, - sought to influence the action of Congress, or any committee - thereof, for or against the passage of any law appertaining to the - rights of any State or Territory; and 2d, also to inquire into and - investigate whether any officer or officers of the Government - have, by combination or otherwise, prevented or defeated, or - attempted to prevent or defeat, the execution of any law or laws - now upon the statute book, and whether the President has failed or - refused to compel the execution of any law thereof.” - - I confine myself exclusively to these two branches of the - resolution, because the portions of it which follow relate to - alleged abuses in post offices, navy yards, public buildings, and - other public works of the United States. In such cases inquiries - are highly proper in themselves, and belong equally to the Senate - and the House as incident to their legislative duties, and being - necessary to enable them to discover and to provide the - appropriate legislative remedies for any abuses which may be - ascertained. Although the terms of the latter portion of the - resolution are extremely vague and general, yet my sole purpose in - adverting to them at present is to mark the broad line of - distinction between the accusatory and the remedial clauses of - this resolution. The House of Representatives possess no power - under the Constitution over the first or accusatory portion of the - resolution, except as an impeaching body; whilst over the last, in - common with the Senate, their authority as a legislative body is - fully and cheerfully admitted. - - It is solely in reference to the first or impeaching power that I - propose to make a few observations. Except in this single case, - the Constitution has invested the House of Representatives with no - power, no jurisdiction, no supremacy whatever over the President. - In all other respects he is quite as independent of them as they - are of him. As a coördinate branch of the Government he is their - equal. Indeed, he is the only direct representative on earth of - the people of all and each of the sovereign States. To them, and - to them alone, is he responsible whilst acting within the sphere - of his constitutional duty, and not in any manner to the House of - Representatives. The people have thought proper to invest him with - the most honorable, responsible, and dignified office in the - world, and the individual, however unworthy, now holding this - exalted position, will take care, so far as in him lies, that - their rights and prerogatives shall never be violated in his - person, but shall pass to his successors unimpaired by the - adoption of a dangerous precedent. He will defend them to the last - extremity against any unconstitutional attempt, come from what - quarter it may, to abridge the constitutional rights of the - Executive, and render him subservient to any human power except - themselves. - - The people have not confined the President to the exercise of - executive duties. They have also conferred upon him a large - measure of legislative discretion. No bill can become a law - without his approval, as representing the people of the United - States, unless it shall pass after his veto by a majority of - two-thirds of both Houses. In his legislative capacity he might, - in common with the Senate and the House, institute an inquiry to - ascertain any facts which ought to influence his judgment in - approving or vetoing any bill. This participation in the - performance of legislative duties between the coördinate branches - of the Government ought to inspire the conduct of all of them, in - their relations toward each other, with mutual forbearance and - respect. At least each has a right to demand justice from the - other. The cause of complaint is, that the constitutional rights - and immunities of the Executive have been violated in the person - of the President. - - The trial of an impeachment of the President before the Senate on - charges preferred and prosecuted against him by the House of - Representatives, would be an imposing spectacle for the world. In - the result, not only his removal from the Presidential office - would be involved, but, what is of infinitely greater importance - to himself, his character, both in the eyes of the present and of - future generations, might possibly be tarnished. The disgrace cast - upon him would in some degree be reflected upon the character of - the American people who elected him. Hence the precautions adopted - by the Constitution to secure a fair trial. On such a trial it - declares that “the Chief Justice shall preside.” This was - doubtless because the framers of the Constitution believed it to - be possible that the Vice-President might be biassed by the fact - that “in case of the removal of the President from office,” “the - same shall devolve on the Vice-President.” - - The preliminary proceedings in the House in the case of charges - which may involve impeachment, have been well and wisely settled - by long practice upon principles of equal justice both to the - accused and to the people. The precedent established in the case - of Judge Peck, of Missouri, in 1831, after a careful review of all - former precedents, will, I venture to predict, stand the test of - time. In that case, Luke Edward Lawless, the accuser, presented a - petition to the House, in which he set forth minutely and - specifically his causes of complaint. He prayed “that the conduct - and proceedings in this behalf of said Judge Peck may be inquired - into by your honorable body, and such decision made thereon as to - your wisdom and justice shall seem proper.” This petition was - referred to the Judiciary Committee; such has ever been deemed the - appropriate committee to make similar investigations. It is a - standing committee, supposed to be appointed without reference to - any special case, and at all times is presumed to be composed of - the most eminent lawyers in the House from different portions of - the Union, whose acquaintance with judicial proceedings, and whose - habits of investigation, qualify them peculiarly for the task. No - tribunal, from their position and character, could in the nature - of things be more impartial. In the case of Judge Peck, the - witnesses were selected by the committee itself, with a view to - ascertain the truth of the charge. They were cross-examined by - him, and everything was conducted in such a manner as to afford - him no reasonable cause of complaint. In view of this precedent, - and, what is of far greater importance, in view of the - Constitution and the principles of eternal justice, in what manner - has the President of the United States been treated by the House - of Representatives? Mr. John Covode, a Representative from - Pennsylvania, is the accuser of the President. Instead of - following the wise precedents of former times, and especially that - in the case of Judge Peck, and referring the accusation to the - Committee on the Judiciary, the House have made my accuser one of - my judges. - - To make the accuser the judge is a violation of the principles of - universal justice, and is condemned by the practice of all - civilized nations. Every free-man must revolt at such a spectacle. - I am to appear before Mr. Covode, either personally or by a - substitute, to cross-examine the witnesses which he may produce - before himself to sustain his own accusations against me, and - perhaps even this poor boon may be denied to the President. - - And what is the nature of the investigation which his resolution - proposes to institute? It is as vague and general as the English - language affords words in which to make it. The committee is to - inquire, not into any specific charge or charges, but whether the - President has, “by money, patronage, or other improper means, - sought to influence,” not the action of any individual member or - members of Congress, but “the action” of the entire body “of - Congress” itself, “or any committee thereof.” The President might - have had some glimmering of the nature of the offence to be - investigated, had his accuser pointed to the act or acts of - Congress which he sought to pass or to defeat by the employment of - “money, patronage, or other improper means.” But the accusation is - bounded by no such limits. It extends to the whole circle of - legislation; to interference “for or against the passage of any - law appertaining to the rights of any State or Territory.” And - what law does not appertain to the rights of some State or - Territory? And what law or laws has the President failed to - execute? These might easily have been pointed out had any such - existed. - - Had Mr. Lawless asked an inquiry to be made by the House whether - Judge Peck, in general terms, had not violated his judicial - duties, without the specification of any particular act, I do not - believe there would have been a single vote in that body in favor - of the inquiry. Since the time of the Star Chamber and of general - warrants, there has been no such proceeding in England. - - The House of Representatives, the high impeaching power of the - country, without consenting to hear a word of explanation, have - indorsed this accusation against the President, and made it their - own act. They even refused to permit a member to inquire of the - President’s accuser what were the specific charges against him. - Thus, in this preliminary accusation of “high crimes and - misdemeanors” against a coordinate branch of the Government, under - the impeaching power, the House refused to hear a single - suggestion even in regard to the correct mode of proceeding, but, - without a moment’s delay, passed the accusatory resolutions under - the pressure of the previous question. In the institution of a - prosecution for any offence against the most humble citizen—and I - claim for myself no greater rights than he enjoys—the Constitution - of the United States, and of the several States, require that he - shall be informed, in the very beginning, of the nature and cause - of the accusation against him, in order to enable him to prepare - for his defence. There are other principles which I might - enumerate, not less sacred, presenting an impenetrable shield to - protect every citizen falsely charged with a criminal offence. - These have been violated in the prosecution instituted by the - House of Representatives against the executive branch of the - Government. Shall the President alone be deprived of the - protection of these great principles, which prevail in every land - where a ray of liberty penetrates the gloom of despotism? Shall - the Executive alone be deprived of rights which all his - fellow-citizens enjoy? The whole proceeding against him justifies - the fears of those wise and great men who, before the Constitution - was adopted by the States, apprehended that the tendency of the - Government was to the aggrandizement of the legislative at the - expense of the executive and judicial departments. - - I again declare emphatically that I make this protest for no - reason personal to myself; and I do it with perfect respect for - the House of Representatives, in which I had the honor of serving - as a member for five successive terms. I have lived long in this - goodly land, and have enjoyed all the offices and honors which my - country could bestow. Amid all the political storms through which - I have passed, the present is the first attempt which has ever - been made, to my knowledge, to assail my personal or official - integrity; and this as the time is approaching when I shall - voluntarily retire from the service of my country. I feel proudly - conscious that there is no public act of my life which will not - bear the strictest scrutiny. I defy all investigation. Nothing but - the basest perjury can sully my good name. I do not fear even - this, because I cherish an humble confidence that the Gracious - Being who has hitherto defended and protected me against the - shafts of falsehood and malice will not desert me now, when I have - become “old and gray-headed.” I can declare, before God and my - country, that no human being (with an exception scarcely worthy of - notice) has, at any period of my life, dared to approach me with a - corrupt or dishonorable proposition; and, until recent - developments, it had never entered into my imagination that any - person, even in the storm of exasperated political excitement, - would charge me, in the most remote degree, with having made such - a proposition to any human being. I may now, however, exclaim, in - the language of complaint employed by my first and greatest - predecessor, that I have been abused “in such exaggerated and - indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, to a - notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket.” - - I do, therefore, for the reasons stated, and in the name of the - people of the several States, solemnly protest against these - proceedings of the House of Representatives, because they are in - violation of the rights of the coördinate executive branch of the - Government, and subversive of its constitutional independence; - because they are calculated to foster a band of interested - parasites and informers, ever ready, for their own advantage, to - swear before _ex parte_ committees to pretended private - conversations between the President and themselves, incapable, - from their nature, of being disproved, thus furnishing material - for harassing him, degrading him in the eyes of the country, and - eventually, should he be a weak or a timid man, rendering him - subservient to improper influences, in order to avoid such - persecutions and annoyances; because they tend to destroy that - harmonious action for the common good which ought to be - maintained, and which I sincerely desire to cherish between - coördinate branches of the Government; and, finally, because, if - unresisted, they would establish a precedent dangerous and - embarrassing to all my successors, to whatever political party - they might be attached. - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - WASHINGTON, March 28, 1860. - -This message was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, a -majority of whom, through their chairman, on the 9th of April, -reported resolutions against its constitutional doctrines, which the -House adopted on the 8th of June, by a party vote, and the -proceedings of the Covode Committee went on until the 16th of that -month. Mr. Train, of Massachusetts, one of the committee, then -reported to the House a great mass of testimony which had been taken -from all sorts of willing witnesses against the President, but -without a single resolution accusing or censuring either him or any -member of his cabinet. This was, in one sense, as he has himself -said, “a triumphant result for the President.”[57] But the movers in -this business had attained their object, in procuring and spreading -before the country the means of traducing the President; means which -rested for the most part on perjury, and for the residue were -colored by personal or political hostility. It was impossible for -Mr. Buchanan to allow this to pass without further notice. It is -more than probable that the further notice which he took of it -prevented a repetition of this kind of proceeding, when, on a future -occasion, another President of the United States incurred the -hostility of a dominant majority in the House of Representatives. On -the 22d of June he sent to the House the following additional -message:— - -Footnote 57: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 218. - - “TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:— - - “In my message to the House of Representatives of the 28th March - last, I solemnly protested against the creation of a committee, at - the head of which was placed my accuser, for the purpose of - investigating whether the President had, ‘by money, patronage or - other improper means, sought to influence the action of Congress, - or any committee thereof, for or against the passage of any law - appertaining to the rights of any State or Territory.’ I protested - against this because it was destitute of any specification; - because it referred to no particular act to enable the President - to prepare for his defence; because it deprived him of the - constitutional guards, which, in common with every citizen of the - United States, he possesses for his protection; and because it - assailed his constitutional independence as a coördinate branch of - the Government. There is an enlightened justice, as well as a - beautiful symmetry, in every part of the Constitution. This is - conspicuously manifested in regard to impeachments. The House of - Representatives possesses ‘the sole power of impeachment;’ the - Senate ‘the sole power to try all impeachments;’ and the - impeachable offences are ‘treason, bribery, or other high crimes - or misdemeanors.’ The practice of the House, from the earliest - times, had been in accordance with its own dignity, the rights of - the accused, and the demands of justice. At the commencement of - each judicial investigation which might lead to an impeachment, - specific charges were always preferred; the accused had an - opportunity of cross-examining the witnesses, and he was placed in - full possession of the precise nature of the offence which he had - to meet. An impartial and elevated standing committee was charged - with this investigation, upon which no member inspired with the - ancient sense of honor and justice would have served, had he ever - expressed an opinion against the accused. Until the present - occasion, it was never deemed proper to transform the accuser into - the judge, and to confer upon him the selection of his own - committee. - - “The charges made against me, in vague and general terms, were of - such a false and atrocious character, that I did not entertain a - moment’s apprehension for the result. They were abhorrent to every - principle instilled into me from my youth, and every practice of - my life, and I did not believe it possible that the man existed - who would so basely perjure himself as to swear to the truth of - any such accusations. In this conviction I am informed I have not - been mistaken. In my former protest, therefore, I truly and - emphatically declared that it was made for no reason personal to - myself, but because the proceedings of the House were in violation - of the rights of the coördinate executive branch of the - Government, subversive of its constitutional independence, and, if - unresisted, would establish a precedent dangerous and embarrassing - to all my successors. Notwithstanding all this, if the committee - had not transcended the authority conferred upon it by the - resolution of the House of Representatives, broad and general as - this was, I should have remained silent upon the subject. What I - now charge is, that they have acted as though they possessed - unlimited power, and, without any warrant whatever in the - resolution under which they were appointed, have pursued a course - not merely at war with the constitutional rights of the Executive, - but tending to degrade the presidential office itself to such a - degree as to render it unworthy of the acceptance of any man of - honor or principle. - - “The resolution of the House, so far as it is accusatory of the - President, is confined to an inquiry whether he had used corrupt - or improper means to influence the action of Congress or any of - its committees on legislative measures pending before them. - Nothing more, nothing less. I have not learned through the - newspapers, or in any other mode, that the committee have touched - the other accusatory branch of the resolution, charging the - President with a violation of duty in failing to execute some law - or laws. This branch of the resolution is therefore out of the - question. By what authority, then, have the committee undertaken - to investigate the course of the President in regard to the - convention which framed the Lecompton constitution? By what - authority have they undertaken to pry into our foreign relations, - for the purpose of assailing him on account of the instructions - given by the Secretary of State to our minister in Mexico, - relative to the Tehuantepec route? By what authority have they - inquired into the causes of removal from office, and this from the - parties themselves removed, with a view to prejudice his - character, notwithstanding this power of removal belongs - exclusively to the President under the Constitution, was so - decided by the first Congress in the year 1789, and has - accordingly ever since been exercised? There is in the resolution - no pretext of authority for the committee to investigate the - question of the printing of the post-office blanks, nor is it to - be supposed that the House, if asked, would have granted such an - authority, because this question had been previously committed to - two other committees—one in the Senate and the other in the House. - Notwithstanding this absolute want of power, the committee rushed - into this investigation in advance of all other subjects. - - “The committee proceeded for months, from March 22d, 1860, to - examine _ex parte_, and without any notice to myself, into every - subject which could possibly affect my character. Interested and - vindictive witnesses were summoned and examined before them; and - the first and only information of their testimony which, in almost - every instance, I received, was obtained from the publication of - such portions of it as could injuriously affect myself, in the New - York journals. It mattered not that these statements were, so far - as I have learned, disproved by the most respectable witnesses who - happened to be on the spot. The telegraph was silent respecting - these contradictions. It was a secret committee in regard to all - the testimony which could by possibility reflect on my character. - The poison was left to produce its effect upon the public mind, - whilst the antidote was carefully withheld. - - “In their examinations the committee violated the most sacred and - honorable confidences existing among men. Private correspondence, - which a truly honorable man would never even entertain a distant - thought of divulging, was dragged to light. Different persons in - official and confidential relations with myself, and with whom it - was supposed I might have held conversations, the revelation of - which would do me injury, were examined. Even members of the - Senate and members of my own cabinet, both my constitutional - advisers, were called upon to testify, for the purpose of - discovering something, if possible, to my discredit. - - “The distribution of the patronage of the Government is by far - the most disagreeable duty of the President. Applicants are so - numerous, and their applications are pressed with such - eagerness by their friends both in and out of Congress, that - the selection of one for any desirable office gives offence to - many. Disappointed applicants, removed officers, and those who - for any cause, real or imaginary, had become hostile to the - administration, presented themselves, or were invited by a - summons to appear before the committee. These are the most - dangerous witnesses. Even with the best intentions, they are - so influenced by prejudice and disappointment, that they - almost inevitably discolor truth. They swear to their own - version of private conversations with the President without - the possibility of contradiction. His lips are sealed and he - is left at their mercy. He cannot, as a coördinate branch of - the Government, appear before a committee of investigation to - contradict the oaths of such witnesses. Every coward knows - that he can employ insulting language against the President - with impunity, and every false or prejudiced witness can - attempt to swear away his character before such a committee - without the fear of contradiction. - - “Thus for months, whilst doing my best at one end of the avenue to - perform my high and responsible duties to the country, has there - been a committee of the House of Representatives in session at the - other end of the avenue, spreading a drag-net, without the shadow - of authority from the House, over the whole Union, to catch any - disappointed man willing to malign my character, and all this in - secret conclave. The lion’s mouth at Venice, into which secret - denunciations were dropped, is an apt illustration of the Covode - committee. The Star Chamber, tyrannical and odious as it was, - never proceeded in such a manner. For centuries there has been - nothing like it in any civilized country, except the revolutionary - tribunal of France, in the days of Robespierre. Now, I undertake - to state and to prove that should the proceedings of the committee - be sanctioned by the House, and become a precedent for future - times, the balance of the Constitution will be entirely upset, and - there will no longer remain the three coördinate and independent - branches of the Government—legislative, executive, and judicial. - The worst fears of the patriots and statesmen who framed the - Constitution in regard to the usurpations of the legislative on - the executive and judicial branches will then be realized. In the - language of Mr. Madison, speaking on this very subject, in the - forty-eighth number of the _Federalist_: ‘In a representative - republic, where the executive magistracy is carefully limited both - in the extent and duration of its power, and where the legislative - power is exercised by an assembly which is inspired by a supposed - influence over the people, with an intrepid confidence in its own - strength, which is sufficiently numerous to feel all the passions - which actuate a multitude, yet not so numerous as to be incapable - of pursuing the objects of its passions by means which reason - prescribes, it is against the enterprising ambition of this - department that the people ought to indulge all their jealousy and - exhaust all their precautions.’ And in the expressive and pointed - language of Mr. Jefferson, when speaking of the tendency of the - legislative branch of Government to usurp the rights of the weaker - branches: ‘The concentrating these in the same hands is precisely - the definition of despotic government. It will be no alleviation - that these powers will be exercised by a plurality of hands, and - not by a single one. One hundred and seventy-three despots would - surely be as oppressive as one. Let those who doubt it turn their - eyes on the Republic of Venice. As little will it avail us that - they are chosen by ourselves. An elective despotism was not the - government we fought for, but one which should not only be founded - on free principles, but in which the powers of government should - be so divided and balanced among several bodies of magistracy, as - that no one could transcend their legal limits without being - effectually checked and controlled by the others.” - - “Should the proceedings of the Covode committee become a - precedent, both the letter and spirit of the Constitution will be - violated. One of the three massive columns on which the whole - superstructure rests will be broken down. Instead of the Executive - being a coördinate, it will become a subordinate branch of the - Government. The presidential office will be dragged into the dust. - The House of Representatives will then have rendered the Executive - almost necessarily subservient to its wishes, instead of being - independent. How is it possible that two powers in the State can - be coördinate and independent of each other, if the one claims and - exercises the power to reprove and to censure all the official - acts and all the private conversations of the other, and this upon - _ex parte_ testimony before a secret inquisitorial committee—in - short, to assume a general censorship over the others? The idea is - as absurd in public as it would be in private life. Should the - President attempt to assert and maintain his own independence, - future Covode committees may dragoon him into submission by - collecting the hosts of disappointed office-hunters, removed - officers, and those who desire to live upon the public treasury, - which must follow in the wake of every administration, and they, - in secret conclave, will swear away his reputation. Under such - circumstances, he must be a very bold man should he not surrender - at discretion and consent to exercise his authority according to - the will of those invested with this terrific power. The sovereign - people of the several States have elected him to the highest and - most honorable office in the world. He is their only direct - representative in the Government. By their Constitution they have - made him commander-in-chief of their army and navy. He represents - them in their intercourse with foreign nations. Clothed with their - dignity and authority, he occupies a proud position before all - nations, civilized and savage. With the consent of the Senate, he - appoints all the important officers of the Government. He - exercises the veto power, and to that extent controls the - legislation of Congress. For the performance of these high duties - he is responsible to the people of the several States, and not in - any degree to the House of Representatives. - - “Shall he surrender these high powers, conferred upon him as the - representative of the American people, for their benefit, to the - House, to be exercised under their overshadowing influence and - control! Shall he alone of all the citizens of the United States - be denied a fair trial? Shall he alone not be ‘informed of the - nature and cause of the accusation’ against him? Shall he alone - not ‘be confronted with the witnesses’ against him? Shall the - House of Representatives, usurping the powers of the Senate, - proceed to try the President through the agency of a secret - committee of the body where it is impossible he can make any - defence, and then, without affording him an opportunity of being - heard, pronounce a judgment of censure against him? The very same - rule might be applied, for the very same reason, to every judge of - every court in the United States. From what part of the - Constitution is this terrible inquisitorial power derived? No such - express power exists. From which of the enumerated powers can it - be inferred? It is true the House cannot pronounce the formal - judgment against him of ‘removal from office,’ but they can, by - their judgment of censure, asperse his reputation, and thus, to - the extent of their influence, render the office contemptible. An - example is at hand of the reckless manner in which this power of - censure can be employed in high party times. The House, on a - recent occasion, have attempted to degrade the President by - adopting the resolution of Mr. John Sherman, declaring that he, in - conjunction with the Secretary of the Navy, “by receiving and - considering the party relations of bidders for contracts, and the - effect of awarding contracts upon pending elections, have set an - example dangerous to the public safety, and deserving the reproof - of this House.” - - It will scarcely be credited that the sole pretext for this vote - of censure was the simple fact that in disposing of the numerous - letters of every imaginable character which I daily receive, I - had, in the usual course of business, referred a letter from - Colonel Patterson, of Philadelphia, in relation to a contract, to - the attention of the Secretary of the Navy, the head of the - appropriate department, without expressing or intimating any - opinion whatever on the subject; and to make the matter, if - possible, still plainer, the Secretary had informed the committee - that “_the President did not in any manner interfere in this case, - nor has he in any other case of contract since I have been in the - department_.” The absence of all proof to sustain this attempt to - degrade the President, whilst it manifests the venom of the shaft - aimed at him, has destroyed the vigor of the bow. - - To return, after this digression. Should the House, by the - institution of Covode committees, votes of censure, and other - devices to harass the President, reduce him to subservience to - their will, and render him their creature, then the well-balanced - Government which our fathers framed will be annihilated. This - conflict has already been commenced in earnest by the House - against the Executive. A bad precedent rarely if ever dies. It - will, I fear, be pursued in the time of my successors, no matter - what may be their political character. Should secret committees be - appointed with unlimited authority to range over all the words and - actions, and, if possible, the very thoughts of the President, - with a view to discover something in his past life prejudicial to - his character, from parasites and informers, this would be an - ordeal which scarcely any mere man since the fall could endure. It - would be to subject him to a reign of terror from which the - stoutest and purest hearts might shrink. I have passed - triumphantly through this ordeal. My vindication is complete. The - committee have reported no resolution looking to an impeachment - against me, no resolution of censure, not even a resolution - pointing out any abuses in any of the executive departments of the - Government to be corrected by legislation. This is the highest - commendation which could be bestowed on the heads of these - departments. The sovereign people of the States will, however, I - trust, save my successors, whoever they may be, from any such - ordeal. They are frank, bold, and honest. They detest delators and - informers. I therefore, in the name and as the representative of - this great people, and standing upon the ramparts of the - Constitution which they “have ordained and established,” do - solemnly protest against these unprecedented and unconstitutional - proceedings. - - There was still another committee raised by the House on the 6th - March last, on motion of Mr. Heard, to which I had not the - slightest objection. The resolution creating it was confined to - specific charges, which I have ever since been ready and willing - to meet. I have at all times invited and defied fair investigation - upon constitutional principles. I have received no notice that - this committee have ever proceeded to the investigation. - - Why should the House of Representatives desire to encroach on the - other departments of the Government? Their rightful powers are - ample for every legitimate purpose. They are the impeaching body. - In their legislative capacity it is their most wise and wholesome - prerogative to institute rigid examinations into the manner in - which all departments of the Government are conducted, with a view - to reform abuses, to promote economy, and to improve every branch - of the administration. Should they find reason to believe, in the - course of their examinations, that any grave offence had been - committed by the President or any officer of the Government, - rendering it proper, in their judgment, to resort to impeachment, - their course would be plain. They would then transfer the question - from their legislative to their accusatory jurisdiction, and take - care that in all the preliminary judicial proceedings, preparatory - to the vote of articles of impeachment, the accused should enjoy - the benefit of cross-examining the witnesses, and all the other - safeguards with which the Constitution surrounds every American - citizen. - - If, in a legislative investigation, it should appear that the - public interest required the removal of any officer of the - Government, no President has ever existed who, after giving him a - fair hearing, would hesitate to apply the remedy. This I take to - be the ancient and well-established practice. An adherence to it - will best promote the harmony and the dignity of the intercourse - between the coördinate branches of the Government, and render us - all more respectable both in the eyes of our own countrymen and of - foreign nations. - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - WASHINGTON, June 22, 1860. - -This last message was referred to a select committee, with -instructions to report at the next session. But no report was ever -made, and legislative action on the doings of the “Covode Committee” -thus came to an end. But in the country the materials for -calumniating the President continued to be used as they were -originally designed to be. It will be interesting to know something -more of the feelings of Mr. Buchanan on the subject, as expressed in -a private letter to the editor and proprietor of a great New York -journal. - - [TO JAMES GORDON BENNETT, ESQ.] - - (Private and Confidential.) WASHINGTON, June 18th, 1860. - - MR DEAR SIR:— - - I thought I never should have occasion to appeal to you on any - public subject, and I knew if I did, I could not swerve you from - your independent course. I therefore now only ask you as a - personal friend to take the trouble of examining yourself the - proceedings of the Covode Committee and the reports of the - majority and minority, and then to do me what you may deem to be - justice. That committee were engaged in secret conclave for nearly - three months in examining every man, _ex parte_, who, from - disappointment or personal malignity, would cast a shade upon the - character of the Executive. If this dragooning can exist, the - Presidential office would be unworthy of the acceptance of a - gentleman. - - In performing my duty, I have endeavored to be not only pure but - unsuspected. I have never had any concern in awarding contracts, - but have left them to be given by the heads of the appropriate - departments. I have ever detested all jobs, and no man, at any - period of my life, has ever approached me on such a subject. The - testimony of —— contains nothing but falsehoods, whether for or - against me, for he has sworn all round. - - I shall send a message to the House in a few days on the violation - of the Constitution involved in the vote of censure and in the - appointment and proceedings of the Covode Committee. I am glad to - perceive from the _Herald_ that you agree with me on the - Constitutional question. I shall endeavor to send you a copy in - advance. - - With my kindest regards to Mrs. Bennett, I remain, very - respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - -SUMMARY OF THE SLAVERY QUESTIONS FROM 1787 TO 1860—THE ANTI-SLAVERY - AGITATION IN THE NORTH—GROWTH AND POLITICAL TRIUMPH OF THE - REPUBLICAN PARTY—FATAL DIVISIONS AMONG THE DEMOCRATS—MR. - BUCHANAN DECLINES TO BE REGARDED AS A CANDIDATE FOR A SECOND - ELECTION. - - -As the reader is now approaching the period when, for the first time -in our political history, a President of the United States was -elected by the votes of the free States alone, a retrospective view -of those events which preceded and contributed to that result is -necessary to a correct understanding of the great national schism of -1860-61. - -The beginning of the year 1860 found the people of the United States -in the enjoyment of as great a measure of prosperity as they had -ever known. It was to close with a condition of feeling between the -two sections of the Union entirely fatal to its peace and -threatening to its perpetuity. In the future of our country there -will come a time when our posterity will ask, why should there ever -have been any “North” or any “South,” in the sense in which those -divisions have been marked in so long a period of our national -history. When the inquirer learns that from the time of the -formation and establishment of the Constitution of the United -States, the existence of slavery in certain States was nearly the -sole cause of the sectional antagonism typified by those terms, he -will have to trace, through various settlements, the successive -adjustments of questions which related to this one dangerous and -irritating subject. - -This portion of our national history is divided into distinct -stages, at each of which some thing intended to be definite and -final was reached. It is also filled by the disastrous influence of -causes which unsettled what had once been determined as a series of -compacts between the sections; causes which continued to operate -until the year that witnessed the beginning of a great catastrophe. - -The Constitution of the United States, so far as it related in any -way to the condition of slavery, was the result of agreements and -adjustments between the Northern and the Southern States, which have -been called “compromises.” It is not material to the present purpose -to consider either the moral justification for these arrangements, -or whether there was an equality or an inequality as between the two -sections, in what they respectively gained or conceded. Both -sections gained the Union of the whole country under a system of -government better adapted to secure its welfare and happiness than -it had known before; and what this system promised was abundantly -fulfilled. The precise equivalent which the Southern States -received, by the settlement made in the formation of the -Constitution, was the recognition of slavery as a condition of -portions of their population by a right exclusively dependent upon -their own local law, and exclusively under their own control as a -right of property; and to this right of property was annexed a -stipulation that the master might follow his slave from the State -whence he had escaped into any other State, and require him to be -given up, even if the law of that other State did not recognize the -condition of servitude. One other concession was made by the -Northern States: that although the slaves of the Southern States -were regarded as property, they should be so far considered as -persons as to be reckoned in a certain ratio in fixing the basis of -representation in the popular branch of Congress, and by consequence -in fixing the electoral vote of the State in the choice of a -President of the United States. The special equivalent which the -Northern States received for these concessions was in the -establishment of what is called “the commercial power,” or the power -of Congress to regulate for the whole country the trade with foreign -nations and between the States; a power which it was foreseen was to -be one of vast importance, which was one of the chief objects for -which the new Union was to be formed, and which proved in the event -to be all, and more than all, that had been anticipated for it. -Viewed in the light of mutual stipulations, these so-called -“compromises” between the two sections were laid at the basis of the -Constitution, forming a settlement fixed in the supreme law of the -land, and therefore determinate and final. - -Contemporaneously with the formation of the Constitution, and before -its adoption, the Congress of the Confederation was engaged in -framing an ordinance for the government of the Northwestern -Territory, a region of country north and west of the Ohio, which -Virginia and other States had ceded to the United States during the -war of the revolution. From this region the ordinance excluded -slavery by an agreement made in that Congress between the Northern -and the Southern States. The Constitution did not take notice of -this Northwestern Territory by its specific designation, but it was -made to embrace a provision empowering the new Congress “to make all -needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and all other -property of the United States,” and also a provision for the -admission into the Union of new States, to be formed out of any -territory belonging to the United States. For a long period after -the adoption of the Constitution, these two provisions, taken -together, were regarded as establishing a plenary power of -legislation over the internal condition of any territory that might -in any way become the property of the United States, while it -remained subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress, and down -to the time when its inhabitants were to be permitted to form -themselves into a State that was to be admitted into the Union upon -an equality with all the other States. Under this process, between -the years 1792 and 1820, nine new States were admitted into the -Union; five of them with slavery and four of them without it. Of -these, three were formed out of parts of the Northwestern Territory, -and they therefore derived their character as free States from the -admitted force of the ordinance of 1787; while the others were not -within the scope of that ordinance, but derived their character from -the legislative authority of Congress under the Constitution. - -It was not until the year 1820 that this recognized practice of -admitting a State into the Union as a free or as a slave State, -according to the character of its early settlement, and the -legislation which governed the Territorial condition, incurred any -serious danger of interruption. But in that year, Missouri, which -was a part of the territory ceded in 1803 by France to the United -States under the name of Louisiana, was in a condition to seek -admission into the Union. Slavery had existed there from the first -settlement of the country, and when it became necessary to authorize -the free inhabitants to form a State constitution, preparatory to -admission into the Union, it was certain that, if left to -themselves, they would not abolish a domestic relation that had long -existed among them, and in which no inconsiderable part of their -wealth was involved. It was proposed to require them to abolish it, -as a condition precedent to the admission of the State into the -Union. On this so-called “Missouri Restriction,” a violent sectional -struggle ensued in Congress, which ended in what has since been -known as the “Missouri Compromise.” This was embodied in the organic -act, passed on the 6th of March, 1820, which authorized the people -of the then Territory of Missouri to form a State constitution and -government. The compromise consisted, on the one hand, in the -omission of the proposed restriction as a condition of admission -into the Union, and, on the other hand, in a guarantee of perpetual -freedom throughout all the remainder of the Louisiana territory -lying north of the parallel of 36° 30´. This was accompanied, -however, by a proviso, which saved the right to reclaim any person -escaping into that region, from whom labor or service was lawfully -claimed in any State or Territory of the United States. The parallel -of 36° 30´ was adopted as the line north of which slavery or -involuntary servitude might not be permitted to exist as an -institution or condition recognized by the local law, because it was -assumed as a practical fact that north of that line the slavery of -the African race could not, from the nature of the climate, be -profitably introduced, whilst it was equally assumed that in those -portions of the Louisiana purchase south of that line, the habits of -the contiguous States, and the character of the climate would induce -a settlement by persons accustomed to hold and depend upon that -species of labor in the cultivation of the soil, and in the wants of -domestic life. The principle of the Missouri Compromise, therefore, -as a final settlement made between the two sections of the Union in -respect to the whole of the Louisiana purchase, was that north of -the parallel of 36° 30´, slavery could never be introduced, but that -south of that line, slavery might be established according to the -will of the free inhabitants. Regarded in the light of a division of -this vast territory, this compromise secured to the North quite as -much as, if not more than, it secured to the South. Regarded in the -light of a settlement of a dangerous and exciting controversy, on -which the whole Union could repose, the Missouri Compromise disposed -of the future character of all the territory then belonging to the -United States, not including the Northwestern Territory, the -character of which was fixed by the ordinance of 1787. For a quarter -of a century afterward, the two sections of North and South rested -in peace upon the settlement of 1820, so far as discussion of the -subject of slavery in the halls of Congress could be induced by the -application of new States to be admitted into the Union. But in -1845, when Texas, a foreign, an independent, and a slave State, was -annexed to the Union, the subject of an increase in the number of -slave States came again into discussion, in which angry sectional -feeling was carried to a dangerous point. Texas was finally admitted -into the Union as a slaveholding State, with a right to divide -herself into four new States, with or without slavery; but one of -the express conditions of the annexation was a recognition of the -Missouri Compromise line, so that north of that line no new State -could be framed out of any portion of Texas unless slavery should be -excluded from it. The wisdom and policy of the Missouri Compromise -were thus again recognized, and it remained undisturbed for a period -of thirty-four years from the time of its enactment, as a covenant -of peace between the North and the South. - -The war between the United States and Mexico, which was terminated -by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, in 1848, resulted in the -acquisition by the United States of a vast region of country which -was not embraced by the Missouri Compromise. At the time of this -acquisition, Mr. Buchanan earnestly advocated the extension of the -line of 36° 30´ through the whole of this new territory to the -Pacific Ocean, as the best mode of adjustment. - -It is not necessary in this historical sketch to dwell on the -advantages or disadvantages of this plan. All that needs to be said -about it here is, that it commended itself to Mr. Buchanan as a plan -more acceptable to the people of both sections of the Union than any -other that could be devised. It was defeated by the proposal of the -so-called “Wilmot Proviso,” which aimed to exclude slavery from all -possible introduction into any part of this newly acquired -territory, without regard to the principle of division which was the -characteristic of the Missouri Compromise, and without recognizing -any claim of the slaveholding States to an equal enjoyment of the -common territory of the Union, in the manner in which they asserted -that claim. The Southern claim was that of a right to emigrate into -any Territory of the United States, with slaves, as part of the -property of the emigrant, just as a Northern man could emigrate into -such a Territory with whatever personal property he chose to take -with him. When, therefore, the admission of California as a State, -and the organization of Territorial governments for the other -provinces of Mexico that had been ceded to the United States came -before Congress, they came accompanied by a great sectional -excitement, that was partly due to the anti-slavery agitation that -had been going on in the North, and partly to the struggle for an -increase of the political power of the free States on the one side, -and of the slave States on the other, according as the future -character of these new acquisitions might be determined. - -Having now reached the year 1850, the reader stands at a period at -which the character of freedom had been long impressed upon the -whole of the Northwestern Territories; at which the character of the -whole region of the Louisiana purchase had been for thirty years -determined by the principle of the Missouri Compromise; and at -which, what remained to be done was to adjust, by a final -settlement, the future character of the territory acquired from -Mexico, and to act upon any other questions concerning slavery that -demanded and admitted legislation by Congress. There were two such -questions that did not relate to the newly acquired territory. One -of these concerned the toleration of the domestic slave trade in the -District of Columbia, the abolition of which was loudly demanded by -the North. The other related to a Southern demand of a more -efficient law for the extradition of fugitives from service. - -The Thirty-first Congress, assembled in December, 1849, was the one -which enacted the series of measures known as the “Compromise of -1850,” and which settled all the slavery questions that remained for -adjustment. In respect to the territory that had been acquired from -Mexico, there was danger for a time that all harmony of action would -be frustrated by the so-called “Wilmot Proviso,” which aimed to -impose as a fundamental condition of any legislation respecting any -part of that territory, a perpetual exclusion of slavery. Mr. -Buchanan was out of public office at this time, but his influence -was exerted in his own State, with success, to prevent the passage -by her legislature of instructing resolutions in favor of that -proviso. This led the way for its rejection by Congress. On the 4th -of February, 1850, resolutions favoring the proviso were laid upon -the table of the House of Representatives in Congress, by the vote -of 105 to 75. This important vote was followed in the Senate by five -measures, designed by Mr. Clay and supported by Mr. Webster and Mr. -Calhoun, which, after a long discussion, became laws in September, -1850, with the general concurrence of both the Whig and the -Democratic parties. The first of these Acts consisted of a new and -more efficient law for the extradition of fugitives from service, to -take the place of the old law of February 12th, 1793, which bore the -signature of Washington. By reason of a decision of the Supreme -Court, made in 1842, which had determined that Congress could not -constitutionally require State magistrates to perform a duty which -the Court declared to be one pertaining exclusively to the Federal -power, the law of 1793 had become almost inoperative. Although the -decision of the Court left the States at liberty to allow their -magistrates to act in such cases, many of the Northern States had -passed laws to prohibit them from rendering any official aid to the -claimant of a fugitive from service. It had become necessary, -therefore, for Congress to provide officers of Federal appointment -to execute an express mandate of the Federal Constitution. This was -the purpose of the new law of 1850. - -The second of these “compromise measures” was an Act for the -immediate admission of California into the Union, as a free State, -embracing its whole territory, both south and north of the line of -the Missouri Compromise. The third and fourth measures were Acts for -the establishment of Territorial governments in New Mexico and Utah, -which secured to them respectively the right of admission as States -into the Union, “with or without slavery as their respective -constitutions might require.” The Act relating to New Mexico -declared that “no citizen of the United States shall be deprived of -his life, liberty or property in said Territory, except by the -judgment of his peers and the laws of the land;” thus making, from -abundant caution, a provision of the Federal Constitution obligatory -upon the Territorial legislature. Thus these two Acts, along with -the Missouri Compromise, comprehended all the territory belonging to -the United States, whether derived from Mexico or from France; there -was no territory remaining for the Wilmot Proviso to act upon, and -consequently the agitation of that proviso was excluded from the -halls of Congress. Moreover, the Act for establishing the Territory -of New Mexico withdrew from the jurisdiction of a slave State all -that portion of Texas which lay north of the parallel of 36° 30´, by -including it within the boundary of New Mexico. The fifth of the -compromise measures of 1850 was a law abolishing the domestic slave -trade within the District of Columbia. - -It is not singular that a final settlement, which disposed of all -the slavery questions on which Congress could in any way act, should -have been acceptable to the people of the whole Union, excepting the -extremists of the two sections. The abolitionists of the North -denounced it, because it admitted of the possible and theoretical -establishment of slavery in New Mexico, notwithstanding the patent -fact that neither the soil nor the climate of that region could ever -make it a profitable form of labor, and because it recognized and -provided for the execution of that provision of the Constitution -which required the extradition of fugitives from service. The -extreme men of the South disliked the settlement, because it -admitted the great and rich State of California as a free State. But -when the Presidential election of 1852 approached, the general -approval of this settlement was made manifest. The national -convention of the Whig party nominated as its candidate for the -Presidency General Scott, who was supposed to be somewhat closely -affiliated, both personally and politically, with public men who -opposed and continued to denounce the compromise. But in their -“platform” the Whigs pledged themselves to maintain it as a binding -settlement, and to discountenance all attempts in or out of Congress -to disturb it. The Democratic national convention not only made -equally emphatic declarations of their purpose to maintain this -settlement inviolate, but by nominating a candidate who could not be -suspected of any lukewarmness on this, the great political question -of the time, they secured a majority of the electoral votes of both -free and slave States that was almost unprecedented. General Pierce -received 254 electoral votes out of 296, or 105 votes more than were -necessary to a choice. All the free States, excepting Massachusetts -and Vermont, and all the slave States, excepting Kentucky and -Tennessee, gave him their electoral votes. Never did a party come -into power with greater strength, and never was there a more -distinct political issue than that which placed General Pierce at -the head of the Government. The people at large distrusted the -soundness of the Whig candidate and his friends upon the compromise -of 1850, and being determined to maintain that settlement as final, -and to have no more agitation of slavery questions in Congress, they -entrusted the destinies of the country to the Democratic party. - -But as not infrequently happens, the Democrats were in a majority so -large that it became unwieldy; and before the administration of -General Pierce had closed, a step was taken that was to lead to the -most serious consequences. This step was the repeal of the Missouri -Compromise. The settlement, or “compromise” of 1850, made by the -consentaneous action of the North and the South, rested, as on a -corner stone, upon the inviolable character of the settlement of -1820, known as the Missouri Compromise. To preserve that earlier -compromise intact, was to preserve the later one; for if the -settlement made in 1820 in regard to all the territory derived from -France should be renounced, the door would be open for the -renunciation of the settlement made in 1850 respecting New Mexico -and Utah. Sweep away the compact which dedicated the whole Louisiana -territory north of 36° 30´ to perpetual freedom, and which gave to -the South whatever parts of it below that line might be adapted to -slave labor, and all Territories everywhere would be subject to a -new contention over the dogma that slavery did or that it did not go -into every Territory by virtue of a right derived from the -Constitution of the United States. There was no security for the -peace and harmony of the country, but to act upon the principle that -the settlement of 1850 rested for its foundation upon the inviolable -character and perpetual duration of the settlement of 1820. - -But in all free countries governed by political parties, and -especially at times when the party in power is in an extraordinary -majority, there are always men who feel that they are wiser than -others, and who are apt to couple their own aims as statesmen, -looking to the highest honors of their country, with new plans for -the management of public affairs. Such a man was the late Stephen -A. Douglas, a Senator in Congress from the State of Illinois from -1847 until his death, in 1861; a distinguished leader of the -Democratic party, who had been several times a candidate for the -nomination by his party to the Presidency. This very able man, who -had a considerable body of friends attached to him from his -energetic and somewhat imperious qualities, had been a strenuous -supporter of the Compromise of 1850, and had rendered very -efficient service in the adoption of that settlement. He seems to -have been somewhat suddenly led, in 1854, to the adoption of the -idea that it would be wise to repeal the Missouri Compromise, and -that in its place might be substituted a doctrine that the people -of a Territory have the same right and ought to have the same -sovereign power, while in the Territorial condition, to shape -their domestic institutions in their own way, as the people of a -State. He does not appear to have had the foresight to see that -the practical application of this doctrine would lead, in the -circumstances of the country, to a sectional struggle for the -possession and political dominion of a Territory, between -slaveholders and non-slaveholders, without the superintending and -controlling authority of Congress to prevent such a conflict by -determining the character of the Territory one way or the other. -As he could not remove the Missouri settlement without attacking -the constitutional power of Congress to legislate as it might see -fit on the condition of a Territory, he boldly determined to make -that attack, and to put in the place of the authority of Congress -the doctrine of “popular sovereignty” as a substitute for -Congressional legislation on the relations of master and slave. -When this ill-advised legislation, which tended in the most direct -manner to concentrate into political organization the Northern -dislike of slavery, received the sanction of the President, -General Pierce, on the 30th of May, 1854, Mr. Buchanan was out of -the country. He never approved of it, and had he been at home, it -is quite certain that it would have encountered his strenuous -opposition. - -Turning now aside from the history of these successive settlements, -and the modes in which they were unsettled, in order to appreciate -the condition of feeling between the two sections of the Union at -the time when the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency was -effected exclusively by the electoral votes of the free States, the -reader should learn something of the history of the anti-slavery -agitation in the North; something of the effort to extend the -political power of the slave States as a barrier against anticipated -encroachments upon Southern rights; and something of the causes -which led to the assertion of the supposed right of State secession -from the Union, as a remedy against dangers apprehended to be in -store for the people of the South. - -By the universal admission of all persons, whatever were their -sentiments or feelings concerning slavery, the Constitution of the -United States conferred no power upon Congress to act on it in any -State of the Union. This was as much acknowledged by the early -abolitionists as by all other men. They regarded the Constitution as -a “pro-slavery” instrument. They admitted that the supreme law of -the land recognized and to a certain extent upheld the principle -that slaves were property; and they therefore sought for a -justification of their attacks upon the Constitution in what they -denominated the “higher law,” which meant that when the individual -citizen believes that the moral law is in conflict with the law of -the land, the latter cannot rightfully bind his conscience or -restrain his conduct. Proclaiming it to be sinful to live in a -political confederacy which tolerated slavery anywhere within its -limits, they began by denouncing the Constitution as a “league with -death and a covenant with hell;” and it was not long before this -doctrine of the higher law was preached from pulpits and -disseminated by numerous publications in the New England States. The -dates of the organized anti-slavery societies are important to be -observed, because of the spontaneous movement in Virginia towards -the removal of slavery which shortly preceded them. The New England -Anti-slavery Society was organized in Boston, on the 30th of -January, 1832; the New York Society in October, 1833; and the -National Society at Philadelphia in December, 1833. Affiliated local -societies of the same kind sprang up at once in many towns and -villages of the North. At the time when these organizations were -first gathered, and for a long period thereafter, there was no -pending question upon the subject of the extension of slavery into -Territories of the United States. The country had been reposing -since 1820 upon the Missouri settlement; it was not until 1845 that -any addition of slave territory was threatened; and at the moment -when the first anti-slavery society was organized in Boston, -Virginia was on the verge of emancipating her slaves. Accordingly, -the nature, purposes and methods of the Northern anti-slavery -agitation between the year 1832 and the annexation of Texas in 1845, -and thence to the year 1860, form a most important subject of -political study. - -The founders of the Northern anti-slavery societies, while taking -their stand in opposition to the Constitution, had yet, in all that -they asked Congress to do, to address themselves to a public body -every member of which had taken an oath to support that instrument. -In their own communities, those who carried on the agitation could -appeal to the emotional natures of men, women and children upon the -wrongs and the sin of slavery, and fill them with hatred of the -slaveholder, without discriminating between questions on which the -citizens of a non-slaveholding State could and those on which they -could not legitimately act. A great moral force of abhorrence of -slavery could thus be, and in fact was, in process of time -accumulated. This force expended itself in two ways; first, in -supplying to the managers of the agitation the means of sending into -the Southern States, pamphlets, newspapers and pictorial -representations setting forth the wrongs and cruelties of slavery. -For this purpose, the mails of the United States had, by the year -1835, been so much used for the circulation in the South of matter -which was there regarded as incendiary and calculated to promote -servile insurrections, that President Jackson deemed it to be his -duty to propose legislation to arrest such abuses of the post -office. Congress did not adopt his recommendation, and the abuse -remained unchecked.[58] Another mode in which the anti-slavery -agitation expended itself was in petitions to Congress. During the -session of 1835-6, and for several of the following years, Congress -was flooded with what were called “abolition petitions.” On some of -them Congress could legitimately act: such as those which prayed for -the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the -forts, arsenals, and dock-yards of the United States situated in -slaveholding States. On others, which petitioned for a dissolution -of the Union on account of the existence of slavery in some of the -States, or for action on the subject of slavery in general, Congress -of course could do nothing. A question arose whether such petitions -could be received at all, which led to a very memorable and a very -excited discussion of the right of petition. Not only was a large -part of the time of Congress taken up with these topics, but the -opposing representatives of the two sections were guilty of excesses -in crimination and recrimination, which foreshadowed the formation -of two geographical parties, one Northern and the other Southern, -having nothing but slavery as the cause of their division. - -Footnote 58: - - See the message of President Jackson, December 3, 1835. It is not - intended in the text to express any opinion whether the abuse - could or could not have been restrained in the way proposed. The - fact that the President of the United States deemed it his duty to - make this recommendation attests the character of the abuse which - he sought to remedy. - -One of the questions to which those who are to come after us will -seek for an answer, will be, what was the justification for this -anti-slavery agitation, begun in 1832 and continued for a period of -about ten years, during which there was no special effort on the -part of the South to extend the area of slavery? What, again, was -the unquestionable effect of this agitation in producing a revulsion -of feeling on the whole subject of slavery among the slaveholders -themselves? Was the time propitious for the accomplishment of any -good? Were the mode, the method, and the spirit of the agitation -such as men would resort to, who had a just and comprehensive sense -of the limitations upon human responsibility? - -The time was most unfortunate. The Southern conscience did not then -need to be quickened or enlightened on the inherent wrong of African -slavery; nor did it need to be told that the system was one that -inflicted many evils upon society. Plans of emancipation, which the -Southerners themselves were far better fitted to form than any one -who was a stranger to their social condition, had already begun to -be considered by enlightened men in more than one of the older -Southern States. All that could be done by others who were beyond -their limits, to aid them in any aspect of the subject, was limited -by just such restraints as apply to any evil existing in a community -to which it is confined, and on which strangers can offer nothing -but the most considerate and temperate discussion of remedies -originating among those who have the burthen to bear. The grand -error of our early abolitionists was that they would not observe the -limitations of human duty. They were either citizens or residents of -non-slaveholding States. Foreigners, in respect to this matter, to -the States in which slavery existed, they carried on their -discussions, publications and organizations in communities whose -public opinion could have but an extremely narrow and subordinate -right to act on the subject at all. They either disregarded the fact -that the Constitution of the United States could never have been -established if it had not recognized the exclusive right of each -Southern State to govern the relation of master and slave—nay, that -the foreign slave trade without that Constitution could not have -been ended when it was, if at all—or else they denounced the -Constitution as an emanation from the bottomless pit. Grant that the -relation of servitude was a moral wrong, that the idea that man can -hold property in man was repugnant to the law of nature or the law -of God; grant that the political system of the Union, as our fathers -made it, ought to have been reformed by their descendants;—were -there no moral restraints resting upon those who enjoyed the -advantages and blessings of a Union which had been purchased by -certain concessions to the slaveholder? Did not the Constitution -itself provide for regular and peaceful changes which the progress -of society and the growing philanthropy of the age might find to be -necessary to the fuller practical development of the great truths of -liberty? Was there no way to deal with slavery but to attack the -slaveholder as a sinner, stained with the deepest of crimes against -God and his fellow-men? Was there nothing to be done to aid him in -ridding himself of the burthen of his sin, by discussing with him -the economical problems of his situation? Was it necessary for -strangers to demand instant and unqualified manumission, regardless -of what was to follow? Was it necessary to assail the Constitution -as an unholy covenant with sin, and, rejecting its restraints, to -disregard the wisdom that takes human nature as it is, that is -careful not to provoke reaction, that looks before and after, and -shapes its measures with a rational forecast of their adaptation to -the end? - -Whilst it is not to be denied that our “Abolitionists” were men of a -certain kind of courage developed into rashness, of unbounded zeal, -of singular energy, of persistent consistency with their own -principles of action, and of that fanatical force which is derived -from the incessant contemplation of one idea to the exclusion of all -others, it must nevertheless be said that they were not statesmen. -There was no one among them of whom it can be said that he acted -with a statesmanlike comprehension of the difficulties of this great -subject, or with a statesman’s regard for the limitations on -individual conduct. Their situation was very different from that of -the public or private men in England, who gallantly led the early -crusade against the slave trade, or of those who afterwards brought -about emancipation in the British colonies. Whatever Parliament -thought fit to do in regard to slavery under the British flag or in -the British dominions, it had ample power to do, and what Parliament -might be made to do, was for the nation to determine. An English -statesman or philanthropist had, in either character, no -constitutional restraints to consider. He had to deal with both -moral and economical questions, and he could deal freely with -either. He could use argument, persuasion, invective, or -denunciation, and he could not be told by the Jamaica slaveholder, -you have entered into a solemn public compact with me which secures -to me the exclusive cognizance of this domestic relation, and by -that compact you purchased the very existence of the general -government under which we both live. But a citizen of the United -States, or a foreigner, taking his stand in a free State, stirring -up popular hatred of the slaveholder, sending into the Southern -States publications which were there regarded as incendiary, -persuading legislative bodies in the North to act against one of the -express conditions of the Federal Union, and renouncing all -Christian fellowship with Southern churches, surely violated the -spirit and in some respects the letter of the Constitution. He -provoked a sudden revulsion of feeling in the South, and brought -about a state of opinion which aimed to maintain slavery by texts of -scripture, by the examples of other nations, by the teachings of -Christ and his apostles, by the assumed relations of races, by the -supposed laws of public economy, and the alleged requirements of a -southern clime. He promoted, by an effect as inevitable as the -nature of man, a purpose to defend slavery through an increase of -its political power, to which a multiplication of slave States would -make a large addition. He thus sowed the wind, and, left to another -generation to reap the whirlwind. - -These assertions must not be left unsupported by proof, and the -proof is at hand. In all periods of our history, prior to the civil -war, Virginia exercised great influence over the whole slaveholding -region. I have said that she was on the verge of emancipation when -the first anti-slavery society was organized in the North; and -although half a century has since elapsed, there are those living -who, like myself, can recollect that she was so. But to others the -fact must be attested by proof. It may be asserted as positively as -anything in history that, in the year 1832, there was nowhere in the -world a more enlightened sense of the wrong and the evil of slavery, -than there was among the public men and the people of Virginia. The -movement against it was spontaneous. It reached the general assembly -by petitions which evinced that the policy and justice of -emancipation had taken a strong hold on the convictions of portions -of the people of the State, whom no external influence had then -reached, and who, therefore, had free scope. Any Virginian could -place himself at the head of this movement without incurring -hostility or jealousy, and it was a grandson of Jefferson, Mr. -Jefferson Randolph, by whom the leading part in it was assumed. - -Mr. Randolph represented in the assembly the county of Albemarle, -which was one of the largest slaveholding counties of the State. He -brought forward a bill to accomplish a gradual emancipation. It was -debated with the freedom of men who, undisturbed by external -pressure, were dealing with a matter of purely domestic concern. No -member of the house defended slavery, for the day had not come when -Southern men were to learn that it was a blessing, because those who -knew nothing of its burthens told them that it was a curse. There -could be nothing said anywhere, there had been nothing said out of -Virginia, stronger and truer, in depicting the evils of slavery, -than was said in that discussion by Virginia gentlemen, debating in -their own legislature a matter that concerned themselves and their -people. But finding that the house was not prepared for immediate -action on so momentous a subject, Mr. Randolph did not press his -bill to a vote. A resolution, however, was adopted, by a vote of 65 -to 58, which shows what was the condition of the public sentiment of -Virginia at that moment. It declared, as the sense of the house, -“that they were profoundly sensible of the great evils arising from -the condition of the colored population of the commonwealth, and -were induced by policy, as well as humanity, to attempt the -immediate removal of the free negroes; but that further action for -the removal of the slaves should await a more definite development -of public opinion.” - -Mr. Randolph was again elected by his constituents, upon this -special question. But in the mean time came suddenly the -intelligence of what was doing at the North. It came in an alarming -aspect for the peace and security of the whole South; since it could -not be possible that strangers should combine together to assail the -slaveholder as a sinner and to demand his instant admission of his -guilt, without arousing fears of the most dangerous consequences for -the safety of Southern homes, as well as intense indignation against -such an unwarrantable interference. From that time forth, -emancipation, whether immediate or gradual, could not be considered -in Virginia or anywhere else in the South. Public attention became -instantly fixed upon the means of resisting this external and -unjustifiable intermeddling with a matter that did not concern those -who intermeddled. A sudden revulsion of public sentiment in Virginia -was followed by a similar revulsion wherever Southern men had begun -to consider for themselves what could be done for the amelioration -of the condition of the colored race and for ultimate emancipation. -As the Northern agitation went on, increasing in bitterness and -gathering new forces, Southern statesmen cast about for new devices -to strengthen the political power of their section in the Federal -Government. These devices are to be traced to the anti-slavery -agitation in the North as their exciting cause, as distinctly as -anything whatever in the history of sectional feeling can be traced -back from an effect to a cause which has produced it. - -But this was not the whole of the evil produced by the anti-slavery -agitation. It prevented all consideration by the higher class of -Northern statesmen of any method of action by which the people of -the free States could aid their Southern brethren in removing -slavery; and it presented to Northern politicians of the inferior -order a local field for cultivating popularity, as the excitement -went on increasing in violence and swept into its vortex the voters -whose local support was found to be useful. That there was a line of -action on which any Northern statesman could have entered, -consistently with all the obligations flowing from the letter and -the spirit of the Federal Constitution, is perfectly plain. - -While it was impracticable for the people of the North to act -directly upon slavery in any State through the Federal Government, -it was not impracticable for that Government to follow, with -cautious steps, in auxiliary measures to aid what it could not -initiate. There were States which were becoming ripe for changes in -the condition of their colored population. Of course such changes -could be proposed, considered and acted upon only in each of those -States, as a measure that concerned its own domestic condition. But -there were many ways in which the Federal Government, without -transcending its constitutional powers, could incidentally assist -any State in what the State had of itself determined to do. The line -which separated what the Federal power could legitimately and -properly do from what was prohibited to it by every political and -moral consideration, was not difficult to be discovered. For -example, if the State of Virginia had in 1832-33 adopted any system -for colonizing her negroes, what was there to prevent the Federal -Government from granting a portion of the public lands for such a -purpose? If the subject of prospective emancipation had been -approached in this manner, without the disturbance produced by the -anti-slavery societies of the North, who can doubt that experiments -of the utmost consequence could have been tried, and tried -successfully, in a country possessing an almost boundless public -domain? But the sudden irruption of those societies into the field, -their disregard of all prudential and all constitutional restraints, -their fierce denunciations of the slaveholder, their demand for -instant and unqualified manumission, at once converted a question -which should have remained a matter for joint and friendly -coöperation of the two sections, into a struggle for political -supremacy of one section over the other in the councils of the -Federal Government. All measures and tendencies in the South, which -might have opened the way for subsidiary aid on the part of the -Federal power, were at once arrested; and it became a study with -Southern statesmen how they were to raise new barriers for the -defence of slavery, by increasing the political power of their -section within the Union. The old barriers had become, in their -eyes, but a feeble defence against those who proclaimed that the -Union itself was an accursed thing, and that if immediate -emancipation of the slaves was not adopted, the Union ought to be -broken up. - -While it is true that the doctrines of the abolitionists were at -first regarded by the great body of the Northern people as the -ravings of fanatics, insomuch that they were sometimes subjected to -popular violence, they were nevertheless making progress. Year after -year the agitation was carried on in the same spirit, and year after -year the excitement on the whole subject of slavery continued to -grow until it reached a fresh impulse in the proposed annexation of -Texas. It should in justice be remembered that the effort at that -period to enlarge the area of slavery was an effort on the part of -the South, dictated by a desire to remain in the Union, and not to -accept the issue of an inherent incompatibility of a political union -between slaveholding and non-slaveholding States. It was not at this -period that the Southern States embraced, or were much disposed to -embrace, the doctrine of “secession.” The views of the nature of the -Union, maintained by their most distinguished and powerful -statesman, Mr. Calhoun, in 1830-33, led logically to the deduction -that every State has, by the terms of the Federal compact, a right -to quit the Union when, in its own judgment, it deems that step -necessary. But no considerable body of persons in the South, out of -his own State, accepted his premises or followed them to their -conclusion, until long after he was in his grave; nor did he himself -propose secession as a remedy against what he and the whole South -regarded as the unwarrantable aggressions of the Northern -abolitionists. He aimed to strengthen the political power of his -section within the Union, and his whole course in regard to the -acquisition of Texas shows his conviction that if that country were -not brought under our dominion, there would be an exposed frontier, -from which England and the American abolitionists would operate -against slavery in the Southern section of the United States. The -previous history of the Union shows very plainly that prior to the -commencement of the Northern anti-slavery agitation, the political -equilibrium between the two sections had not been seriously -disturbed. - -At the period which I am now considering, the public men of the -North who acted an important part in national affairs, and who -belonged, as Mr. Buchanan unquestionably did belong, to the higher -class of statesmen, had to act with a wise circumspection on this -subject of slavery. There was nothing that such a man could do, if -he regarded his public duty with an American statesman’s sense of -public obligation, but to stand aloof from and to discountenance -what was wrong in the doings of the anti-slavery agitators. In this -course of conduct he had often to discriminate between conflicting -claims of constitutional rights that unquestionably belonged to -every citizen of the United States, and acts which no citizen had a -right to do, or which it was in the highest and plainest sense -inexpedient to allow him to do. In these conflicts, right and wrong -became at times so mixed and intricate, that it required a resolute -and clear intellect to separate them, and a lofty courage in meeting -obloquy and misrepresentation. It was an easy matter, in the -exciting period of those slavery questions, to impute to a Northern -man of either of the great political parties of the time, a base -truckling to the South for his own ambitious purposes. After ages -must disregard the ephemeral vituperation of politics, and must -judge the statesmen of the past by the situation in which they -stood, by the soundness of their opinions, by their fidelity to -every unquestionable right, by the correctness of their policy, and -by the purity of their characters and their aims. There has been a -passionate disposition in our day to judge the public men of the -North, who had to act in great and peculiar crises of the sectional -conflict, and who did not give themselves up to a purely sectional -spirit, by a standard that was inapplicable to their situation, -because it was unjust, illogical and inconsistent with the highest -ideas of public duty in the administration of such a Government as -ours. - -The anti-slavery agitation, begun in the North at the time and -carried on in the mode I have described, is to be deplored, because -of the certainty that sudden emancipation, which was alone -considered or cared for by the abolitionists, must be fraught with -great evils. - -In whatever way sudden, universal and unqualified emancipation was -to be enforced, if it was to happen the negro could not be prepared -for freedom. He must take his freedom without one single aid from -the white man to fit him to receive it. Wise and thoughtful -statesmen saw this—the abolitionist did not see it. Men who had -passed their lives in the business of legislation and government, -knew full well, not only that the fundamental political bond of the -Union forbade interference by the people of the free States with the -domestic institutions of the slave States, but that emancipation -without any training for freedom could not be a blessing. Men who -had passed their lives in an emotional agitation for instant freedom -did not see or did not care for the inevitable fact, that freedom -for which no preparation had been made could not be a boon. When the -emancipation came, it came as an act of force applied in a civil war -and in the settlements which the war was claimed to have entailed as -necessities. No preparatory legislation, no helpful training in -morality and virtue, no education, no discipline of the human being -for his new condition, had prepared the negro to be a freeman. -While, therefore, it may be and probably is true, that the whites of -our Southern States have reason to rejoice, and do rejoice, in the -change which they deprecated and against which they struggled, it is -not true that the colored race have the same reason for -thankfulness. The Christianity and the philanthropy of this age have -before them a task that is far more serious, more weighty and more -difficult, than it would have been if the emancipation had been a -regulated process, even if its final consummation had been postponed -for generations. To this day, after twenty years of freedom, the -church, the press, society and benevolence have to encounter such -questions as these:—Whether the negro is by nature vicious, -intractable, thriftless—the women incurably unchaste, the men -incurably dishonest; whether the vices and the failings that are so -deplorable, and apparently so remediless, are to be attributed to -centuries of slavery, or are taints inherent in the blood. Who can -doubt that all such questions could have been satisfactorily -answered, if the Christianity of the South had been left to its own -time and mode of answering them, and without any external force but -the force of kindly respectful coöperation and forbearing Christian -fellowship. - -It is a cause for exultation that slavery no longer exists in the -broad domain of this Republic—that our theory and our practice are -now in complete accord. But it is no cause for national pride that -we did not accomplish this result without the cost of a million of -precious lives and untold millions of money. - -The repeal of the Missouri Compromise during the administration of -President Pierce (May, 1854), followed, as it was three years -afterwards, by a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, -that Congress could not constitutionally prohibit slavery in a -Territory of the States, gave a vast impetus to the tendencies which -were already bringing about a consolidation of most of the elements -of the anti-slavery feeling of the North into a single political -party. When Mr. Buchanan became the nominee of the Democratic party -for the Presidency, although the repeal of the Missouri Compromise -had already taken place, the decision of the Supreme Court in the -celebrated case of “Dred Scott” had not occurred,[59] and -consequently the Republican party, for this and other reasons, had -not acquired sufficient force to enable it to elect its candidate, -General Fremont. But during the administration of Mr. Buchanan, the -scenes which occurred in Kansas and which were direct consequences -of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, with the added excitement -which followed the announcement by a majority of the judges of the -Supreme Court of doctrines which the people of the North would not -accept, there was a field for sectional political action, such as -the Union had never before known. So that when the Republican party, -in the spring of 1860, assembled its delegates in convention at -Chicago, for the nomination of its candidates for the Presidency and -the Vice Presidency, adopted a “platform” on which no Southern man -of any prominence could place himself, and selected Northern -candidates for both offices, it was plain that the time had come -when there was to be a trial of political strength between the two -sections of the Union. - -Footnote 59: - - This case was decided in March, 1857, just after Mr. Buchanan’s - inauguration. - -The “Chicago platform,” on which Mr. Lincoln was nominated and -elected as the candidate of the Republican party, while repudiating -with great precision the idea that Congress could in any way act -upon slavery in the States, contained the following resolution on -the subject of slavery in the Territories of the United States: - - “That the normal condition of all the territory of the United - States is that of freedom; that as our republican fathers, when - they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained - that 'no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property - without due process of law,' it becomes our duty, by legislation, - whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision - of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we - deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial legislature, or - of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any - Territory of the United States.” - -On the motives that dictated the assertion of this doctrine, I have -no speculations to offer, for I am not dealing with motives. That it -was a new political doctrine, and that it was a new departure in the -legislation of Congress on this subject of slavery in Territories -cannot be doubted. It rejected entirely the principle on which -Congress had acted for many years, for there had been acts of -Congress which had given legal existence to slavery in a Territory, -and acts of Congress which had prohibited it. It rejected the -principle of the Missouri Compromise, which had sanctioned an agreed -division of the Territories into those where slavery might not and -those where it might be allowed. It rejected all claim of right on -the part of the Southern slaveholder to take his slave property into -a Territory and have it there recognized as property while the -Territorial condition remained. It was a reading of the Constitution -diametrically opposed to the Southern reading. The political men who -framed this “platform” doubtless considered that the time had come -for a direct antagonism between the North and the South on this -subject, so that it might be decided by the votes of the people in a -Presidential election, whether the Southern claim for recognition of -slave property in any Territory of the United States, wherever -situated, was to prevail or be rejected. That such antagonism was -the consequence and the purpose of this declaration of a new -principle of action on this subject will be denied by no one. - -It is equally certain that a political party could not come into the -field in a contest for the Presidency upon such a declaration, -without drawing into the discussion the whole subject of slavery as -a domestic institution, or a condition of society, both in States -and Territories. The intention was to draw a well defined line -between the relations of Congress to slavery in the States and the -relations of Congress to slavery in the Territories. Yet in the -excitements of a Presidential canvass, the Republican party of -necessity gathered into its folds those who had been for years -regardless of that distinction, and who assailed slavery in the -regions which were under the legislative power of Congress for the -purpose of assailing it everywhere. The campaign literature, the -speeches, the discussions, which dwelt on “the irrepressible -conflict” between slavery and freedom, and which proclaimed the -issue to be whether the United States would sooner or later become a -slaveholding nation or a free-labor nation—whether the Northern -States were to remain free or to become slave States—set forth with -great distinctness in the writings and the harangues, could have no -other effect than to array the two sections of the Union in a bitter -hostility, while in the South there were those who believed, or -affected to believe, that the people of the North, if successful in -electing a President upon this basis, would put forth all their -efforts to destroy slavery everywhere, as an institution -incompatible with the continued existence of freedom in the North. -All this hazard might, however, have been encountered and parried if -the Democratic party had been in a condition to nominate a suitable -candidate upon a “platform” fit to be opposed to that of the -Republicans, and capable of commending itself alike to Northern and -Southern voters. But when this party assembled in convention at -Charleston, on the 23d of April, 1860, it was in no condition to do -any good to the Union or to itself. If Mr. Buchanan had been a -younger man, and had been disposed to be a second time a candidate -for the Presidency, he might have united his party upon a basis of -action in regard to this dangerous matter of slavery in the -Territories, that would have commanded the support of a sufficient -number of States, Northern as well as Southern, to have elected him. -But he was averse to any longer continuance in public life, and he -was well aware how much Mr. Douglas had done which had tended to -divide the Northern and the Southern wings of his party. On the 14th -of April, 1860, he sent to Charleston the following letter, which -put an end to the idea, so far as it may have been entertained, of -his being regarded as a candidate for the nomination by the -Democratic National Convention. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO HON. ARNOLD PLUMER.] - - WASHINGTON CITY, April 14, 1860. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I address you not only as a delegate from Pennsylvania to the - Charleston Democratic National Convention, but as an old and - valued friend. Whilst trusting that no member of that body will - propose my name as a candidate for reëlection, yet, lest this - might possibly prove to be the case, I require you, then, - immediately to inform the Convention, as an act of justice to - myself, that in no contingency can I ever again consent to become - a candidate for the Presidency. My purpose to this effect was - clearly indicated both in accepting the Cincinnati nomination, and - afterwards in my inaugural address, and has since been repeated on - various occasions, both public and private. In this determination - neither my judgment nor my inclination has ever for a moment - wavered. Deeply grateful to the great Democratic party of the - country, on whose continued ascendancy, as I verily believe, the - prosperity and perpetuity of our Confederate Republic depend, and - praying Heaven that the Convention may select as their candidate - an able, sound and conservative Democrat, in whose support we can - all cordially unite.—I remain, very respectfully, your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -It is not at all difficult to see what Mr. Buchanan would have -recommended if he had been asked to shape the action of his party. -It is well known that he held it to be both right and expedient to -recognize the claim of Southern emigrants into the Territories to an -equal participation in the common domain of the Union, so far as to -have their property in slaves admitted during the continuance of the -Territorial condition. But he would have qualified this claim of -right by the application of the principle of the Missouri -Compromise; that is, by admitting it in Territories south of the -line of 36° 30´, and by excluding it in Territories north of that -line. This had been the former practice of Congress, and there could -be no good reason now for not expecting the people of the North to -make this concession to the South, excepting that Mr. Douglas had -indoctrinated a portion of the Northern Democrats with his panacea -of “popular sovereignty,” which was just as unacceptable to the -South as the principles of the “Chicago platform.” - -Accordingly, when the Democratic Convention assembled at Charleston, -it soon found itself in an inextricable confusion of opinions as to -the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial legislature, -and as to the authority and duties of Congress, under the -Constitution of the United States, over slavery in the Territories. -While it was in the power of this Democratic Convention to -antagonize the Republican party with a platform, simple, reasonable -and just to all sections, on which the votes of all sections could -be asked, it became divided into a Northern and a Southern faction, -and wholly lost the opportunity of appealing to a national spirit of -harmony and good-will. The Northern faction, inspired by Mr. -Douglas, insisted on the adoption of his principle of “popular -sovereignty,” which ignored the Southern claim of a property right -protected by the Constitution. The Southern faction insisted on the -recognition of that right, in a way that ignored the governing -authority of both Congress and Territorial legislature. - -Without some compromise, there could be no common platform and no -common candidate. After many ineffectual attempts to agree upon a -platform, and after some secessions of Southern delegates, fifty -ballotings for a candidate were carried on until the 3d of May. The -highest number of votes received at any time by Mr. Douglas was -152½, 202 being necessary to a nomination. The other votes were -scattered among different Northern and Southern men. The convention -then adjourned, to meet at Baltimore on the 18th of June, with a -recommendation that the party in the several States fill up all -vacancies in their respective delegations.[60] The result was that -when assembled at Baltimore, a dispute about the delegations -entitled to seats ended in a disruption of the convention into two -bodies, the one distinctly Northern, the other distinctly Southern. -The Northern Democratic Convention nominated Mr. Douglas as its -candidate, of course upon his platform of “popular sovereignty.” The -Southern Democratic Convention nominated Mr. Breckinridge as its -candidate, upon a platform of coequal rights of all the States in -all the Territories. Thus perished every hope of uniting the -Democratic party upon a political basis that would antagonize the -Republican platform in a sensible manner, and afford a reasonable -chance of preventing a sectional political triumph of the North over -the South, or of the free over the slave States.[61] - -Footnote 60: - - It appears from the following letter, written by General Dix to - Mr. Buchanan, after the Charleston Convention had adjourned, that - the course of the New York delegation in that body was not - acceptable to their constituents: - - NEW YORK, May 9, 1860. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - The course of the New York delegation at Charleston has caused - great dissatisfaction here, and earnest efforts will be made - before the meeting at Baltimore to induce a change of action on - the part of the majority. Mr. Douglas is not the choice of the - Democracy of this State; and if he were, we think it most - unreasonable to attempt to force on the States which must elect - the Democratic candidate (if he can be elected), a man they do not - want. We hope for the best, but not without the deepest concern. - - I took the liberty of sending to you the address of the Democratic - General Committee of this city, published about three weeks ago. - It takes substantially the ground of the majority report from the - Committee on Resolutions at Charleston, and we think the New York - delegation should have supported them. I believe this is the - general feeling in this State. It certainly is in this city and - the southern counties. I have thought it right to say this to you, - and to express the hope that the New York delegation will go to - Baltimore prepared to sustain a candidate who will be acceptable - to our Southern friends. At all events, no effort will be spared - to bring about such a result. - - I am, dear sir, sincerely yours, - JOHN A. DIX. - -Footnote 61: - - It should be said that the convention, when assembled at - Baltimore, became divided into two conventions, in consequence of - the withdrawal of the delegations of some of the most southern of - the Southern States, after they found that the friends of Mr. - Douglas were determined to thrust him upon them as the candidate. - It has been said that this was done to prevent any nomination, and - thereby to prepare the way for a dissolution of the Union. It is - more reasonable to believe that it was done to prevent the - nomination of a particular candidate. But if these delegates had - remained, Mr. Douglas could not have been nominated, and a - compromise candidate might have been selected, so as to preserve - the unity and strength of the party. For this reason, the - withdrawal was rash and unwise, for it brought into the field a - distinctly Southern Democratic candidate, with a distinctly - Southern platform. Mr. Douglas obtained the electoral vote of no - Southern, and Mr. Breckinridge obtained the electoral vote of no - Northern State. - -Mr. Buchanan, after the two factions of the Democratic party had -made their nominations, pursued the course which became him as an -outgoing President. As a citizen, he had to choose between Mr. -Breckinridge and Mr. Douglas. The former represented more nearly the -political principles of Mr. Buchanan than any other candidate whom -he could support, and it was to Mr. Breckinridge that he gave all -the support which it was proper for him to give to any one. But his -views of the whole situation are apparent in the following letter, -written in July, 1860:— - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO C. COMSTOCK.] - - WASHINGTON, July 5, 1860. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I have received yours of the 3d inst., and although I do not write - letters on the subject to which it refers, I have determined to - address you a few lines. - - The equality of the States in the Territories is a truly - Democratic doctrine which must eventually prevail. This is all for - which I have ever contended. The Supreme Court of the United - States,—a coördinate branch of the Government, to which the - decision of this question constitutionally belongs, have affirmed - this equality, and have placed property in slaves upon the same - footing with all other property. Without self-degradation, the - Southern States cannot abandon this equality, and hence they are - now all in a flame. Non-intervention on the part of Congress with - slavery in the Territories, unless accompanied by non-intervention - on the part of the Territorial legislatures, amounts to nothing - more in effect than to transfer the Wilmot Proviso from Congress - to these legislatures. Whilst the South cannot surrender their - rights as coequal States in the confederacy, what injury can it - possibly do to the Northern States to yield this great Democratic - principle? If they should not do this, then we will have the - Democratic party divided, South and North, just as the Methodist - Church has been divided, and another link binding the Union - together will be broken. No person can fairly contend that either - assemblage at Baltimore, at the time the nominations were made, - was a Democratic National Convention; hence every Democrat is free - to choose between the two candidates. These are, in brief, my - sentiments. I regret that they so widely differ from your own. You - have taken your own course, which you had a perfect right to do, - and you will, I know, extend a similar privilege to myself. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -The sole part that was taken by President Buchanan, in any public -manner, in the election of 1860, was in a speech which he made from -the portico of the White House, on the evening of July 9th, when a -great crowd assembled in front of the mansion and called him out. In -the course of his remarks, he said: - - I have ever been the friend of regular nominations. I have never - struck a political ticket in my life. Now, was there anything done - at Baltimore to bind the political conscience of any sound - Democrat, or to prevent him from supporting Breckinridge or Lane? - [“No! no!”] I was contemporary with the abandonment of the old - Congressional convention or caucus. This occurred a long time ago; - very few, if any, of you remember it. Under the old Congressional - convention system, no person was admitted to a seat except the - Democratic members of the Senate and House of Representatives. - This rule rendered it absolutely certain that the nominee, whoever - he might be, would be sustained at the election by the Democratic - States of the Union. By this means it was rendered impossible that - those States which could not give an electoral vote for the - candidate when nominated, should control the nomination and - dictate to the Democratic States who should be their nominee. - - This system was abandoned—whether wisely or not, I shall express - no opinion. The National Convention was substituted in its stead. - All the States, whether Democratic or not, were equally to send - delegates to this convention according to the number of their - Senators and Representatives in Congress. - - A difficulty at once arose which never could have arisen under the - Congressional convention system. If a bare majority of the - National Convention thus composed could nominate a candidate, he - might be nominated mainly by the anti-Democratic States against - the will of a large majority of the Democratic States. Thus the - nominating power would be separated from the electing power, which - could not fail to be destructive to the strength and harmony of - the Democratic party. - - To obviate this serious difficulty in the organization of a - National Convention, and at the same time to leave all the States - their full vote, the two-thirds rule was adopted. It was believed - that under this rule no candidate could ever be nominated without - embracing within the two-thirds the votes of a decided majority of - the Democratic States. This was the substitute adopted to retain, - at least in a great degree, the power to the Democratic States - which they would have lost by abandoning the Congressional - convention system. This rule was a main pillar in the edifice of - national conventions. Remove it and the whole must become a ruin. - This sustaining pillar was broken to pieces at Baltimore by the - convention which nominated Mr. Douglas. After this the body was no - longer a national convention; and no Democrat, however devoted to - regular nominations, was bound to give the nominee his support; he - was left free to act according to the dictates of his own judgment - and conscience. And here, in passing, I may observe that the - wisdom of the two-thirds rule is justified by the events passing - around us. Had it been faithfully observed, no candidate could - have been nominated against the will and wishes of almost every - certain Democratic State in the Union, against nearly all the - Democratic Senators, and more than three-fourths of the Democratic - Representatives in Congress. [Cheers.] - - I purposely avoid entering upon any discussion respecting the - exclusion from the convention of regularly elected delegates from - different Democratic States. If the convention which nominated Mr. - Douglas was not a regular Democratic convention, it must be - confessed that Breckinridge is in the same condition in that - respect. The convention that nominated him, although it was - composed of nearly all the certain Democratic States, did not - contain the two-thirds; and therefore every Democrat is at perfect - liberty to vote as he thinks proper, without running counter to - any regular nomination of the party. [Applause and cries of “three - cheers for Breckinridge and Lane.”] Holding this position, I shall - present some of the reasons why I prefer Mr. Breckinridge to Mr. - Douglas. This I shall do without attempting to interfere with any - individual Democrat or any State Democratic organization holding - different opinions from myself. The main object of all good - Democrats, whether belonging to the one or the other wing of our - unfortunate division, is to defeat the election of the Republican - candidates; and I shall never oppose any honest and honorable - course calculated to accomplish this object. - - To return to the point from which I have digressed, I am in - favor of Mr. Breckinridge, because he sanctions and sustains the - perfect equality of all the States within their common - Territories, and the opinion of the Supreme Court of the United - States, establishing this equality. The sovereign States of this - Union are one vast partnership. The Territories were acquired by - the common blood and common treasure of them all. Each State, - and each citizen of each State, has the same right in the - Territories as any other State and the citizens of any other - State possess. Now what is sought for at present is, that a - portion of these States should turn around to their sister - States and say, “We are holier than you are, and while we will - take our property to the Territories and have it protected - there, you shall not place your property in the same position.” - That is precisely what is contended for. What the Democratic - party maintain, and what is the true principle of Democracy is, - that all shall enjoy the same rights, and that all shall be - subject to the same duties. Property—this Government was framed - for the protection of life, liberty, and property. They are the - objects for the protection of which all enlightened governments - were established. But it is sought now to place the property of - the citizen, under what is called the principle of squatter - sovereignty, in the power of the Territorial legislature to - confiscate it at their will and pleasure. That is the principle - sought to be established at present; and there seems to be an - entire mistake and misunderstanding among a portion of the - public upon this subject. When was property ever submitted to - the will of the majority? [“Never.”] If you hold property as an - individual, you hold it independent of Congress or of the State - legislature, or of the Territorial legislature—it is yours, and - your Constitution was made to protect your private property - against the assaults of legislative power. [Cheers.] Well, now, - any set of principles which will deprive you of your property, - is against the very essence of republican government, and to - that extent makes you a slave; for the man who has power over - your property to confiscate it, has power over your means of - subsistence; and yet it is contended, that although the - Constitution of the United States confers no such power—although - no State legislature has any such power, yet a Territorial - legislature, in the remote extremities of the country, can - confiscate your property! - - [A VOICE. “They can't do it; they ain't going to do it.”] - - There is but one mode, and one alone, to abolish slavery in the - Territories. That mode is pointed out in the Cincinnati platform, - which has been as much misrepresented as anything I have ever - known. That platform declares that a majority of the actual - residents in a Territory, whenever their number is sufficient to - entitle them to admission as a State, possess the power to “form a - constitution with or without domestic slavery, to be admitted into - the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States.” - If there be squatter sovereignty in this resolution, I have never - been able to perceive it. If there be any reference in it to a - Territorial legislature, it has entirely escaped my notice. It - presents the clear principle that, at the time the people form - their constitution, they shall then decide whether they will have - slavery or not. And yet it has been stated over and over again - that, in accepting the nomination under that platform, I endorsed - the doctrine of squatter sovereignty. I suppose you have all heard - this repeated a thousand times. - - [A VOICE. “We all knew it was a lie!”] - - Well, I am glad you did. - - How beautifully this plain principle of constitutional law - corresponds with the best interests of the people! Under it, - emigrants from the North and the South, from the East and the West - proceed to the Territories. They carry with them that property - which they suppose will best promote their material interests; - they live together in peace and harmony. The question of slavery - will become a foregone conclusion before they have inhabitants - enough to enter the Union as a State. There will then be no - “bleeding Kansas” in the Territories; they will all live together - in peace and harmony, promoting the prosperity of the Territory - and their own prosperity, until the time shall arrive when it - becomes necessary to frame a constitution. Then the whole question - will be decided to the general satisfaction. But, upon the - opposite principle, what will you find in the Territories? Why, - there will be strife and contention all the time. One Territorial - legislature may establish slavery and another Territorial - legislature may abolish it, and so the struggle will be continued - throughout the Territorial existence. The people, instead of - devoting their energies and industry to promote their own - prosperity, will be in a state of constant strife and turmoil, - just as we have witnessed in Kansas. Therefore, there is no - possible principle that can be so injurious to the best interests - of a Territory as what has been called squatter sovereignty. - - Now, let me place the subject before you in another point of view. - The people of the Southern States can never abandon this great - principle of State equality in the Union without self-degradation. - [“Never!”] Never without an acknowledgment that they are inferior - in this respect to their sister States. Whilst it is vital to them - to preserve their equality, the Northern States surrender nothing - by admitting this principle. In doing this they only yield - obedience to the Constitution of their country as expounded by the - Supreme Court of the United States. While for the North it is - comparatively a mere abstraction, with the South it is a question - of co-equal State sovereignty in the Union. - - If the decrees of the high tribunal established by the - Constitution for the very purposes are to be set at naught and - disregarded, it will tend to render all property of every - description insecure. What, then, have the North to do? Merely to - say that, as good citizens, they will yield obedience to the - decision of the Supreme Court, and admit the right of a Southern - man to take his property into the Territories, and hold it there - just as a Northern man may do; and it is to me the most - extraordinary thing in the world that this country should now be - distracted and divided because certain persons at the North will - not agree that their brethren at the South shall have the same - rights in the Territories which they enjoy. What would I, as a - Pennsylvanian, say or do, supposing anybody was to contend that - the legislature of any Territory could outlaw iron or coal within - the Territory? [Laughter and cheers.] The principle is precisely - the same. The Supreme Court of the United States have - decided,—what was known to us all to have been the existing state - of affairs for fifty years,—that slaves are property. Admit that - fact, and you admit everything. Then that property in the - Territories must be protected precisely in the same manner with - any other property. If it be not so protected in the Territories, - the holders of it are degraded before the world. - - We have been told that non-intervention on the part of Congress - with slavery in the Territories is the true policy. Very well. I - most cheerfully admit that Congress has no right to pass any law - to establish, impair or abolish slavery in the Territories. Let - this principle of non-intervention be extended to the Territorial - legislatures, and let it be declared that they in like manner have - no power to establish, impair or destroy slavery, and then the - controversy is in effect ended. This is all that is required at - present, and I verily believe all that will ever be required. - Hands off by Congress and hands off by the Territorial - legislature. [Loud applause.] With the Supreme Court of the United - States I hold that neither Congress nor the Territorial - legislature has any power to establish, impair or abolish slavery - in the Territories. But if, in the face of this positive - prohibition, the Territorial legislature should exercise the power - of intervening, then this would be a mere transfer of the Wilmot - proviso and the Buffalo platform from Congress, to be carried into - execution in the Territories to the destruction of all property in - slaves. [Renewed applause.] - - An attempt of this kind, if made in Congress, would be resisted by - able men on the floor of both houses, and probably defeated. Not - so in a remote Territory. To every new Territory there will be a - rush of free-soilers from the Northern States. They would elect - the first Territorial legislature before the people of the South - could arrive with their property, and this legislature would - probably settle forever the question of slavery according to their - own will. - - And shall we for the sake of squatter sovereignty, which, from its - nature, can only continue during the brief period of Territorial - existence, incur the risk of dividing the great Democratic party - of the country into two sectional parties, the one North and the - other South? Shall this great party which has governed the country - in peace and war, which has raised it from humble beginnings to be - one of the most prosperous and powerful nations in the world—shall - this party be broken up for such a cause? That is the question. - The numerous, powerful, pious and respectable Methodist Church has - been thus divided. The division was a severe shock to the Union. A - similar division of the great Democratic party, should it - continue, would rend asunder one of the most powerful links which - binds the Union together. - - I entertain no such fearful apprehensions. The present issue is - transitory, and will speedily pass away. In the nature of things - it cannot continue. There is but one possible contingency which - can endanger the Union, and against this all Democrats, whether - squatter sovereigns or popular sovereigns, will present a united - resistance. Should the time ever arrive when Northern agitation - and fanaticism shall proceed so far as to render the domestic - firesides of the South insecure, then, and not till then, will the - Union be in danger. A united Northern Democracy will present a - wall of fire against such a catastrophe! - - There are in our midst numerous persons who predict the - dissolution of the great Democratic party, and others who contend - that it has already been dissolved. The wish is father to the - thought. It has been heretofore in great peril; but when divided - for the moment, it has always closed up its ranks and become more - powerful, even from defeat. It will never die whilst the - Constitution and the Union survive. It will live to protect and - defend both. It has its roots in the very vitals of the - Constitution, and, like one of the ancient cedars of Lebanon, it - will flourish to afford shelter and protection to that sacred - instrument, and to shield it against every storm of faction. - [Renewed applause.] - - Now, friends and fellow-citizens, it is probable that this is the - last political speech that I shall ever make. [A VOICE. “We hope - not!”] It is now nearly forty years since I first came to - Washington as a member of Congress, and I wish to say this night, - that during that whole period I have received nothing but kindness - and attention from your fathers and from yourselves. Washington - was then comparatively a small town; now it has grown to be a - great and beautiful city; and the first wish of my heart is that - its citizens may enjoy uninterrupted health and prosperity. I - thank you for the kind attention you have paid to me, and now bid - you all a good-night. [Prolonged cheering.] - -The observations contained in this chapter on the anti-slavery -agitation have been made because that agitation and its consequences -are great historical facts, necessary to be considered in a just -appreciation of the conduct of any American statesman who acted an -important part in national affairs during the quarter of a century -that preceded the civil war. The detail of Mr. Buchanan’s course on -this subject, down to the time when he became President, has been -given, and need not be repeated. - -He was one of the earliest of the public men of the North to -discover and to point out the tendency of this agitation. That he -denounced it boldly and sincerely cannot be denied, even by those -who may not have held, or who do not now hold, the same opinions -concerning the “abolitionists” and their measures. He endeavored, at -an early period, to keep his own State of Pennsylvania free from the -adoption of such dogmas as the “higher law,” and to have its people -appreciate the mischiefs which the anti-slavery societies were -producing in the South. It is easy to impute this course to his -political relations to the Democratic party and to the dictates of -his own ambition as one of its principal Northern leaders, who, in -any future prospect of political honors beyond those which his own -State could bestow, might have to look to Southern support. But is -there no sensible, patriotic, sound and unselfish motive, no honest -and well grounded conviction, discoverable in what he did and said? -If his opinions about this agitation were substantially in -accordance with those of wise and judicious men, who could not have -been influenced by party spirit or personal objects, they may claim -to have been sincere and just, as certainly as they may claim to -have been courageously uttered. - -It will not be doubted that when the abolition agitation began, -there was at least one man in the North, who, from his deep and -fervid interest in whatever concerned the rights of human nature and -the welfare of the human race, from his generous love of liberty and -his philanthropic tendencies, might be expected to welcome any -rational mode of removing the reproach and the evil of slavery from -the American name and the condition of American society. Such a man -was that celebrated New England divine, William Ellery Channing. -What his feelings were about the slavery that existed in our -Southern States, all who know anything of his character and his -writings know full well. His position as a clergyman and his -relations to the moral and spiritual condition of the age, put out -of the question the possibility of any political motive, other than -that broad, high and comprehensive view of public policy which was -above all the interests of party, and beyond all personal -considerations. If such a man foresaw the dangerous tendencies of -the abolition agitation, conducted in and from the North, and at the -same time discovered that the evil of slavery ought to be and might -be dealt with in a very different spirit and by far other means, it -is rational to conclude that men in public life and in political -positions might well place themselves in opposition to the spread of -such principles and the adoption of such methods as those of the -anti-slavery societies of the North. It was, in truth, the one thing -which it was their duty, as statesmen, to do.[62] - -Footnote 62: - - Dr. Channing’s attention was first drawn to the Northern - anti-slavery agitation in the year 183-, and there is nowhere on - record a more remarkable prophecy than that which he then made of - the effect of this agitation upon the people of the South. It is - contained in a letter which he then wrote to Mr. Webster, and - which has been public ever since the publication of Mr. Webster’s - collected works. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - 1860—October. - - GENERAL SCOTT'S “VIEWS.” - -While during the month of October (1860) President Buchanan was -anxiously watching the course of public events, he was surprised by -receiving from General Scott, the General-in-chief of the Army, a -very extraordinary paper. It was written on the 29th of October, -from New York, where the General had his headquarters, and was -mailed to the President on the same day. On the 30th the General -sent a corrected copy to the Secretary of War, with a supplement. -These papers became known as General Scott’s “views.” He lent copies -of them to some of his friends, to be read; and although they did -not immediately reach the public press, their contents became pretty -well known in the South through private channels. From them the -following facts were apparent: - - FIRST.—That before the Presidential election, General Scott - anticipated that there would be a secession of one or more of the - Southern States, in the event of Mr. Lincoln’s election; and that - from the general rashness of the Southern character, there was - danger of a “preliminary” seizure of certain Southern forts, which - he named. - - SECOND.—That the secession which General Scott deprecated was one - that would produce what he called a “gap in the Union;” that he - contemplated, as a choice of evils to be embraced instead of a - civil war, the allowance of a division of the Union into four - separate confederacies, having contiguous territory; and that he - confined the use of force, or a resort to force, on the part of - the Federal Government, to the possible case of the secession of - some “interior” States, to reestablish the continuity of the - Federal territory. This he considered might be regarded as a - “correlative right,” balancing the right of secession, which he - said might be conceded “in order to save time.” - - THIRD.—That his provisional remedy, or preliminary caution, viz: - The immediate garrisoning of the Southern forts sufficiently to - prevent a surprise or _coup de main_, was confined to the possible - or probable case of a secession that would make a “gap” in the - Union, or break the continuity of the Federal territory. He - excluded from the scope of his “provisional remedies” the - secession of Texas, or of all the Atlantic States south of the - Potomac, as neither would produce a “gap” in the Union. - - FOURTH.—That for the application of his “provisional remedies,” he - had at his command but five companies of regular troops, to - prevent surprises of the nine Southern forts which he named; and - that as to “regular approaches,” nothing could be said or done - without calling for volunteers. - - FIFTH.—That in the meantime the Federal Government should collect - its revenue outside of the Southern cities, in forts or on board - ships of war: and that after any State had seceded, there should - be no invasion of it, unless it should happen to be an “interior” - State. - - SIXTH.—That the aim of his plan was to gain eight or ten months to - await measures of conciliation on the part of the North, and the - subsidence of angry feelings in the South. - -If these “views,” palpably impracticable and dangerous, had remained -unknown in the hands of the President, there would have been no -necessity for commenting on them in this work, especially as -subsequent events rendered them of no importance. But they did not -remain unknown. They became the foundation, at a later period, of a -charge that President Buchanan had been warned by General Scott, -before the election of Mr. Lincoln, of the danger of leaving the -Southern forts without sufficient garrisons to prevent surprises, -and that he had neglected this warning. Moreover, in these “views,” -the General-in-chief of the Army, addressing the President, had -mingled the strangest political suggestions with military movements, -on the eve of a Presidential election which was about to result in a -sectional political division. It is therefore necessary for me to -bestow upon these “views” a degree of attention which would -otherwise be unnecessary. - -These papers were addressed by the General-in-chief of the Army of -the United States to a President who utterly repudiated the alleged -right of secession, by any State whatever, whether lying between -other States remaining loyal, or on the extreme boundary of the -Union. Becoming known to the Southern leaders who might be disposed -to carry their States out of the Union in the event of Mr. Lincoln’s -election, they would justify the inference that in one case at -least, that of a secession which did not make a “gap” in the Union, -the General-in-chief of the Federal Army would not draw his sword to -compel the inhabitants of the seceded region to submit to the laws -of the United States. In regard to the “provisional remedies” which -the general advised, let it be observed that if the President had -had at his disposal the whole army of the United States, the -introduction into the Southern forts of a larger or a smaller force, -at such a moment, however officially explained, could have been -regarded in the South only as a proof that President Buchanan -expected secession to be attempted, and that he was preparing for a -civil war, to be waged by him or his successor. The right of the -Federal Government to place its own troops in its own forts, without -giving offence to any one, was perfectly apparent; but it was -equally apparent that on the eve of this election, or during the -election, or at any time before any State had adopted an ordinance -of secession, such a step could not have been taken as anything but -an indication that the Federal Government was preparing to prevent -by force the people of any State from assembling to consider and act -upon their relations to the Government of the United States. Now a -very great part of the popular misapprehension of President -Buchanan’s policy, purposes and acts, which has prevailed to the -present day, has arisen from the total want of discrimination -between what the Federal Government could and what it could not -rightfully do, in anticipation of the secession of a State or -States. It has been a thousand times inconsiderately asked, why Mr. -Buchanan did not nip secession in the bud. - -In the first place, the Federal Government, however great might be -the physical force at its command, could at no time have done -anything more than enforce the execution of its own laws and -maintain the possession of its own property. To prevent the people -of a State, by any menace of arms, from assembling in convention to -consider anything whatever, would have been to act on the assumption -that she was about to adopt an ordinance of secession, and on the -farther assumption that such an act must be forestalled, lest it -might have some kind of validity. The Executive of the United States -was not bound, and was not at liberty, to act upon such assumptions. -There were many ways in which a State convention could peacefully -take into consideration the relations of its people to the Federal -Union. They might lawfully appeal to the sobriety and good feeling -of their sister States to redress any grievances of which they -complained. There might be, we know that in point of fact there was, -a strong Union party in most of the Southern States, and the -President of the United States, in the month of October, 1860, would -have been utterly inexcusable, if he had proclaimed to the country -that he expected this party to be overborne, and had helped to -diminish its members and weaken its power, by extraordinary -garrisons placed in the Southern forts, in anticipation of their -seizure by lawless individuals, when such an exhibition must -inevitably lead the whole people of the South to believe that there -was to be no solution of the sectional differences but by a trial of -strength in a sectional civil war. Mr. Buchanan was far too wise and -circumspect a statesman to put into the hands of the secessionists -such a means of “firing the Southern heart,” before it was known -what the result of the Presidential election would be. It was his -plain and imperative duty not to assume, by any official act, at -such a time, that there was to be a secession of any State or -States. - -But, in the second place, even if other good reasons did not exist, -there were but five companies of regular troops, or four hundred -men, available for the garrisoning of nine fortifications in six -highly excited Southern States. How were they to be distributed? -Distributed equally, they would have amounted to a reinforcement of -forty-four men and a fraction in each fort. In whatsoever -proportions they might be distributed, according to the conjectured -degree of exposure of the various posts, the movement could have -been nothing but an invitation of attack, which the force would have -been entirely inadequate to repel. The whole army of the United -States then consisted of only eighteen thousand men. They were, with -the exception of the five companies named by General Scott, -scattered on the remote frontiers and over the great Western plains, -engaged in the protection of the settlers and the emigrant trains; -and for this duty their numbers were, and had long been, and have -ever since been, notoriously inadequate. At a later period, after -President Buchanan had retired from office, General Scott, in a -controversy in the public prints which he thought proper to provoke -with the ex-President, referred to six hundred recruits in the -harbor of New York and at Carlisle barracks in Pennsylvania, which, -added to the five companies mentioned in his “views,” would have -made a force of one thousand men; and while he admitted that this -force would not have been sufficient to furnish “war garrisons” for -the nine Southern forts, he maintained that they would have been -quite enough to guard against surprises. But it is to be noted that -in his “views” of October, 1860, he made known to the President that -there were _only_ the five companies, which he named, “within reach, -to garrison the forts mentioned in the views;” and, moreover, he was -mistaken, in November, 1862, in supposing that he had obtained these -recruits when he wrote his “views,” nor did he, in October or -November, 1860, in any manner suggest to the President that there -were any more than the five companies available. Had he made any -military representations to the President before the election, other -than those contained in his “views,” it cannot be doubted that they -would have received all the consideration due to his official -position and his great military reputation.[63] - -Footnote 63: - - It is a remarkable fact that when President Lincoln was - inaugurated, five months after General Scott sent his “views” to - President Buchanan, and it was feared that the inauguration might - be interrupted by violence of some kind, he was able to assemble - at Washington but six hundred and fifty-three men, of the rank and - file of the army. This number was made up by bringing the sappers - and miners from West Point. Yet, down to that period, no part of - the army, excepting the five companies referred to by General - Scott in his “views,” had been disposed of anywhere but where the - presence of a military force was essential to the protection of - the settlers on the frontiers and the emigrants on the plains. No - one could have known this better than General Scott, for it was - his official duty to know it, and it is plain that his “views” - were written with a full knowledge of the situation of the whole - army. - -But General Scott’s “views” produced, and ought to have produced, no -impression upon the mind of the President. That part of them which -suggested a military movement was entirely impracticable. The -political part, which related to the aspects of secession, its -possible admission in one case and its denial in another, was of no -value whatever to anybody but those who believed in the doctrine. -With the exception of such circulation of these “views” as General -Scott permitted by giving copies of them to his friends, they -remained unpublished until the 18th of January, 1861. On that day -they were published, by General Scott’s permission, in the _National -Intelligencer_ at Washington, the editors saying that they had -obtained a copy of them for publication because allusion had been -made to them both in the public prints and in public speeches. This -document, therefore, in an authentic shape, was made public in the -midst of the secession movement, after the States of South Carolina, -Florida, Mississippi and Alabama had adopted their ordinances of -secession, and while the people of Georgia, Louisiana, Texas and -Arkansas were deliberating upon their course.[64] The President at -that time passed over this publication in silence, for reasons which -he afterwards assigned in the public controversy between General -Scott and himself in October and November, 1862. - -Footnote 64: - - At the time of this publication of General Scott’s “views,” of the - States which seceded before the attack on Fort Sumter, four had - adopted ordinances of secession, and three had not acted. The - eighth State, Arkansas, did not act until after Sumter. - -And here it may be appropriate, before proceeding farther with the -narrative, to advert to a suggestion which has been again and again -repeated in a great variety of forms, by those who have criticised -Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to the reinforcement of the Southern -forts. General Scott himself, after the election of Mr. Lincoln, in -the middle of December, 1860, in a note which he addressed to the -President, referred to the course pursued by President Jackson in -regard to nullification, in 1832-33; and it has long been one of the -current questions, asked as if it were unanswerable,—why did not Mr. -Buchanan imitate the firmness, boldness and decision with which -General Jackson dealt with the “Nullifiers,” and proceed to garrison -the Southern forts before the election of Mr. Lincoln? Having -already shown the impracticability of such a step, from the want of -the necessary forces, and its great political inexpediency even if -the necessary force had been within his reach, it only remains for -me to point out that there was no parallel between the situation of -things under General Jackson in 1832-33, and the state of the -country under President Buchanan in 1860-61. South Carolina stood -alone in her resistance to the collection of the revenue of the -United States, in 1832-33; nor, whatever might be the steps which -she would have the rashness to take in preventing the execution of a -single law of the United States within her borders, there was no -danger that any other State would become infected with her political -heresies, or imitate her example. What General Jackson had to do was -to collect the revenue of the United States in the port of -Charleston. For this purpose, prior to the issue of his -proclamation, and while the so-called ordinance of nullification was -pending in the convention of South Carolina, he took preliminary -steps, by placing in the harbor a sufficient military and naval -force to insure the execution of a single Federal statute, commonly -called the “tariff.” For this purpose he had ample authority of law, -under the Act of March 3, 1807, which authorized the employment of -the land and naval forces, when necessary, to execute the laws of -the United States through the process of the Federal tribunals. He -had, moreover, the necessary forces practically at his disposal. So -far as these forces would consist of troops, their proper -destination was Fort Moultrie in Charleston harbor; but their -presence in that fort was deemed necessary, not to prevent an -anticipated seizure of it by the State authorities, but to aid in -the execution of the revenue law in case it should be resisted. For -this purpose, in March, 1833, he sent a small military force to Fort -Moultrie, and a sloop of war, with two revenue cutters, to -Charleston harbor. General Scott was sent to Charleston to take the -command of these forces, if it should become necessary for them to -act. He arrived there on the day after the passage of the -Nullification ordinance. The proclamation of General Jackson, the -passage of Mr. Clay’s Compromise Tariff Bill, and the passage of the -Force Bill, put an end to any actual collision between the State and -the Federal authorities. - -How different was the state of the country in 1860, before the -election of Mr. Lincoln! A generation of men had grown up in the -South, many of whom held the supposed right of State secession -from the Union as a cardinal feature of their political and -constitutional creed. The sole ground for any apprehension of a -practical assertion of this doctrine was the contingent election of -a President nominated upon a “platform” obnoxious to the people of -the slaveholding States. In such a state of affairs, was it for a -President, whose administration was to expire in five months, to -adopt the foregone conclusion that the Republican candidate would be -elected, and to add to this the further conclusion that his election -would be followed by a secession of States, which the people of the -North would take no conciliatory steps to prevent after the -Republican candidate had been elected? Was President Buchanan to -throw a military force into the Southern forts, even if he had had a -sufficient force within his reach, and thus to proclaim to the whole -people of the South, the loyal and the disloyal, that in his -judgment there would be but one issue out of the election of Mr. -Lincoln—an issue of physical force between the two sections of the -country? In what condition would this have placed his successor, and -the great political party which was aiming to obtain for that -successor the control of the Government? Surely Mr. Lincoln and his -political supporters would have had the gravest reason to complain, -if Mr. Buchanan, before the election, had, by any act of his own not -palpably and imperatively necessary, caused it to be believed by the -whole Southern people that there was and could be no alternative but -to put their anticipated dangers, their alleged grievances, and the -doctrine of secession along with them, at once to the arbitrament of -the sword. We have it on Mr. Buchanan’s own solemn assertion, the -sincerity of which there can be no reason to doubt, that he -considered it his highest duty so to shape his official course -during the remainder of his term, as to afford to the secessionists -of the South no excuse for renouncing their allegiance to the -Federal Union, and to hand the government over to his successor, -whoever he might be, without doing a single act that would tend to -close the door of reconciliation between the two sections of the -country, then unfortunately divided by the political circumstances -of the pending election. This was the keynote of his policy, formed -before the election of Mr. Lincoln, and steadily followed through -every vicissitude, and every changing aspect of the great drama -enacting before his eyes. It is easy to reason backward from what -occurred, and to say that he should have garrisoned the Southern -forts, in anticipation of their seizure. History does not, or should -not, pass upon the conduct of statesmen in highly responsible -positions, by pronouncing in this _ex post facto_ manner on what -they ought to have anticipated, when men of equally good -opportunities for looking forward did not anticipate what -subsequently occurred. It was not the belief of the leading public -men in the Republican party, before the election of Mr. Lincoln, the -men who were likely to be associated with him in the Government, -that there would be any secession. If they had believed it, they -would certainly have been guilty of great recklessness if they had -not acted upon that belief, at least so far as to warn the country, -in their respective spheres, to be prepared for such an event. It is -one of the most notorious truths in the whole history of that -election, that the political supporters of Mr. Lincoln scouted the -idea that there was any danger of secession to be apprehended. - -General Scott’s suggestion of such danger to Mr. Buchanan, in the -month of October, 1860, and the impracticable advice which he then -gave, if it had been published before the election, would have been -laughed at by every Republican statesman in the country, or would -have been indignantly treated as a work of supererogation, -unnecessarily suggesting that the election of the Republican -candidate was to be followed by an attempted disruption of the -Union. Undoubtedly, as the event proved, the political friends of -Mr. Lincoln were too confident that no secession would be attempted; -and into that extreme confidence they were led by their political -policy, which did not admit of their allowing the people of the -North to believe that there could be any serious danger to the -country in their political triumph. If the people of the North had -believed in that danger, the Republican candidate would not have -been elected. It did not become the Republican leaders, therefore, -after the election, and it never can become any one who has -inherited their political connection, to blame Mr. Buchanan for not -taking extraordinary precautions against an event which the -responsible leaders of the party, prior to the election, treated as -if it were out of all the bounds of probability.[65] - -Footnote 65: - - It will be seen that I do not regard the election of Mr. Lincoln - as a defiance of the South, nor do I consider that the threats of - secession, so far as such threats were uttered in the South, had - much to do with the success of the Republican candidate. - Multitudes of men voted for that candidate in no spirit of - defiance towards the South, and his popular vote would have been - much smaller than it was, if it had been believed at the North - that his election would be followed by an attempted disruption of - the Union. - -And here, too, it is well to advert to a charge which relates to -Mr. Buchanan’s administration of the Government prior to the -election of his successor. This charge, to which a large measure -of popular credence has long been accorded, is, that the Secretary -of War, Mr. Floyd, had for a long time pursued a plan of his own -for distributing the troops and arms of the United States in -anticipation of a disruption of the Union at no distant day. But -such a charge is of course to be tried by a careful examination of -facts, and by a scrupulous attention to dates. One of the most -important facts to be considered is, that Secretary Floyd, who -came in 1857 into Mr. Buchanan’s cabinet from Virginia—a State -that never had, down to that time and for a long period -thereafter, many secessionists among her public men—was not of -that political school until after he left the office of Secretary -of War. He was a Unionist, and a pronounced one, until he chose, -as a mere pretext, to say that he differed with the President in -regard to the policy which the President thought proper to -pursue.[66] But from the fact that he became a secessionist and -denounced the President, after he left the cabinet, and the -foolish boast which he made that he had, while Secretary of War, -defeated General Scott’s plans and solicitations respecting the -forts, the inference has been drawn that he had good reason for -advancing that claim upon the consideration of his new political -allies in the Southern section of the country. Mr. Floyd by no -means appears to me to have been a man of scrupulous honor. The -fact that he had been compelled to resign his place on account of -a transaction in no way connected with the secession of any State, -led him, in a spirit of sheer self-glorification, to give -countenance to a charge which, if it had been true, would not only -have reflected great discredit on the President, but which would -have involved the Secretary himself in the heinous offence of -treachery to the Government whose public servant he was. No man -could have thus overshot his own mark, who had a careful regard -for facts which he must have known: for no one could have known -better than Mr. Floyd that he had no influence whatever in -defeating any plans which General Scott proposed to the President -in his “views” of October, 1860, and no one could have known -better than he that the troops and arms of the United States had -not been distributed with any sinister design. But Mr. Floyd’s -subsequent vaporings, after he left the cabinet, misled General -Scott into the belief that there had been great wrong committed -while he was Secretary of War, and caused the General, in October -and November, 1862, to give his sanction to charges that were -quite unfounded. - -Footnote 66: - - See _post_, for the history of Secretary Floyd’s resignation. - -It is proper to hear Mr. Buchanan himself, in regard to his refusal -to garrison the Southern forts in October or November, 1860, -according to the recommendations in General Scott’s “views.” - - This refusal is attributed, without the least cause, to the - influence of Governor Floyd. All my cabinet must bear me witness - that I was the President myself, responsible for all the acts of - the administration; and certain it is that during the last six - months previous to the 29th December, 1860, the day on which he - resigned his office, after my request, he exercised less influence - on the administration than any other member of the cabinet. Mr. - Holt was immediately thereafter transferred from the Post Office - Department to that of War; so that, from this time until the 4th - March, 1861, which was by far the most important period of the - administration, he [Mr. Holt] performed the duties of Secretary of - War to my entire satisfaction.[67] - -Footnote 67: - - Letter from Mr. Buchanan to the Editors of the _National - Intelligencer_, October 28, 1862.—If the reader chooses to consult - the controversy of 1862 between General Scott and Mr. Buchanan, he - will find there the sources from which General Scott drew his - conclusions. One of them was information given to him while the - controversy was going on, in a telegram from Washington, sent by a - person whose name he did not disclose. A reference to Mr. - Buchanan’s last letter in the controversy will show how he - disposed of this “nameless telegram.” The period when the alleged - improper transfers of arms into the Southern States were said to - have occurred was, as Mr. Buchanan states, long before the - nomination of Mr. Lincoln, and nearly a year before his election. - General Scott’s reply to this shows that in 1862 he had convinced - himself that the revolt of the Southern States had been planned - for a long time before the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, and that it - was to be carried out in the event of the election of any Northern - man to the Presidency. It had become the fashion in 1862, in - certain quarters, to believe, or to profess to believe, in this - long-standing plot. There are several conclusive answers to the - suggestion: 1st. It is not true, as a matter of fact, that at any - time before the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, there were any - transfers of arms to the South which ought to have led even to the - suspicion of the existence of such a plot. 2d. That it is not - true, as a matter of fact, that at any time after Mr. Lincoln’s - nomination, and before his election, there were any transfers of - arms whatever from the Northern arsenals of the United States into - the Southern States. 3d. That after Mr. Lincoln’s election, viz., - in December, 1860, a transfer of ordnance from Pittsburgh, in - Pennsylvania, to Mississippi and Texas, which had been ordered by - Secretary Floyd a few days before he left office, was immediately - countermanded by his successor, Mr. Holt, by order of the - President, and the guns remained at Pittsburgh. 4th. That the - entire political history of the country, prior to the nomination - of Mr. Lincoln, and prior to the Democratic Convention at - Charleston, does not afford a rational ground of belief that any - considerable section of the Southern people, or any of their - prominent political leaders, were looking forward to a state of - parties which would be likely to result in the election of any - Northern man, under circumstances that would produce a conviction - among the people of the Southern States that it would be unsafe - for them to remain in the Union. Even after the nomination of Mr. - Lincoln, and after the division of the Democratic party into two - factions, resulting in the nomination of two Democratic candidates - (Breckinridge and Douglas), with a fourth candidate in the field - (Bell), nominated by the “Old Line Whigs,” it was not so morally - certain that the Republican candidate would be elected, as to give - rise, before the election, to serious plots or preparations for - dissolving the Union. Mr. Lincoln obtained but a majority of - fifty-seven electoral votes over all his competitors. It was the - sectional character of his 180 electoral votes, out of 303,—the - whole 180 being drawn from the free States—and the sectional - character of the “platform” on which he was nominated and elected, - and not the naked fact that he was a Northern man, that the - secessionists of the cotton States were able to use as the lever - by which to carry their States out of the Union. Undoubtedly the - Southern States committed the great folly of refusing to trust in - the conservative elements of the North to redress any grievances - of which the people of the South could justly complain. But I know - of no tangible proofs that before the nomination of Mr. Lincoln - there was any Southern plot to break up the Union in the event of - the election of any Northern man. The reader must follow the - precipitation of secession through the events occurring after the - election, before he can reach a sound conclusion as to the causes - and methods by which it was brought about. He will find reason to - conclude, if he studies the votes in the seceding conventions of - the cotton States prior to the attack on Fort Sumter, that even in - that region there was a Union party which could not have been - overborne and trampled down, by any other means than by appeals to - unfounded fears, which the secession leaders professed to draw - from the peculiar circumstances of the election. He will find - reason to ask himself why it was, in these secession conventions, - rapidly accomplished between December, 1860, and February, 1861, - the Unionists were at last so few, and he will find the most - important answer to this inquiry in the fact that it was because - the advocates of secession, from the circumstances of the - election, succeeded in producing the conviction that the whole - North was alienated in feeling from the South, and was determined - to trample upon Southern rights. It is a melancholy story of - perversion, misrepresentation and mistake, operating upon a - sensitive and excited people. But it does not justify the belief - that the secession of those States was the accomplishment of a - previous and long-standing plot to destroy the Union; nor, if such - a plot ever existed, is there any reason to believe that any - member of Mr. Buchanan’s cabinet was a party to it. General Scott, - in 1862, adopted and gave currency to charges which had no - foundation in fact, and which were originated for the purpose of - making Mr. Buchanan odious to the country. - - The General, however, went further than the adoption of charges - originated by others. He claimed credit for himself for the - discovery and prevention of the “robbery” of the Pittsburgh - ordnance. In his letter of November 8, 1862, he said: - “Accidentally learning, early in March (!), that, under this - _posthumous_ order, the shipment of these guns had commenced, I - communicated the fact to Secretary Holt, acting for Secretary - Cameron, just in time to defeat the robbery.” This was a tissue of - absurd misstatements. Copies of the official papers relating to - this order are before me. The order was given by the Ordnance - Office on the 22d of December, 1860. The shipment of the guns was - never commenced. General Scott had nothing to do with the - countermand of the order. On the 25th of December, certain - citizens of Pittsburgh telegraphed to the President that great - excitement had been caused there by this order, and advising that - it be immediately revoked. Floyd was Secretary of War when the - order was given for the removal of the guns, but at that time he - was not a secessionist, or aiding the secessionists. He tendered - his resignation of the office on the 29th of December, under - circumstances which will be fully related hereafter. It was - promptly accepted, and Mr. Holt was appointed Secretary of War _ad - interim_. By the President’s direction, Mr. Holt countermanded the - order, and the guns remained at Pittsburgh. Judge Black, at the - President’s request, investigated the whole affair, and made the - following brief report to the President on the 27th: “Mr. - President: The enclosed are the two orders of the War Department. - I suppose the forts happened to be in that state of progress which - made those guns necessary just at this time, and they were - directed to be sent without any motive beyond what would have - caused the same act at any other time. - - Ever yours, - J. S. BLACK”. - -Finally, it only remains for me to quote Mr. Buchanan’s more -elaborate account of his reasons for not acting upon General - -Scott’s “views” of October, 1860, which he gave in the account of -his administration, published in 1866.[68] - -Footnote 68: - - _Mr. Buchanan’s Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion._ New - York: D. Appleton & Co., 1866. This book will hereafter be - referred to as “_Mr. Buchanan’s Defence_.” The history and reasons - for this publication will be found in a future chapter. - - Such, since the period of Mr. Lincoln’s election, having been - the condition of the Southern States, the “views” of General - Scott, addressed before that event to the Secretary of War, on - the 29th and 30th October, 1860, were calculated to do much - injury in misleading the South. From the strange inconsistencies - they involve, it would be difficult to estimate whether they did - most harm in encouraging or in provoking secession. So far as - they recommended a military movement, this, in order to secure - success, should have been kept secret until the hour had arrived - for carrying it into execution. The substance of them, however, - soon reached the Southern people. Neither the headquarters of - the army at New York, nor afterwards in Washington, were a very - secure depository for the “views,” even had it been the author’s - intention to regard them as confidential. That such was not the - case may be well inferred from their very nature. Not confined - to the recommendation of a military movement, by far the larger - portion of them consists of a political disquisition on the - existing dangers to the Union; on the horrors of civil war and - the best means of averting so great a calamity; and also on the - course which their author had resolved to pursue, as a citizen, - in the approaching Presidential election. These were themes - entirely foreign to a military report, and equally foreign from - the official duties of the Commanding General. Furthermore, the - “views” were published to the world by the General himself, on - the 18th January, 1861, in the _National Intelligencer_, and - this _without the consent or even previous knowledge of the - President_. This was done at a critical moment in our history, - when the cotton States were seceding one after the other. The - reason assigned by him for this strange violation of official - confidence toward the President, was the necessity for the - correction of misapprehensions which had got abroad, “both in - the public prints and in public speeches,” in relation to the - “views.” - - The General commenced his “views” by stating that, “To save time - the right of secession may be conceded, and instantly balanced by - the correlative right on the part of the Federal Government - against an _interior_ State or States to reestablish by force, if - necessary, its former continuity of territory.” He subsequently - explains and qualifies the meaning of this phrase by saying: “It - will be seen that the 'views' only apply to a case of secession - that makes a _gap_ in the present Union.” The falling off (say) of - Texas, or of all the Atlantic States, from the Potomac south [the - very case which has since occurred], was not within the scope of - General Scott’s provisional remedies. As if apprehending that by - possibility it might be inferred he intended to employ force for - any other purpose than to open the way through this _gap_ to a - State beyond, still in the Union, he disclaims any such - construction, and says: “The foregoing views eschew the idea of - invading a seceded State.” This disclaimer is as strong as any - language he could employ for the purpose. - - To sustain the limited right to open the way through the _gap_, he - cites, not the Constitution of the United States, but the last - chapter of Paley’s “Moral and Political Philosophy,” which, - however, contains no allusion to the subject. - - The General paints the horrors of civil war in the most gloomy - colors, and then proposes his alternative for avoiding them. He - exclaims: “But break this glorious Union by whatever line or lines - that political madness may contrive, and there would be no hope of - reuniting the fragments except by the laceration and despotism of - the sword. To effect such result the intestine wars of our Mexican - neighbors would, in comparison with ours, sink into mere child’s - play. - - “A smaller evil” (in the General’s opinion) “would be to allow the - fragments of the great Republic to form themselves into new - Confederacies, probably four.” - - Not satisfied with this general proposition, he proceeds not only - to discuss and to delineate the proper boundaries for these new - Confederacies, but even to designate capitals for the three on - this side of the Rocky Mountains. We quote his own language as - follows: “All the lines of demarcation between the new unions - cannot be accurately drawn in advance, but many of them - approximately may. Thus, looking to natural boundaries and - commercial affinities, some of the following frontiers, after many - waverings and conflicts, might perhaps become acknowledged and - fixed; - - “1. The Potomac River and the Chesapeake Bay to the Atlantic. 2. - From Maryland along the crest of the Alleghany (perhaps the Blue - Ridge) range of mountains to some point on the coast of Florida. - 3. The line from, say the head of the Potomac to the West or - Northwest, which it will be most difficult to settle. 4. The crest - of the Rocky Mountains.” - - “The Southeast Confederacy would, in all human probability, in - less than five years after the rupture, find itself bounded by the - first and second lines indicated above, the Atlantic and the Gulf - of Mexico, with its capital at, say Columbia, South Carolina. The - country between the second, third, and fourth of those lines - would, beyond a doubt, in about the same time, constitute another - Confederacy, with its capital at probably Alton or Quincy, - Illinois. The boundaries of the Pacific Union are the most - definite of all, and the remaining States would constitute the - Northeast Confederacy, with its capital at Albany. It, at the - first thought, will be considered strange that seven slave-holding - States and part of Virginia and Florida should be placed (above) - in a new Confederacy with Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, etc. But when - the overwhelming weight of the great Northwest is taken in - connection with the laws of trade, contiguity of territory, and - the comparative indifference to free soil doctrines on the part of - Western Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, it is evident - that but little if any coercion, beyond moral force, would be - needed to embrace them; and I have omitted the temptation of the - unwasted public lands which would fall entire to this - Confederacy—an appanage (well husbanded) sufficient for many - generations. As to Missouri, Arkansas, and Mississippi, they would - not stand out a month. Louisiana would coalesce without much - solicitation, and Alabama with West Florida would be conquered the - first winter, from the absolute need of Pensacola for a naval - depot.” - - According to this arrangement of General Scott, all that would be - left for “the Northeast Confederacy” would be the New England and - Middle States; and our present proud Capitol at Washington, - hallowed by so many patriotic associations, would be removed to - Albany.[69] - -Footnote 69: - - It is worthy of special remark that General Scott, in his - autobiography recently published, vol. ii, p. 609, entirely - omits to copy this part of his views on which we have been - commenting; so also his supplementary views of the next day, - though together they constitute but one whole. He merely copies - that which relates to garrisoning the Southern forts. - - It is easy to imagine with what power these “views,” presented so - early as October, 1860, may have been employed by the disunion - leaders of the cotton States to convince the people that they - might depart in peace. Proceeding from the Commanding General of - the army, a citizen and a soldier so eminent, and eschewing as - they did the idea of invading a seceded State, as well as favoring - the substitution of new Confederacies for the old Union, what - danger could they apprehend in the formation of a Southern - Confederacy? - - This portion of the “views,” being purely political and - prospective, and having no connection with military operations, - was out of time and out of place in a report from the commanding - General of the Army to the Secretary of War. So, also, the - expression of his personal preferences among the candidates then - before the people for the office of President. “From a sense of - propriety as a soldier,” says the General, “I have taken no part - in the pending canvass, and, as always heretofore, mean to stay - away from the polls. My sympathies, however, are with the Bell and - Everett ticket.” - - After all these preliminaries, we now proceed to a different side - of the picture presented by the General. - - In the same “views” (the 29th October, 1860), he says that, “From - a knowledge of our Southern population, it is my solemn conviction - that there is some danger of an early act of rashness preliminary - to secession, viz., the seizure of some or all of the following - posts: Forts Jackson and St. Philip, in the Mississippi, below New - Orleans, both without garrisons; Fort Morgan, below Mobile, - without a garrison; Forts Pickens and McRea, Pensacola harbor, - with an insufficient garrison for one; Fort Pulaski, below - Savannah, without a garrison; Forts Moultrie and Sumter, - Charleston harbor, the former with an insufficient garrison, and - the latter without any; and Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, without a - sufficient garrison. In my opinion all these works should be - immediately so garrisoned as to make any attempt to take any one - of them by surprise or _coup de main_ ridiculous.” - - It was his duty, as commanding general, to accompany this - recommendation with a practicable plan for garrisoning these - forts, stating the number of troops necessary for the purpose, the - points from which they could be drawn, and the manner in which he - proposed to conduct the enterprise. Finding this to be impossible, - from the total inadequacy of the force within the President’s - power to accomplish a military operation so extensive, instead of - furnishing such a plan, he absolves himself from the task by - simply stating in his supplemental views of the next day (30th - October) that “There is one (regular) company at Boston, one here - (at the Narrows), one at Pittsburg, one at Augusta, Ga., and one - at Baton Rouge—in all five companies, only, within reach, to - garrison or reënforce the forts mentioned in the 'views.'” - - _Five companies only, four hundred men, to garrison nine - fortifications scattered over six highly excited Southern States. - This was all the force “within reach” so as to make any attempt to - take any one of them by surprise or coup de main ridiculous._ - - He even disparages the strength of this small force by applying to - it the diminutive adverb “_only_,” or, in other words, merely, - barely. It will not be pretended that the President had any power, - under the laws, to add to this force by calling forth the militia, - or accepting the services of volunteers to garrison these - fortifications. And the small regular army were beyond reach on - our remote frontiers. Indeed, the whole American army, numbering - at that time not more than sixteen thousand effective men, would - have been scarcely sufficient. To have attempted to distribute - these five companies among the eight forts in the cotton States, - and Fortress Monroe, in Virginia, would have been a confession of - weakness, instead of an exhibition of imposing and overpowering - strength. It could have had no effect in preventing secession, but - must have done much to provoke it. It will be recollected that - these “views,” the substance of which soon reached the Southern - States, were written before Mr. Lincoln’s election, and at a time - when none of the cotton States had made the first movement toward - secession. Even South Carolina was then performing all her - relative duties, though most reluctantly, to the Government, - whilst the border States, with Virginia in the first rank, were - still faithful and true to the Union. - - Under these circumstances, surely General Scott ought not to have - informed them in advance that the reason why he had recommended - this expedition was because, from his knowledge of them, he - apprehended they might be guilty of an early act of rashness in - seizing these forts before secession. This would necessarily - provoke the passions of the Southern people. Virginia was deeply - wounded at the imputation against her loyalty from a native though - long estranged son. - - Whilst one portion of the “views,” as we have already seen, might - be employed by disunion demagogues in convincing the people of the - cotton States that they might secede without serious opposition - from the North, another portion of them was calculated to excite - their indignation and drive them to extremities. From the - impracticable nature of the “views,” and their strange and - inconsistent character, the President dismissed them from his mind - without further consideration. - - It is proper to inform the reader why General Scott had five - companies only within reach for the proposed service. This was - because nearly the whole of our small army was on the remote - frontiers, where it had been continually employed for years in - protecting the inhabitants and the emigrants on their way to the - far west, against the attacks of hostile Indians. At no former - period had its services been more necessary than throughout the - year 1860, from the great number of these Indians continually - threatening or waging war on our distant settlements. To employ - the language of Mr. Benjamin Stanton, of Ohio, in his report of - the 18th February, 1861, from the military committee to the House - of Representatives: “The regular army numbers only 18,000 men, - when recruited to its maximum strength; and the whole of this - force is required upon an extended frontier, for the protection of - the border settlements against Indian depredations.” Indeed, the - whole of it had proved insufficient for this purpose. This is - established by the reports of General Scott himself to the War - Department. In these he urges the necessity of raising more - troops, in a striking and convincing light. In that of 20th - November, 1857,[70] after portraying the intolerable hardships and - sufferings of the army engaged in this service, he says: “To - mitigate these evils, and to enable us to give a reasonable - security to our people on Indian frontiers, measuring thousands of - miles, I respectfully suggest an augmentation of at least one - regiment of horse (dragoons, cavalry, or riflemen) and at least - three regiments of foot (infantry or riflemen). This augmentation - would not more than furnish the reinforcements now greatly needed - in Florida, Texas, New Mexico, California, Oregon, Washington - Territory, Kansas, Nebraska, and Minnesota, leaving not a company - for Utah.” - -Footnote 70: - - 3 Senate Documents, 1857-'58, p. 48. - - Again, General Scott, in his report of November 13, 1858, - says:[71] “This want of troops to give reasonable security to our - citizens in distant settlements, including emigrants on the - plains, can scarcely be too strongly stated; but I will only add, - that as often as we have been obliged to withdraw troops from one - frontier in order to reinforce another, the weakened points have - been instantly attacked or threatened with formidable invasion.” - -Footnote 71: - - Senate Executive Documents, 1858-'59, vol. ii., part 3, p. 761. - - The President, feeling the force of such appeals, and urged by the - earnest entreaties of the suffering people on the frontiers, - recommended to Congress, through the War Department, to raise five - additional regiments.[72] This, like all other recommendations to - place the country in a proper state of defence, was disregarded. - From what has been stated it is manifest that it was impossible to - garrison the numerous forts of the United States with regular - - troops. This will account for the destitute condition of the nine - forts enumerated by General Scott, as well as of all the rest. - -Footnote 72: - - Senate Documents, 1857-'58, vol. iii., p. 4. - - When our system of fortifications was planned and carried into - execution, it was never contemplated to provide garrisons for them - in time of peace. This would have required a large standing army, - against which the American people have ever evinced a wise and - wholesome jealousy. Every great republic, from the days of Cæsar - to Cromwell, and from Cromwell to Bonaparte, has been destroyed by - armies composed of free citizens, who had been converted by - military discipline into veteran soldiers. Our fortifications, - therefore, when completed, were generally left in the custody of a - sergeant and a few soldiers. No fear was entertained that they - would ever be seized by the States for whose defence against a - foreign enemy they had been erected. - - Under these circumstances it became the plain duty of the - President, destitute as he was of military force, not only to - refrain from any act which might provoke or encourage the cotton - States into secession, but to smooth the way for such a - Congressional compromise as had in times past happily averted - danger from the Union. There was good reason to hope this might - still be accomplished. The people of the slaveholding States must - have known there could be no danger of an actual invasion of their - constitutional rights over slave property from any hostile action - of Mr. Lincoln’s administration. For the protection of these, they - could rely both on the judicial and the legislative branches of - the Government. The Supreme Court had already decided the - Territorial question in their favor, and it was also ascertained - that there would be a majority in both Houses of the first - Congress of Mr. Lincoln’s term, sufficient to prevent any - legislation to their injury. Thus protected, it would be madness - for them to rush into secession. - - Besides, they were often warned and must have known that by their - separation from the free States, these very rights over slave - property, of which they were so jealous, would be in greater - jeopardy than they had ever been under the Government of the - Union. Theirs would then be the only government in Christendom - which had not abolished, or was not in progress to abolish, - slavery. There would be a strong pressure from abroad against this - institution. To resist this effectually would require the power - and moral influence of the Government of the whole United States. - They ought, also, to have foreseen that, if their secession should - end in civil war, whatever might be the event, slavery would - receive a blow from which it could never recover. The true policy, - even in regard to the safety of their domestic institution, was to - cling to the Union. - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - 1860—November. - -ELECTION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN—THE SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA—NATURE - OF THE DOCTRINE OF SECESSION—PRESIDENT BUCHANAN PREPARES TO - ENCOUNTER THE SECESSION MOVEMENT—DISTINCTION BETWEEN MAKING WAR - ON A STATE AND ENFORCING THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES. - - -On the 6th of November, 1860, one hundred and eighty Republican -electors of President were chosen by the people of eighteen of the -free states. This determined that Abraham Lincoln was to be -President of the United States for four years from the 4th of March, -1861. As soon as the result of the election was known, the -legislature of South Carolina passed a law for the assembling of a -convention of the people of the State on the 17th of December. The -delegates to the convention were promptly chosen; and when they had -been elected, it was manifest that the assumed right of secession -was about to be exercised by that one of the Southern States in -which attachment to the Union had been for more than thirty years -confined to a few of the wiser and more considerate of her people. -The great man whose political teachings had indoctrinated a -generation with views of the Federal Constitution which, when -logically carried out, would reduce it to a mere league between -independent States dissoluble at the pleasure of its separate -members for causes of which they were separately to judge, had -passed away. I have already had occasion to observe that, while Mr. -Calhoun did not at any time contemplate secession, and while he was -strongly attached to the Union as he understood its fundamental -principle, his political doctrines, assuming the correctness of his -premises, led logically and correctly to the conclusion that the -people of any State could absolve themselves from the obligation to -obey the laws, and to submit to the authority of the United States. -He and those who acted with him in South Carolina during the period -of “Nullification” proposed to apply this State dispensing power to -a single obnoxious law of the United States, without breaking the -whole bond which connected South Carolina with her sister States. -But it was the inevitable result of his political principles that, -if a State convention could absolve its people from the duty of -obeying one law of the United States, by pronouncing it to be -unconstitutional, the same authority could withdraw the State wholly -from the Union, upon her judgment that to remain in it longer was -incompatible with her safety or her interests. The radical vice of -this whole theory was that it assumed the cession of political -powers of legislation and government, made by the people of a State -when they ratified the Constitution of the United States, to be -revocable, not by a State power or right expressly contained in the -instrument, but by a right resulting from the assumed nature of the -Constitution as a compact between sovereign States. The Secession -Ordinance of South Carolina, adopted on the 20th of December, 1860, -which became the model of all the other similar ordinances, exhibits -in a striking manner the character of the theory. It professed to -“repeal” the ordinance of the State which in 1788 had ratified the -Constitution of the United States, and all the subsequent acts of -the legislature which had ratified the amendments of that -Constitution, and to dissolve the union then subsisting between -South Carolina and other States under the name of the “United States -of America.” In other words, the people of South Carolina, assembled -in convention, determined that a cession or grant of political -sovereignty, which they had made to the Government of the United -States in 1788, in an irrevocable form, and without any reservation -save of the powers of government which they did not grant, could yet -be revoked and annulled, not by the right of revolution, but by a -right resulting as a constitutional principle from a compact made -between sovereign and independent political communities. This method -of regarding the Government of the United States as the depositary -of certain powers to be held and exercised so long as the sovereign -parties to the agreement should see fit to allow them to remain, and -to be withdrawn whenever one of the parties should determine to -withdraw them, constituted the whole basis of the doctrine of -secession. If the premises were correct, the deduction was sound. -If, on the other hand, the cession of certain powers of political -sovereignty made by the people of a State when they ratified the -Constitution of the United States constituted a Government, with a -right to rule over the individual inhabitants of that State in the -exercise of the powers conceded, the individuals could no more -absolve themselves collectively, than they could separately, from -the political duty and obligation to obey the laws and submit to the -authority of that Government, especially when that Government -contained within itself, by one of the provisions of its -Constitution, both the means and the right of determining for the -people of every State, whether the laws enacted by Congress were in -conformity with the grants of political power embraced in the -instrument which created it. The grant of the judicial power of the -United States estopped the people of every State from claiming a -right to pass upon the constitutional validity of any exercise of -its legislative or executive authority. Such are the contrasted -theories of the Constitution which were now to come into collision, -after the Constitution had long been administered and acted upon as -an instrument of government embracing a true and rightful -sovereignty over the people of every State in the exercise of -certain enumerated powers. - -It is important to observe, however, that this claim of rightful -sovereignty over the inhabitants of every State was not a denial of -the inherent right of revolution, or the right to renounce a -political allegiance, and to make that right available by physical -force, in case of intolerable oppression or arbitrary assumption of -power. The political institutions of this country had their origin -in the exercise of the right of revolution, and however shaped or -administered, they can never be made to exclude it. It is difficult, -in studying the political principles on which individuals or masses -of men acted, or on which they supposed themselves to be acting, -during the period at which I have now arrived, to discriminate -between the right of revolution and the right of secession, as -distinct principles governing their personal conduct. In many minds -they became blended; in many there was but little attention paid to -any such distinction; in many there was nothing more than a state of -excitement, worked into an uncontrollable apprehension of danger -which was stimulated by the political leaders of a section -peculiarly exposed to such apprehensions by what had long been -occurring on the dangerous subject of their social and domestic -condition. But on the threshold of the secession movement, there are -certain things to be carefully noted. The first is, that in the -public proceedings of South Carolina, and of the other States which -followed her example, it was the alleged constitutional right of -secession from the Union, and not the inherent right of revolution, -on which the action was professedly based. The second is, that the -State of South Carolina led the way, in the hope and belief that she -might compel the other cotton States to follow, while it was at -least doubtful whether they would do so, and while it was manifest -that their course would depend very much upon events that could not -be foreseen. This condition of affairs in the months of November and -December imposed upon President Buchanan two imperative duties. In -the first place, he had to encounter the alleged right of secession -asserted, or about to be asserted, by the State of South Carolina; -to meet her public proceedings by a denial of any such right, and to -exercise all the powers with which he then was, or with which he -might thereafter be, clothed by Congress, to prevent any obstruction -to the execution of the laws of the United States within her -borders. In the next place, he had, so far as the Executive of the -United States could so act, to isolate the State of South Carolina -from the other States of that region, and to prevent, if possible, -the spread of the secession movement. What he might be able to do in -this regard would depend, of course, upon future events, and upon a -careful adaptation of his means to his ends. If, notwithstanding all -he could do, the fury of secession was to rapidly sweep through the -cotton States, he could not prevent the formation of some kind of -Southern confederacy. But the very first duty which he had to -perform he proceeded promptly to execute, as soon as it was apparent -that South Carolina was about to adopt an ordinance of secession. -This was to encounter publicly and officially the alleged right of -secession, to define clearly and explicitly to Congress and to the -country the powers which he possessed, or did not possess, for -meeting this exigency; and to announce his policy. By so doing, he -might prevent the spread of the secession movement, if Congress -would aid him by adopting his recommendations. Preparatory to what -he was about to say in his annual message to the Congress which was -to assemble in the early part of December, he required from the -Attorney General (Mr. Black) an official answer to the following -questions:[73] - - 1. In case of a conflict between the authorities of any State and - those of the United States, can there be any doubt that the laws - of the Federal Government, if constitutionally passed, are - supreme? - - 2. What is the extent of my official power to collect the duties - on imports at a port where the revenue laws are resisted by a - force which drives the collector from the custom house? - - 3. What right have I to defend the public property (for instance, - a fort, arsenal and navy yard), in case it should be assaulted? - - 4. What are the legal means at my disposal for executing those - laws of the United States which are usually administered through - the courts and their officers? - - 5. Can a military force be used for any purpose whatever under the - Acts of 1795 and 1807, within the limits of a State where there - are no judges, marshal or other civil officers? - -Footnote 73: - - The President’s letter to the Attorney General, requiring his - opinion on these questions, bears date on the 17th of November, - 1860. - - [OPINION OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL.] - - ATTORNEY GENERAL’S OFFICE, November 20, 1860. - - SIR:— - - I have had the honor to receive your note of the 17th, and I now - reply to the grave questions therein propounded as fully as the - time allowed me will permit. - - Within their respective spheres of action, the Federal Government - and the government of a State, are both of them independent and - supreme, but each is utterly powerless beyond the limits assigned - to it by the Constitution. If Congress would attempt to change the - law of descents, to make a new rule of personal succession, or to - dissolve the family relations existing in any State, the act would - be simply void; but not more void than would be a State law to - prevent the recapture of fugitives from labor, to forbid the - carrying of the mails, or to stop the collection of duties on - imports. The will of a State, whether expressed in its - constitution or laws, cannot, while it remains in the Confederacy, - absolve her people from the duty of obeying the just and - constitutional requirements of the Central Government. Nor can any - act of the Central Government displace the jurisdiction of a - State; because the laws of the United States are supreme and - binding only so far as they are passed _in pursuance of the - Constitution_. I do not say what might be effected by mere - revolutionary force. I am speaking of legal and constitutional - right. - - This is the view always taken by the judiciary, and so universally - adopted that the statement of it may seem commonplace. The Supreme - Court of the United States has declared it in many cases. I need - only refer you to the _United States vs. Booth_, where the present - Chief Justice, expressing the unanimous opinion of himself and all - his brethren, enunciated the doctrine in terms so clear and full - that any further demonstration of it can scarcely be required. - - The duty which these principles devolve, not only upon every - officer, but every citizen, is that which Mr. Jefferson expressed - so compendiously in his first inaugural, namely:—“to support the - State Governments in all their rights as the most competent - administrations for their domestic concerns, and the surest - bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies,” combined with “the - preservation of the General Government in its whole constitutional - vigor as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad.” - - To the Chief Executive Magistrate of the Union is confided the - solemn duty of seeing the laws faithfully executed. That he may be - able to meet this duty with a power equal to its performance, he - nominates his own subordinates, and removes them at his pleasure. - For the same reason, the land and naval forces are under his - orders as their commander-in-chief. But his power is to be used - only in the manner prescribed by the legislative department. He - cannot accomplish a legal purpose by illegal means, or break the - laws himself to prevent them from being violated by others. - - The acts of Congress sometimes give the President a broad - discretion in the use of the means by which they are to be - executed, and sometimes limit his power so that he can exercise it - only in a certain prescribed manner. Where the law directs a thing - to be done without saying how, that implies the power to use such - means as may be necessary and proper to accomplish the end of the - legislature. But where the mode of performing a duty is pointed - out by statute, that is the exclusive mode, and no other can be - followed. The United States have no common law to fall back upon - when the written law is defective. If, therefore, an act of - Congress declares that a certain thing shall be done by a - particular officer, it cannot be done by a different officer. The - agency which the law furnishes for its own execution must be used - to the exclusion of all others. For instance, the revenues of the - United States are to be collected in a certain way, at certain - established ports, and by a certain class of officers; the - President has no authority, under any circumstances, to collect - the same revenues at other places by a different sort of officers, - or in ways not provided for. Even if the machinery furnished by - Congress for the collection of the duties should by any cause - become so deranged or broken up that it could not be used, that - would not be a legal reason for substituting a different kind of - machinery in its place. - - The law requires that all goods imported into the United States - within certain collection districts shall be entered at the proper - port, and the duty thereon shall be received by the collector - appointed for and residing at that port. But the functions of the - collector may be exercised anywhere at or within the port. There - is no law which confines him to the custom-house, or to any other - particular spot. If the custom-house were burnt down, he might - remove to another building; if he were driven from the shore, he - might go on board a vessel in the harbor. If he keeps within the - port, he is within the law. - - A port is a place to which merchandise is imported, and from - whence it is exported. It is created by law. It is not merely a - harbor or haven, for it may be established where there is nothing - but an open roadstead, or on the shore of a navigable river, or at - any other place where vessels may arrive and discharge, or take in - their cargoes. It comprehends the city or town which is occupied - by the mariners, merchants, and others who are engaged in the - business of importing and exporting goods, navigating the ships - and furnishing them with provisions. It includes, also, so much of - the water adjacent to the city as is usually occupied by vessels - discharging or receiving their cargoes or lying at anchor and - waiting for that purpose. - - The first section of the act of March 2, 1833, authorized the - President in a certain contingency to direct that the custom-house - for any collection district be established and kept in any secure - place within some port or harbor of such district, either upon - land or on board any vessel. But this provision was temporary, and - expired at the end of the session of Congress next afterwards. It - conferred upon the Executive a right to remove the site of a - custom-house not merely to any secure place within the legally - established port of entry for the district—that right he had - before—but it widened his authority so as to allow the removal of - it to any port or harbor within the whole district. The enactment - of that law, and the limitation of it to a certain period of time - now passed, is not, therefore, an argument against the opinion - above expressed, that you can now, if necessary, order the duties - to be collected on board a vessel inside of any established port - of entry. Whether the first and fifth sections of the act of 1833, - both of which were made temporary by the eighth section, should be - reënacted, is a question for the legislative department. - - Your right to take such measures as may seem to be necessary for - the protection of the public property is very clear. It results - from the proprietary rights of the Government as owner of the - forts, arsenals, magazines, dock-yards, navy-yards, custom-houses, - public ships, and other property which the United States have - bought, built, and paid for. Besides, the Government of the United - States is authorized by the Constitution (Art. 1, Sec. 8) to - “exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever ..... over - all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the - State in which the same shall be for the erection of forts, - magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings.” It - is believed that no important public building has been bought or - erected on ground where the legislature of the State in which it - is, has not passed a law consenting to the purchase of it, and - ceding the exclusive jurisdiction. This Government, then, is not - only the owner of those buildings and grounds, but, by virtue of - the supreme and paramount law, it regulates the action and - punishes the offences of all who are within them. If any one of an - owner’s rights is plainer than another it is that of keeping - exclusive possession and repelling intrusion. The right of - defending the public property includes also the right of recapture - after it has been unlawfully taken by another. President Jefferson - held the opinion, and acted upon it, that he could order a - military force to take possession of any land to which the United - States had title, though they had never occupied it before, though - a private party claimed and held it, and though it was not then - needed nor proposed to be used for any purpose connected with the - operations of the Government. This may have been a stretch of - Executive power, but the right of retaking public property in - which the Government has been carrying on its lawful business, and - from which its officers have been unlawfully thrust out, cannot - well be doubted, and when it was exercised at Harper’s Ferry, in - October, 1859, everyone acknowledged the legal justice of it. - - I come now to the point in your letter, which is probably of the - greatest practical importance. By the act of 1807, you may employ - such parts of the land and naval forces as you may judge necessary - for the purpose of causing the laws to be duly executed, in all - cases where it is lawful to use the militia for the same purpose. - By the act of 1795 the militia may be called forth “whenever the - laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution - thereof obstructed in any State by combinations too powerful to be - suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by - the power vested in the marshals.” This imposes upon the President - the sole responsibility of deciding whether the exigency has - arisen which requires the use of military force; and in proportion - to the magnitude of that responsibility will be his care not to - overstep the limits of his legal and just authority. - - The laws referred to in the act of 1795 are manifestly those which - are administered by the judges, and executed by the ministerial - officers of the courts for the punishment of crime against the - United States, for the protection of rights claimed under the - Federal Constitution and laws, and for the enforcement of such - obligations as come within the cognizance of the Federal - Judiciary. To compel obedience to these laws, the courts have - authority to punish all who obstruct their regular administration, - and the marshals and their deputies have the same powers as - sheriffs and their deputies in the several States in executing the - laws of the States. These are the ordinary means provided for the - execution of the laws; and the whole spirit of our system is - opposed to the employment of any other except in cases of extreme - necessity arising out of great and unusual combinations against - them. Their agency must continue to be used until their incapacity - to cope with the power opposed to them shall be plainly - demonstrated. It is only upon clear evidence to that effect that a - military force can be called into the field. Even then its - operations must be purely defensive. It can suppress only such - combinations as are found directly opposing the laws and - obstructing the execution thereof. It can do no more than what - might and ought to be done by a civil posse, if a civil posse - could be raised large enough to meet the same opposition. On such - occasions, especially, the military power must be kept in strict - subordination to the civil authority, since it is only in aid of - the latter that the former can act at all. - - But what if the feeling in any State against the United States - should become so universal that the Federal officers themselves - (including judges, district attorneys and marshals) would be - reached by the same influences, and resign their places? Of - course, the first step would be to appoint others in their stead, - if others could be got to serve. But in such an event, it is more - than probable that great difficulty would be found in filling the - offices. We can easily conceive how it might become altogether - impossible. We are therefore obliged to consider what can be done - in case we have no courts to issue judicial process, and no - ministerial officers to execute it. In that event, troops would - certainly be out of place, and their use wholly illegal. If they - are sent to aid the courts and marshals, there must be courts and - marshals to be aided. Without the exercise of those functions - which belong exclusively to the civil service, the laws cannot be - executed in any event, no matter what may be the physical strength - which the Government has at its command. Under such circumstances, - to send a military force into any State, with orders to act - against the people, would be simply making war upon them. - - The existing laws put and keep the Federal Government strictly on - the defensive. You can use force only to repel an assault on the - public property and aid the courts in the performance of their - duty. If the means given you to collect the revenue and execute - the other laws be insufficient for that purpose, Congress may - extend and make them more effectual to those ends. - - If one of the States should declare her independence, your action - cannot depend upon the rightfulness of the cause upon which such - declaration is based. Whether the retirement of the State from the - Union be the exercise of a right reserved in the Constitution, or - a revolutionary movement, it is certain that you have not in - either case the authority to recognize her independence or to - absolve her from her Federal obligations. Congress, or the other - States in convention assembled, must take such measures as may be - necessary and proper. In such an event, I see no course for you - but to go straight onward in the path you have hitherto - trodden—that is, execute the laws to the extent of the defensive - means placed in your hands, and act generally upon the assumption - that the present constitutional relations between the States and - the Federal Government continue to exist, until a new code of - things shall be established either by law or force. - - Whether Congress has the constitutional right to make war against - one or more States, and require the Executive of the Federal - Government to carry it on by means of force to be drawn from the - other States, is a question for Congress itself to consider. It - must be admitted that no such power is expressly given; nor are - there any words in the Constitution which imply it. Among the - powers enumerated in Article 1st, Section 8, is that “to declare - war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and to make rules - concerning captures on land and water.” This certainly means - nothing more than the power to commence and carry on hostilities - against the foreign enemies of the nation. Another clause in the - same section gives Congress the power “to provide for calling - forth the militia,” and to use them within the limits of the - State. But this power is so restricted by the words which - immediately follow that it can be exercised only for one of the - following purposes: 1. To execute the laws of the Union; that is, - to aid the Federal officers in the performance of their regular - duties. 2. To suppress insurrections against the State; but this - is confined by Article IV, Section 4, to cases in which the State - herself shall apply for assistance against her own people. 3. To - repel the invasion of a State by enemies who come from abroad to - assail her in her own territory. All these provisions are made to - protect the States, not to authorize an attack by one part of the - country upon another; to preserve the peace, and not to plunge - them into civil war. Our forefathers do not seem to have thought - that war was calculated “to form a more perfect Union, establish - justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common - defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of - liberty to ourselves and our posterity.” There was undoubtedly a - strong and universal conviction among the men who framed and - ratified the Constitution, that military force would not only be - useless, but pernicious, as a means of holding the States - together. - - If it be true that war cannot be declared, nor a system of - general hostilities carried on by the Central Government against - a State, then it seems to follow that an attempt to do so would - be _ipso facto_ an expulsion of such State from the Union. Being - treated as an alien and an enemy, she would be compelled to act - accordingly. And if Congress shall break up the present Union by - unconstitutionally putting strife and enmity and armed hostility - between different sections of the country, instead of the - domestic tranquility which the Constitution was meant to insure, - will not all the States be absolved from their Federal - obligations? Is any portion of the people bound to contribute - their money or their blood to carry on a contest like that? - - The right of the General Government to preserve itself in its - whole constitutional vigor by repelling a direct and positive - aggression upon its property or its officers cannot be denied. But - this is a totally different thing from an offensive war to punish - the people for the political misdeeds of their State government, - or to enforce an acknowledgment that the Government of the United - States is supreme. The States are colleagues of one another, and - if some of them shall conquer the rest, and hold them as - subjugated provinces, it would totally destroy the whole theory - upon which they are now connected. - - If this view of the subject be correct, as I think it is, then the - Union must utterly perish at the moment when Congress shall arm - one part of the people against another for any purpose beyond that - of merely protecting the General Government in the exercise of its - proper constitutional functions. - - I am, very respectfully, yours, etc., - - J. S. BLACK. - -The soundness of Mr. Black’s answers to the questions stated by the -President does not admit of a doubt. Those who have assailed him and -the President who acted upon his official advice, have done so with -very little regard to the supreme law of the land. They have not -perceived the path in which the President had to move in the coming -emergency, and they have overlooked the imperative obligation which -rested upon him not to assume powers with which he had not been -clothed by the Constitution and the laws. However certain it was -that South Carolina would undertake to place herself out of the pale -of the Union, no coercion could have been applied to her in her -political capacity as a State, to prevent her from taking that step, -without instantly bringing to her side every other State whose -sympathies were with her on the subject of slavery, however they -might hesitate in regard to secession as a remedy against the -apprehensions which were common, more or less, the people of the -whole slaveholding section. Even if the President had not been -restrained by this consideration, he had no constitutional power to -declare, no authority to prosecute, and no right to institute a war -against a State. He could do nothing but to execute the laws of the -United States within the limits of South Carolina, in case she -should secede, by such means as the existing laws had placed in his -hands, or such further means as the Congress which was about to -assemble might see fit to give him, and to maintain the possession -of the public property of the United States within the limits of -that State. What the existing means were, for either of those -purposes, was clearly pointed out by his official adviser, the -Attorney General. For the execution of the laws, these means might -wholly fail him, if the Federal civil officers in South Carolina -should renounce their offices and others could not be procured to -take their places. For maintaining possession of the public property -of the United States, he had to act wholly upon the defensive, and -at the same time he had no power to call for volunteers for this -purpose, and no military force within his reach but the five -companies of regular troops referred to by General Scott in his -“views” presented on the 30th of October, and the naval forces at -his command. No part of the army could be withdrawn from the -frontiers without leaving the settlers and the emigrants exposed to -the ravages of the Indians, even if the gravest reasons of public -policy had not forbidden such movements before Congress could take -into consideration the whole of the unprecedented and abnormal state -of the Union. - -There is one part of Mr. Black’s opinion on which it is proper to -make some observations here, because it has a prospective bearing -upon the basis on which the civil war is to be considered to have -been subsequently prosecuted. It is not of much moment to inquire -how individual statesmen, or publicists, or political parties, when -the war had begun and was raging, regarded its legal basis; but it -is of moment, in reference to the correctness of the doctrine acted -upon by President Buchanan during the last four months of his -administration, to consider what was the true basis of that -subsequent war under the Constitution of the United States. The -reader has seen that Mr. Black, in his official opinion, not only -rejected the idea that the President could constitutionally make war -upon a State of his own volition, but that he did not admit that the -power to do so was expressly or implicitly given to Congress by the -Constitution. What then did the Attorney General mean by instituting -or carrying on war against one or more States? It is obvious, first, -that he meant offensive war, waged against a State as if it were a -foreign nation, to be carried on to the usual results of conquest -and subjugation; second, that he fully admitted and maintained the -right of the Federal Government to use a military force to suppress -all obstructions to the execution of the laws of the United States -throughout the Union, and to maintain the possession of its public -property. This distinction was from the first, and always remained, -of the utmost importance. It became entirely consistent with the -recognition, for the time being, of a condition of territorial civil -war, carried on by the lawful Government of the Union to suppress -any and all military organizations arrayed against the exercise of -its lawful authority; consistent with the concession of the -belligerent character to the Confederate government as a _de facto_ -power having under its control the resources and the territory of -numerous States; consistent also with the denial to that government -of any character as a power _de jure_; and alike consistent with a -purpose to suppress and destroy it. So far as the war subsequently -waged was carried on upon this basis, it was carried on within the -limits of the Constitution, and by the strictest constitutional -right. So far as it was carried on upon any other basis, or made to -result in anything more than the suppression of all unlawful -obstructions to the exercise of the Federal authority throughout the -Union, it was a war waged outside of the Constitution, and for -objects that were not within the range of the powers bestowed by the -Constitution on the Federal Government. In a word, the Federal -Government had ample power under the Constitution to suppress and -destroy the Confederate government and all its military array, from -whatever sources that government or its military means were derived, -but it had no constitutional authority to destroy a State, or to -make war upon its unarmed population, as it would have under the -principles of public law to destroy the political autonomy of a -foreign nation with which it might be at war, or to promote -hostilities against its people. - -Doubtless, as will be seen hereafter when I come to speak of that -part of the President’s message which related to this topic of -making war upon a State, the language made use of was capable of -misconstruction, and certain it is that it was made the subject of -abundant cavil, by those who did not wish that the President should -be rightly understood; as it was also made a subject of criticism by -the Attorney General when the message was submitted to the cabinet. -The language chosen by the President to express his opinion on the -nature and kind of power which he believed that the Constitution had -not delegated to Congress, described it as a “power to coerce a -State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has -actually withdrawn from the Confederacy.” This was in substance a -description of the same power which the framers of the Constitution -had expressly rejected. It was before the Convention of 1787 in the -shape of a clause “authorizing an exertion of the force of the whole -against a delinquent State,” which Mr. Madison opposed as “the use -of force against a State,” and which he said would look more like a -declaration of war than an infliction of punishment, and would -probably be considered by the party attacked as a dissolution of all -previous compacts by which it might be bound. On another occasion, -Mr. Madison said that “any government for the United States, formed -on the supposed practicability of using force against the -unconstitutional proceedings of the States, would prove as visionary -and fallacious as the government of the [old] Congress.” When, -therefore, after the rejection of the idea of using force to -restrain a State from adopting an unconstitutional proceeding, the -framers of the Constitution proceeded to create a government endowed -with legislative, judicial and executive power over the individual -inhabitants of a State, and authorized it to use the militia to -execute the laws of the Union, they made and left upon our -constitutional history and jurisprudence a clear distinction between -coercing a State, in its sovereign and political character, to -remain in the Union, and coercing individuals to obey the laws of -the Union. Mr. Buchanan might then reasonably assume, that a -distinction thus clearly graven upon the constitutional records of -the country would be known and recognized by all men; and although -the expression to “coerce a State by force of arms to remain in the -Union,” might, if severed from the accompanying explanation of its -meaning, be regarded as ambiguous, it will be found hereafter that -it was not so used as to justify the inference that if a State were -to undertake to secede from the Union, the President would disclaim -or surrender the power to execute the laws of the Union within her -borders. It will be found also, by adverting to the Attorney -General’s answers to the President’s questions, that there was in -truth no real difference of opinion between them on this -subject.[74] - -Footnote 74: - - Mr. Jefferson Davis, who represents, with as much logical - consistency as any one, the whole of the doctrine or theory of - secession, has always maintained that the distinction between - coercing a State, and coercing the individual inhabitants of that - State to submit to the laws of the United States, is no - distinction at all: that the people of the State are the State; - and that to use a military force to execute the laws of the United - States upon individuals, within the limits of a State that has - seceded from the Union, is to make war upon the State. (See his - speech in the Senate, January 10, 1861, and his recent work on the - _Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government_. Index, _verb._ - “Secession.”) Let us, for a moment, inquire whether Buchanan’s - distinction was answered “by reason of its very absurdity.” 1. The - States, in their corporate and political capacity, are not the - subjects or objects of Federal legislation. The legislative powers - of the Federal Constitution are not intended to be exercised over - States, but they are intended to be exercised over individuals. An - act of Congress never commands a State to do anything; it commands - private individuals to do a great many things. The States are - prohibited by the Constitution from doing certain things, but - these prohibitions execute themselves through the action of the - judicial power upon persons. No State can be acted upon by the - judicial power at the instance of the United States. Every - inhabitant of a State can be acted upon by the judicial power, in - regard to anything that is within the scope of the legislative - powers of the Constitution. 2. The coercion of individuals to - obey the laws of the United States constitutes the great - difference between our present Constitution and the Articles of - Confederation. 3. The right to use force to execute the laws of - the United States, by removing all obstructions to their - execution, not only results from the power to legislate on the - particular subject, but it is expressly recognized by the - Constitution. The character of that force and the modes in which - it may be employed, depend both on direct constitutional - provision, and on the legislative authority over all the people of - the United States in respect to certain subjects and relations. - All this will be conceded to be true, so long as a State remains - in the Union. Does it cease to be true, when a State interposes - her sovereign will, and says that the laws of the United States - shall not be executed within her limits, because she has withdrawn - the powers which she deposited with the General Government? What - does this make, but a new case of obstruction to the execution of - the Federal laws, to be removed by acting on the individuals - through whom the obstruction is practically tried? And if, in the - removal of the obstruction, the use of military power becomes - necessary, is war made upon the State? It is not, unless we go the - whole length of saying that the interposition of the sovereign - will of the State _ipso facto_ makes her an independent power, - erects her into a foreign nation, and makes her capable of being - dealt with as one enemy is dealt with by another. To deny the - right of the United States to execute its laws, notwithstanding - what is called the secession of a State, is to impale one’s self - upon the other horn of the dilemma: for if that right does not - exist, it must be because the State has become absolutely free and - independent of the United States, and may be made a party to an - international war. Mr. Buchanan saw and constantly and - consistently acted upon the true distinction between making war - upon a State, and enforcing the laws of the United States upon the - inhabitants of a State. - - - - - CHAPTER XVI. - 1860—December. - - - THE PRESIDENT'S ANNUAL MESSAGE OF DECEMBER 3, 1860. - -The Constitution makes it the duty of the President, from time to -time, to give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, -and to recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall -judge necessary and expedient. Custom has made the commencement of -each session of Congress a regular occasion for the discharge of -this duty, and has also established the propriety of performing it -at other times, whenever the President deems it necessary. It was -the purpose of this provision of the Constitution to make the -President a special guardian of the interests of the Union, by -making him the official witness of its condition to the legislative -department, and by giving to his recommendation of measures a high -claim upon its consideration. The performance of this duty involves -a wide range of observation over the whole condition of the country -at a given time, and it imposes upon Congress the correlative duty -of giving serious heed and prompt attention to any recommendations -which the President may make. No other functionary in the Government -is in a position to know so well as the President what the interests -of the Union from time to time demand at the hands of Congress, and -no other is clothed with this power of making official and therefore -weighty recommendations of measures requiring legislative action. No -state of parties, no objects of party policy, can excuse the -individual members of a Congress from the duty of giving immediate -attention to whatever suggestions the President may make in the -exercise of this great function as the constitutional adviser of the -legislature, and as guardian of the interests of the Union. At the -same time, it is to be remembered that this function is only an -advisory one; that it in no way enlarges the powers of the -Executive; and that the President can at no time exercise any powers -but those with which he has been clothed by the Constitution or by -the laws which have been passed in pursuance of its provisions. - -Never was there an occasion when it was more necessary that this -duty should be performed by the President firmly, intelligibly, -boldly, conscientiously, than it was in the crisis existing at the -commencement of the session of Congress in December, 1860. Never was -it more imperatively necessary that Congress should at once take -into its “consideration” the measures recommended by the President. -The force of that term, as it is used in the Constitution, is not -limited to a mere reference of the President’s recommendations to -committees. It implies action, prompt and decisive action, one way -or the other, in proportion to the gravity of that condition of the -Union which the President has brought to the attention of the -Legislature. The President is entitled to know, and to know -speedily, whether the Congress concurs with or differs from him. The -country is entitled to know whether its Chief Magistrate is to be -clothed with the further powers for which he may have asked in order -to meet a given emergency; whether the Congress accepts, or refuses -to accept, his construction of the Constitution in regard to new and -difficult questions that have arisen; and whether, if the Congress -does not concur with the President, it has any other policy to -propose and carry out, adequate to the dangers that may be impending -over the Union. An examination of the course of President Buchanan -in the crisis to which we have now arrived conducts to the inquiry -whether he performed his duty, as he should have done, and whether -the Congress performed theirs according to the obligation that -rested upon them. - -The “state of the Union,” of which the President had to give -Congress official information, was entirely unprecedented. That it -was alarming, cannot be doubted. It matters little whether the -people of the North felt much alarm. Popular opinion, so far as it -was not manifested by the depression of business and of the public -funds, did not reflect the gravity of the crisis. It was not -generally believed that an election of a President, conducted in a -regular and orderly manner, although it had resulted in the triumph -of a party obnoxious to the feelings of the Southern people, because -of its supposed hostility to them, would be or could be made the -occasion for a permanent disruption of the Union. And this was about -the only aspect in which the popular mind of the North regarded the -whole matter for a considerable period after the election. It was -not generally perceived that an entirely new question had arisen, -which made a peril of a new and formidable nature. The alleged -constitutional right of a State to withdraw itself from the Union, -on its own judgment that its interests or safety were no longer -compatible with its continuing as a member of it, although it had -long been theoretically discussed in many ways by individuals of -more or less importance, was now about to be asserted and acted upon -by the people of South Carolina. How was this crisis to be met? That -it was entirely out of all previous experience, that it was a -situation full of peril, that it entailed the consideration of -questions of Federal power never yet solved, because they had never -before arisen, was plain. That the President of the United States, -the official sentinel on the great watch-tower of the Union, -regarded its condition as one of imminent danger, was enough for the -Congress to know. That popular opinion in the North did not fully -comprehend the danger affords no excuse for any omission of duty, -any lack of wisdom or forethought, any failure to act promptly or -patriotically, which history may find reason to impute to those who -held the legislative power. - -Mr. Buchanan, as the reader has seen, so soon as he had reason to -believe that South Carolina was about to put in practice its alleged -right of withdrawing from the Union, proceeded to take the opinion -of his official adviser in regard to his constitutional powers and -duties in such an emergency. Individually, he needed no man’s advice -upon such questions, for he was as able and well instructed a -constitutional jurist as any one who had ever filled the office of -President of the United States; familiar with all the teachings and -all the precedents of his predecessors, and abundantly learned in -the doctrines of the great judicial expounders of the Constitution. -But in his official capacity it was both proper and necessary that -he should call to his aid the sound judgment and the copious -learning of his Attorney General, before proceeding to discharge his -constitutional duty of giving to Congress information of the state -of the Union. He began to prepare his annual message immediately -after he had received the Attorney General’s answers to his -questions. The message was read to the cabinet before it was printed -in the usual form for communication to Congress. The members of the -cabinet, including General Cass, the Secretary of State, and with -the exceptions of Mr. Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. -Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, warmly and emphatically -approved of it.[75] Messrs. Cobb and Thompson objected to so much of -the message as denied the right of secession, and to that part of it -which maintained the duty of defending the public property and -collecting the revenue in South Carolina. These questions having now -become vital, the two dissenting members of the cabinet, soon after -the message had been sent to Congress, resigned their places.[76] - -Footnote 75: - - Judge Black made a criticism, which will be adverted to hereafter. - -Footnote 76: - - Their resignations will be noted hereafter, as well as that of - General Cass, concerning whom see the President’s memorandum, - _post_. - -Let it be remembered, then, that this message was prepared to be -submitted to Congress before the South Carolina Convention had -adopted its ordinance of secession. Surely, therefore, there can be -no just ground for imputing to the President any lack of preparation -to meet the threatened contingency of a secession of one or more -States, according to the measure of his official duty and powers. In -examining this message, of which I shall speak in conformity with my -most serious convictions, the reader should note that it had to be -prospective in its recommendations, in order that Congress might be -fully possessed of the methods of action which the President -intended to propose as the legitimate, as well as the expedient, -course to be pursued. But this was not the whole of the -constitutional duty that rested upon the Executive. He had, in -discharging his duty of giving to Congress information of the state -of the Union, to treat so far of the causes which had brought about -that condition as to point out measures of conciliation, as well as -measures for the exercise of authority. He had to recognize the -palpable fact that the two sections of the Union, the slaveholding -and the non-slaveholding States, stood divided from each other upon -a question which involved more of feeling than of practical -consequence; a feeling that had been aggravated on each side into an -undue importance by the circumstances of the late election. This -question related to the claim of Southern slaveholders to have their -right of property in slaves recognized in Territories of the United -States, whenever they should go there with such property. It was a -claim which the most considerate of those who asserted it most -strongly regarded as essential to the equality of their States as -members of the Union, in reference to the right of occupation of the -common property of all the States. It was based, to be sure, by many -who asserted it, upon a questionable proposition, which was that the -right of property in a slave, recognized by the local law of a -State, travelled with the person of the owner into a Territory of -the United States, without any law of the Territory to uphold it, -and even against a prohibition imposed by the legislative authority -which governed the Territory. But when has it been known in the -history of conflicting popular feelings, that the nature of such a -claim has diminished the fervor with which it has been defended, -when it has come to be regarded as a great political right, of -importance to those who assert it? Practically, it was not a matter -of importance to the slaveholding States, because there was no -Territory of the United States at that time in which slave labor -could become profitable, or in which the negro, in a state of -slavery, could thrive. But an exaggerated feeling of the political -importance of this supposed right had taken possession of the -Southern mind. On the other hand, there had come about in the North -an equally exaggerated sense of the importance of asserting in every -possible form of public action, that the Territories were dedicated -to freedom from slavery, and were to be so regarded forever. It was -chiefly upon this, as a fundamental principle of the future -legislation of the Union, that the Republican candidate had been -elected by the votes of the people of the free States. - -Under these circumstances, no President of the United States, in -discharging his constitutional duty of giving to Congress -information of the state of the Union, could have avoided a -reference to this condition of conflicting sectional feelings and -determinations, especially at a moment when one of the Southern -States was about to act upon the assumption that the election of the -Northern candidate evinced a hostile disposition in the North -towards the people and the social institutions of the South, too -dangerous to be disregarded. If, by fairly holding the balance -between the two sections, President Buchanan could suggest any -course of conciliation and compromise that could be adopted without -impairing the authority of the Federal Government or weakening its -rights, it was his duty to point it out. The adoption of such a -course by Congress would certainly smooth the way for President -Lincoln, because it would leave South Carolina alone in her attitude -of secession, would tend with great force to prevent any of the -other cotton States from following her example, and would render a -civil war extremely improbable, because it would remove one great -cause for the spread of secession beyond the borders of that State. -When the recommendation of the message is examined with -impartiality, it will be found that it proposed an explanatory -amendment of the Constitution which was entirely reasonable, and -which would have terminated the existing dissensions, so far as they -depended upon this particular question. - -But those dissensions had other causes, which it was equally the -duty of the President to bring before Congress and the country. For -a long period of time, the anti-slavery agitation in the North, not -confined to the question of slavery in the Territories, had awakened -apprehensions in the South for their domestic peace and safety. It -was undoubtedly but reasonable to expect the Southern people to rely -on the conservative force of Northern public opinion, to guard -against interference with slavery in the States by any form of -public action through the General Government, by whatever party it -might be administered. But who could insure them against the -consequences of such lawless acts as John Brown’s “raid” into -Virginia, undertaken in 1859, with the avowed purpose of producing a -slave insurrection? This occurrence, which was only a little more -than a twelvemonth old when Mr. Buchanan prepared his annual message -of December 3, 1860, had produced a sadder impression on the -Southern people against the Union than any previous event had ever -caused.[77] This painful impression was deepened by the popular -honors paid in the North to this man’s memory as a martyr in the -cause of liberty, for whom the prayers of churches were offered, and -who, after he had died the death of a felon, was canonized as a -saint, mouldering in the body in the grave, but in spirit marching -on to the accomplishment of his mission of liberator of the slaves. -Such fanaticism might well be regarded with serious alarm by a -people who dwelt surrounded in every relation of life by a slave -population of another race, in many communities outnumbering the -Whites. Yet this was not all that tended to alienate the people of -the South from the Union. A provision of the Constitution which was -adopted by its framers as a fundamental condition of the new Union -that it aimed to establish, for the execution of which legislation -had been provided in 1793,—legislation which bore the name of -Washington himself, and which had been amended and strengthened in -1850 by a solemn Congressional agreement,—had been for seven years -resisted by combinations of individuals in the North, and by State -laws of obstruction that had no less of nullification as their -spirit and purpose than the nullifying ordinance of South Carolina, -by which she formerly undertook to obstruct another law of the -Union. It was impossible for the Southern People not to place this -resistance to the extradition of fugitive slaves among their -grievances. It was a real grievance, and one that, considering the -nature of the Constitutional mandate and stipulation, it was right -that they should complain of. - -Footnote 77: - - John Brown’s seizure of the armory, arsenal, and rifle factory of - the United States at Harper’s Ferry occurred October 16, 1859. - -Was the President of the United States, standing at the threshold of -the secession movement, measuring as he was bound to do with a -comprehensive grasp the condition of the Union, to be silent -respecting these things? Was he, if he spoke to the South, warning -her that the election of Abraham Lincoln was no cause for her -attempting to leave the Union, and expounding to her the utter -futility of the doctrine of secession as a constitutional right—was -he to say nothing to the North of the duty which rested upon her to -remove all just causes of complaint, and thus to render secession -inexcusable to the Southern people themselves? A supreme ruler, -placed as Mr. Buchanan was at the period I am now considering, had a -complex duty to perform. It was to prevent, if he could, the -formation of any sort of Southern Confederacy among the cotton -States, and thereby to relieve his successor from the necessity of -having to encounter more than the secession of South Carolina. She -could be dealt with easily, standing alone, if Congress would clothe -the President with the necessary power to enforce the laws of the -Union within her limits. Backed by a new confederacy of her -contiguous sisters, containing five millions of people, and -controlling the whole cotton production of the country, the problem -for the new President would indeed be a formidable one. To prevent -this, certain measures of conciliation were deemed by President -Buchanan, in as honest and as wise a judgment as any statesman ever -formed, to be essential. When the reader has examined his -recommendations of constitutional amendments, along with the -practical measures for which he applied, and which Congress did not -adopt, he will have to ask himself, if Congress had done its duty as -the President performed his, is it within the bounds of probability -that Mr. Lincoln would have been embarrassed with the question about -the forts in Charleston harbor, or that the Montgomery government -would have ever existed, or that South Carolina, unaided and -undirected by that new confederacy, would ever have fired on Sumter? - -As the internal affairs of the country claimed the first attention -of the President, and occupied a very large part of his message, I -quote the whole of what it said on this very grave topic: - -FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:— - - Throughout the year since our last meeting, the country has been - eminently prosperous in all its material interests. The general - health has been excellent, our harvests have been abundant, and - plenty smiles throughout the land. Our commerce and manufactures - have been prosecuted with energy and industry, and have yielded - fair and ample returns. In short, no nation in the tide of time - has ever presented a spectacle of greater material prosperity than - we have done, until within a very recent period. - - Why is it, then, that discontent now so extensively prevails, and - the union of the States, which is the source of all these - blessings, is threatened with destruction? - - The long continued and intemperate interference of the Northern - people with the question of slavery in the Southern States has at - length produced its natural effects. The different sections of the - Union are now arrayed against each other, and the time has - arrived, so much dreaded by the Father of his Country, when - hostile geographical parties have been formed. - - I have long foreseen, and often forewarned my countrymen of the - now impending danger. This does not proceed solely from the claim - on the part of Congress or the Territorial legislatures to exclude - slavery from the Territories, nor from the efforts of different - States to defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law. All or - any of these evils might have been endured by the South, without - danger to the Union (as others have been), in the hope that time - and reflection might apply the remedy. The immediate peril arises, - not so much from these causes, as from the fact that the incessant - and violent agitation of the slavery question throughout the North - for the last quarter of a century has at length produced its - malign influence on the slaves, and inspired them with vague - notions of freedom. Hence a sense of security no longer exists - around the family altar. This feeling of peace at home has given - place to apprehensions of servile insurrections. Many a matron - throughout the South retires at night in dread of what may befall - herself and her children before the morning. Should this - apprehension of domestic danger, whether real or imaginary, extend - and intensify itself, until it shall pervade the masses of the - Southern people, then disunion will become inevitable. - Self-preservation is the first law of nature, and has been - implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for the wisest - purpose; and no political union, however fraught with blessings - and benefits in all other respects, can long continue, if the - necessary consequence be to render the homes and the fire-sides of - nearly half the parties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. - Sooner or later the bonds of such a Union must be severed. It is - my conviction that this fatal period has not yet arrived: and my - prayer to God is, that he would preserve the Constitution and the - Union throughout all generations. - - But let us take warning in time, and remove the cause of danger. - It cannot be denied that for five and twenty years the agitation - at the North against slavery has been incessant. In 1835, - pictorial handbills and inflammatory appeals were circulated - extensively throughout the South, of a character to excite the - passions of the slaves, and, in the language of General Jackson, - “to stimulate them to insurrection and produce all the horrors of - a servile war.” This agitation has ever since been continued by - the public press, by the proceedings of State and county - conventions, and by abolition sermons and lectures. The time of - Congress has been occupied in violent speeches on this never - ending subject; and appeals, in pamphlet and other forms, indorsed - by distinguished names, have been sent forth from this central - point and spread broadcast over the Union. - - How easy would it be for the American people to settle the slavery - question forever, and to restore peace and harmony to this - distracted country! They, and they alone, can do it. All that is - necessary to accomplish the object, and all for which the slave - States have ever contended, is to be let alone and permitted to - manage their domestic institutions in their own way. As sovereign - States, they, and they alone, are responsible before God and the - world for the slavery existing among them. For this the people of - the North are not more responsible, and have no more right to - interfere, than with similar institutions in Russia or in Brazil. - - Upon their good sense and patriotic forbearance, I confess, I - still greatly rely. Without their aid it is beyond the power of - any President, no matter what may be his own political - proclivities, to restore peace and harmony among the States. - Wisely limited and restrained as is his power under our - Constitution and laws, he alone can accomplish but little for good - or for evil on such a momentous question. - - And this brings me to observe, that the election of any one of our - fellow-citizens to the office of President does not of itself - afford just cause for dissolving the Union. This is more - especially true if his election has been effected by a mere - plurality and not a majority of the people, and has resulted from - transient and temporary causes, which may probably never again - occur. In order to justify a resort to revolutionary resistance, - the Federal Government must be guilty of “a deliberate; palpable, - and dangerous exercise” of powers not granted by the Constitution. - The late Presidential election, however, has been held in strict - conformity with its express provisions. How, then, can the result - justify a revolution to destroy this very Constitution? Reason, - justice, a regard for the Constitution, all require that we shall - wait for some overt and dangerous act on the part of the President - elect, before resorting to such a remedy. It is said, however, - that the antecedents of the President elect have been sufficient - to justify the fears of the South that he will attempt to invade - their constitutional rights. But are such apprehensions of - contingent danger in the future sufficient to justify the - immediate destruction of the noblest system of government ever - devised by mortals? From the very nature of his office, and its - high responsibilities, he must necessarily be conservative. The - stern duty of administering the vast and complicated concerns of - this Government affords in itself a guarantee that he will not - attempt any violation of a clear constitutional right. - - After all, he is no more than the Chief Executive officer of the - Government. His province is not to make but to execute the laws; - and it is a remarkable fact in our history that, notwithstanding - the repeated efforts of the anti-slavery party, no single act has - ever passed Congress, unless we may possibly except the Missouri - Compromise, impairing in the slightest degree the rights of the - South to their property in slaves. And it may also be observed, - judging from present indications, that no probability exists of - the passage of such an act by a majority of both Houses, either in - the present or the next Congress. Surely, under these - circumstances, we ought to be restrained from present action by - the precept of Him who spake as man never spoke, that “sufficient - unto the day is the evil thereof.” The day of evil may never come - unless we shall rashly bring it upon ourselves. - - It is alleged as one cause for immediate secession, that the - Southern States are denied equal rights with the other States in - the common Territories. But by what authority are these denied? - Not by Congress, which has never passed, and I believe never will - pass, any act to exclude slavery from these Territories. And - certainly not by the Supreme Court, which has solemnly decided - that slaves are property, and like all other property their owners - have a right to take them into the common Territories and hold - them there under the protection of the Constitution. - - So far, then, as Congress is concerned, the objection is not to - anything they have already done, but to what they may do - hereafter. It will surely be admitted that this apprehension of - future danger is no good reason for an immediate dissolution of - the Union. It is true that the Territorial legislature of Kansas, - on the 23d February, 1860, passed in great haste an act over the - veto of the Governor, declaring that slavery “is and shall be - forever prohibited in this Territory.” Such an act, however, - plainly violating the rights of property secured by the - Constitution, will surely be declared void by the judiciary, - whenever it shall be presented in a legal form. - - Only three days after my inauguration, the Supreme Court of the - United States solemnly adjudged that this power did not exist in a - Territorial legislature. Yet such has been the factious temper of - the times that the correctness of this decision has been - extensively impugned before the people, and the question has given - rise to angry political conflicts throughout the country. Those - who have appealed from this judgment of our highest constitutional - tribunal to popular assemblies, would, if they could, invest a - Territorial legislature with power to annul the sacred rights of - property. This power Congress is expressly forbidden by the - Federal Constitution to exercise. Every State legislature in the - Union is forbidden by its own constitution to exercise it. It - cannot be exercised in any State except by the people in their - highest sovereign capacity when framing or amending their State - constitution. In like manner it can only be exercised by the - people of a Territory, represented in a convention of delegates, - for the purpose of framing a constitution preparatory to admission - as a State into the Union. Then, and not until then, are they - invested with power to decide the question whether slavery shall - or shall not exist within their limits. This is an act of - sovereign authority and not of subordinate Territorial - legislation. Were it otherwise, then indeed would the equality of - the States in the Territories be destroyed and the rights of - property in slaves would depend not upon the guarantees of the - Constitution, but upon the shifting majorities of an irresponsible - Territorial legislature. Such a doctrine, from its intrinsic - unsoundness, cannot long influence any considerable portion of our - people, much less can it afford a good reason for a dissolution of - our Union. - - The most palpable violations of constitutional duty which have yet - been committed consist in the acts of different State legislatures - to defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law. It ought to be - remembered, however, that for these acts neither Congress nor any - President can justly be held responsible. Having been passed in - violation of the Federal Constitution, they are therefore null and - void. All the courts, both State and national, before whom the - question has arisen, have, from the beginning, declared the - fugitive slave law to be constitutional. The single exception is - that of a State court in Wisconsin; and this has not only been - reversed by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met with such - universal reprobation, that there can be no danger from it as a - precedent. The validity of this law has been established over and - over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with - unanimity. It is founded upon an express provision of the - Constitution, requiring that fugitive slaves who escape from - service in one State to another shall be “delivered up” to their - masters. Without this provision, it is a well known historical - fact that the Constitution itself could never have been adopted by - the convention. In one form or other, under the acts of 1793 and - 1850, both being substantially the same, the fugitive slave law - has been the law of the land from the days of Washington until the - present moment. Here, then, a clear case is presented, in which it - will be the duty of the next President, as it has been my own, to - act with vigor in executing this supreme law against the - conflicting enactments of State legislatures. Should he fail in - the performance of this high duty, he will then have manifested a - disregard of the Constitution and laws, to the great injury of the - people of nearly one-half of the States of the Union. But are we - to presume in advance that he will thus violate his duty? This - would be at war with every principle of justice and of Christian - charity. Let us wait for the overt act. The fugitive slave law has - been carried into execution in every contested case since the - commencement of the present administration; though often, it is to - be regretted, with great loss and inconvenience to the master, and - with considerable expense to the Government. Let us trust that the - State legislatures will repeal their unconstitutional and - obnoxious enactments. Unless this shall be done without - unnecessary delay, it is impossible for any human power to save - the Union. - - The Southern States, standing on the basis of the Constitution, - have a right to demand this act of justice from the States of the - North. Should it be refused, then the Constitution, to which all - the States are parties, will have been wilfully violated by one - portion of them in a provision essential to the domestic security - and happiness of the remainder. In that event, the injured States, - after having first used all peaceful and constitutional means to - obtain redress, would be justified in revolutionary resistance to - the Government of the Union. - - I have purposely confined my remarks to revolutionary resistance, - because it has been claimed within the last few years that any - State, whenever this shall be its sovereign will and pleasure, may - secede from the Union in accordance with the Constitution, and - without any violation of the constitutional rights of the other - members of the Confederacy. That as each became parties to the - Union by the vote of its own people assembled in convention, so - any one of them may retire from the Union in a similar manner by - the vote of such a convention. - - In order to justify secession as a constitutional remedy, it must - be on the principle that the Federal Government is a mere - voluntary association of States, to be dissolved at pleasure by - any one of the contracting parties. If this be so, the Confederacy - is a rope of sand, to be penetrated and dissolved by the first - adverse wave of public opinion in any of the States. In this - manner our thirty-three States may resolve themselves into as many - petty, jarring, and hostile republics, each one retiring from the - Union without responsibility whenever any sudden excitement might - impel them to such a course. By this process a Union might be - entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks, which cost our - forefathers many years of toil, privation, and blood to establish. - - Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with the history as well - as the character of the Federal Constitution. After it was framed, - with the greatest deliberation and care, it was submitted to - conventions of the people of the several States for ratification. - Its provisions were discussed at length in these bodies, composed - of the first men of the country. Its opponents contended that it - conferred powers upon the Federal Government dangerous to the - rights of the States, whilst its advocates maintained that, under - a fair construction of the instrument, there was no foundation for - such apprehensions. In that mighty struggle between the first - intellects of this or any other country, it never occurred to any - individual, either among its opponents or advocates, to assert or - even to intimate that their efforts were all vain labor, because - the moment that any State felt herself aggrieved she might secede - from the Union. What a crushing argument would this have proved - against those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be - endangered by the Constitution. The truth is, that it was not - until many years after the origin of the Federal Government that - such a proposition was first advanced. It was then met and refuted - by the conclusive arguments of General Jackson, who, in his - message of the 16th January, 1833, transmitting the nullifying - ordinance of South Carolina to Congress, employs the following - language: “The right of the people of a single State to absolve - themselves at will, and without the consent of the other States, - from their most solemn obligations, and hazard the liberty and - happiness of the millions composing this Union, cannot be - acknowledged. Such authority is believed to be utterly repugnant - both to the principles upon which the General Government is - constituted, and to the objects which it was expressly formed to - attain.” - - It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives - countenance to such a theory. It is altogether founded upon - inference, not from any language contained in the instrument - itself, but from the sovereign character of the several States by - which it was ratified. But is it beyond the power of a State, like - an individual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to - secure the remainder? In the language of Mr. Madison, who has been - called the father of the Constitution, “It was formed by the - States—that is, by the people in each of the States acting in - their highest sovereign capacity, and formed, consequently, by the - same authority which formed the State constitutions. Nor is the - Government of the United States, created by the Constitution, less - a government, in the strict sense of the term, within the sphere - of its powers, than the governments created by the constitutions - of the States are within their several spheres. It is, like them, - organized into legislative, executive, and judiciary departments. - It operates, like them, directly on persons and things; and, like - them, it has at command a physical force for executing the powers - committed to it.” - - It was intended to be perpetual, and not to be annulled at the - pleasure of any one of the contracting parties. The old articles - of confederation were entitled “Articles of confederation and - perpetual union between the States;” and by the thirteenth article - it is expressly declared that “the articles of this confederation - shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the union shall - be perpetual.” The preamble to the Constitution of the United - States, having express reference to the articles of confederation, - recites that it was established “in order to form a more perfect - union.” And yet it is contended that this “more perfect union” - does not include the essential attribute of perpetuity. - - But that the Union was designed to be perpetual, appears - conclusively from the nature and extent of the powers conferred by - the Constitution on the Federal Government. These powers embrace - the very highest attributes of national sovereignty. They place - both the sword and the purse under its control. Congress has power - to make war and to make peace; to raise and support armies and - navies, and to conclude treaties with foreign governments. It is - invested with the power to coin money, and to regulate the value - thereof, and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among - the several States. It is not necessary to enumerate the other - high powers which have been conferred upon the Federal Government. - In order to carry the enumerated powers into effect, Congress - possesses the exclusive right to lay and collect duties on - imports, and, in common with the States, to lay and collect all - other taxes. - - But the Constitution has not only conferred these high powers upon - Congress, but it has adopted effectual means to restrain the - States from interfering with their exercise. For that purpose it - has in strong prohibitory language expressly declared that “no - State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; - grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of - credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment - of debts; pass any bill of attainder, _ex post facto_ law, or law - impairing the obligation of contracts.” Moreover, “without the - consent of Congress no State shall lay any imposts or duties on - any imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary - for executing its inspection laws,” and if they exceed this - amount, the excess shall belong to the United States. And “no - State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of - tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into - any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign - power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such - imminent danger as will not admit of delay.” - - In order still further to secure the uninterrupted exercise of - these high powers against State interposition, it is provided - “that this Constitution and the laws of the United States which - shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made or which - shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be - the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall - be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any - State to the contrary notwithstanding.” - - The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the - obligations of official duty, and all Senators and Representatives - of the United States, all members of State legislatures, and all - executive and judicial officers, “both of the United States and of - the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to - support this Constitution.” - - In order to carry into effect these powers, the Constitution has - established a perfect Government in all its forms, legislative, - executive, and judicial; and this Government to the extent of its - powers acts directly upon the individual citizens of every State, - and executes its own decrees by the agency of its own officers. In - this respect it differs entirely from the government under the old - confederation, which was confined to making requisitions on the - States in their sovereign character. This left in the discretion - of each whether to obey or to refuse, and they often declined to - comply with such requisitions. It thus became necessary for the - purpose of removing this barrier, and, “in order to form a more - perfect union,” to establish a Government which could act directly - upon the people and execute its own laws without the intermediate - agency of the States. This has been accomplished by the - Constitution of the United States. In short, the Government - created by the Constitution, and deriving its authority from the - sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the - same right to exercise its power over the people of all these - States in the enumerated cases, that each one of them possesses - over subjects not delegated to the United States, but “reserved to - the States respectively or to the people.” - - To the extent of the delegated powers the Constitution of the - United States is as much a part of the constitution of each State, - and is as binding upon its people, as though it had been textually - inserted therein. - - This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful government, - invested with all the attributes of sovereignty over the special - subjects to which its authority extends. Its framers never - intended to implant in its bosom the seeds of its own destruction, - nor were they at its creation guilty of the absurdity of providing - for its own dissolution. It was not intended by its framers to be - the baseless fabric of a vision, which, at the touch of the - enchanter, would vanish into thin air, but a substantial and - mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time, and of - defying the storms of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots - of that day have indulged fears that a government of such high - powers might violate the reserved rights of the States, and wisely - did they adopt the rule of a strict construction of these powers - to prevent the danger. But they did not fear, nor had they any - reason to imagine that the Constitution would ever be so - interpreted as to enable any State by her own act, and without the - consent of her sister States, to discharge her people from all or - any of the federal obligations. - - It may be asked, then, are the people of the States without - redress against the tyranny and oppression of the Federal - Government? By no means. The right of resistance on the part of - the governed against the oppression of their governments cannot be - denied. It exists independently of all constitutions, and has been - exercised at all periods of the world’s history. Under it, old - governments have been destroyed and new ones have taken their - place. It is embodied in strong and express language in our own - Declaration of Independence. But the distinction must ever be - observed that this is revolution against an established - government, and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue of an - inherent constitutional right. In short, let us look the danger - fairly in the face; secession is neither more nor less than - revolution. It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution; but - still it is revolution. - - What, in the meantime, is the responsibility and true position of - the Executive? He is bound by solemn oath, before God and the - country, “to take care that the laws be faithfully executed,” and - from this obligation he cannot be absolved by any human power. But - what if the performance of this duty, in whole or in part, has - been rendered impracticable by events over which he could have - exercised no control? Such, at the present moment, is the case - throughout the State of South Carolina, so far as the laws of the - United States to secure the administration of justice by means of - the federal judiciary are concerned. All the federal officers - within its limits, through whose agency alone these laws can be - carried into execution, have already resigned. We no longer have a - district judge, a district attorney, or a marshal in South - Carolina. In fact, the whole machinery of the Federal Government - necessary for the distribution of remedial justice among the - people has been demolished, and it would be difficult, if not - impossible, to replace it. - - The only acts of Congress on the statute book, bearing upon this - subject, are those of the 28th February, 1795, and 3d March, 1807. - These authorize the President, after he shall have ascertained - that the marshal, with his posse comitatus, is unable to execute - civil or criminal process in any particular case, to call forth - the militia and employ the army and navy to aid him in performing - this service, having first by proclamation commanded the - insurgents “to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective - abodes within a limited time.” This duty cannot by possibility be - performed in a State where no judicial authority exists to issue - process, and where there is no marshal to execute it, and where, - even if there were such an officer, the entire population would - constitute one solid combination to resist him. - - The bare enumeration of these provisions proves how inadequate - they are, without further legislation, to overcome a united - opposition in a single State, not to speak of other States who may - place themselves in a similar attitude. Congress alone has power - to decide whether the present laws can or cannot be amended so as - to carry out more effectually the objects of the Constitution. - - The same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing - the laws for the collection of the customs. The revenue still - continues to be collected, as heretofore, at the custom-house in - Charleston, and should the collector unfortunately resign, a - successor may be appointed to perform this duty. - - Then, in regard to the property of the United States in South - Carolina. This has been purchased, for a fair equivalent, “by the - consent of the legislature of the State,” “for the erection of - forts, magazines, arsenals,” etc., and over these the authority - “to exercise exclusive legislation,” has been expressly granted by - the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt - will be made to expel the United States from this property by - force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the officer - in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the - defensive. In such a contingency the responsibility for - consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the - assailants. - - Apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be - practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall - be the relations between the Federal Government and South - Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He - possesses no power to change the relations heretofore existing - between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that - State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the - power of recognizing the dissolution of the Confederacy among our - thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the - recognition of a foreign _de facto_ government, involving no such - responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a - naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to - Congress the whole question in all its bearings. The course of - events is so rapidly hastening forward that the emergency may soon - arise when you may be called upon to decide the momentous question - whether you possess the power, by force of arms, to compel a State - to remain in the Union. I should feel myself recreant to my duty - were I not to express an opinion on this important subject. - - The question fairly stated is: Has the Constitution delegated to - Congress the power to coerce a State into submission which is - attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from the - Confederacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the - principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to - declare and to make war against a State. After much serious - reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power - has been delegated to Congress or to any other department of the - Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an inspection of the - Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated - powers granted to Congress; and it is equally apparent that its - exercise is not “necessary and proper for carrying into execution” - any one of these powers. So far from this power having been - delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by the convention - which framed the Constitution. - - It appears from the proceedings of that body that on the 31st May, - 1787, the clause “_authorizing an exertion of the force of the - whole against a delinquent State_,” came up for consideration. Mr. - Madison opposed it in a brief but powerful speech, from which I - shall extract but a single sentence. He observed: “The use of - force against a State would look more like a declaration of war - than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be considered - by the party attacked as a dissolution of all previous compacts by - which it might be bound.” Upon his motion the clause was - unanimously postponed, and was never, I believe, again presented. - Soon afterwards, on the 8th June, 1787, when incidentally - adverting to the subject, he said: “Any government for the United - States, formed on the supposed practicability of using force - against the unconstitutional proceedings of the States, would - prove as visionary and fallacious as the Government of Congress,” - evidently meaning the then existing Congress of the old - Confederation. - - Without descending to particulars, it may be safely asserted that - the power to make war against a State is at variance with the - whole spirit and intent of the Constitution. Suppose such a war - should result in the conquest of a State, how are we to govern it - afterwards? Shall we hold it as a province and govern it by - despotic power? In the nature of things we could not, by physical - force, control the will of the people and compel them to elect - Senators and Representatives to Congress, and to perform all the - other duties depending upon their own volition, and required from - the free citizens of a free State as a constituent member of the - Confederacy. - - But, if we possessed this power, would it be wise to exercise it - under existing circumstances? The object would doubtless be to - preserve the Union. War would not only present the most effectual - means of destroying it, but would banish all hope of its peaceful - reconstruction. Besides, in the fraternal conflict a vast amount - of blood and treasure would be expended, rendering future - reconciliation between the States impossible. In the meantime, who - can foretell what would be the sufferings and privations of the - people during its existence? - - The fact is, that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can - never be cemented by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. - If it cannot live in the affections of the people, it must one day - perish. Congress possesses many means of preserving it by - conciliation; but the sword was not placed in their hand to - preserve it by force. - - But may I be permitted solemnly to invoke my countrymen to pause - and deliberate, before they determine to destroy this, the - grandest temple which has ever been dedicated to human freedom - since the world began. It has been consecrated by the blood of our - fathers, by the glories of the past, and by the hopes of the - future. The Union has already made us the most prosperous, and ere - long will, if preserved, render us the most powerful nation on the - face of the earth. In every foreign region of the globe the title - of American citizen is held in the highest respect, and when - pronounced in a foreign land it causes the hearts of our - countrymen to swell with honest pride. Surely, when we reach the - brink of the yawning abyss, we shall recoil with horror from the - last fatal plunge. - - By such a dread catastrophe, the hopes of the friends of freedom - throughout the world would be destroyed, and a long night of - leaden despotism would enshroud the nations. Our example for more - than eighty years would not only be lost, but it would be quoted - as conclusive proof that man is unfit for self-government. - - It is not every wrong—nay, it is not every grievous wrong—which - can justify a resort to such a fearful alternative. This ought to - be the last desperate remedy of a despairing people, after every - other constitutional means of conciliation had been exhausted. We - should reflect that, under this free Government, there is an - incessant ebb and flow in public opinion. The slavery question, - like everything human, will have its day. I firmly believe that it - has reached and passed the culminating point. But if, in the midst - of the existing excitement, the Union shall perish, the evil may - then become irreparable. - - Congress can contribute much to avert it, by proposing and - recommending to the legislatures of the several States the remedy - for existing evils which the Constitution has itself provided for - its own preservation. This has been tried at different critical - periods of our history, and always with eminent success. It is to - be found in the fifth article, providing for its own amendment. - Under this article, amendments have been proposed by two-thirds of - both Houses of Congress, and have been “ratified by the - legislatures of three-fourths of the several States,” and have - consequently become parts of the Constitution. To this process the - country is indebted for the clause prohibiting Congress from - passing any law respecting an establishment of religion, or - abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of the right - of petition. To this we are, also, indebted for the Bill of - Rights, which secures the people against any abuse of power by the - Federal Government. Such were the apprehensions justly entertained - by the friends of State rights at that period as to have rendered - it extremely doubtful whether the Constitution could have long - survived without those amendments. - - Again, the Constitution was amended by the same process, after the - election of President Jefferson by the House of Representatives, - in February, 1803. This amendment was rendered necessary to - prevent a recurrence of the dangers which had seriously threatened - the existence of the Government during the pendency of that - election. The article for its own amendment was intended to secure - the amicable adjustment of conflicting constitutional questions - like the present, which might arise between the governments of the - States and that of the United States. This appears from - contemporaneous history. In this connection, I shall merely call - attention to a few sentences in Mr. Madison’s justly celebrated - report, in 1799, to the legislature of Virginia. In this, he ably - and conclusively defended the resolutions of the preceding - legislature, against the strictures of several other State - legislatures. These were mainly founded upon the protest of the - Virginia legislature against the “alien and sedition acts,” as - “palpable and alarming infractions of the Constitution.” In - pointing out the peaceful and constitutional remedies—and he - referred to none other—to which the States were authorized to - resort on such occasions, he concludes by saying, “that the - legislatures of the States might have made a direct representation - to Congress, with a view to obtain a rescinding of the two - offensive acts, or they might have represented to their respective - Senators in Congress, their wish that two-thirds thereof would - propose an explanatory amendment to the Constitution, or - two-thirds of themselves, if such had been their option, might by - an application to Congress, have obtained a convention for the - same object.” This is the very course which I earnestly recommend, - in order to obtain an “explanatory amendment” of the Constitution - on the subject of slavery. This might originate with Congress or - the State legislatures, as may be deemed most advisable to attain - the object. - - The explanatory amendment might be confined to the final - settlement of the true construction of the Constitution on three - special points: - - 1. An express recognition of the right of property in slaves in - the States where it now exists or may hereafter exist. - - 2. The duty of protecting this right in all the common Territories - throughout their Territorial existence, and until they shall be - admitted as States into the Union, with or without slavery, as - their constitutions may prescribe. - - 3. A like recognition of the right of the master to have his - slave, who has escaped from one State to another, restored and - “delivered up” to him, and of the validity of the fugitive slave - law enacted for this purpose, together with a declaration that all - State laws impairing or defeating this right, are violations of - the Constitution, and are consequently null and void. It may be - objected that this construction of the Constitution has already - been settled by the Supreme Court of the United States, and what - more ought to be required? The answer is, that a very large - proportion of the people of the United States still contest the - correctness of this decision, and never will cease from agitation, - and admit its binding force, until clearly established by the - people of the several States in their sovereign character. Such an - explanatory amendment would, it is believed, forever terminate the - existing dissensions, and restore peace and harmony among the - States. - - It ought not to be doubted that such an appeal to the arbitrament - established by the Constitution itself would be received with - favor by all the States of the Confederacy. In any event, it ought - to be tried in a spirit of conciliation before any of these States - shall separate themselves from the Union. - - When I entered upon the duties of the Presidential office, the - aspect neither of our foreign nor domestic affairs was at all - satisfactory. We were involved in dangerous complications with - several nations, and two of our Territories were in a state of - revolution against the Government. A restoration of the African - slave trade had numerous and powerful advocates. Unlawful military - expeditions were countenanced by many of our citizens, and were - suffered, in defiance of the efforts of the Government, to escape - from our shores for the purpose of making war upon the unoffending - people of neighboring republics with whom we were at peace. In - addition to these and other difficulties, we experienced a - revulsion in monetary affairs, soon after my advent to power, of - unexampled severity, and of ruinous consequences to all the great - interests of the country. When we take a retrospect of what was - then our condition, and contrast this with its material prosperity - at the time of the late Presidential election, we have abundant - reason to return our grateful thanks to that merciful Providence - which has never forsaken us as a nation in all our past trials. - -With respect to the supposed right of secession as a deduction from -the nature of the Union, as established by the Constitution—a theory -on which the secessionists from the first desired the whole issue to -be based, with all its resulting consequences—I shall close this -chapter with the remark that, after a long familiarity with our -constitutional literature, I know of no document which, within the -same compass, states so clearly and accurately what I regard as the -true theory of our Constitution, as this message of President -Buchanan. Had I the power to change it, I would not alter a word. -The President, after stating a case which might justify revolution -under this as under all other governments, after all peaceful and -constitutional means to obtain redress had been exhausted, proceeded -to discuss the supposed constitutional right of secession, with the -power of a statesman and the precision of a jurist.[78] - -Footnote 78: - - Mr. Buchanan, in constructing this great argument, doubtless had - very important sources from which to draw his reasoning, in Mr. - Webster’s replies to Mr. Hayne and Mr. Calhoun, in General - Jackson’s great proclamation and message in the time of - nullification, in the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United - States, in the writings of Hamilton, Madison and others of the - early expounders of the Constitution. But who can justly deny to - him the merit of concentrating his materials into a powerful - statement, of that theory of our Constitution on which the - rightfulness of the late civil war must rest in history, or be - left without any justification but the power of numbers and the - principle that might makes right! - -Among all the reproaches that have been cast upon President -Buchanan, none has been more persistently repeated than that which -has imputed to him a “temporizing policy;” and the doctrine on which -he denied that the Federal Government could make aggressive war upon -a State for the purpose of preventing her from seceding from the -Union, has been represented as the strongest proof of his want of -the vigor necessary for the emergency. Little are the objectors -aware that the policy of Mr. Lincoln’s administration, until after -the attack on Fort Sumter, was identical with that of Mr. Buchanan. -Mr. Lincoln’s policy was largely shaped by his Secretary of State, -Mr. Seward; and there can be no better authority than Mr. Seward’s -for proof of that policy.[79] - -Footnote 79: - - The following extracts are taken from an official letter addressed - by Mr. Seward, as Secretary of State, to Mr. C. F. Adams, who had - just gone abroad as United States Minister to England. The letter - bears date April 10th, 1861. “You will hardly be asked by - responsible statesmen abroad, why has not the new administration - already suppressed the revolution. Thirty-five days are a short - period in which to repress, chiefly by moral means, a movement - which is so active whilst disclosing itself throughout an - empire...... He (President Lincoln) believes that the citizens of - those States, as well as the citizens of the other States, are too - intelligent, considerate, and wise to follow the leaders to that - destructive end (anarchy). For these reasons, he would not be - disposed to reject a cardinal dogma of theirs, namely, that the - Federal Government could not reduce the seceding States to - obedience by conquest, even although he were disposed to question - that proposition. But, in fact, the President willingly accepts it - as true. Only an imperial and despotic government could subjugate - thoroughly disaffected and insurrectionary members of the state. - This federal, republican country of ours is of all forms of - government the very one which is most unfitted for such a labor. - Happily, however, this is only an imaginary defect. The system has - within itself adequate, peaceful, conservative and recuperative - forces. Firmness on the part of the Government in maintaining and - preserving the public institutions and property, and in executing - the laws where authority can be exercised without waging war, - combined with such measures of justice, moderation and forbearance - as will disarm reasoning opposition, will be sufficient to secure - the public safety, until returning reflection, concurring with the - fearful experience of social evils, the inevitable fruits of - faction, shall bring the recusant members cheerfully into the - family, which, after all, must prove their best and happiest, as - it undeniably is their most natural home.” He then goes on to show - that the calling of a national convention, by authority of - Congress, will remove all real obstacles to a re-union, by - revising the Constitution, and he adds: “Keeping that remedy - steadily in view, the President on the one hand will not suffer - the Federal authority to fall into abeyance, nor will he on the - other hand aggravate existing evils by attempts at coercion which - must assume the form of direct war against any of the - revolutionary States.” It is impossible for human ingenuity to - draw a sensible distinction between the policy of President - Lincoln, as laid down by Mr. Seward just before the attack on Fort - Sumter, and the policy adopted and steadily pursued by President - Buchanan; and it is to be hoped that the world will hereafter hear - no more reproaches of President Buchanan, because he denied the - authority of the Federal Government to make aggressive war upon a - State to compel it to remain in the Union, or because he proposed - conciliatory measures looking to an amendment of the Constitution. - - - - - CHAPTER XVII. - 1860—December. - -RECEPTION OF THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE IN THE CABINET, IN CONGRESS, - AND IN THE COUNTRY—THE FIRM ATTITUDE AND WISE POLICY OF MR. - BUCHANAN. - - -Reference has already been made to what took place when this annual -message was read to the cabinet, before it was transmitted to -Congress. Recent revelations made by Judge Black in the public -prints disclose the nature of an objection made by him to the -expression “to coerce a State into submission, which is attempting -to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from the Confederacy.” His -criticism did not apply to the legal proposition of the message, in -which he entirely concurred; but his apprehension was that the -expression would be read superficially, and be misunderstood. The -President did not think so, nor did the other members of the -cabinet. It is only necessary for me to repeat that the message -clearly and unequivocally pointed out that the coercive power of the -Federal Government was necessarily confined and must be applied to -the execution upon individuals of the laws of the United States; and -that it explicitly stated, with proper references to the proceedings -of the framers of the Constitution, that a power to coerce a State -by force of arms was expressly rejected by them, since it would, if -applied, be equivalent to a declaration of war against the State by -the Government of the Union. But the apprehension felt by the -learned Attorney General was caused, I presume, by his anxiety -concerning the reception of the message in the South and among the -secessionists. It was their misconstruction that he feared. He could -not well have supposed that Northern statesmen, grounded at least in -the fundamental principles of the Constitution usually accepted at -the North, and with the clear distinction put before them in the -message between coercing a State and coercing individuals, would -impute to the President an intention to renounce the right to use -force in the execution of the laws and the protection of the public -property of the Union. In point of fact, as the sequel will show, -nearly the whole Republican party, after the message became public, -without any rational excuse for such a misconstruction, saw fit to -treat the message as a denial by the President of any power to -enforce the laws against the citizens of a State after secession, -and even after actual rebellion. If this was what the Attorney -General anticipated, it would seem that the President, having taken -great care to make clear the distinction, was not bound to suppose -that a merely partisan spirit of misrepresentation would be applied -to such a document as this message, to the extent of utterly -perverting its meaning. On the other hand, the disunionists did not -misunderstand or misconstrue the message. They saw clearly that it -not only denounced secession, but that while it enunciated the -doctrine that the Federal Government could not apply force to -prevent a State from adopting an ordinance of secession, it could -and must use force, if need be, to execute its laws, notwithstanding -the secession. This was a doctrine opposed _toto cælo_, and in all -its branches, to the secessionist’s theory of the Constitution. It -met them upon their own ground, for it utterly denied that a State -ordinance of secession could absolve its people from obeying the -laws of the United States. Accordingly they denounced the message; -and upon their theory of the Constitution they denounced it rightly. -All friendly intercourse between the leading disunionists in -Congress and the President ceased after the message became public; -and from the multitude of private letters which reached the -President from the South, now lying before me, it is apparent that -throughout that section he was regarded, alike by the enemies and -the friends of the Union, as having made the issue on which the -secessionists desired to have the whole controversy turn. They were -just as ready to accept the issue of a constitutional power in the -Federal Government to enforce its laws after secession, as they were -to accept the issue of coercing a State to remain in the Union. - -As soon as the message was published, “thick as autumnal leaves that -strew the brooks in Vallambrosa,” private letters of approbation -were showered upon the President from all quarters of the North. The -most diverse reasons for praising his policy marked this -heterogeneous correspondence. The Democrat, who was afraid to have a -civil war begin under a Democratic administration, predicted that it -would destroy his party forever. The pious “abolitionist,” who saw -the finger of God in everything, and who prayed daily for a -separation of the free and the slave States, so that the reproach of -tolerating slavery might no longer rest upon the Constitution of his -country, hailed the annunciation of a policy which he thought -destined, in the course of Providence, to work out the result which -he longed to see. The Quaker, who abhorred war and bloodshed, hoped -that “thee” would preserve peace at any price. The man of business, -looking to his material interests and to the commercial advantages -of the Union, deprecated a civil war which would disturb the natural -current of affairs, and would end where no man could foresee. -Thoughtful citizens, who comprehended more within their range of -reflection than was common with their neighbors, recognized the -wisdom and the necessity of the conciliatory steps which the -President had recommended. The speculative jurist, meditating in his -closet upon what he supposed might be a panacea for this disordered -condition of the body politic, sent his recommendations. Nearly all -of these classes, in their various ways of looking at such a crisis, -were on the whole gratified that the President had afforded to the -country a breathing spell, had solemnly called upon Congress to -reflect, and had at the same time called upon it to act in the -manner best adapted to meet the emergency. Very few desired -aggressive measures to be taken, which would put the Federal -Government in the attitude of making war upon a State. - -These numerous private communications, coming from the people, were -addressed to one of the most self-reliant of men, who had surveyed -the whole field that was before him, who had firmly settled the -general policy which it was his duty to follow, and who was as calm -and collected in this great trial as he had ever been in any -situation of his life, while he was neither insensible to or -careless of its weighty responsibilities. It has been one of the -fashionable errors concerning Mr. Buchanan to impute to him, from -age or some other cause, a lack of firmness and self-possession in -this perilous emergency. He has been spoken of as having lost his -faculties, or as being bewildered by the perplexities of his -situation. There never was a more unfounded imputation. It is an -imputation to which no one who was closely in contact with him gave -at the time any countenance whatever. It will appear, as I go on, -that, of the members of his cabinet who were most concerned in all -his official acts during the last months of his administration, not -one formed at that time the opinion that he was wanting in firmness, -decision, or energy, however any of them may have differed with him -from time to time in regard to particular steps or measures. The -President who sent to Congress the message on which I commented in -the last preceding chapter, was certainly equal to the occasion. How -he felt, and what he said of his situation, the reader will be -interested to learn by the following extract from a confidential -letter which he wrote to a gentleman in New York on the 20th of -December: - - I have never enjoyed better health or a more tranquil spirit than - during the past year. All our troubles have not cost me an hour’s - sleep or a single meal, though I trust I have a just sense of my - high responsibility. I weigh well and prayerfully what course I - ought to adopt, and adhere to it steadily, leaving the result to - Providence. This is my nature, and I deserve neither praise nor - blame for it. Every person who served with me in the Senate in - high party times would avouch the truth of this statement. - -Mr. Buchanan may have made mistakes. If I had discovered them I -should not have hesitated to point them out. But that his policy was -sound; that it was the only policy that could have had any chance of -preserving the Union without a civil war; that his motive was -eminently patriotic; that with a serene and superb patience he -incurred the risk of obloquy and misrepresentation for the sake of -his country; all this should be the judgment of any impartial mind. -Nay, more: I do not hesitate to say that no man can justly accuse -him of vacillation, weakness, or timidity. A statesman who has a -great task to perform in a national peril, does not always pursue a -rigid line of action, without regard to the varying course of -events. He determines, first of all, on the grand object which he -wishes to accomplish. If he keeps that object constantly in view, he -must necessarily vary his steps as the changing aspects of public -affairs require; and one supreme test of his capacity and wisdom as -a statesman is to be found in his ability to adapt himself to new -situations, and at the same time not to lose sight of the capital -object of all his exertions. As a diplomatist, in the highest sense -of that term, Mr. Buchanan had few equals in his time, nor have -there been many men in our history who were in this respect his -superiors. As his course in the inception and progress of the -secession movement is developed, it will be seen that the -explanation of many of his acts, which have been the most -misunderstood or misrepresented, is to be found in the necessity for -palliating the danger of an armed collision, at moments when such a -collision would have destroyed all hope of a peaceful solution of -the sectional difficulties. That at such moments he sacrificed any -principle to the management of the immediate question in hand, or -imperilled any national interest, or that he ever departed in any -essential respect from the great object of his policy, will not be, -or ought not to be, the judgment of those who may follow this -narrative to the end. - -The dis-Unionists of South Carolina, aided by the leading -secessionists in Congress from other States of the South, as will -be seen hereafter, tried hard to entrap him. They never once -succeeded. They meant to draw from him an admission in some form -that a State could constitutionally secede from the Union; for -they were sorely provoked that he had denied the right of -secession in his message, and when South Carolina had actually -adopted her ordinance, it became with them a capital point to -extort from him a surrender of the forts in Charleston harbor, -which would imply that the ordinance had transferred them to the -State. They anticipated that if they could once drive him from the -position of his message, the Democratic party of the North, -looking upon him as its representative, would never encourage or -support a war for the recovery of those possessions. They knew -that he deprecated and was seeking to avoid a war; and they -believed that if he could be compelled to admit that South -Carolina was out of the Union, other States would quickly join her -in the same movement. But the truth is, that, with all their -astuteness, the secessionists were individually and collectively -no match for a man who had in former days contended with the most -crafty politicians of Russia, who had encountered and encountered -successfully the ablest among the British statesmen of that age, -and who knew more of public law and of our constitutional -jurisprudence than all the dis-Unionist leaders in the South. In -addition to all the resources which Mr. Buchanan had in his own -person and his experience as a statesman, he had a very important -resource in his Attorney General, and in some of the other -gentlemen who joined his cabinet after it became necessary to -reconstruct it; and if, in the pressure that was made upon him by -the secessionists, and in the hurry of encountering their devices, -there was any danger that his determinations might be unskillfully -shaped, it was abundantly guarded against by the suggestions of -his advisers. - -By the public press of the North, the message was of course received -according to party affinities. There were many leading articles -which regarded it as sound and wise; many which treated it as a kind -of “treasonable” giving away of the Union. The general tone, -however, of the more moderate journals was hopeful, and the papers -of this class based their hopes of a peaceful issue out of all the -difficulties upon the President’s recommendations. Still, the -utterances of the press did not show that even then the public mind -of the North fully grasped the extreme gravity of the situation; and -if these utterances of the press are to be taken as the best proof -of the state of the public mind in the North, without the aid of -one’s personal recollections and observation, it might be inferred -that the message had not produced the impression that it ought. But -the great mass of private letters which reached Mr. Buchanan are a -better index of what was passing in men’s minds; and they show -unmistakably that if the Congress had vigorously acted as he -advised, the public mind of the North was preparing to sanction and -to welcome the course which he recommended, however diverse were the -reasons or the motives which prevailed with the individual -writers.[80] - -Footnote 80: - - This mass of private letters is so great, and so fully represents - various classes of the community, that I have felt entirely - warranted in treating it as the best evidence of the currents of - public opinion, as they were setting immediately after the - publication of the message. The President could do nothing more - with such a correspondence than to have each letter carefully read - by a competent private secretary, and its contents duly noted for - his information. The whole of it gave him the means of knowing the - feelings of the people far better than he could know them by - reading the public prints. - -The letters which reached the President from the South, after the -promulgation of his message, were almost as numerous as those which -came from the North, but they did not exhibit such a variety in the -motives and feelings that animated the writers. They were from men -who represented two principal classes of persons, the Unionists and -the dis-Unionists. The latter wrote in a bold, defiant and turbulent -spirit. They made it quite clear that they cared nothing for the -distinction between coercing a State and coercing individuals, and -that they held a State ordinance of secession to be perfectly -efficacious to absolve its people from obeying the laws of the -United States. They declared that any movement of troops or -munitions of war into the Southern States would instantly be -accepted as proof of a design to prevent peaceable secession, would -promote bloodshed and inaugurate civil war. Many of these persons -were terribly in earnest; but if any of them wrote in the -expectation that they could operate upon the President’s fears, and -thus prevent him from carrying out his announced purpose to execute -the laws and preserve the public property of the Union, they -“reckoned without their host.” While he made it apparent to Congress -that at that time he was without the necessary executive powers to -enforce the collection of the revenue in South Carolina, in case she -should secede, he did not fail to call for the appropriate powers -and means. And in regard to the application of all the means that he -had for protecting the public property, it will be seen hereafter -that he omitted no step that could have been taken with safety, and -that when the day for the inauguration of his successor arrived, -Major Anderson not only held Fort Sumter, but had held it down to -that time in perfect confidence that he could maintain his position. - -The letters from Union men in the South evinced that there was in -all the cotton States, excepting in South Carolina, a strong body of -men who were not disposed to coöperate in a dismemberment of the -Union, and in the destruction of the Government under which they and -their fathers had always lived and prospered. They therefore, from -their positions, were able to tell Mr. Buchanan how important it was -that the Federal Government should not become the aggressor; how -vital it was that it should act on the defensive; and how necessary -it was that the North, acting through Congress, should adopt the -conciliatory measures which he had recommended; measures that would, -in regard to the Territories, give the South nothing but a barren -abstraction, and that would, in regard to the extradition of -fugitives, give the South only what it had a perfect right to -demand. Although all this was entirely apparent to the President -without the information which these letters gave him, these -expressions of the feelings, opinions and hopes of the Unionists of -that region were a strong confirmation of the wisdom of his policy. - -The tone of the Southern press respecting the message was in general -violent and inflammatory, but with many noteworthy exceptions. But -as in the North, so in the South, the private letters to the -President were a better index of the currents of feeling and opinion -than anything that could be found in the utterances of the press. - -In Congress, when the message was received, there was a singular -state of parties. First, there were the Republicans, flushed with -their recent political triumph in the election of Mr. Lincoln, and -entirely indisposed to make any concessions that would militate, or -seem to militate, against the dogmas of the “Chicago Platform.” This -party was purely sectional in its composition, tendencies and -purposes. Next were the representatives of the Southern States, most -of whom held theoretically to the State right of secession. This -party was a sectional one, also; but, as will hereafter be shown, -there were a few Southern men in Congress who did not believe in the -doctrine of secession, who favored no extreme demands of the South, -and who acted throughout with a steady purpose to preserve the peace -of the country and the integrity of the Union. Thirdly, there were -the Northern Democrats, represented by such Senators as Mr. Douglas, -Mr. Bigler and Mr. Bright, who could act as mediators between the -extreme sectional parties of North and South. It was to such a -Congress that the President addressed his message, at a moment when -South Carolina was about to secede from the Union, and when the -danger was that all the other cotton States would follow her -example. He was convinced that an attempt of those seven States to -form a confederacy, independent of the United States, could not be -overcome without a long and bloody war, into which the other -Southern States, commonly called from their geographical situation -the border States, would sooner or later be drawn. A great army -would be needed to encounter even the cotton States, and no free -institutions in the world had ever survived the dangers to which -such an army had exposed them. To prosecute a civil war would entail -upon the Federal Government a debt which could not be calculated; -and although the taxation necessary to uphold that debt might be -thrown upon posterity, in part, yet the commercial, manufacturing, -agricultural, mechanical and laboring classes must be at once -exposed to ruinous burthens. To avert such calamities, by the -employment of all the constitutional powers of his office, was his -supreme desire.[81] It was the great misfortune of his position, -that he had to appeal to a Congress, in which there were two -sectional parties breathing mutual defiance; in which a broad and -patriotic statesmanship was confined to a small body of men who -could not win over to their views a sufficient number from either of -the sectional parties to make up a majority upon any proposition -whatever. - -Footnote 81: - - Buchanan’s Defence, pp. 112-113. - -The message was unsatisfactory to both of the sectional parties. Mr. -Jefferson Davis, in the Senate the ablest and most conspicuous of -the secessionist leaders, now committed the grand error of his -career as a statesman in this national crisis. He denounced the -message because of its earnest argument against secession, and -because the President had expressed in it his purpose to collect the -revenue in the port of Charleston, by means of a naval force, and to -defend the public property. Mr. Davis did not need to make this -issue with the President, or to make any issue with him, unless he -was determined to encourage South Carolina to leave the Union, and -to encourage the other cotton States to follow her. His own State -had not then seceded, and whether she would do so depended very much -upon his course. However strongly and sincerely he may have believed -in the right of secession, the President had afforded to him and to -every other Southern statesman an opportunity to forestall any -necessity for a practical assertion of that right, by giving his -voice and his vote for measures of conciliation that ought to have -been satisfactory to every Southern constituency and every Southern -representative. It was a capital mistake, for Mr. Davis and the -other secessionist leaders, to separate themselves from the -President, and afterwards to endeavor to extort from him an -admission that South Carolina had gone out of the Union, and that -the laws of the United States could not be executed within her -limits, or the possession of the forts in her harbor be maintained. -Mr. Calhoun would not have thus acted. He would have exerted his -whole power to procure concessions fit to be offered by the North, -and to be received by the South, before he would have encouraged his -State to secede from the Union in advance of the decision that no -such concessions would be made. - -The spirit of the Republican Senators towards the message may be -seen from the very unjust representation of its tenor made by Mr. -Hale of New Hampshire, who said that in substance its positions -were: 1. That South Carolina has just cause to secede from the -Union. 2. That she has no right to secede. 3. That we have no right -to prevent her. So far from saying or intimating that South Carolina -had just cause to secede from the Union, the President had in the -message carefully and explicitly drawn that distinction between the -right of revolutionary resistance to intolerable oppression, and the -supposed right of State secession from the Union on account of -anticipated danger; a distinction which Madison, Jefferson, Jackson -and Webster always made when dealing with the subject. That -distinction was not more clearly and emphatically made by Mr. -Webster in his encounters with Mr. Hayne and Mr. Calhoun, than it -was made by Mr. Buchanan in this message. And if Mr. Hale had been -disposed to do justice to the message, instead of employing a -witticism that might be remembered by persons who would not take the -pains to understand such a public document on a subject of such -fearful gravity, he would have admitted what all men should then -have admitted, and what afterwards became the only justifiable basis -of the civil war: that to coerce a State to remain in the Union is -not, but that to enforce the execution of the laws upon the -individual inhabitants of the States is, a power that the Government -of the United States can constitutionally exercise. There was one -member of that Senate, who was no disunionist, who understood the -President rightly, and who knew well what the Constitution would or -would not authorize. This was Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, -afterwards President of the United States. - -“I do not believe,” said Mr. Johnson, “the Federal Government has -the power to coerce a State, for by the eleventh amendment of the -Constitution of the United States it is expressly provided that you -cannot even put one of the States of this Confederacy before one of -the courts of the country as a party. As a State, the Federal -Government has no power to coerce it; but it is a member of the -compact to which it agreed in common with the other States, and this -Government has the right to pass laws, and to enforce those laws -upon individuals within the limits of each State. While the one -proposition is clear, the other is equally so. This Government can, -by the Constitution of the country, and by the laws enacted in -conformity with the Constitution, operate upon individuals, and has -the right and the power, not to coerce a State, but to enforce and -execute the law upon individuals within the limits of a State.”[82] - -Footnote 82: - - Speech in the Senate, December 18, 1860. _Congressional Globe_, p. - 119. - -It was well for the country that at this early period Mr. Buchanan -had the wisdom to foresee and the firmness to enunciate the only -doctrine that could save the Government of the United States from -the consequences of making war upon a State, and at the same time -enable it to suppress all insurrectionary resistance to its -constitutional authority. It might suit the secessionists to claim -that their States would become, by their ordinances of secession, -independent nations, capable as such of waging war against the -United States, or of having it waged upon them by the United -States, if such was the pleasure of the latter. It might suit them -to put the alternative of such a war against the consent of the -United States to their peaceful renunciation of their connection -with the Federal Government. It might suit them to confound all -the distinctions between revolutionary resistance to a government -because some actual oppression has been suffered from it, and the -secession of States from the American Union because future -oppression is to be feared. It might suit them to say that to -coerce the individual inhabitants of a State to obey the laws of -the United States, after the State has absolved them from that -obligation by its sovereign will, is the same thing as to coerce a -State to remain in the Union. But this was not a dispute about -words; it was a controversy about the substantive powers of a -constitutional Government; a great question of things, and of -things drawing after them the most important consequences. If -there was to be a war, it was a matter of supreme importance what -that war was to be, in its inception. Mr. Buchanan did not mean -that its character, if it must come, should be obscured. He did -not mean that it should be a war waged aggressively by the United -States to prevent a State from adopting an ordinance of what she -might call secession. He did not mean to concede the possibility -that the Federal Government could begin or carry on a war against -a State, as a power which could by its own act erect itself into a -nation to be conquered and subdued and destroyed, as one nation -may conquer, subdue and destroy another. Knowing that such a -recognition of the potency of an ordinance of secession would be -fatal to the future of the whole Union, and knowing from long -study of the Constitution how the laws of the United States may be -enforced upon individuals notwithstanding that their State has -claimed a paramount sovereignty over them, or a paramount -dispensing power, he left upon the records of the country the -clear line of demarcation which would have to be observed by his -successor, and which would make the use of force, if force must be -used, a war, not of aggression, but of defence; a war not for the -conquest and obliteration of a State, but a war for the assertion -of the authority of the Constitution over the individuals subject -to its sway. It was only by treating secession as a nullity, and -by acting upon the principle that the people of a State would be -equally bound to obey the laws of the United States after -secession as they had been before, that the President could -furnish to Congress any principle on which force could be used. It -is not remarkable that the secession leaders should have rejected -his doctrine. But it is strange, passing strange, that Northern -men should have misrepresented it. Yet there was not a single -public man in the whole North, in all the discussion that followed -this message, on the Republican side, who saw, or who, if he saw, -had the candor to say, that the President had furnished to -Congress a principle of action that would alone prevent secession -from working the consequences which its advocates claimed for it, -or that could prevent the conquest and subjugation of States as -foreign nations. And now, when we look back upon the war that -ensued, and when we measure the disparity of force that enabled -the United States eventually to prevail over the exhausted -Southern Confederacy, there are no people in the whole Union who -have more cause than the secessionists themselves, to be grateful -to President Buchanan for not having admitted the possibility of -legitimate war upon the States that seceded; while for the people -of the whole Union there remains a debt of gratitude to him, for -having laid down the principle that saved them from crushing the -political autonomy of those States, in a war that could have had -no result but to reduce them to the condition of subjugated -provinces. - - - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - 1860—December. - -GENERAL SCOTT AGAIN ADVISES THE PRESIDENT—MAJOR ANDERSON'S REMOVAL - FROM FORT MOULTRIE TO FORT SUMTER—ARRIVAL OF COMMISSIONERS FROM - SOUTH CAROLINA IN WASHINGTON—THEIR INTERVIEW AND COMMUNICATION - WITH THE PRESIDENT—THE SUPPOSED PLEDGE OF THE STATUS QUO—THE - “CABINET CRISIS” OF DECEMBER 29TH—REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE - SOUTH CAROLINA COMMISSIONERS—THE ANONYMOUS DIARIST OF THE NORTH - AMERICAN REVIEW CONFUTED. - - -On the 12th of December General Scott arrived in Washington from New -York, where he had been ill for a long time. Since the presentation -of his “views” of October 29th-30th, the President had not heard -from him on the subject of the Southern forts. On the 11th of -December Major Anderson, then at Fort Moultrie, and in no danger of -attack or molestation by the authorities of South Carolina, had -received his instructions from Major Buell, Assistant Adjutant -General of the Army, who had been sent by the President expressly to -Fort Moultrie, in order that Anderson might be guided in his course -with reference to all probable contingencies.[83] The South Carolina -convention had not assembled when Anderson received his -instructions. General Scott, on the 15th of December, had an -interview with the President, in which he urged that three hundred -men be sent to reinforce Anderson at Fort Moultrie. The President -declined to give this order, for the following reasons: First, -Anderson was fully instructed what to do in case he should at any -time see good reason to believe that there was any purpose to -dispossess him of any of the forts. Secondly, at this time, December -15th, the President believed—and the event proved the correctness of -his belief—that Anderson was in no danger of attack. He and his -command were then treated with marked kindness by the authorities -and people of Charleston. Thirdly, the President, in his annual -message, had urged upon Congress measures of conciliation by the -adoption of certain amendments of the Constitution; and Mr. -Crittenden’s propositions, of substantially the same character as -those of the President, called the “Crittenden Compromise,” were -before the Senate. Strong hopes were at this time entertained -throughout the country that Congress would adopt these or some other -measures to quiet the agitation in the South, so that South -Carolina, in case she should “secede,” would be left alone in her -course. Under all these circumstances, to have sent additional -troops to Fort Moultrie would only have been, as Mr. Buchanan -afterward said, “to impair the hope of compromise, to provoke -collision and disappoint the country.”[84] - -Footnote 83: - - The instructions will be quoted hereafter. - -Footnote 84: - - See the controversy between General Scott and Mr. Buchanan in - 1862; Mr. Buchanan’s letter of October 28, 1862. - -On the same day, General Scott sent a note to the President, -reminding him of General Jackson’s measures in regard to the -threatened nullification of the tariff in 1833; an occasion, the -circumstances of which bore little resemblance to the situation of -the country in December, 1860, as I have already had reason to say -in commenting on General Scott’s “views” of October 29th-30th. - -In the controversy which General Scott had with Mr. Buchanan in -1862, in the _National Intelligencer_, the General reported the -President as saying to him, on the 15th of December, 1860, among -other reasons for not reinforcing Anderson at that time, that he -should await the action of the South Carolina convention, in the -expectation that a commission would be appointed and sent to -negotiate with _him_ (the President) and Congress, respecting the -secession of the State, and the property of the United States within -the borders of that State; and that if Congress should decide -against the secession, he would then send a reinforcement, and would -telegraph to Anderson to hold the forts against any attack. General -Scott made two palpable mistakes in thus representing what the -President said to him on the 15th of December, 1860.[85] In the -first place, as will presently appear, the President never gave any -person or persons claiming to represent South Carolina to understand -that he would receive a commission to negotiate with _him_ for an -admission of the right of secession, or for a surrender of the -forts. In his annual message, he had most distinctly and -emphatically declared that, as an executive officer, he had no power -whatever to hold such a negotiation, but that it belonged to -Congress to deal with the property of the United States as it should -see fit; and that it was his duty to maintain the possession of the -forts until Congress should authorize and direct him to surrender -them. When commissioners were subsequently appointed by the State of -South Carolina, they were told by the President that he could not -receive them in a diplomatic character, and that he would not -himself negotiate with them for a surrender of the forts. In the -next place, the President could not have told General Scott that he -would send a reinforcement to Anderson in a certain contingency, and -would then telegraph him to hold the forts. Anderson had already -received instructions to hold them, and had been directed how to -act. - -Footnote 85: - - Mr. Buchanan said, in 1862, that he had no recollection of some of - the details of the conversation imputed to him by General Scott, - and that the General’s memory must be defective. See Mr. - Buchanan’s letters of 1862, in the _National Intelligencer_. - -Mr. Buchanan has said—and it deserves to be quoted—that “it is -scarcely a lack of charity to infer that General Scott knew at the -time he made this recommendation (on the 15th of December), that it -must be rejected. The President could not have complied with it, the -position of affairs remaining unchanged, without at once reversing -his entire policy, and without a degree of inconsistency amounting -almost to self-stultification.” He adds: - - This, the General’s second recommendation, was wholly unexpected. - He had remained silent for more than six weeks from the date of - his supplemental “views,” convinced, as the President inferred, - that he had abandoned the idea of garrisoning all these forts with - “the five companies only” within his reach. Had the President - never so earnestly desired to reinforce the nine forts in - question, at this time, it would have been little short of madness - to undertake the task with the small force at his command. Without - authority to call forth the militia, or accept the services of - volunteers for the purpose, this whole force now consisted of six - hundred recruits, obtained by the General since the date of his - “views,” in addition to the five regular companies. Our army was - still out of reach on the remote frontiers, and could not be - withdrawn during midwinter in time for this military operation. - Indeed, the General had never suggested such a withdrawal. He knew - that had this been possible, the inhabitants on our distant - frontiers would have been immediately exposed to the tomahawk and - scalping knife of the Indians. - -While he was unwilling at this moment to send reinforcements into -the harbor of Charleston, and thereby to incur the risk of provoking -the secession of other States, the President did not neglect the use -of any means that were in his power to prevent the secession of -South Carolina. He sent the Hon. Caleb Cushing to Charleston, with a -letter to Governor Pickens, in which he said: - - From common notoriety I assume the fact that the State of South - Carolina is now deliberating on the propriety and necessity of - seceding from the Union. Whilst any hope remains that this may be - prevented, or even retarded, so long as to enable the people of - her sister States to have opportunity to manifest their opinion - regarding the matters which may have impelled the State to take - this step, it is my duty to exert all the means in my power to - avoid so dread a catastrophe. I have, therefore, deemed it - advisable to send to you the Hon. Caleb Cushing, to counsel and - advise with you, in regard to the premises, and to communicate - such information as he may possess concerning the condition of - public opinion in the North touching the same. I need scarcely - add, that I entertain full confidence in his integrity, ability, - and prudence. He will state to you the reasons which exist to - prevent, or to delay, the action of the State for the purpose - which I have mentioned. - -But notwithstanding the efforts of the President to induce the -authorities and people of South Carolina to await the action of -Congress and the development of public opinion at the North on the -recommendations of his message, events were hurrying on in that -State with fearful rapidity. The leading spirits in the -secession movement did not desire the success of the President’s -recommendations. Encouraged, not by anything that they could find in -the message, or by anything that they could learn of the President’s -intentions, but by what they had learned of the “views” of the -General in Chief of the Federal army, and by other indications of -the same kind, they determined to try secession, in the belief that -the people and Government of the United States would not resort to -war. They initiated and conducted their measures with a supreme and -lofty disregard of all the consequences, because they believed that -they could throw the onus of those consequences upon the Government -of the Union. It was in vain that they were warned by the President -that their doctrine of secession, pushed to its results, would -oblige him to meet their claim, by virtue of a State ordinance, of -dispossessing the United States of the property which belonged to -the Government, with all the means at his disposal. It is one of the -most singular political phenomena recorded in history, that under -such a system of Government as ours, men should have believed not -only that a State ordinance of secession would dissolve all the -relations between the inhabitants of that State and the Government -of the United States, but that it would _ipso facto_ transfer to the -State property which the State had ceded to that Government by -solemn deeds of conveyance. The principle of public law on which -this claim was supposed to be based, involved in its application the -assumption that South Carolina, becoming by her own declaration a -nation foreign to the United States, was entitled to take peaceable -possession of all the property which the United States held within -her limits, and to forbid the vessels of the United States from -entering her waters in order to reach that property. Upon any view -of the nature of the Federal Constitution, even upon the theory that -it was a mere league between sovereign States, dissoluble in regard -to any State at the will of its people, it would not have followed -that the ordinance of dissolution would divest the title of the -United States to their property. Yet it is an undeniable fact that -the people and authorities of South Carolina initiated and carried -out their secession, upon the claim that their interpretation of the -Federal Constitution must be accepted by the whole country; that -their fiat alone made them an independent nation; that it divested -the United States of whatever property the Government held within -their borders; and that if these claims were not submitted to, the -consequence would be that South Carolina must make them good by all -the power she could use. The subsequent change of attitude, by which -it was proposed to negotiate and pay for the possession of the -property, or the theory that the forts were built by the Federal -Government for the protection of the State, should not lead any -historian to overlook the demand which the authorities of the State -first presented at Washington, or the manner in which it was met by -President Buchanan. - -On the 20th of December, the Convention of South Carolina, without a -dissenting voice, adopted an ordinance of secession, which purported -to dissolve the connection between the State of South Carolina and -the Government of the United States. A copy of the ordinance, with -the signatures of all the members, and with the great seal of the -State, was formally transmitted to the President. On the 22d, three -eminent citizens of the State, Robert W. Barnwell, James H. Adams -and James L. Orr, were appointed to proceed to Washington, to treat -with the Government of the United States concerning the new -relations which the ordinance was supposed to have established -between that Government and the people of South Carolina. The -commissioners arrived in Washington on the 26th. On the next -morning, intelligence reached them that on the night of the 25th, -Major Anderson had secretly dismantled Fort Moultrie, spiked his -cannon, burnt his gun-carriages, and transferred his troops to Fort -Sumter, as if he were about to be attacked. This information they -sent to the President. - -Before proceeding with an account of what followed this occurrence, -in the interview between the President and the commissioners, this -movement of Major Anderson must be carefully described. It has been -much praised as a bold, skillful and wise act, dictated by a purpose -to make the people of South Carolina feel that the Government of the -United States was not to be trifled with; and the merit of Major -Anderson has been magnified by the suggestion that if he had been -promptly reinforced, after the removal, he never would have been -driven out of Fort Sumter and out of the harbor of Charleston. The -simple truth is, that Anderson was a brave, vigilant and faithful -officer, acting under instructions which had been carefully given to -him, and which allowed him a considerable latitude of judgment in -regard to remaining in Fort Moultrie or removing to any other of the -forts within the limits of his command. He was a man of Southern -birth, and all his sympathies were with the South on the questions -pending between the two sections. This is avowed in a private letter -written by him on the 11th of January, 1861, to a friend in -Washington, a copy of which is now lying before me. But he was as -true as steel to his military duty as an officer of the United -States. He had lost, as he says in this letter, all sympathy with -the persons then governing South Carolina, and he had now begun to -distrust the purposes of the State authorities. Fort Moultrie was -the weakest of all the forts in that harbor belonging to the United -States. From the erection of batteries on the shore which commanded -this fort, and from other indications taking place after the -adoption of the secession ordinance, Anderson believed that the -State authorities were about to proceed to some hostile act, and -therefore thought the contingency contemplated by his instructions -had arrived. He may have been mistaken in this; but neither the -appearances at the time, nor the subsequent action of South -Carolina, show that he was so. At all events, he acted as any -prudent and faithful officer would have acted under the same -circumstances; and in order to be able to defend himself better than -he could in Fort Moultrie, and with no purpose of attacking the city -of Charleston or of making any aggression whatever, he transferred -his command to Fort Sumter. The people and authorities of South -Carolina chose to consider that his occupation of this fort was an -aggressive act, and that he must be ordered back again to Fort -Moultrie, or be dislodged; a demand which of itself shows that the -State of South Carolina, in the event that her secession should not -be submitted to by the Federal Government, expected a civil war and -meant to be in the best condition to meet it. - -The intelligence of Anderson’s removal to Fort Sumter was received -by the President with surprise and regret. He was surprised, because -all his previous information led him to believe that Anderson was -safe at Fort Moultrie. He regretted the removal, because of its -tendency to impel the other cotton States and the border States into -sympathy with South Carolina, and thus to defeat the measures by -which he hoped to confine the secession to that State. But he never -for an instant, then or afterwards, doubted that Anderson’s removal -was authorized by his instructions; although he did not suppose that -the authorities of the State would attack him, while their -commissioners were on the way to Washington for the avowed purpose -of negotiating. It is scarcely needful to discuss the question -whether South Carolina had good reason to regard this movement of -Anderson’s as an act of aggression. In such a state of affairs and -of men’s feelings, it was to be expected that complaints would be -made of hostile intentions, if any plausible reason could be found -for them. But any indifferent person, looking back upon the events, -and considering that Anderson was acting under a President who was -doing everything in his power to prevent a collision of arms, must -see that even if the President had specifically ordered the removal, -it was nothing more than a defensive act, done in order to secure -the forces of the Government in the occupation of its own forts, and -that it could not have been an aggressive movement, unless it should -be conceded that those forces had no right to be in Charleston -harbor at all. - -But there is one assertion which it is now necessary to examine, in -relation to this removal, because it has been made the foundation of -a charge against the personal good faith and the sound judgment of -President Buchanan. It is the charge that previous to Anderson’s -removal, the President had pledged himself to preserve the _status -quo_ in Charleston harbor, until commissioners to be appointed by -the convention of South Carolina should arrive in Washington, and -some result of a negotiation should be reached. The first and only -interview between the President and the commissioners occurred on -the 28th of December. What occurred should be related in the -President’s own words: - - It was under these circumstances that the President, on Friday, - the 28th December, held his first and only interview with the - commissioners from South Carolina. He determined to listen with - patience to what they had to communicate, taking as little part - himself in the conversation as civility would permit. On their - introduction, he stated that he could recognize them only as - private gentlemen and not as commissioners from a sovereign State; - that it was to Congress, and to Congress alone, they must appeal. - He, nevertheless, expressed his willingness to communicate to that - body, as the only competent tribunal, any propositions they might - have to offer. They then proceeded, evidently under much - excitement, to state their grievances arising out of the removal - of Major Anderson to Fort Sumter, and declared that for these they - must obtain redress preliminary to entering upon the negotiation - with which they had been entrusted; that it was impossible for - them to make any proposition until this removal should be - satisfactorily explained; and they even insisted upon the - immediate withdrawal of the Major and his troops, not only from - Fort Sumter, but from the harbor of Charleston, as a _sine qua - non_ to any negotiation. - - In their letter to the President of the next day, they repeat - their demand, saying;[86] “And, in conclusion, we would urge upon - you the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of - Charleston. Under present circumstances they are a standing menace - which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent - experience shows, threatens to bring to a bloody issue questions - which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment.” This - demand, accompanied by an unmistakable threat of attacking Major - Anderson if not yielded to, was of the most extravagant character. - To comply with it, the commissioners must have known, would be - impossible. Had they simply requested that Major Anderson might be - restored to his former position at Fort Moultrie, upon a guarantee - from the State that neither it nor the other forts or public - property should be molested; this, at the moment, might have been - worthy of serious consideration. But to abandon all the forts to - South Carolina, on the demand of commissioners claiming to - represent her as an independent State, would have been a - recognition, on the part of the Executive, of her right to secede - from the Union. This was not to be thought of for a moment. - -Footnote 86: - - Ex. Doc., H. R., vol. vi, No. 26, p 6. - - The President replied to the letter of the commissioners on - Monday, 31st December. In the meantime information had reached him - that the State authorities, without waiting to hear from - Washington, had, on the day after Major Anderson’s removal, seized - Fort Moultrie, Castle Pinckney, the custom house, and post office, - and over them all had raised the Palmetto flag; and, moreover, - that every officer of the customs, collector, naval officer, - surveyor, appraisers, together with the postmaster, had resigned - their appointments; and that on Sunday, the 30th December, they - had captured from Major Humphreys, the officer in charge, the - arsenal of the United States, containing public property estimated - to be worth half a million of dollars. The Government was thus - expelled from all its property except Fort Sumter, and no Federal - officers, whether civil or military, remained in the city or - harbor of Charleston. The secession leaders in Congress attempted - to justify these violent proceedings of South Carolina as acts of - self-defence, on the assumption that Major Anderson had already - commenced hostilities. It is certain that their tone instantly - changed after his removal; and they urged its secrecy, the hour of - the night when it was made, the destruction of his gun-carriages, - and other attendant incidents, to inflame the passions of their - followers. It was under these circumstances that the President was - called upon to reply to the letter of the South Carolina - commissioners, demanding the immediate withdrawal of the troops of - the United States from the harbor of Charleston. In this reply, he - peremptorily rejected the demand in firm but courteous terms, and - declared his purpose to defend Fort Sumter by all the means in his - power against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they might - proceed. (_Vide_ his letter of the 31st December, 1860, Ex. Doc. - No. 26, H. R., 36th Congress, 2d Session, accompanying President’s - message of 8th January, 1861.) To this the commissioners sent - their answer, dated on the 2d January, 1861. This was so violent, - unfounded, and disrespectful, and so regardless of what is due to - any individual whom the people have honored with the office of - President, that the reading of it in the cabinet excited - indignation among all the members. With their unanimous - approbation it was immediately, on the day of its date, returned - to the commissioners with the following indorsement; “This paper, - just presented to the President, is of such a character, that he - declines to receive it.” Surely no negotiation was ever conducted - in such a manner, unless, indeed, it had been the predetermined - purpose of the negotiators to produce an open and immediate - rupture. - -In the intended reply of the commissioners, dated January 2, 1861, -which the President returned to them, it was asserted in a variety -of offensive forms that the removal of Major Anderson to Fort Sumter -was a violation of a pledge which the President had previously given -not to send reinforcements to the forts in Charleston harbor, and -not to change their relative military status. The same thing had -been asserted in their letter to the President of December 28th, and -it was emphatically and distinctly denied in his answer of the 31st. -Is it true, then, as a matter of fact, that such a pledge had ever -been given? - -1. By his annual message of December 3d, the President stood pledged -to the country to exercise all his constitutional powers to maintain -possession of the public property, in case of the secession of any -State or States. 2. There is no possible channel through which the -President could have given the supposed pledge of the _status quo_, -excepting at an interview which took place between him and the South -Carolina members of Congress on the 10th of December. If the -President then gave such a pledge, it follows that at the end of a -week from the date of his annual message he tied his own hands, in -advance of the secession of that State, in a manner utterly -inconsistent with the purpose declared in his message. 3. The -circumstances attending Major Anderson’s removal from Fort Moultrie -to Fort Sumter, and the manner in which the President received and -acted upon the information after it reached him and down through -every succeeding day of his administration, repel the idea that -before the removal he had said or done anything to warrant the -authorities of South Carolina in assuming that he was bound to order -Anderson back to Fort Moultrie, or not to reinforce him at Fort -Sumter. Anderson received his instructions on the 11th of December, -through Assistant Adjutant General Buell, to whom they were given -verbally by the Secretary of War, and by whom they were reduced to -writing, at Fort Moultrie, after he (Buell) arrived there. When -reduced to writing, they became the President’s orders, by which -Anderson was to be guided. The orders were given with reference to -the following contingency: The President believed that, under -existing circumstances, the State of South Carolina would not attack -any of the forts in Charleston harbor, whilst he allowed their -_status quo_ to remain. But in this he might be mistaken. In order -to be prepared for what might possibly happen after the State should -have “seceded,” the Secretary of the Navy had stationed the war -steamer Brooklyn, in complete readiness for sea, in Hampton Roads, -to take on board for Charleston three hundred disciplined troops, -with provisions and munitions of war, from the neighboring garrison -of Fortress Monroe. In this attitude of the secret preparations of -the Government, Anderson’s instructions were given to him, in the -manner above described, and when they had been reduced to writing -and delivered to him by Buell, they read textually as follows: - - You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War, that a - collision of the troops with the people of the State shall be - avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with - reference to the military force and forts in this harbor, which - shall guard against such a collision. He has, therefore, carefully - abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any - measures which might add to the present excited state of the - public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confidence he - feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain - possession of the public works, or interfere with their occupancy. - But as the counsel and acts of rash and impulsive persons may - possibly disappoint these expectations of the Government, he deems - it proper that you shall be prepared with instructions to meet so - unhappy a contingency. He has, therefore, directed me verbally to - give you such instructions. You are carefully to avoid every act - which would needlessly tend to provoke aggression, and for that - reason you are not, without evident and imminent necessity, to - take up any position which could be construed into the assumption - of a hostile attitude, but you are to hold possession of the forts - in this harbor, and if attacked you are to defend yourself to the - last extremity. The smallness of your force will not permit you, - perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack - on or an attempt to take possession of either one of them will be - regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command - into either of them which you may deem most proper to increase its - power of resistance. You are also authorized to take similar - defensive steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to - proceed to a hostile act. - -The President, when the text of the instructions reached him, -directed the Secretary of War to modify them in one particular. -Instead of requiring Anderson to defend himself to the last -extremity—which was not demanded by any principle of honor or any -military rule—he was required to defend himself until no reasonable -hope should remain of saving the fort in which he might happen to -be. This modification was approved by General Scott. - -The instructions, therefore, under which Anderson acted, authorized -him to remove his force to any other of the three forts whenever -either of them should be attacked, or an attempt should be made to -take possession of it, or whenever he might have tangible evidence -of a design to proceed to a hostile act. In all this, the Government -was acting on the defensive, and was empowering its officer to put -his force into either of its forts where, in his judgment, his power -of resistance would be most increased. To suppose, therefore, that -after these instructions had gone to Anderson, the President made an -agreement with certain members of Congress from South Carolina, that -the _status quo_ in Charleston harbor, in respect to the three -forts, should not be changed, is to suppose something in the highest -degree incredible. - -4th. The communication between the President and the South Carolina -members of Congress was both in writing and in two personal -interviews. The written communication remains. Of what took place at -the last interview there is an account by Mr. Buchanan himself, -founded on memoranda which he made immediately after these gentlemen -had left his presence. The first personal interview took place on -the 8th of December. The conversation related to the best means of -avoiding a hostile collision between the Federal Government and the -State of South Carolina. The President desired that the verbal -communication should be put in writing, and brought to him in that -form. Accordingly on the 10th of December, the same gentlemen -brought to him the following letter, signed by five members of -Congress from South Carolina, and dated on the previous day: - - TO HIS EXCELLENCY JAMES BUCHANAN, - PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: - - In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express - to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted - authorities nor any body of the people of the State of South - Carolina will either attack or molest the United States forts in - the harbor of Charleston previously to the action of the - convention, and we hope and believe, not until an offer has been - made through an accredited representative to negotiate for an - amicable arrangement of all matters between the State and the - Federal Government, provided that no reinforcements shall be sent - into those forts, and their relative military status remain as at - present. - - JOHN MCQUEEN, - WM. PORCHER MILES, - M. L. BONHAM, - W. W. BOYCE, - LAWRENCE M. KEITT. - - WASHINGTON, December 9, 1860. - -The following memorandum is indorsed upon the original letter, in -the handwriting of the President: - - Monday morning, 10th December, 1860, the within paper was - presented to me by Messrs. McQueen, Miles and Bonham. I objected - to the word “provided,” as this might be construed into an - agreement on my part which I never would make. They said nothing - was further from their intention. They did not so understand it, - and I should not so consider it. Afterwards, Messrs. McQueen and - Bonham called, in behalf of the delegation, and gave me the most - positive assurance that the forts and public property would not be - molested until after commissioners had been appointed to treat - with the Federal Government in relation to the public property, - and until the decision was known. I informed them that what would - be done was a question for Congress and not for the Executive. - That if they [the forts] were assailed, this would put them - completely in the wrong, and making them the authors of the civil - war. They gave the same assurances to Messrs. Floyd, Thompson and - others. - -Mr. Buchanan’s subsequent account of the interview at which this -letter was delivered to him in person, reads as follows: - - Both in this and in their previous conversation, they declared - that in making this statement, they were acting solely on their - own responsibility, and expressly disclaimed any authority to bind - their State. They, nevertheless, expressed the confident belief - that they would be sustained both by the State authorities and by - the convention, after it should assemble. Although the President - considered this declaration as nothing more than the act of five - highly respectable members of the House from South Carolina, yet - he welcomed it as a happy omen, that by means of their influence - collision might be prevented, and time afforded to all parties for - reflection and for a peaceable adjustment. From abundant caution, - however, he objected to the word “provided” in their statement, - lest, if he should accept it without remark, this might possibly - be construed into an agreement on his part not to reinforce the - forts. Such an agreement, he informed them, he would never make. - It would be impossible for him, from the nature of his official - responsibility, thus to tie his own hands and restrain his own - freedom of action. Still, they might have observed from his - message, that he had no present design, under existing - circumstances, to change the condition of the forts at Charleston. - He must, notwithstanding, be left entirely free to exercise his - own discretion, according to exigencies as they might arise. They - replied that nothing was further from their intention than such a - construction of this word; they did not so understand it, and he - should not so consider it.[87] - -Footnote 87: - - This account, although written and published in 1866 (Buchanan’s - Defence, p. 167), was founded on and embodied the substance of the - private memorandum made by the President on the back of the - letter, immediately after the termination of the interview. Two of - the gentlemen who signed the letter, Messrs. Miles and Keitt, - published at Charleston an account of this interview, in which - they did not intimate that anything in the nature of a pledge - passed on either side. (See Appleton’s “American Annual - Cyclopedia” for 1861, p. 703.) - -No one, therefore, I presume, will now question that I am fully -justified in asserting, as I do, that Mr. Buchanan gave no pledge, -express or implied, formal or informal, that no reinforcements -should be sent into Charleston harbor, or that the military status, -as it existed at the time of this interview, should remain -unchanged, or that he in any way fettered himself on the -subject.[88] To have done so in advance of the action of the South -Carolina convention, or at any other time, would have been an act of -inconsistency and folly quite beyond anything that the worst enemy -of the President could have ever desired to impute to him. - -Footnote 88: - - Mr. Jefferson Davis, although not directly asserting that the - President gave any pledge not to send reinforcements or not to - permit the military _status_ to be changed, says that “the South - Carolinians understood Mr. Buchanan as approving of that - suggestion, although declining to make any formal pledge;” and he - adds, that after Anderson’s removal from Moultrie to Sumter, the - authorities and people of South Carolina considered it “as a - violation of the implied pledge of a maintenance of the _status - quo_,” and he gives this as a reason why the remaining forts and - other public property were at once seized by the State. (Davis, - Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, I., 212-213.) If the - South Carolina members of Congress told Mr. Davis that the - President assented to or approved of their _proviso_, they told - him what was not true. He does not say that they ever did tell him - so. If they gave their own people and State authorities to - understand that there was any implied pledge of a maintenance of - the _status quo_, the fact was exactly the other way. They have - never said that they gave their people and authorities so to - understand Mr. Buchanan’s language. - -But the South Carolina commissioners having asserted in their letter -of December 28th, that the removal of Major Anderson from Moultrie -to Sumter was a violation of a pledge that had been given by the -President, it became important that the denial should instantly -follow the assertion. The President, relying not only on his -recollection, but on his written memoranda of his conversation with -the South Carolina members of Congress, which completely refuted the -assertion, did not, in the first draft of an answer to the -commissioners, which he prepared with his own hand, repel the -assertion as flatly and explicitly as he might have done. He -evidently did not at once see that unless he expressly and pointedly -denied the assertion, he might be construed as giving an implied -assent to it. He was considering how he could best carry on this -conference with persons whom he could not receive in the official -character in which they came, and with whom he could only deal as -distinguished citizens of South Carolina; and his first attention -was directed to the means of convincing _them_ that the people of -South Carolina could have no excuse for breaking the peace, because -it was not his purpose to reinforce Major Anderson unless the -authorities of the State should make it absolutely necessary to do -so. But to three members of his cabinet, Judge Black, Mr. Holt, and -Mr. Stanton, the omission of the President to give a pointed and -explicit denial to the assertion of a pledge not to change the -military status, appeared a fatal defect in the paper which the -President had drawn up. They were also apprehensive that the first -and the concluding paragraph of his proposed answer would be -regarded as acknowledging the right of South Carolina to be -represented near the Government of the United States by diplomatic -officers, as if she were a foreign nation. As the draft of an answer -which the President had prepared is not in existence, and as the -paper of objections presented by Judge Black to the President did -not quote the paragraphs objected to, although that paper has been -preserved, it is impossible to judge how far the criticism was -right, or was called for. Certain it is that at the first and only -interview which the President had with those commissioners, he told -them in the plainest terms that he could only recognize them as -private gentlemen, and not as commissioners of an independent State. -He also told them that as to any surrender to South Carolina of the -forts, within her limits, or any propositions concerning a sale of -them, he, as President, had no authority, and that the only tribunal -to which they could apply was Congress. I am inclined to believe -that it was the repetition of this suggestion of an appeal to -Congress, which caused the three members of the cabinet to fear that -the paragraphs to which they objected might be considered as -implicitly yielding to the commissioners the point of their -diplomatic character. But it is not necessary to speculate about -this, because the President’s draft of an answer is no longer -accessible, and because it is evident from all that occurred that -the President, in drawing up that form of his answer, meant to hold -open a door to the commissioners which it would be perfectly proper -for him to allow them to enter, if they chose. He meant to give them -an opportunity to stipulate that if Major Anderson were restored to -his former position, their State would not molest either Fort -Moultrie or any of the other forts or property of the United States. -Instead of this, their demand from first to last was the withdrawal -of all the troops of the United States from the harbor of -Charleston, and an abandonment of all the forts to South Carolina; -which, if acceded to by the Executive, would have been a recognition -by him of her right to secede from the Union. “This,” says Mr. -Buchanan, “was not to be thought of for a moment;” and I know of no -evidence that he thought of it or contemplated it, when he was -writing his first draft of an answer to the South Carolina -gentlemen. On the contrary, he steadily resisted it to the end of -the conference, and ever afterward. - -Another point on which the three members of the cabinet differed -from the President was in regard to having any negotiation at all -with these gentlemen. It would seem from the paper of objections -presented to the President by Judge Black, that the President was at -first disposed, in the answer which he had prepared, to express his -regret that the commissioners were unwilling to proceed further with -the negotiation, after they had learned that he would not receive -them as diplomatic agents and would not comply with their extreme -demands. Here, then, was a ground for a real, but temporary, -difference of opinion between the President and three members of his -cabinet. On the one side, the President, holding these South -Carolina gentlemen firmly in the attitude of private citizens of -great weight and influence in their State, but denying to them any -diplomatic character which he could recognize, and making them to -clearly understand that the Executive would not withdraw the troops -or surrender the forts, might well and wisely have considered that -if he could draw from them any proposition which it would be fit for -him to present to Congress, that body would have to express an -authoritative opinion on the asserted right of secession. The great -object of preserving the peace of the country, and of gaining time -for angry passions to subside, might thus be gained. On the other -hand, Judge Black and his two colleagues, considering, as the -President considered, that these South Carolina citizens could not -be recognized as commissioners of a foreign State, held that there -could legally be no negotiation with them, whether they were willing -or not. Reduced to the ultimate difference, the question was whether -there should be no further conference at all, because it could have -no legal force, or whether there might still be useful further -communication with them as private citizens, whose propositions, if -they chose to make any in that capacity, the President could submit -to Congress for such action as that body might think proper. - -There was still another objection made to the President’s draft of -an answer, which can be better appreciated, because the words which -he proposed to use were quoted in Judge Black’s paper of objections. -These were the words: “Coercing a State by force of arms to remain -in the Confederacy—a power which I do not believe the Constitution -has conferred upon Congress.” This was the same criticism which -Judge Black had made upon the message of December 3d, in which none -of his colleagues had agreed with him. He now renewed the objection, -representing to the President that the words were too vague and -might have the effect (which he was sure the President did not -intend) to mislead the commissioners concerning his sentiments. -Judge Black’s criticism was that to coerce the inhabitants of a -State to obey the laws of the United States, a power which the -President had always asserted, and meant still to assert, was in one -sense to coerce the State to remain in the Union. - -Another thing which Judge Black and his two colleagues deprecated -was that the President’s answer should contain the most remote -implication that Major Anderson acted without authority in removing -his force to Fort Sumter. But what there was in the President’s -draft of an answer to give rise to such an implication does not -appear. - -I should not have adverted to these objections to the President’s -proposed answer to the South Carolina commissioners, if Judge -Black’s paper of objections to it had not been given to the world; -nor should I have deemed it necessary to consider or describe -anything but the official answer that was actually sent. I hold that -a supreme ruler, who acts with constitutional advisers, is entitled -to be judged in history, not by what he may have written but did not -use, nor by the greater or less necessity for a different paper, nor -by the advice or the assistance which he received; but that he -should be judged by his official act. But as this difference between -President Buchanan and three members of his cabinet in regard to -this particular paper, led to what has been called a “cabinet -crisis,” and as the objections submitted to him have been published, -it is my duty to meet the whole occurrence squarely and directly. - -It might be an interesting inquiry, how far a “cabinet crisis” had -become necessary. But of this, the gentlemen who composed the -cabinet were entitled to judge, because their personal honor and -patriotism were involved in the question of their remaining in the -cabinet, if they believed that the President was about to change his -policy. They appear to have at first supposed that the President, -after South Carolina had adopted an ordinance of secession, was -about to make such a change in his policy as would virtually reverse -his position, and would finally lead to an admission of the right of -secession, a result which would inevitably destroy him and his -administration. In this, it is certain that they were mistaken. The -President had not contemplated any such change in his position. I am -justified in asserting this strongly. - -Only four days before this cabinet crisis culminated, the President -wrote a private letter to an editor in Washington whose paper was -supposed to be his organ, strongly rebuking him for an editorial -article favoring secession, and informing him that he (the -President) must take steps to make known in some authentic way that -the paper was not an organ of his administration. - -Further than this, in every interview which the President had held -before the 29th December, with any persons claiming to represent the -people of South Carolina, he had uniformly and firmly declared that -on the vital point of withdrawing the troops and surrendering the -forts, he should make no concession whatever. But between the 17th -and the 21st of December, an occurrence took place, which has a most -important bearing upon the question whether the President had, -before the 29th of December, determined to make any change in his -attitude towards the people and authorities of South Carolina. - -It will be remembered that the South Carolina ordinance of secession -was adopted on the 20th of December. Before that time, however, the -Governor of South Carolina, Mr. Pickens, saw fit to send a special -messenger to Washington, with a letter from himself to the -President, written at Columbia on the 17th of December, demanding -that Fort Sumter be delivered into his (the Governor's) hands. This -letter was written eight days before Major Anderson’s removal to -Sumter.[89] The following memorandum in the President’s handwriting -describes what took place when the Governor’s messenger arrived in -Washington: - -Footnote 89: - - The remarkable fact that this demand was made before South - Carolina had “seceded,” and before Anderson’s removal, although - the demand was subsequently withdrawn, shows how early the - Executive of South Carolina had formed the determination to treat - the presence of the United States troops in Charleston harbor as - an offence against the dignity and safety of the State. - - On Thursday morning, December 20th, 1860, Hamilton, late marshal - of South Carolina, sent especially for this purpose, presented me - a letter from Governor Pickens, in the presence of Mr. Trescot, - dated at Columbia, South Carolina, 17th December (Monday). He was - to wait until this day (Friday afternoon) for my answer. The - character of the letter will appear from the answer to it, which I - had prepared. Thursday night, between nine and ten o'clock, Mr. - Trescot called upon me. He said that he had seen Messrs. Bonham - and McQueen of the South Carolina delegation; that they all agreed - that this letter of Governor Pickens was in violation of the - pledge which had been given by themselves not to make an assault - upon the forts, but leave them in _status quo_ until the result of - an application of commissioners to be appointed by the State was - known; that Pickens, at Columbia, could not have known of the - arrangements. They, to wit, Bonham, McQueen, and Trescot, had - telegraphed to Pickens for authority to withdraw his letter. - - Friday morning, 10 o'clock, 21st December.—Mr. Trescot called upon - me with a telegram, of which the following is a copy from that - which he delivered to me: - - December 21st, 1860.—You are authorized and requested to withdraw - my letter sent by Doctor Hamilton immediately. - - F. W. P. - - Mr. Trescot read to me from the same telegram, that Governor - Pickens had seen Mr. Cushing. The letter was accordingly - withdrawn. - -The following is the draft of the answer to Governor Pickens which -the President was writing with his own hand when he was notified -that the Governor’s letter was withdrawn. Of course the answer was -not concluded or sent; but it shows with the utmost clearness that -the President’s position on the subject of secession was taken, and -was not to be changed by any menace of “consequences,” coming from -those who were disposed to be, as they must be, the aggressors, if -any attempt should be made to disturb the Federal Government in the -possession of its forts. - - WASHINGTON, December 20, 1860. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 17th inst., by Mr. Hamilton. - From it I deeply regret to observe that you seem entirely to have - misapprehended my position, which I supposed had been clearly - stated in my message. I have incurred, and shall incur, any - reasonable risk within the clearly prescribed line of my executive - duties to prevent a collision between the army and navy of the - United States and the citizens of South Carolina in defence of the - forts within the harbor of Charleston. Hence I have declined for - the present to reinforce these forts, relying upon the honor of - South Carolinians that they will not be assaulted whilst they - remain in their present condition; but that commissioners will be - sent by the convention _to treat with Congress_ on the subject. I - say with _Congress_ because, as I state in my message, “Apart from - the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the - Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations - between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been - invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change - the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to - acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to - invest a mere executive officer with the power of recognizing the - dissolution of the confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign - States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign - _de facto_ government, involving no such responsibility. Any - attempt to do this would, on my part, be a naked act of - usurpation.” - - As an executive officer of the Government, I have no power to - surrender to any human authority Fort Sumter, or any of the other - forts or public property in South Carolina. To do this, would on - my part, as I have already said, be a naked act of usurpation. It - is for Congress to decide this question, and for me to preserve - the status of the public property as I found it at the - commencement of the troubles. - - If South Carolina should attack any of these forts, she will then - become the assailant in a war against the United States. It will - not then be a question of coercing a State to remain in the Union, - to which I am utterly opposed, as my message proves, but it will - be a question of voluntarily precipitating a conflict of arms on - her part, without even consulting the only authorities which - possess the power to act upon the subject. Between independent - governments, if one possesses a fortress within the limits of - another, and the latter should seize it without calling upon the - appropriate authorities of the power in possession to surrender - it, this would not only be a just cause of war, but the actual - commencement of hostilities. - - No authority was given, as you suppose, from myself, or from the - War Department, to Governor Gist, to guard the United States - arsenal in Charleston by a company of South Carolina volunteers. - In this respect you have been misinformed. I have, therefore, - never been more astonished in my life, than to learn from you that - unless Fort Sumter be delivered into your hands, you cannot be - answerable for the consequences. - -It was, then, on the President’s first draft of an answer to the -South Carolina commissioners, after the secession ordinance had been -passed, and upon nothing that had previously occurred, that the -cabinet crisis arose. On the evening of December 29th, the -President’s proposed draft of an answer to the commissioners was -read to the cabinet. It was not much discussed, for it was not the -habit of the ministers to criticise state papers which the President -had himself prepared. But on the following day, Judge Black informed -Mr. Toucey, the Secretary of the Navy, of his purpose to resign, if -this paper, as written by the President, should be delivered to the -commissioners. The President sent for Judge Black, and handed him -the paper, with a request that he modify it to suit himself, and -return it immediately. Judge Black then prepared his memorandum for -the President’s consideration, in which Mr. Holt and Mr. Stanton -concurred. The answer, which was to be sent to the commissioners, -was modified accordingly, and when sent it read as follows:[90] - -Footnote 90: - - Mr. Jefferson Davis has erroneously given to this letter the date - of December 30th. Its true date was December 31st. (See Mr. - Davis’s Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, vol. I., p. - 592.) - - [ANSWER OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE SOUTH CAROLINA COMMISSIONERS.] - - WASHINGTON, December 31, 1860. - - GENTLEMEN:— - - I have had the honor to receive your communication of 26th inst., - together with a copy of your “full powers from the Convention of - the people of South Carolina,” authorizing you to treat with the - Government of the United States on various important subjects - therein mentioned, and also a copy of the ordinance bearing date - on the 20th inst., declaring that “the union now subsisting - between South Carolina and other States, under the name of 'the - United States of America,' is hereby dissolved.” - - In answer to this communication, I have to say that my position as - President of the United States was clearly defined in the message - to Congress of the 3d instant. In that I stated that, “apart from - the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the - Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations - between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been - invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change - the relations heretofore existing between them, much less to - acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to - invest a mere executive officer with the power of recognizing the - dissolution of the confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign - States. It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a foreign - _de facto_ government—involving no such responsibility. Any - attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of - usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the - whole question, in all its bearings.” - - Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet you only as - private gentlemen of the highest character, and was entirely - willing to communicate to Congress any proposition you might have - to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well - aware. It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be - made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possesses the - power, as to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the - parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the - harbor of Charleston, and I, therefore, deeply regret that, in - your opinion, “the events of the last twenty-four hours render - this impossible.” In conclusion, you urge upon me “the immediate - withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston,” stating - that, “under present circumstances, they are a standing menace, - which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our present - experience shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue - questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment.” - - The reason for this change in your position is that, since your - arrival in Washington, “an officer of the United States acting as - we (you) are assured, not only without your (my) orders, has - dismantled one fort and occupied another, thus altering, to a most - important extent, the condition of affairs under which we (you) - came.” You also allege that you came here “the representatives of - an authority which could at any time within the past sixty days - have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which - upon pledges given in a manner that we (you) cannot doubt, - determined to trust to your (my) honor rather than to its own - power.” - - This brings me to a consideration of the nature of those alleged - pledges, and in what manner they have been observed. In my message - of the 3d of December last, I stated, in regard to the property of - the United States in South Carolina, that it “has been purchased - for a fair equivalent 'by the consent of the legislature of the - State, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals,' etc., and - over these the authority 'to exercise exclusive legislation' has - been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not - believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States - from this property by force; but, if in this I should prove to be - mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders - to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency, the - responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the - heads of the assailants.” This being the condition of the parties - on Saturday, 8th December, four of the representatives from South - Carolina, called upon me and requested an interview. We had an - earnest conversation on the subject of these forts, and the best - means of preventing a collision between the parties, for the - purpose of sparing the effusion of blood. I suggested, for - prudential reasons, that it would be best to put in writing what - they said to me verbally. They did so accordingly, and on Monday - morning the 10th instant, three of them presented to me a paper - signed by all the representatives from South Carolina, with a - single exception, of which the following is a copy: - - “TO HIS EXCELLENCY JAMES BUCHANAN, - PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: - - “In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express - to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted - authorities, nor any body of the people of the State of South - Carolina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in - the harbor of Charleston, previously to the action of the - convention, and, we hope and believe, not until an offer has been - made, through an accredited representative, to negotiate for an - amicable arrangement of all matters between the State and the - Federal Government, provided that no reinforcements shall be sent - into those forts, and their relative military _status_ shall - remain as at present. - - ”JOHN MCQUEEN, - “WILLIAM PORCHER MILES, - ”M. L. BONHAM, - “W. W. BOYCE, - ”LAWRENCE M. KEITT. - - “WASHINGTON, December 9, 1860.” - - And here I must, in justice to myself, remark that, at the time - the paper was presented to me, I objected to the word “provided,” - as it might be construed into an agreement on my part, which I - never would make. They said that nothing was further from their - intention; they did not so understand it, and I should not so - consider it. It is evident they could enter into no reciprocal - agreement with me on the subject. They did not profess to have - authority to do this, and were acting in their individual - character. I considered it as nothing more, in effect, than the - promise of highly honorable gentlemen to exert their influence for - the purpose expressed. The event has proved that they have - faithfully kept this promise, although I have never since received - a line from any one of them, or from any member of the convention - on the subject. It is well known that it was my determination, and - this I freely expressed, not to reinforce the forts in the harbor - and thus produce a collision, until they had been actually - attacked, or until I had certain evidence that they were about to - be attacked. This paper I received most cordially, and considered - it as a happy omen that peace might still be preserved, and that - time might thus be gained for reflection. This is the whole - foundation for the alleged pledge. - - But I acted in the same manner I would have done had I entered - into a positive and formal agreement with parties capable of - contracting, although such an agreement would have been, on my - part, from the nature of my official duties, impossible. - - The world knows that I have never sent any reinforcements to the - forts in Charleston harbor, and I have certainly never authorized - any change to be made “in their relative military _status_.” - - Bearing upon this subject, I refer you to an order issued by the - Secretary of War, on the 11th instant, to Major Anderson, but not - brought to my notice until the 21st instant. It is as follows: - - “Memorandum of verbal instructions to Major Anderson, First - Artillery, commanding Fort Moultrie, South Carolina: - - “You are aware of the great anxiety of the Secretary of War that a - collision of the troops with the people of this State shall be - avoided, and of his studied determination to pursue a course with - reference to the military force and forts in this harbor, which - shall guard against such a collision. He has, therefore, carefully - abstained from increasing the force at this point, or taking any - measures which might add to the present excited state of the - public mind, or which would throw any doubt on the confidence he - feels that South Carolina will not attempt by violence to obtain - possession of the public works, or to interfere with their - occupancy. But, as the counsel of rash and impulsive persons may - possibly disappoint these expectations of the Government, he deems - it proper that you should be prepared with instructions to meet so - unhappy a contingency. He has, therefore, directed me, verbally, - to give you such instructions. - - “You are carefully to avoid every act which would needlessly tend - to provoke aggression; and, for that reason, you are not, without - evident and imminent necessity, to take up any position which - could be construed into the assumption of a hostile attitude; but - you are to hold possession of the forts in this harbor and, if - attacked, you are to defend yourself to the last extremity. The - smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy - more than one of the three forts; but an attack on, or an attempt - to take possession of, either of them will be regarded as an act - of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of - them which you deem most proper to increase its power of - resistance. You are also authorized to take similar defensive - steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed - to a hostile act. - - ”D. P. BUTLER, Assistant Adjutant General. - - “FORT MOULTRIE, SOUTH CAROLINA, December 11, 1860. - - “This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Buell. - - “JOHN B. FLOYD, Secretary of War.” - - These were the last instructions transmitted to Major Anderson - before his removal to Fort Sumter, with a single exception in - regard to a particular which does not, in any degree, affect the - present question. Under these circumstances it is clear that Major - Anderson acted upon his own responsibility, and without authority, - unless, indeed, he had “tangible evidence of a design to proceed - to a hostile act” on the part of the authorities of South - Carolina, which has not yet been alleged. Still he is a brave and - honorable officer, and justice requires that he should not be - condemned without a fair hearing. - - Be this as it may, when I learned that Major Anderson had left - Fort Moultrie, and proceeded to Fort Sumter, my first promptings - were to command him to return to his former position, and there to - await the contingencies presented in his instructions. This could - only have been done, with any degree of safety to the command, by - the concurrence of the South Carolina authorities. But before any - steps could possibly have been taken in this direction, we - received information, dated on the 28th instant, that “the - Palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, and a - large military force went over last night (the 27th) to Fort - Moultrie.” Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting - or asking for any explanation, and doubtless believing, as you - have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only without, - but against my orders, on the very next day after the night when - the removal was made, seized by a military force two of the three - Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston, and have covered them - under their own flag, instead of that of the United States. At - this gloomy period of our history, startling events succeed each - other rapidly. On the very day (the 27th instant) that possession - of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over - the Federal custom house and post office in Charleston; and on the - same day every officer of the customs—collector, naval officer, - surveyor, and appraisers—resigned their offices. And this, - although it was well known, from the language of my message, that - as an executive officer I felt myself bound to collect the revenue - at the port of Charleston under the existing laws. In the harbor - of Charleston we now find three forts confronting each other, over - all of which the Federal flag floated only four days ago; but now, - over two of them this flag has been supplanted, and the Palmetto - flag has been substituted in its stead. It is under all these - circumstances that I am urged immediately to withdraw the troops - from the harbor of Charleston, and am informed that, without this, - negotiation is impossible. This I cannot do; this I will not do. - Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible - contingency. No allusion to it had ever been made in any - communication between myself and any human being. But the - inference is, that I am bound to withdraw the troops from the only - fort remaining in the possession of the United States in the - harbor of Charleston, because the officer then in command of all - the forts thought proper, without instructions, to change his - position from one of them to another. I cannot admit the justice - of any such inference. - - At this point of writing I have received information, by telegram, - from Captain Humphreys, in command of the arsenal at Charleston, - that “it has to-day (Sunday the 30th) been taken by force of - arms.” It is estimated that the munitions of war belonging to the - United States in this arsenal are worth half a million of dollars. - - Comment is needless. After this information, I have only to add - that, while it is my duty to defend Fort Sumter, as a portion of - the public property of the United States, against hostile attacks - from whatever quarter they may come, by such means as I may - possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such a defence can - be construed into a menace against the city of Charleston. - - With great personal regard, I remain, yours very respectfully, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -In all that related to this cabinet crisis of December 29th, I can -see nothing but the prompt action of a wise statesman and a -patriotic President, in preventing a disruption of his cabinet upon -a draft of a State paper, in which expressions had been used that -might have given rise to inferences which the President never -intended should be drawn. Among all Mr. Buchanan’s claims to stand -in history as a great man, be the criticisms made by the three -members of his cabinet on his proposed answer to the South Carolina -commissioners more or less important, there is no one act which -better entitles him to that rank, than the sacrifice which he made -on this occasion of all pride of opinion in respect to the best mode -of doing what he and his advisers alike meant to do, in order that -the country might not, at this critical juncture, be deprived of the -services of men whose services were important to her, and in order -that the Government of the Union might not be placed in a false -position. He had formed no new policy on the subject of secession, -or any new views of his public duty. He never had but one policy, -from the beginning of the secession movement to the 4th of March, -1861. Of that policy no concession of the right of secession, or of -any claim founded on it, ever formed a part.[91] - -Footnote 91: - - In the _North American Review_, during the year 1879, certain - papers were published under the title of “Diary of a Public Man,” - without disclosure of the authorship. These papers purported to be - passages from a diary kept by a person in some public, or _quasi_ - public, position in Washington, during the autumn and winter of - 1860-61. Inquiry by the author of this work has failed to elicit - any information of the name of the writer, the editor of the - _Review_ declining to disclose it. The statements made in these - papers are therefore anonymous, and readers will judge how far - they should be regarded as reliable materials of history. There - is, however, one of these statements, which it is my duty to - notice, because the unknown writer professes to make it on the - authority of Senator Douglas. It purports to have been committed - to writing on the 28th of February, 1861, and is as follows: - “Before going, Senator Douglas had a word to say about President - Buchanan and the South Carolina commissioners. He tells me that it - has now been ascertained that the President nominated his - Pennsylvania collector at Charleston on the very day, almost at - the very moment, when he was assuring Colonel Orr, through one of - his retainers, that he was disposed to accede to the demands of - South Carolina, if they were courteously and with proper respect - presented to him. They rewrote their letter accordingly, submitted - it to the President’s agents, who approved it and sent it to the - White House. This, Senator Douglas says, was on January 3d, in the - morning. The commissioners spent the afternoon in various places, - and dined out early. On coming in, they found their letter to the - President awaiting them. It had been returned to them by a - messenger from the White House, about three o'clock P. M., and on - the back was an indorsement, not signed by any one, and in a - clerkly handwriting, to the effect that the President declined to - receive the communication. They ordered their trunks packed at - once, and left for home by way of Richmond, on the four o'clock - morning train, feeling, not unreasonably, that they had been both - duped and insulted.”—(_North American Review_, vol. cxxix, p. - 269.) - - There are a very few grains of truth in this story, mixed with a - great deal of untruth. Mr. Douglas may have found it floating - about Washington, and may have repeated it to the diarist who - remains shrouded in mystery. The nomination of a collector for the - port of Charleston was made to the Senate on the same day on which - the President returned the letter of the commissioners. This was - on the 2d of January, not the 3d. But it cannot be true that the - President, through any channel, assured Colonel Orr that he was - disposed to accede to the demands of South Carolina, if - courteously and with proper respect presented to him; or that they - had written one letter which was in improper terms, and then wrote - another in proper terms, and sent it, after it had been submitted - to “the President’s agents,” and been by them received. The actual - occurrence was as follows: The sole personal interview which the - President had with the commissioners was on the 28th of December. - On the 29th they presented to him in writing their demand for the - withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston as a - preliminary step to any negotiation. On the 31st the President’s - answer, settled in a meeting of the cabinet, was transmitted to - them. It was a positive and distinct refusal to withdraw the - troops. The reply of the commissioners, dated on the 2d of - January, reached the White House at about three o'clock on that - day, while the cabinet was in session. “It was,” says Mr. - Buchanan, “so violent, unfounded, and disrespectful, and so - regardless of what is due to any individual whom the people have - honored with the office of President, that the reading of it in - the cabinet excited much indignation among all the members.” - (Buchanan’s Defence, p. 183.) The President thereupon wrote upon a - slip of paper, which is now before me, the following words: “This - paper, just presented to the President, is of such a character - that he declines to receive it.” This slip he handed immediately - to his private secretary, to be indorsed on the commissioners' - letter. Of what then happened, I find the following memorandum in - the handwriting of the secretary: - - JANUARY 2, 1861. - - The paper which, I am told, came in this envelope, was handed to - me by the President at about 3:30 o'clock, with instructions to - enclose it in an envelope and direct it to Hon. R. W. Barnwell, - James H. Adams and James S. Orr, and to deliver it to them or - either of them. I directed it accordingly, and proceeded to the - lodgings of the gentlemen addressed in Franklyn Row. I was - informed at the door by a servant that neither of the gentlemen - were in. Having met Mr. Trescot at the door, I inquired whether - he would receive the paper. He declined to do so, on the ground - that he had no official connection with the gentlemen to whom it - was addressed. At my request he then proceeded with me to the - room which these gentlemen occupied for business purposes, and, - also at my request, witnessed the deposit of the paper upon a - table in that room; the same room in which I found two of the - gentlemen—Messrs. Barnwell and Adams—on a previous occasion - (Monday last), when I delivered to the first-named gentleman a - letter similarly addressed from the President. While I was in - the room Hon. Jefferson Davis and Senator Wigfall came in, the - first of whom certainly, and the latter probably, did see the - paper deposited, as stated. This memorandum made within an hour - after the delivery or deposit of the paper. 68 - - A. J. GLOSSBRENNER, - Private Secretary to the President. - - EXECUTIVE OFFICE. - -The next thing that happened was, that after the reading in the -Senate of the President’s special message of January 8th, Mr. -Jefferson Davis produced and had read in the Senate, a copy of -the commissioners' insulting letter. “Such,” says Mr. Buchanan, -“was the temper of that body at the time, that it was received -and read, and entered upon their journal...... It is worth -notice, that whilst this letter of the commissioners was -published at length in the _Congressional Globe_, among the -proceedings of the Senate, their previous letter to the -President of the 28th of December, and his answer thereto of the -31st, were never published in this so-called official register, -although copies of both had accompanied his special message. By -this means, the offensive letter was scattered broadcast over -the country, whilst the letter of the President, to which this -professed to be an answer, was buried in one of the numerous and -long after published volumes of executive documents.”[92] The -story related to the unknown diarist, as he says, by Senator -Douglas, implies that the commissioners, at some time between -the 31st of December and the 2d of January, wrote an uncourteous -and improper reply to the President’s letter of December 31st, -and then substituted for it a courteous and proper one, which -they submitted to “the President’s agents,” who approved of it -and sent it to the White House! That the President, through any -agent, had signified to the commissioners that he was disposed -to accede to their demands, if presented in courteous and proper -terms, is an assertion that is contradicted by the whole tenor -of his letter of December 31st, and by his uniform and steady -refusal to entertain the proposition of an executive surrender -of the forts to South Carolina. Down to the moment when the -commissioners received the President’s letter of December 31st, -he had no occasion to make with them any condition relating to -the _manner_ of their reply; and to suppose that at any time he -meant to allow his compliance with their demands to turn upon -the language in which they presented them, is simply absurd. -What he may have signified to them was, that he would refer -their demands to Congress; not that he would entertain and act -upon them himself. This we know that he did, at the personal -interview on the 28th of December; and he did it in order “to -bring the whole subject before the representatives of the people -in such a manner as to cause them to express an authoritative -opinion on secession and the other dangerous questions then -before the country, and adopt such measures for their peaceable -adjustment as might possibly reclaim even South Carolina -herself; but whether or not, might prevent the other cotton -States from following her evil and rash example.”[93] The -President did not expect that Congress would authorize him to -surrender the forts; but he did believe that it would be -beneficial to have Congress declare that the whole doctrine of -secession was one that could not be accepted by any department -of the Federal Government, as he had declared that it could not -be accepted by the Executive. The South Carolina commissioners, -in their letter of December 28th, claimed that the State has -“resumed the powers she delegated to the Government of the -United States, and has declared her perfect sovereignty and -independence;” that unless Major Anderson’s removal to Fort -Sumter was explained in a satisfactory manner, they must suspend -all discussion of the arrangements by which the mutual interests -of this independent State and the United States could be -adjusted; and then, as a preliminary to any negotiation, they -urged the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of -Charleston, with a distinct intimation of a “bloody issue” if -this should be refused. The President was thus brought to the -alternatives of an Executive admission of the independence of -South Carolina, by reason of her secession, and a withdrawal of -the troops as a consequence, or a bloody issue of questions that -ought to be settled amicably. The President’s answer of the 31st -of December, being a rejection of what was demanded of him, -although entirely courteous, so irritated the commissioners that -they wrote the reply which he returned to them.[94] The truth -is, that this reply contained so many offensive and unfounded -imputations of past bad faith on the part of the President, that -it was impossible for him to receive it. The grossest of these -imputations I have already dealt with. - -Footnote 92: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 184. - -Footnote 93: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 184. - -Footnote 94: - - A copy of this intended reply may be found in Mr. Jefferson - Davis’s work, vol. i., Appendix G. - -The diarist of the _North American Review_ has related another -story, on the authority of a person whose name, as well as his own, -he conceals, which imputes to Major Anderson a motive of a most -extraordinary character, for taking possession of Fort Sumter. We -thus have the anonymous fortified by the anonymous—_ignotum per -ignotum_—as the historical basis of belief. The statement is that -the diarist’s informant, who had just come from Montgomery and had -passed through Charleston, where he conversed with Major Anderson, -told the diarist, on the 6th of March (1861), in Washington, that -Anderson intended to be governed in his future course by the course -of his own State of Kentucky; that if Kentucky should secede, -Anderson would unhesitatingly obey the orders of a Confederate -secretary of war; that he meant to retain the control of the -position primarily in the interests of his own State of Kentucky; -and that for this reason he removed from Fort Moultrie where he was -liable to be controlled by the authorities of South Carolina.[95] -The diarist took his informant to President Lincoln, who heard the -tale repeated, but parried it by one or two of his characteristic -jests, and the diarist was disappointed in not being able to divine -how Mr. Lincoln was affected by the narrative. It will require -something more than this kind of unsupported and unauthenticated -nonsense to destroy Major Anderson’s reputation as a loyal officer -of the United States. What he might have done with his commission, -in case Kentucky had joined the Southern Confederacy, is one thing. -What he would have done with Fort Sumter is a very different matter. -His answer to a letter of General Dix does not accord with the -account of his intentions given by the unknown informant of the -unknown diarist.[96] - -Footnote 95: - - _A North American Review_, vol. cxxix, pp. 484-485. - -Footnote 96: - - See the correspondence between General Dix and Major Anderson, - _post_. - - - - - CHAPTER XIX. - December, 1860,—January, 1861. - -RESIGNATION OF GENERAL CASS FROM THE DEPARTMENT OF - STATE—RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CABINET WHICH FOLLOWED AFTER THE - RESIGNATIONS OF MESSRS. COBB, THOMPSON, AND THOMAS. - - -Serious and embarrassing as was the situation of the country, it was -not to have been expected that the first person to leave an -administration, which had worked together with entire harmony for -nearly four years, would be the Secretary of State, General Cass. I -shall make but few comments on this occurrence. The correspondence -which took place between General Cass and the President, and a -memorandum made by the latter at the time, sufficiently show what -degree of necessity there was for the General’s resignation. With -reference to the reason which he assigned for it, the date of his -letter is important to be observed. He tendered his resignation at a -time when every consideration of prudence forbade the sending of -further military or naval forces into the harbor of Charleston; -after his advice on this point had been overruled by the opinions of -all the other members of the cabinet, and of the President; before -the State of South Carolina had adopted her ordinance of secession; -and while the collector of the revenue at Charleston was still -faithfully, and without molestation, performing his duties. If it -was the General’s sagacity which led him to foresee that the State -would “secede,” that the collector would resign, and that the -revenue would have to be collected outside of the custom house, and -by some other officer, his suggestions could not be carried out by -the President without authority of law, and the whole subject was -then before Congress, submitted to it by the President’s annual -message, in which the General himself had fully concurred. That the -General regretted his resignation, and would have withdrawn it, if -permitted, is now made certain by the President’s memorandum, which -I shall presently cite. - - [SECRETARY CASS TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - DEPARTMENT OF STATE, December 12th, 1860. - - SIR:— - - The present alarming crisis in our national affairs has engaged - your serious consideration, and in your recent message, you have - expressed to Congress, and through Congress to the country, the - views you have formed respecting the questions, fraught with the - most momentous consequences, which are now presented to the - American people for solution. With the general principles laid - down in that message I fully concur, and I appreciate with warm - sympathy its patriotic appeals and suggestions. What measures it - is competent and proper for the Executive to adopt under existing - circumstances, is a subject which has received your most careful - attention, and with the anxious hope, as I well know, from having - participated in the deliberations, that tranquillity and good - feeling may be speedily restored to this agitated and divided - Confederacy. - - In some points which I deem of vital importance, it has been my - misfortune to differ from you. - - It has been my decided opinion, which for some time past I have - urged at various meetings of the cabinet, that additional troops - should be sent to reinforce the forts in the harbor of Charleston, - with a view to their better defence, should they be attacked, and - that an armed vessel should likewise be ordered there, to aid, if - necessary, in the defence, and also, should it be required, in the - collection of the revenue; and it is yet my opinion that these - measures should be adopted without the least delay. I have - likewise urged the expediency of immediately removing the custom - house at Charleston to one of the forts in the port, and of making - arrangements for the collection of the duties there, by having a - collector and other officers ready to act when necessary, so that - when the office may become vacant, the proper authority may be - there to collect the duties on the part of the United States. I - continue to think that these arrangements should be immediately - made. While the right and the responsibility of deciding belong to - you, it is very desirable that at this perilous juncture there - should be, as far as possible, unanimity in your councils, with a - view to safe and efficient action. - - I have, therefore, felt it my duty to tender you my resignation of - the office of Secretary of State, and to ask your permission to - retire from that official association with yourself and the - members of your cabinet, which I have enjoyed during almost four - years, without the occurrence of a single incident to interrupt - the personal intercourse which has so happily existed. - - I cannot close this letter without bearing my testimony to the - zealous and earnest devotion to the best interests of the country, - with which, during a term of unexampled trials and troubles, you - have sought to discharge the duties of your high station. - - Thanking you for the kindness and confidence you have not ceased - to manifest towards me, and with the expression of my warmest - regard both for yourself and the gentlemen of your cabinet, I am, - sir, with great respect, - - Your obedient servant, - LEWIS CASS. - - [THE PRESIDENT TO GENERAL CASS.] - - WASHINGTON, December 15th, 1860. - - SIR:— - - I have received your resignation of the office of Secretary of - State with surprise and regret. After we had passed through nearly - the whole term of the administration with mutual and cordial - friendship and regard, I had cherished the earnest hope that - nothing might occur to disturb our official relations until its - end. You have decided differently, and I have no right to - complain. - - I must express my gratification at your concurrence with the - general principles laid down in my late message, and your - appreciation, “with warm sympathy, of its patriotic appeals and - suggestions.” This I value very highly; and I rejoice that we - concur in the opinion that Congress does not possess the power, - under the Constitution, to coerce a State by force of arms to - remain in the Confederacy. - - The question on which we unfortunately differ is that of ordering - a detachment of the army and navy to Charleston, and is correctly - stated in your letter of resignation. I do not intend to argue - this question. Suffice it to say, that your remarks upon the - subject were heard by myself and the cabinet, with all the respect - due to your high position, your long experience, and your - unblemished character; but they failed to convince us of the - necessity and propriety, under existing circumstances, of adopting - such a measure. The Secretaries of War and of the Navy, through - whom the orders must have issued to reinforce the forts, did not - concur in your views; and whilst the whole responsibility for the - refusal rested upon myself, they were the members of the cabinet - more directly interested. You may have judged correctly on this - important question, and your opinion is entitled to grave - consideration; but under my convictions of duty, and believing as - I do that no present necessity exists for a resort to force for - the protection of the public property, it was impossible for me to - have risked a collision of arms in the harbor of Charleston, and - thereby defeated the reasonable hope which I cherish of the final - triumph of the Constitution and of the Union. - - I have only to add that you will take with you into retirement my - heartfelt wishes that the evening of your days may be prosperous - and happy. - - Very respectfully yours, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -The following memorandum, relating to the resignation of General -Cass, is now before me in the President’s handwriting: - - Tuesday, Dec. 11th, 1860. - - General Cass announced to me his purpose to resign. - - Saturday, December 15th. - - Judge Black, in the evening, delivered me General Cass’s letter of - resignation, dated on Wednesday, December 12th. - - I was very much surprised on the 11th December to learn from - General Cass that he intended to resign. All our official - intercourse up till this moment had been marked by unity of - purpose, sentiment and action. Indeed, the General had always been - treated by me with extreme kindness. This was due to his age and - his high character. Most of the important despatches which bear - his name were written, or chiefly written, for him by Mr. - Appleton, Judge Black and myself. His original drafts were - generally so prolix and so little to the point, that they had to - be written over again entirely, or so little was suffered to - remain as to make them new despatches. All this was done with so - much delicacy and tenderness, that, to the extent of my knowledge, - General Cass always cheerfully and even gratefully assented. So - timid was he, and so little confidence had he in himself, that it - was difficult for him to arrive at any decision of the least - consequence. He brought many questions to me which he ought to - have settled himself. When obliged to decide for himself, he - called Mr. Cobb and Judge Black to his assistance. In the course - of the administration I have been often reminded of the opinion of - him expressed to me by General Jackson. - - I had been at the War Department a short time before General Cass - was appointed minister to France. In the course of conversation, - he made particular inquiries of me as to what I thought an - American minister would have to expend at the principal courts - abroad. I told him what it had cost me at St. Petersburg, and what - would be the probable cost at London and Paris. - - The next time I met General Jackson, I said to him, “So you are - going to send General Cass to Paris.” His answer was, “How do you - know that?” I said, “I can't tell you, but I believe it.” His - reply was, “It is true. I can no longer consent to do the duties - both of President and Secretary of War. General Cass will decide - nothing for himself, but comes to me constantly with great bundles - of papers, to decide questions for him which he ought to decide - for himself.” - - His resignation was the more remarkable on account of the cause he - assigned for it. When my late message (of December, 1860) was read - to the cabinet before it was printed, General Cass expressed his - unreserved and hearty approbation of it, accompanied by every sign - of deep and sincere feeling. He had but one objection to it, and - this was, _that it was not sufficiently strong against the power - of Congress to make war upon a State for the purpose of compelling - her to remain in the Union_; and the denial of this power was made - more emphatic and distinct upon his own suggestion. - - On Monday, 17th December, 1860, both Mr. Thompson and Judge Black - informed me that they had held conversations with General Cass on - the subject of his resignation, and that he had expressed a desire - to withdraw it, and return to the cabinet. I gave this no - encouragement. His purpose to resign had been known for several - days, and his actual resignation had been prepared three days - before it was delivered to me. The world knew all about it, and - had he returned, the explanation would have been very - embarrassing. Besides, I knew full well that his fears would have - worried the administration as well as himself, in the difficult - times which were then upon us. His great error was, that he would - assume no responsibility which he could possibly avoid. - -There is strong reason to think that General Cass was mistaken in -saying in his letter to the President that he had proposed in the -cabinet to remove the Charleston custom house to one of the forts or -to appoint a new collector. In a draft of the President’s answer to -General Cass, prepared by Judge Black, but which the President did -not use, it is stated that none of the members of the cabinet had -any recollection of such a proposal. But if it had been made, it -would have been improper to collect the revenue in any other than -the ordinary way, and at the proper place, without new legislation, -or at least until circumstances had made a military collection -absolutely necessary. - -It is not to be doubted that the resignation of General Cass was a -misfortune to the administration, because it gave to its enemies -opportunity to say that he distrusted either the present or the -future course of the President. But his place was immediately -supplied by the appointment of Judge Black as Secretary of State. -Edwin M. Stanton became Attorney General, in the room of Judge -Black.[97] - -Footnote 97: - - How Mr. Stanton came to receive this appointment, may be learned - by referring to a private letter from Mr. Buchanan, quoted - hereafter. - -In the early part of January, 1861, while the President was still -engaged in considering the measures proper to be adopted in regard -to Fort Sumter, other changes in the cabinet took place. After the -resignations of General Cass, Governor Floyd, and Mr. Cobb, the -cabinet stood as follows: Jeremiah S. Black, of Pennsylvania, -Secretary of State, Philip F. Thomas, of Maryland, Secretary of the -Treasury, Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, Secretary of War, Isaac Toucey, -of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy, Jacob Thompson, of -Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior, Horatio King, of Maine, -Postmaster General, Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania, Attorney -General. Mr. Thomas, who had been Commissioner of Patents, was made -Secretary of the Treasury in the place of Mr. Cobb, on the 8th of -December. He resigned on the 11th of January, and the President -immediately invited General Dix to fill the office. General Dix at -once repaired to Washington, and during the remainder of the -administration he was the guest of the President at the White House. -His society, and his important aid in the administration of the -Government, afforded to Mr. Buchanan the highest satisfaction.[98] -On the resignation of Mr. Thompson as Secretary of the Interior, -that department was not filled, but the duties were ably and -faithfully performed by Moses Kelly, the Chief Clerk, until the -close of the administration. The circumstances attending the -resignations of Messrs. Thompson and Thomas are sufficiently -disclosed by the correspondence. - -Footnote 98: - - General Dix had for some time held the office of Postmaster in the - City of New York; a place he consented to fill under the - circumstances disclosed in the following letter to President - Buchanan: - - NEW YORK, May 14,1860. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 12th inst., and am greatly - indebted to you for your kind suggestion in regard to the - appointment of commissioners under the treaty with Paraguay. I - should regret very much to decline any service in which you think - I could be useful. I am at this moment very much occupied here - with matters which concern the comfort of my family, and I should - wish, before giving a final answer, to communicate with my wife, - who is in Boston. I had scarcely read your letter before I - received a note from Mr. Schell, who desired to see me in regard - to the astounding defalcation in the city post office. He said it - was deemed important to place some one in the office in whom the - administration could confide, and that my name had been suggested - among others. Now, my dear sir, you can readily understand that it - is a place I do not want, and could not consent to hold for any - length of time. But, as I said to Mr. Schell, if you desire it, - and think I can be of any service to your administration, in - cooperating with the proper department to put matters on a right - footing, I should not, under the peculiar circumstances, feel at - liberty to disregard your wishes. In other words, I think you have - the right, under the exigencies of the case, to command the - services of any friend. I am, dear sir, sincerely yours, - - JOHN A. DIX. - - For an account of General Dix’s connection with the New York post - office, and of his services to Mr. Buchanan’s administration as - Secretary of the Treasury, see his Life, by his son, the Rev. - Morgan Dix, S. T. D., recently published by Harper & Brothers. - - [SECRETARY THOMPSON TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan 8, 1861. - - TO HIS EXCELLENCY, JAMES BUCHANAN, PRESIDENT U. S.:— - - SIR:—It is with extreme regret I have just learned that additional - troops have been ordered to Charleston. This subject has been - frequently discussed in cabinet council, and when on Monday night, - 31st of December ult., the orders for reinforcements to Fort - Sumter were countermanded, I distinctly understood from you, that - no order of the kind would be made without being previously - considered and decided in cabinet. It is true that on Wednesday, - January 2d, this subject was again discussed in cabinet, but - certainly no conclusion was reached, and the War Department was - not justified in ordering reinforcements without something [more] - than was then said. I learn, however, this morning, for the first - time, that the steamer Star of the West sailed from New York on - last Saturday night with two hundred and fifty men under Lieut. - Bartlett, bound for Fort Sumter. Under these circumstances I feel - myself bound to resign my commission as one of your constitutional - advisers into your hands. With high respect your obedient servant, - - J. THOMPSON. - - [THE PRESIDENT TO MR. THOMPSON.] - - WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861. - - SIR:— - - I have received and accepted your resignation on yesterday of the - office of Secretary of the Interior. - - On Monday evening, 31st December, 1860, I suspended the orders - which had been issued by the War and Navy Department to send the - Brooklyn with reinforcements to Fort Sumter. Of this I informed - you on the same evening. I stated to you my reasons for this - suspension, which you knew from its nature would be speedily - removed. In consequence of your request, however, I promised that - orders should not be renewed “without being previously considered - and decided in cabinet.” - - This promise was faithfully observed on my part. In order to carry - it into effect, I called a special cabinet meeting on Wednesday, - 2d January, 1861, in which the question of sending reinforcements - to Fort Sumter was amply discussed both by yourself and others. - The decided majority of opinions was against you. At this moment - the answer of the South Carolina “commissioners” to my - communication to them of the 31st December was received and read. - It produced much indignation among members of the cabinet. After a - further brief conversation I employed the following language: “It - is now all over, and reinforcements must be sent.” Judge Black - said, at the moment of my decision, that after this letter the - cabinet would be unanimous, and I heard no dissenting voice. - Indeed, the spirit and tone of the letter left no doubt on my mind - that Fort Sumter would be immediately attacked, and hence the - necessity of sending reinforcements there without delay. - - Whilst you admit “that on Wednesday, January 2d, this subject was - again discussed in cabinet,” you say, “but certainly no conclusion - was reached, and the War Department was not justified in ordering - reinforcements without something [more] than was then said.” You - are certainly mistaken in alleging that no “conclusion was - reached.” In this your recollection is entirely different from - that of your four oldest colleagues in the cabinet. Indeed, my - language was so unmistakable, that the Secretaries of War and the - Navy proceeded to act upon it without any further intercourse with - myself than what you heard or might have heard me say. You had - been so emphatic in opposing these reinforcements, that I thought - you would resign in consequence of my decision. I deeply regret - that you have been mistaken in point of fact, though I firmly - believe honestly mistaken. Still it is certain you have not the - less been mistaken. Yours very respectfully, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. THOMPSON TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - WASHINGTON CITY, January 10, 1861. - - TO HIS EXCELLENCY, JAMES BUCHANAN, PRESIDENT OF U. S.:— - - DEAR SIR:—In your reply to my note of 8th inst., accepting my - resignation, you are right when you say that “you (I) had been so - emphatic in opposing these reinforcements that I (you) thought you - (I) would resign in consequence of my decision.” I came to the - cabinet on Wednesday, January 2d, with the full expectation I - would resign my commission before I left your council board, and I - know you do not doubt that my action would have been promptly - taken, had I understood on that day that you had decided that - “reinforcements must now be sent.” For more than forty days, I - have regarded the display of a military force in Charleston or - along the Southern coast by the United States as tantamount to - war. Of this opinion you and all my colleagues of the cabinet have - been frankly advised. Believing that such would be the - construction of an order for additional troops, I have been - anxious, and have used all legitimate means to save you and your - administration from precipitating the country into an inevitable - conflict, the end of which no human being could foresee. My - counsels have not prevailed, troops have been sent, and I hope yet - that a kind Providence may avert the consequences I have - apprehended, and that peace be maintained. - - I am now a private citizen, and, as such, I am at liberty to give - expression to my private feelings towards you personally. - - In all my official intercourse with you, though often overruled, I - have been treated with uniform kindness and consideration. - - I know your patriotism, your honesty and purity of character, and - admire your high qualities of head and heart. If we can sink all - the circumstances attending this unfortunate order for - reinforcements—on which, though we may differ, yet I am willing to - admit that you are as conscientious, as I claim to be—you have - been frank, direct, and confiding in me. I have never been - subjected to the first mortification, or entertained for a moment - the first unkind feeling. These facts determined me to stand by - you and your administration as long as there was any hope left - that our present difficulties could find a peaceful solution. If - the counsels of some members of your cabinet prevail, I am utterly - without hope. Every duty you have imposed on me has been - discharged with scrupulous fidelity on my part, and it would give - me infinite pain even to suspect that you are not satisfied. - - Whatever may be our respective futures, I shall ever be your - personal friend, and shall vindicate your fame and administration, - of which I have been a part, and shall ever remember with - gratitude the many favors and kindnesses heretofore shown to me - and mine. - - I go hence to make the destiny of Mississippi my destiny. My life, - fortune, and all I hold most dear shall be devoted to her cause. - In doing this, I believe before God, I am serving the ends of - truth and justice and good government. Now, as ever, your personal - friend, - - J. THOMPSON. - - [THE PRESIDENT TO MR. THOMPSON.] - - WASHINGTON, January 11, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Without referring to any recent political question, your favor of - yesterday has afforded me the highest degree of satisfaction. You - know that for many years I have entertained a warm regard for you, - and this has been greatly increased by our official and personal - intercourse since you became a member of my cabinet. No man could - have more ably, honestly, and efficiently performed the various - and complicated duties of the Interior Department than yourself, - and it has always been my pride and pleasure to express this - opinion on all suitable occasions. I regret extremely that the - troubles of the times have rendered it necessary for us to part; - but whatever may be your future destiny, I shall ever feel a deep - interest in your welfare and happiness. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [SECRETARY THOMAS TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - WASHINGTON, D. C., January 11, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - It has not been in my power, as you are aware, to agree with you - and with a majority of your constitutional advisers, in the - measures which have been adopted in reference to the present - condition of things in South Carolina; nor do I think it at all - probable that I shall be able to concur in the views which you - entertain, so far as I understand them, touching the authority - under existing laws, to enforce the collection of the customs at - the port of Charleston. - - Under such circumstances, after mature consideration, I have - concluded that I cannot longer continue in your cabinet without - embarrassment to you, and an exposure of myself to the just - criticisms of those who are acquainted with my opinions upon the - subject. I, therefore, deem it proper to tender my resignation of - the commission I now hold as Secretary of the Treasury, to take - effect when my successor is appointed and qualified. In doing so, - I avail myself of the occasion to offer you the assurance of the - high respect and regard which, personally, I entertain for you, - and with which I have the honor to be, - - Your friend and obedient servant, - PHILIP F. THOMAS. - - [THE PRESIDENT TO MR. THOMAS.] - - WASHINGTON, January 12, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your letter of yesterday, resigning the office of - Secretary of the Treasury, to take effect when your successor - shall be appointed and qualified. - - I very much regret that circumstances, in your opinion, have - rendered it necessary. Without referring to those circumstances, I - am happy to state, in accepting your resignation, that during the - brief period you have held this important office, you have - performed its duties in a manner altogether satisfactory to - myself. - - Wishing you health, prosperity, and happiness, I remain, - - Very respectfully, your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - - - - CHAPTER XX. - 1860—December. - -THE RESIGNATION OF SECRETARY FLOYD, AND ITS CAUSE—REFUTATION OF THE - STORY OF HIS STEALING THE ARMS OF THE UNITED STATES—GENERAL - SCOTT'S ASSERTIONS DISPROVED. - - -Among the assertions made by the South Carolina commissioners in -their letter to the President of December 28th, there was one to -which it is now specially necessary to advert. “Since our arrival,” -they said, “an officer of the United States, acting, as we are -assured, not only without, but against your orders, has dismantled -one fort and occupied another, thus altering to a most important -extent the condition of affairs under which we came.” The person who -assured them that Anderson had acted without and against the -President’s orders, was Mr. Floyd, the Secretary of War, who had -instructed Buell what orders to give to Anderson, and who knew well -what the orders were. This brings me, therefore, to the point at -which Mr. Floyd’s conversion took place, from an avowed and -consistent opponent of secession to one of its most strenuous -supporters:—a conversion which was so sudden, that between the 23d -of December and the arrival of the South Carolina commissioners, on -the 26th, the Secretary boldly assumed a position entirely at -variance with all his previous conduct, and thereafter became an -intimate associate with disunion Senators, who had always, to this -point, condemned his official conduct. The cause of this remarkable -change was the discovery, by the President, of an act implicating -Mr. Floyd in a very irregular proceeding, which had no connection -whatever with the relations between the Federal Government and the -State of South Carolina, or with the subject of secession. - -On the 22d of December, the President learned that 870 State bonds -for $1,000 each, held in trust by the Government for different -Indian tribes, had been abstracted from the Interior Department by -one Godard Bailey, the clerk who had charge of them, and had been -delivered to William H. Russell, a member of the firm of “Russell, -Majors & Waddell.” Upon examination, it was found that the clerk had -substituted for the abstracted bonds bills delivered to him by -Russell, drawn by his firm on Floyd as Secretary of War, and by -Floyd accepted and indorsed, for the precise amount of the bonds, -$870,000. The acceptances were thirteen in number, commencing on the -13th of September, 1860, the last one of the series, dated December -13th, 1860, being for the precise sum necessary to make the -aggregate amount of the whole number of bills exactly equal to the -amount of the abstracted bonds. Bailey stated that he held the -acceptances “as collateral security for the return of the bonds.” - -What happened on this discovery should be told in Mr. Buchanan’s own -words, as I find them in his handwriting, in a paper drawn up -apparently for the information of some one who was entitled to know -the facts. - - I do not recollect the precise time when I had the only - conversation which I ever held with Governor Floyd on the subject - of your inquiry. It was most probably soon after Mr. Benjamin had - the interview with myself, the particulars of which I cannot now - recall; but it is proper to state that I learned from another - source that acceptances of Mr. Floyd had been offered for discount - in Wall Street. - - When I next saw Secretary Floyd I asked him if it were true that - he had been issuing acceptances to Russell & Company on bills - payable at a future day. He said he had done so in a few cases. - That he had done this in no instance until after he had - ascertained that the amount of the bills would be due to them - under their contract, before the bills reached maturity; that the - trains had started on their way to Utah, and there could be no - possible loss to the Government. That the Government at that time - was largely indebted to Russell & Company, and the bills which he - had accepted would be paid, when they became due, out of the - appropriation for that purpose. I asked him, under what authority - he had accepted these drafts. He said, this had been done under - the practice of the Department. I said, I had never heard of such - a practice, and if such a practice existed, I considered it - altogether improper, and should be discontinued. I asked him if - there was any law which authorized such acceptances. He said there - was no law, he believed, for it, and no law against it. I replied, - if there was no law for it, this was conclusive that he had no - such authority. He said, I need give myself no trouble about the - matter. That the acceptances already issued should be promptly - paid out of the money due to Russell & Company, and he would never - accept another such draft. I might rest perfectly easy on the - subject. I had not the least doubt that he would fulfill his - promise in good faith. He never said another word to me upon the - subject. I was, therefore, never more astonished than at the - exposure which was made that he had accepted drafts to the amount - of $870,000, and that these were substituted in the safe at the - Interior Department, as a substitute for the Indian bonds which - had been purloined. - - I took immediate measures to intimate to him, through a - distinguished mutual friend, that he could no longer remain in the - cabinet, and that he ought to resign. I expected his resignation - hourly; but a few days after, he came into the cabinet with a bold - front, and said he could remain in it no longer unless I would - instantly recall Major Anderson and his forces from Fort Sumter. - -There were, as Mr. Buchanan states, besides the acceptances lodged -in the Interior Department, other acceptances of Floyd’s, as -Secretary of War, afloat in Wall Street. Of course, Mr. Floyd was -aware of this; and having been told by the President that he must -resign, he boldly determined to resign on a feigned issue, making -for himself a bridge on which he could pass over to the secession -side of the great national controversy. - -The arrival of the South Carolina commissioners in Washington on the -26th December, afforded to the Secretary an opportunity to concoct -his impudent pretext. It is impossible to suppose that he believed -either that Anderson had acted without orders or against orders, or -in violation of any pledge given by the President. The orders were, -in one sense, his own; and as to any pledge, he could not have been -ignorant of what really took place between the President and the -South Carolina members of Congress on the 10th of December. When he -instructed Major Buell in the orders that were to be given to -Anderson, the Secretary was, in giving those orders, loyal to the -Government whose officer he was, and his conduct in regard to the -acceptances was unknown to the President. When the South Carolina -commissioners arrived in Washington, he was a man whose resignation -of office had been required of him by the President. He learned that -the commissioners were about to complain that Anderson had violated -a pledge. Taking time by the forelock, he entered a session of the -cabinet on the evening of the 27th, the next day after the arrival -of the commissioners, and, in a discourteous and excited manner, -read to the President and his colleagues a paper which, on the 29th, -he embodied in a letter of resignation, that read as follows: - - [SECRETARY FLOYD TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - WAR DEPARTMENT, December 29th, 1860. - - SIR:— - - On the evening of the 27th instant, I read the following paper to - you, in the presence of the cabinet: - - “COUNCIL CHAMBER, EXECUTIVE MANSION, } - “DECEMBER 27TH, 1860. } - - SIR:— - - “It is evident now, from the action of the commander at Fort - Moultrie, that the solemn pledges of this Government have been - violated by Major Anderson. In my judgment, but one remedy is now - left us by which to vindicate our honor and prevent civil war. It - is in vain now to hope for confidence on the part of the people of - South Carolina in any further pledges as to the action of the - military. One remedy only is left, and that is to withdraw the - garrison from the harbor of Charleston altogether. I hope the - President will allow me to make that order at once. This order, in - my judgment, can alone prevent bloodshed and civil war. - - “JOHN B. FLOYD, - “Secretary of War. - - “TO THE PRESIDENT.” - - I then considered the honor of the administration pledged to - maintain the troops in the position they occupied; for such had - been the assurances given to the gentlemen of South Carolina who - had a right to speak for her. South Carolina, on the other hand, - gave reciprocal pledges that no force should be brought by them - against the troops or against the property of the United States. - The sole object of both parties to these reciprocal pledges was to - prevent collision and the effusion of blood, in the hope that some - means might be found for a peaceful accommodation of the existing - troubles, the two Houses of Congress having both raised committees - looking to that object. - - Thus affairs stood, until the action of Major Anderson, taken - unfortunately while commissioners were on their way to this - capital on a peaceful mission, looking to the avoidance of - bloodshed, has complicated matters in the existing manner. Our - refusal, or even delay, to place affairs back as they stood under - our agreement, invites collision, and must inevitably inaugurate - civil war in our land. I can not consent to be the agent of such a - calamity. - - I deeply regret to feel myself under the necessity of tendering to - you my resignation as Secretary of War, because I can no longer - hold it, under my convictions of patriotism, nor with honor, - subjected as I am to the violation of solemn pledges and plighted - faith. - - With the highest personal regard, I am most truly yours, - - JOHN B. FLOYD. - -In a subsequent note to the President, Mr. Floyd offered to perform -the duties of the War Department until his successor had been -appointed. Without taking any notice of this offer, and with the -contemptuous silence that could alone have followed such conduct, -the President instantly accepted his resignation, and Postmaster -General Holt was transferred to the War Department _ad interim_. -Thus passed out of the service of the United States John B. Floyd, -once, like his father, Governor of Virginia. He was a man fitted by -nature, by education, and by position, for better things than such -an ending of an official career. He was no secessionist from -conviction, and until the discovery of his irregular acts in issuing -acceptances of his Department, he never pretended to be. He seems to -have been stung by a consciousness that his letter of resignation -was in a bad tone. On the 30th of December he addressed to the -President a letter of apology, which, so far as I know, remained -unanswered. - - [MR. FLOYD TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - WASHINGTON, December 30th, 1860. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I understand from General Jefferson Davis that you regard my - letter of resignation as offensive to you. I beg to assure you - that I am deeply grieved by this intelligence. Nothing could have - been further from my wish, and nothing more repugnant to my - feelings. If there is any sentence or expression which you regard - in that light, I will take sincere pleasure in changing it. The - facts and the ideas alone were in my mind when I penned the - letter, and I repeat that nothing could have been further from my - intention than to wound your feelings. My friendship for you has - been and is sincere and unselfish. I have never been called upon - by an imperious sense of duty to perform any act which has given - me so much pain, as to separate myself from your administration, - and this feeling would be greatly aggravated by the belief that in - this separation I had said anything which could give you pain or - cause of offence. - - I beg to assure you that I am very truly and sincerely your - friend, - - JOHN B. FLOYD. - -But justice must be done to Mr. Floyd, badly as he conducted himself -after the discovery of his irregular and unauthorized acceptances of -drafts on his Department. The impression has long prevailed among -the people of the North that the Confederate States did their -fighting with cannon, rifles and muskets treacherously placed within -their reach by Mr. Buchanan’s Secretary of War. The common belief -has been that Mr. Floyd had for a long time pursued a plan of his -own for distributing the arms of the United States in the South, in -anticipation of a disruption of the Union at no distant day. General -Scott, in 1862, took up this charge in his public controversy with -Mr. Buchanan, and endeavored to establish it. He signally failed. -The General, in 1862, thought that he had discovered that the revolt -of the Southern States had been planned a long time before the -election of Mr. Lincoln, and that it was to be carried out in the -event of “the election of any Northern man to the Presidency.” It -had become a sort of fashion, in 1862, in certain quarters, to -believe, or to profess to believe, in the existence of this long -standing plot. There never was a rational ground for such a belief. -It is not true, as a matter of fact, that at any time before the -nomination of Mr. Lincoln, there was any transfer of arms to places -in the Southern States, to which any suspicion of an improper design -ought to attach. It is not true that at any time after Mr. Lincoln’s -nomination and before his election, there was any transfer of arms -whatever from the Northern arsenals of the United States into the -Southern States. The political history of the country, prior to the -nomination of Mr. Lincoln and prior to the Democratic Convention at -Charleston, does not warrant the belief that any considerable -section of the Southern people, or any of their prominent leaders, -were looking forward to a Presidential election likely to be so -conducted and so to terminate, as to produce among them the -conviction that it would be unsafe for them to remain in the Union. -Even after Mr. Lincoln’s nomination, and after the division of the -Democratic party into two factions, resulting in the nomination of -two Democratic candidates (Breckinridge and Douglas), with a fourth -candidate in the field, Mr. Bell, nominated by the “old line Whigs,” -it was not so morally certain that the Republican candidate would be -elected, as to give rise, before the election, to serious plots or -preparations for breaking up the Union. Mr. Lincoln obtained but a -majority of 57 electoral votes over all his competitors. It was the -sectional character of his 180 electoral votes out of 303—the whole -180 being drawn from the non-slaveholding States—and the sectional -character of the “platform” on which he was elected, and not the -naked fact that he was a Northern man, that the secessionists of the -cotton States were able to use as the lever by which to carry their -States out of the Union. It is necessary to follow the precipitation -of the revolt through the various steps by which it was -accomplished, after the election of Mr. Lincoln, before one can -reach a sound conclusion as to the causes and methods by which it -was brought about. Whoever studies the votes in the secession -conventions of the cotton States prior to the bombardment of Fort -Sumter, will find that even in that region there was a strong Union -party in all those States excepting South Carolina, which could not -have been overborne and trampled down, by any other means than by -the appeals to popular fears which the secessionists drew from the -peculiar circumstances of the election. He will find reason to ask -himself why it was that in these successive conventions, rapidly -accomplished between December, 1860, and February, 1861, the -Unionists were unable to prevail; and he will find the most -important answer to this inquiry in the fact that it was because the -advocates of secession were able, from the circumstances of the -election, to produce the conviction that the whole North was -alienated in feeling from the South, and determined to trample on -Southern rights. It was this that worked upon a sensitive and -excited people. It was not the accomplishment of a long meditated -plot to destroy the Union. - -But if there ever was such a plot, there is not the slightest -ground for believing that Secretary Floyd, or any other member of -Mr. Buchanan’s cabinet, was a party to it. It was, however, in -1862, one of the means resorted to in order to make the Buchanan -administration odious, that this charge was made against the -Secretary of War; and when it was adopted by General Scott, it was -supposed that his authority had given weight to it. He saw fit to -put it in his public controversy with Mr. Buchanan in the -following form: That Secretary Floyd “removed 115,000 extra -muskets and rifles, with all their implements and ammunition, from -Northern repositories to Southern arsenals, so that on the -breaking out of the maturing rebellion, they might be found -without cost, except to the United States, in the most convenient -positions for distribution among the insurgents. So, too, of the -one hundred and forty pieces of heavy artillery, which the same -Secretary ordered from Pittsburgh to Ship Island in Lake Borgne -and Galveston in Texas, for forts not erected. Accidentally -learning, early in March, that, under this posthumous order the -shipment of those guns had commenced, I communicated the fact to -Secretary Holt (acting for Secretary Cameron) just in time to -defeat the robbery.”[99] - -Footnote 99: - - General Scott’s letter of November 8, 1862, published in the - _National Intelligencer_. - -The anachronisms of this assertion, when it met the eye of Mr. -Buchanan in November, 1862, and its apparent ignorance of the facts, -may well have amazed him. The whole subject had undergone a thorough -investigation by a committee of the House of Representatives in the -winter of 1860-61, in consequence of the rumors which had been sent -afloat after the resignation of Secretary Floyd. The new Secretary -of War, Mr. Holt, not waiting for the exercise of the power -conferred on the committee to send for persons and papers, threw -open all the records of the Ordnance Bureau. The resolution ordering -the investigation was adopted on the 31st of December, 1860, and the -committee were authorized to report in preference to all other -business. It appeared that there were two Acts of Congress under -which Secretary Floyd had proceeded. One was an Act of March 3d, -1825, authorizing the Secretary of War to sell any arms, ammunition, -or other military stores, which, upon proper inspection, should be -found unfit for the public service. The other was a long standing -act for arming the militia of the States, by distributing to them -their respective quotas of arms. Whatever was done under either of -these laws was necessarily done by the officers and attachés of the -Ordnance Bureau. Nothing could have been done clandestinely, or -without being made a matter of record. At the head of the Ordnance -Bureau was Colonel Craig, one of the most loyal and faithful of the -many loyal and faithful officers of the army. Under him was Captain -(afterwards General) Maynadier, as chivalrously true an officer as -the United States ever had. Without the knowledge of these officers, -the Secretary of War could not have sold or removed a musket. The -investigations of the Congressional committee embraced four -principal heads: 1st. What arms had been sold? 2d. What arms had -been distributed to the States? 3d. What arms had been sent for -storage in Southern arsenals of the United States? 4th. What -ordnance had been transferred from Northern arsenals of the United -States to Southern forts? - -1. Under the first of these inquiries the committee ascertained and -reported that, in the spring of 1859, 50,000 muskets, part of a lot -of 190,000, condemned by the inspecting officers “as unsuitable for -the public service,” were offered for sale. They reported the bids -and contracts, some of which were and some were not carried out. The -result of actual sales and deliveries left many of them in the hands -of the Government. In speaking of these muskets generally, Colonel -Craig testified before the committee that it was always advisable to -get rid of them whenever there was a sufficient number of the new -rifled muskets to take their places, the old ones not being strong -enough to be rifled. In the spring of 1859, therefore, a year before -the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, as Mr. Buchanan has well said, if the -cotton States were then meditating a rebellion, they lost an -opportunity to buy a lot of poor arms condemned by the inspecting -officers of the United States.[100] The only Southern State that -made a bid was Louisiana, which purchased 5000 of these condemned -muskets, and finally took but 2500. One lot was bid for by an agent -of the Sardinian government, who afterwards refused to take them on -some dispute about the price which he had offered. - -Footnote 100: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 228. - -2. In regard to arms distributed to the States and Territories since -January 1st, 1860, the committee ascertained and reported that the -whole number of muskets distributed among all the States, North and -South, was 8423. These were army muskets of the best quality; but -neither of the States of Arkansas, Delaware, Kentucky, North -Carolina, or Texas, received any of them, because they neglected to -ask for the quotas to which they were entitled. The other Southern -and Southwestern States, which did apply for their quotas, received -2091 of these army muskets, or less than one-fourth. Of long range -rifles of the army calibre, all the States received, in 1860, 1728. -Six of the Southern and Southwestern States, Kentucky, Louisiana, -Mississippi, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia, received in -the aggregate 758 of these long range rifles, and the two other -Southern States received none. The eight Southern States received in -the aggregate a less number of muskets and rifles than would be -required to properly equip two full regiments. - -3. In relation to arms transferred to the Southern arsenals of the -United States, the committee ascertained that on the 29th of -December, 1859, nearly eleven months before the election of Mr. -Lincoln, and several months before his nomination, the Secretary of -War ordered Colonel Craig to remove one-fifth of the old flint-lock -and percussion muskets from the Springfield armory in Massachusetts, -where they had accumulated in inconvenient numbers, to five Southern -arsenals of the United States, for storage. The order and all the -proceedings under it were duly recorded. No haste was resorted to: -the arms were to be removed “from time to time, as may be most -suitable for economy and transportation,” and to be placed in the -different arsenals “in proportion to their respective means of -proper storage.” This order was carried out by the Ordnance Bureau -in the usual course of administration, without reference to the -President. Of these muskets, entirely inferior to the new rifled -musket of the United States army, 105,000 were transferred to the -Southern arsenals under this order. There were also transferred -under the same order, 10,000 of the old percussion rifles, of an -inferior calibre to the new rifled muskets then used by the army. -These constituted the 115,000 “extra muskets and rifles” which -General Scott asserted, in 1862, had been sent into the South to arm -the insurgents, who, he supposed, were just ready to commence the -civil war eleven months before Mr. Lincoln’s election. Colonel -Maynadier, in a letter which he addressed to a Congressional -committee on the 3d of February, 1862, said of this order of -December 29th, 1859, that it never occurred to him that it could -have any improper motive, for Mr. Floyd was “then regarded -throughout the country as a strong advocate of the Union and an -opponent of secession, and had recently published a letter in a -Richmond paper which gained him high credit in the North for his -boldness in rebuking the pernicious views of many in his own State.” -It should be added that no ammunition whatever was embraced in the -order, and none accompanied the muskets. - -4. On the subject of heavy ordnance ordered by Secretary Floyd to -be sent from Pittsburgh to two forts of the United States then -erecting in the South, the committee found and reported the -following facts: On the 20th of December, 1860, nine days before -his resignation, Secretary Floyd, without the knowledge of the -President, gave to Captain Maynadier a verbal order to send to the -forts on Ship Island and at Galveston the heavy guns necessary for -their armament. Proceeding to carry out this order, Captain -Maynadier, on the 22d of December, sent his written orders to the -commanding officer of the Alleghany arsenal at Pittsburgh, -directing him to send 113 “Columbiads” and 11 32-pounders to the -two Southern forts. When these orders reached Pittsburgh, they -caused a great excitement in that city. A committee of the -citizens, whose letter to the President lies before me, dated -December 25th, brought the matter to his personal attention, and -advised that the orders be countermanded. The guns had not been -shipped. Four days after this letter was written, Secretary Floyd -was out of office. Mr. Holt, the new Secretary, by direction of -the President, immediately rescinded the order. The city councils -of Pittsburgh, on the 4th of January, 1861, sent a vote of thanks -for this prompt proceeding, to the President, in which they -included the new Attorney General, Mr. Stanton, and the new -Secretary of War, Mr. Holt. - -With this transaction General Scott had nothing whatever to do. Yet, -in 1862, he at first thought that he discovered, early in March, -1861, something that happened in the December and January previous, -and that he interfered just in time “to defeat the robbery!” It will -be noticed that the General claimed to have given this information -to Secretary Holt while he was acting for Secretary Cameron; that -is, in March, after the close of Mr. Buchanan’s administration, and -before Mr. Cameron, Mr. Lincoln’s Secretary of War, had taken -possession of the Department. So that the inference naturally was -that Mr. Buchanan had allowed his administration to expire, leaving -this “posthumous order” of Secretary Floyd in force after Mr. -Lincoln’s accession, and that but for General Scott’s interposition -it would have been carried out; although the whole affair was ended -before the 4th day of January, on information received from the -citizens of Pittsburgh and promptly acted upon by President Buchanan -and Secretary Holt, without any interference whatever by General -Scott![101] - -Footnote 101: - - When this extraordinary blunder was brought to the General’s - attention, in his controversy with Mr. Buchanan, in 1862, he said - that the only error he had made was in giving March instead of - January as the time when the order was countermanded, and that - this error was immaterial! He still insisted that he gave the - information to Mr. Holt that the shipment had commenced, and that - he stopped it. It is certainly most remarkable that he did not see - that time was of the essence of his charge against the Buchanan - administration, for his charge imputed to that administration a - delay from January to March in countermanding the order, and - claimed for himself the whole merit of the discovery and the - countermand. He would better have consulted his own dignity and - character if he had frankly retracted the whole statement. But - probably the story of the Pittsburgh ordnance, as he put it, has - been believed by thousands, to the prejudice of President - Buchanan. (See the letters of General Scott, published in the - _National Intelligencer_.) - - - - - CHAPTER XXI. - November, 1860-March, 1861. - -THE ACTION OF CONGRESS ON THE RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE PRESIDENT'S - ANNUAL MESSAGE—THE “CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE”—STRANGE COURSE OF THE - NEW YORK “TRIBUNE”—SPECIAL MESSAGE OF JANUARY 8, 1861. - - -It is now necessary to turn to what took place in Congress upon the -recommendations of the President’s annual message. There were but -two courses that Congress could pursue in this most extraordinary -emergency. It must either preserve the Union by peaceful measures, -or it must provide the President and his successor with the military -force requisite to secure the execution of the laws and the -supremacy of the Constitution. It was plain that in this, as in all -similar cases of threatened revolt against the authority of a -regular and long established government, mere inaction would be a -fatal policy. After the State of South Carolina should have adopted -an ordinance of secession, it would be too late to accomplish -anything by merely arguing against the constitutional doctrine on -which the asserted right of secession depended. That right was -firmly held by multitudes of men in other States, and unless the -Government of the United States should, by conciliatory measures, -effectually disarm the disposition to exercise it, or effectually -prepare to enforce the authority of the Constitution after secession -had taken place, it was morally certain that the next two or three -months would witness the formation of a Southern Confederacy of -formidable strength. To the Executive Department it appropriately -belonged to suggest the measures of conciliation needful for one of -the alternatives of a sound and safe policy, and to execute the laws -by all the means with which the Executive was then or might -thereafter be clothed by the legislature. But the Executive could -not in the smallest degree increase the means which existing laws -had placed in his hands. - -There was all the more reason for prompt action upon the President’s -pacific recommendations, in the fact that the Government of the -United States was wholly unprepared for a civil war. The nature of -such a war, the character of the issue on which it would have to be -waged, and the natural repugnance of the people of both sections to -have such a calamity befall the country, all tended to enhance the -duty of preventing it by timely concessions which would in no way -impair the authority of the Constitution. It is true that -potentially the Government had great resources in its war making -power, its taxing power, and its control over the militia of the -States. But inasmuch as a sudden resort to its ultimate powers, and -to their plenary exercise was at this moment fraught with the -greatest peril, there can be no question that the duty of -conciliation stood first in the rank of moral and patriotic duties -incumbent upon the representatives of the States and the people in -the two houses of Congress. Next in the relative rank of these -duties, to be performed, however, simultaneously with the first of -them, stood the obligation to strengthen the hands of the Executive -for the execution of the laws and the preservation of the public -property in South Carolina, which was manifestly about to assume the -attitude of an independent and foreign State. Whether either of -these great duties was performed by the Congress, to which President -Buchanan addressed his annual message and his subsequent appeals; -what were the causes which produced a failure to meet the exigency; -on whom rests the responsibility for that failure, and what were the -consequences which it entailed, must now be considered. Mr. Buchanan -has said that this Congress, beyond question, had it in its power to -preserve the peace of the country and the integrity of the Union, -and that it failed in this duty.[102] Is this a righteous judgment, -which history ought to affirm? - -Footnote 102: - - Buchanan’s Defence, chapter vii. - -In the Senate, after the reading of the President’s message, so much -as related to the present agitated and distracted condition of the -country and the grievances between the slaveholding and the -non-slaveholding States, was referred to a select committee of -thirteen members. The composition of this committee was most -remarkable. It consisted of five Republicans: Senators Seward, -Collamer, Wade, Doolittle, and Grimes, all of them from -non-slaveholding States, and all prominent adherents of that -“Chicago platform” on which Mr. Lincoln had been elected; five -members from slaveholding States, Senators Powell, Hunter, -Crittenden, Toombs, and Davis, and three “Northern Democrats,” -Senators Douglas, Bigler, and Bright. It was understood that the -three last named Senators were placed upon the committee to act as -mediators between the Northern and the Southern sections which the -ten other members represented. Under ordinary circumstances, a -committee would have shaped its report by the decisions of a -majority of its members, if they could not be unanimous. But at the -first meeting of this committee, on the 21st of December, the day -after that on which South Carolina passed her ordinance of -secession, an extraordinary resolution was adopted, that no -proposition should be reported as the decision of the committee, -unless sustained by a majority of each of the classes comprising the -committee, and it was defined that the Senators of the Republican -party were to constitute one class, and Senators of the other -parties were to constitute the other class. Thus, while there were -eight members of the committee who might, by concurring in any -proposition, ordinarily determine the action of the body, it could -not become the decision of that body unless it was supported by the -votes of a separate majority of the five Republican members. It was -said that the reason for this restriction was that no report would -be adopted by the Senate, unless it had been concurred in by at -least a majority of the five Republican Senators. Valid or invalid -as this reason may have been, the restriction is a remarkable proof -of the sectional attitude of the Northern Senators, of the -responsibility which they assumed, and of the willingness of the -majority of the Southern Senators to have the Republican members of -the committee exercise such a power and bear such a responsibility. -The sequel will show how a committee thus composed and thus tied -down was likely to act. - -On the 22d, Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, a Senator whose name will -be forever venerated for the patriotic part which he took throughout -the proceedings of this Congress, submitted to the committee a -“Joint Resolution,” which he had already offered in the Senate, and -which became known as “the Crittenden Compromise.” It proposed -certain amendments of the Constitution which would reconcile the -conflicting claims of the North and the South, by yielding to the -South the right to take slaves into the Territories south of the -parallel of 36° 30´, and excluding slavery from all the Territories -north of that line: with the further provision that when any -Territory north or south of that line, within such boundaries as -Congress might prescribe, should contain a population requisite for -a member of Congress, it should be admitted into the Union as a -State with or without slavery, as the State constitution adopted by -the people might provide. When it is considered that the people of -the slaveholding States claimed that the Supreme Court of the United -States had already decided that slaves might be taken as property -into any Territory and be there held as property, under a -constitutional right resulting from the common ownership of the -Territories by the States composing the Union, the “Crittenden -Compromise,” if accepted, would be a sacrifice by the South with -which the North might well be content. Whatever were the technical -reasons which could be alleged to show that the Supreme Court had -not made a determination of this question that was binding as a -judicial decision, it was nevertheless true that a majority of the -judges had affirmed in their several opinions the claim of every -Southern slaveholder to carry his slaves into the Territories of the -United States and to hold them there as property, until the -formation of a State constitution. President Buchanan always -regarded the case of “Dred Scott” as a judicial decision of this -constitutional question. But whether it was so or not, the claim had -long been asserted and was still asserted by the people of the -Southern States; and if it was still open as a judicial question, as -the Republican party contended, and if it could be resisted as a -political claim by one section of the Union, it was equally open to -the other section to treat it as a political controversy, which -required to be disposed of by mutual concession between the -slaveholding and the non-slaveholding States. The Republican party, -confined exclusively to the non-slaveholding States, had, by their -political platform in the late Presidential election, treated the -action of the Supreme Court as a nullity, and had affirmed as a -cardinal doctrine of their political creed that slavery should -forever be excluded, by positive law, from all the Territories of -the United States. The circumstances under which the Democratic -party came into the political field in that election did not show -that this party universally took the opposite side; but the votes of -the Southern States in the election show most clearly that the -people of those States still asserted the claim which they held to -have been affirmed by the highest judicial tribunal in the country. - -If, therefore, the Crittenden Compromise should be accepted by the -South, it could not be denied that the South would sacrifice a claim -which her people were practically unanimous in asserting as a right. -On the other hand, what would the North lose by that compromise? It -would lose nothing but an abstraction; for there was no Territory -south of 36° 30´ but New Mexico, and into that Territory slave labor -could never be profitably introduced, on account of the nature of -the country.[103] While, therefore, the North would by this -compromise yield nothing but a useless abstract concession to the -South, and would gain, in fact, all the vast territory north of the -compromise line as free territory forever, the Republican party -would undoubtedly have to sacrifice the dogma of the “Chicago -platform.” Whether that dogma ought to have been held paramount to -every other consideration, is a question on which posterity will -have to pass. - -Footnote 103: - - All the remaining territory south of the line of 36° 30´ was an - Indian reservation, secured to certain tribes by solemn treaties. - -It was not yet too late to make this peace-offering to the South. -Mr. Crittenden’s proposition was offered to the committee before any -of the Government forts in the Southern States had been seized, when -no State excepting South Carolina had “seceded,” and when no -convention of the six other cotton States had assembled. Well might -Mr. Buchanan say that the moment was propitious. Well might the -patriotic Crittenden say, in addressing his colleagues on the -committee: “The sacrifice to be made for its preservation (the -Union) is comparatively worthless. Peace and harmony and union in a -great nation were never purchased at so cheap a rate as we now have -it in our power to do. It is a scruple only, a scruple of as little -value as a barleycorn, that stands between us and peace, and -reconciliation, and union; and we stand here pausing and hesitating -about that little atom which is to be sacrificed.” - -But this admirable and unselfish statesman was then to learn that -there are states of men’s minds and characters when, fixed by the -antecedents and committals of party, eloquence does not convince, -facts are powerless; when the “barleycorn” becomes a great and -important object; when mole hills become mountains, and when fear of -constituents dominates over all other fears. Yet it cannot be -doubted that there was really very little reason to fear that the -constituencies of Northern Senators would hold them to a strict -account for voting in favor of the Crittenden Compromise. Public -feeling almost everywhere hailed it as the promise of peace and of -the perpetuity of the Union. Nevertheless, all the five Republican -members of the committee voted against it. This secured its -rejection, under the resolution that had been adopted by the -committee. But the singular fact is to be added that two Senators -from the cotton States, Messrs. Davis, of Mississippi, and Toombs, -of Georgia, also voted in the same way. - -Readers will look in vain through Mr. Jefferson Davis’s recent work -for a satisfactory explanation of this vote. But an explanation may -perhaps be found in his whole course from the beginning of the -session to his withdrawal from the Senate in the month of January, -1861, after the State of Mississippi had seceded. No impartial -person can, it seems to me, read Mr. Davis’s own account of his -public conduct at this crisis, without reaching the conclusion that -whatever aid he may at any time have been disposed to render in the -pacification of the country was at all times neutralized by his -attitude in regard to the right of secession. From first to last he -insisted that South Carolina, after she had adopted an ordinance of -secession, should be regarded by the Government of the United States -as an independent power. He was active in promoting the objects for -which her commissioners came to Washington in the last week of -December. He demanded that the troops of the United States should be -withdrawn from the forts in Charleston harbor; that those forts -should be surrendered to the paramount sovereignty of a State now -become a foreign nation; and he scouted and ridiculed the idea that -the Federal Executive could employ a military force in executing the -laws of the United States within the dominion of a State which had -withdrawn the powers that she had formerly deposited with the -General Government. There was something singularly preposterous in -this demand that a great government, which had subsisted for more -than seventy years, and had always executed its laws against all -combinations of an insurrectionary character, whether created by -individuals or by State authority, should now “thaw and resolve -itself into a dew,” before the all-consuming energy of a State -ordinance; should accept the secession theory of the Constitution as -the unquestionable law of the land, at the peril of encountering a -civil war. How could measures of conciliation and concession be of -any value, though tendered by the Federal Government, if that -Government was in the same breath to admit that it had no -constitutional power to enforce its authority if the offer of -conciliation and concession should be rejected? Yet Mr. Davis’s -ground of quarrel with President Buchanan was that he would not -admit the right of secession. He could not either persuade or drive -the President into that admission; and surely there can be no -stronger proof of the integrity, fidelity and firmness of the -President than this one fact affords. - -Mr. Davis takes credit to himself and other Southern Senators for -having intervened to prevent the authorities of South Carolina from -making any attack upon the forts, so that a civil war might not be -precipitated while measures for the settlement of the sectional -difficulties were pending. No one need deny that those Senators are -entitled to all the credit that justly belongs to such efforts. But -why were those efforts made, and by what were they all along -accompanied? They were made in order that there might be no -bloodshed brought about, which would cause the other cotton States -to recoil from the support of South Carolina in her assertion of the -right of secession; and they were always accompanied by the demand -that the Federal Government should permit the peaceable secession of -any State, even to the extent of refraining from enforcing its laws -and from holding its property within the dominions of any State that -should choose to secede. This idea of peaceable secession, and all -that it comprehended, was founded on the wild expectation that the -two classes of States, slaveholding and non-slaveholding, after an -experimental trial of separate confederacies, would find some system -of union, some basis of reconstruction, other than the basis of the -Constitution of the United States. Whatever claims of statesmanship -may belong to those who entertained this chimerical project, they -could hardly press it upon others as a reason for treating the -Constitution of the United States as a system of government -confessedly destitute of any authority or power to execute its own -laws or to retain its own existence. But this is just what Mr. Davis -denounced President Buchanan for not admitting; and he therefore, to -the extent of his influence, counteracted the President’s great -object of isolating the State of South Carolina by measures that -would quiet the agitation in other slaveholding States, and at the -same time would prepare the necessary means for executing the laws -of the United States within the limits of that one State, in case -she should adopt an ordinance of secession. - -On the other hand, the Republican Senators on the Committee of -Thirteen who voted against the Crittenden Compromise had no such -policy to actuate them as that which governed Mr. Davis. They had no -reason for refusing their aid to the President that could be founded -on any difference of opinion as to the constitutional duty of the -Executive. They knew that he was asking for means to uphold the -authority of the Constitution in South Carolina, at the same time -that he was urging measures which would prevent other States from -joining her in the secession movement. What explanation of their -conduct is possible and will leave to them the acquittal of -patriotic purposes, I am not aware. But the fact is, that at no time -during the session did a single Republican Senator, in any form -whatever, give his vote or his influence for the Crittenden -Compromise, or for any other measure that would strengthen the hands -of the President either in maintaining peace or in executing the -laws of the United States. Whether the spirit of party led them to -refuse all aid to an outgoing President; whether they did not -believe that there would be any necessity for a resort to arms; -whether they did not choose, from sectional animosity, to abate -anything from the “Chicago platform;” whatever was the governing -motive for their inaction, it never can be said that they were not -seasonably warned by the President that a policy of inaction would -be fatal. That policy not only crippled him, but it crippled his -successor. When Mr. Lincoln came into office, seven States had -already seceded, and not a single law had been put upon the statute -book which would enable the Executive to meet such a condition of -the Union. - -Not only is it manifest that the Crittenden proposition was -reasonable and proper in itself, but there is high authority for -saying that it ought to have been embraced by every Republican -Senator. While it was pending before the Committee of Thirteen, -General Duff Green, a prominent citizen of Mississippi, visited Mr. -Lincoln, the President-elect, at his home in Springfield, Illinois. -Mr. Green took with him a copy of Mr. Crittenden’s resolutions, and -asked Mr. Lincoln’s opinion of them. The substance of what Mr. -Lincoln said was reported on the 28th of December to President -Buchanan, in the following note: - - [GENERAL DUFF GREEN TO PRESIDENT BUCHANAN.] - - SPRINGFIELD, ILL., December 28, 1860. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I have had a long and interesting conversation with Mr. Lincoln. I - brought with me a copy of the resolutions submitted by Mr. - Crittenden, which he read over several times, and said that he - believed that the adoption of the line proposed would quiet, for - the present, the agitation of the slavery question, but believed - it would be renewed by the seizure and attempted annexation of - Mexico. He said that the real question at issue between the North - and the South was slavery “propagandism,” and that upon that issue - the Republican party was opposed to the South, and that he was - with his own party; that he had been elected by that party, and - intended to sustain his party in good faith; but added, that the - question on the amendments to the Constitution and the questions - submitted by Mr. Crittenden belonged to the people and States in - legislatures or conventions, and that he would be inclined not - only to acquiesce, but to give full force and effect to their will - thus expressed. Seeing that he was embarrassed by his sense of - duty to his party, I suggested that he might so frame a letter to - me as to refer the measures for the preservation of the Union to - the action of the people in the several States, and he promised to - prepare a letter, giving me his views, by 9 a.m. to-morrow. If his - letter be satisfactory, its purport will be communicated to you by - telegraph. - - Yours truly, - DUFF GREEN. - -I know of no evidence that Mr. Lincoln prepared the letter which he -promised. No account of it appears to have reached Mr. Buchanan by -telegraph or otherwise. It is probable that Mr. Lincoln, feeling -more strongly the embarrassment arising from his party relations, -reconsidered his determination, and excused himself to General -Green. But what his opinion was is sufficiently proved by the note -which General Green dispatched from Springfield, and which must have -reached Mr. Buchanan at about the time when the committee of -thirteen made their report to the Senate that they were unable to -agree upon any general plan of adjustment of the sectional -difficulties. This report was made on the 31st of December. - -The last ten days of the year were thus suffered to elapse without -anything being done to arrest the rising tide of secession in the -seven cotton States. Most of these States had suspended or delayed -their action until it could be known whether there was to be any -concession made by the Republican party as represented in Congress. -They now rapidly accomplished their secession measures. The -conventions of Florida on the 7th of January, Mississippi on the -9th, Alabama on the 11th, Georgia on the 19th, Louisiana on the -25th, and Texas on the 5th of February, adopted ordinances of -secession by great majorities. These ordinances were followed by a -general seizure of the public property of the United States within -the limits of those States, after the example of South Carolina. - -Among the discouraging influences which now operated with a double -mischief to counteract the efforts of those who aimed to confine -secession to the State of South Carolina, must be mentioned the -course of one of the most prominent papers of the North. No journal -had exercised a greater power in promoting the election of Mr. -Lincoln upon the “Chicago platform” than the _New York Tribune_. It -was universally and justly regarded as a representative of a large -section of the Republican party. Its founder and chief editor, -Horace Greeley, was a man of singular mould. Beginning life as a -journeyman printer, he learned in the practice of type-setting the -compass and power of the English language. In the course of a long -experience as a public writer, he acquired a style of much energy, -and of singular directness. But, without a regular education and the -mental discipline which it gives, he never learned to take a -comprehensive and statesmanlike view of public questions. His -impulses, feelings, and sympathies were on the side of humanity and -the progress of mankind. But these generous and noble qualities were -unbalanced by a sense of the restraints which the fundamental -political conditions of the American Union imposed upon -philanthropic action. He was, therefore, almost incapable of -appreciating the moral foundations on which the Union was laid by -the Constitution of the United States. He felt deeply the inherent -wrong of African slavery, but he could not see, or did not care to -see, that the Union of slaveholding and non-slaveholding States -under one system of government for national purposes was caused by -public necessities that justified its original formation, and that -continued to make its preservation the highest of civil obligations. -He did not, like many of the anti-slavery agitators, renounce the -whole of the Constitution. But while he was willing that the North -should enjoy its benefits, he was ever ready to assail those -provisions, however deeply they were embedded in the basis of the -Union, which recognized and to a qualified extent upheld the slavery -existing under the local law of certain States. When, therefore, the -long political conflict between the two sections of the country -culminated in a condition of things which presented the alternatives -of a peaceful separation of the slave and the free States, or a -denial of the doctrine of secession and the consequences claimed for -it, Mr. Greeley threw his personal weight, and the weight of his -widely circulated journal, against the authority of the General -Government to enforce in any way the obligations of the -Constitution. He did not much concern himself with the distinction -between coercing a State by force of arms from adopting an ordinance -of secession, and coercing individuals after secession to obey the -laws of the United States. From the period immediately before the -election of Mr. Lincoln, after his election, and for a time after -his inauguration, Mr. Greeley opposed all coercion of every kind. He -maintained that the right of secession was the same as the right of -revolution; and after the cotton States had formed their confederacy -and adopted a provisional constitution, he tendered the aid of his -journal to forward their views. He thus, on the one hand, joined his -influence to the cry of the professed abolitionists who renounced -the Constitution entirely, and on the other hand, contributed his -powerful pen in encouraging the secessionists to persevere in -separating their States from the Union. - -Mr. Greeley’s secession argument, drawn from the Declaration of -Independence and the right of revolution, was a remarkable proof of -the unsoundness of his reasoning powers. Because the right of -self-government is an inherent right of a people, he assumed that -men cannot be required to perform their covenanted obligations. He -could not see, he said, how twenty millions of people could -rightfully hold ten, or even five, other millions in a political -union which those other millions wished to renounce. But if he had -ever been in the habit of reasoning upon the Constitution of the -United States as other men reasoned, who did not accept the doctrine -of State secession, he could have seen that when five millions of -people, exercising freely the right of self-government, have -solemnly covenanted with the twenty millions that they will obey the -laws enacted by a legislative authority which they have voluntarily -established over themselves and over all the inhabitants of the -country, the moralist and the publicist can rest the right to use -compulsion upon a basis which is perfectly consistent with the -principles of the Declaration of Independence, and which those -principles do in truth recognize. - -In fact, however, Mr. Greeley, by his public utterances at this -great crisis, bettered the instructions of the secessionists -themselves. He taught them that the Crittenden Compromise, or any -other measure of conciliation, need not be considered. They had only -to will that they would leave the Union, and they were out of it, -and at liberty to care nothing about concessions from the North. And -in the same way, he taught those of the North, on whom rested the -immediate duty of preventing the spread of the secession movement, -that all measures of conciliation were useless, for the right of -secession, as he maintained, was bottomed on the Declaration of -Independence, and neither persuasion nor coercion ought to be used -against the exercise of such a right. Such political philosophy as -this, proclaimed by a leading organ of the Republican party, created -difficulties for a President situated as Mr. Buchanan was after the -election of his successor, which posterity can not overlook.[104] - -Footnote 104: - - Mr. Greeley’s utterances must be cited, that I may not be supposed - to have in any way misrepresented him. But three days after Mr. - Lincoln’s election, the New York _Tribune_ announced such - sentiments as the following: “If the cotton States shall become - satisfied that they can do better out of the Union than in it, we - insist on letting them go in peace. _The right to secede may be a - revolutionary one_, BUT IT EXISTS NEVERTHELESS...... We must ever - resist the right of any State to remain in the Union and nullify - or defy the laws thereof. TO WITHDRAW FROM THE UNION IS QUITE - ANOTHER MATTER; and whenever a considerable section of our Union - shall deliberately resolve to go out, WE SHALL RESIST ALL COERCIVE - MEASURES DESIGNED TO KEEP IT IN. We hope never to live in a - Republic whereof one section is pinned to another by bayonets.” - - And again on the 17th December, three days before the secession of - South Carolina: “If it [the Declaration of Independence] justified - the secession from the British Empire of three millions of - colonists in 1776, _we do not see why it would not justify the - secession of five millions of Southrons from the Federal Union in - 1861_. If we are mistaken on this point, why does not some one - attempt to show _wherein_ and why? For our part, while we deny the - right of slaveholders to hold slaves against the will of the - latter, _we cannot see how twenty millions of people can - rightfully hold ten, or even five, in a detested Union with them - by military force_. ...... _If seven or eight contiguous States - shall present themselves authentically at Washington_, saying, ‘We - hate the Federal Union; we have withdrawn from it; we give you the - choice between acquiescing in our secession and arranging amicably - all incidental questions on the one hand, and attempting to subdue - us on the other,’ _we would not stand up for coercion, for - subjugation, for we do not think it would be just_. We hold the - right of self-government, _even when invoked in behalf of those - who deny it to others_. So much for the question of principle.” - - In this course the _Tribune_ persisted from the date of Mr. - Lincoln’s election until after his inauguration, employing such - remarks as the following: “Any attempt to compel them by force to - remain would be contrary to the principles enunciated in the - immortal Declaration of Independence, contrary to the fundamental - ideas on which human liberty is based.” - - Even after the cotton States had formed their confederacy, and - adopted a provisional constitution at Montgomery, on the 23d - February, 1861, it gave them encouragement to proceed in the - following language: “_We have repeatedly said, and we once more - insist_, that the great principle embodied by Jefferson in the - Declaration of American Independence, that governments derive - their just powers from the consent of the governed, is sound and - just; _and that if the slave States, the cotton States or the Gulf - States only, choose to form an independent nation_, THEY HAVE A - CLEAR MORAL RIGHT TO DO SO. _Whenever it shall be clear that the - great body of Southern people have become conclusively alienated - from the Union, and anxious to escape from it_, WE WILL DO OUR - BEST TO FORWARD THEIR VIEWS.” - -Seeing how fatally wrong was the course of this erratic journalist, -and how much depended on the success of the Crittenden Compromise, -the President endeavored to enlist in its behalf another great -journal of the North, which was conducted by a person on whom he -thought he could rely, and whose paper was professedly independent -of party politics. The following private letter to the editor of the -New York _Herald_ attests how earnestly Mr. Buchanan was bent upon -the improvement of every chance by which the spread of secession -might be prevented: - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO JAMES GORDON BENNETT.] - - (Private and confidential.) WASHINGTON, December 20, 1860. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - You wield the most powerful organ in the country for the formation - of public opinion, and I have no doubt you feel a proportionate - responsibility under the present alarming circumstances of the - country. Every person here has his own remedy for existing evils, - and there is no general assent to any proposition. Still, I - believe the tendency is strong, and is becoming stronger every - day, towards the Missouri Compromise, with the same protection to - slaves south of 36° 30´ that is given to other property. The South - can lose no territory north of this line, because no portion of it - is adapted to slave labor, whilst they would gain a substantial - security within the Union by such a constitutional amendment. The - Republicans have for some years manifested indignation at the - repeal of this compromise, and would probably be more willing to - accept it than any other measure to guarantee the rights of the - South. I have stated my favorite plan in the message, but am - willing to abandon it at any moment for one more practicable and - equally efficacious. If your judgment should approve it, you could - do much by concentrating and directing your energies to this - single point. My object, when I commenced to write, was simply to - express my opinion that existing circumstances tended strongly - toward the Missouri Compromise; but, with pen in hand, I shall - make one or two other remarks. - - I do not know whether the great commercial and social advantages - of the telegraph are not counterbalanced by its political evils. - No one can judge of this so well as myself. The public mind - throughout the interior is kept in a constant state of excitement - by what are called “telegrams.” They are short and spicy, and can - easily be inserted in the country newspapers. In the city journals - they can be contradicted the next day; but the case is different - throughout the country. Many of them are sheer falsehoods, and - especially those concerning myself...... - - With my kindest and most cordial regards to Mrs. Bennett, I - remain, very respectfully, your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Although defeated before the Committee of Thirteen, Mr. Crittenden -did not abandon the cause of peace and Union. His proposed -compromise, it was now apparent, could not be carried as an -amendment of the Constitution by the requisite two-thirds vote of -Congress. But an appeal could be made to the people, if a majority -of both Houses would send the question to them; and if this majority -could be obtained in time, he and others had good reason to believe -that the course of secession in the six remaining cotton States -could be stayed. He therefore postponed by his own motion the -further consideration of his proposed amendment, and on the 3d of -January, 1861, before any State excepting South Carolina had -seceded, he introduced a substitute for it, in the shape of a joint -resolution, by which he proposed to refer his compromise to a direct -vote of the people in the several States, so that they could -instruct their representatives to give it the initiatory shape of a -constitutional amendment. This course of action was not provided for -in the amending clause of the Constitution, and it was, without -doubt, extraordinary. But there was nothing in the Constitution -inconsistent with it; it would not set aside any of the forms by -which amendments of the Constitution must be initiated and adopted; -and the circumstances of the country were so extraordinary that any -means of reaching public opinion would be entirely proper. Moreover, -it was not an unprecedented step, for State legislatures and other -public bodies had frequently recommended various amendments of the -Constitution. Mr. Crittenden’s resolution justified itself by its -own terms. It read as follows: - - “Whereas, the Union is in danger, and, owing to the unhappy - divisions existing in Congress, it would be difficult, if not - impossible, for that body to concur in both its branches by the - requisite majority, so as to enable it either to adopt such - measures of legislation, or to recommend to the States such - amendments to the Constitution, as are deemed necessary and proper - to avert that danger; and, whereas, in so great an emergency, the - opinion and judgment of the people ought to be heard, and would be - the best and surest guide to their representatives: Therefore, - _Resolved_, That provision ought to be made by law, without delay, - for taking the sense of the people and submitting to their vote - the following resolution [the same as in his former amendment], as - the basis for the final and permanent settlement of those disputes - that now disturb the peace of the country and threaten the - existence of the Union.” - -The President now interposed the weight of his office, by a special -message to Congress, dated on the 8th of January. What had occurred -between him and the South Carolina commissioners has been detailed. -Of this occurrence, and of the position of affairs in Charleston -harbor, Congress was now officially informed by the special message; -the residue of it was devoted to the expediency and necessity of -allowing the people to express their sentiments concerning the -proposition of Mr. Crittenden. - - TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: - - At the opening of your present session I called your attention to - the dangers which threatened the existence of the Union. I - expressed my opinion freely concerning the original causes of - those dangers, and recommended such measures as I believed would - have the effect of tranquilizing the country and saving it from - the peril in which it had been needlessly and most unfortunately - involved. Those opinions and recommendations I do not propose now - to repeat. My own convictions upon the whole subject remain - unchanged. - - The fact that a great calamity was impending over the nation was - even at that time acknowledged by every intelligent citizen. It - had already made itself felt throughout the length and breadth of - the land. The necessary consequences of the alarm thus produced - were most deplorable. The imports fell off with a rapidity never - known before, except in time of war, in the history of our foreign - commerce; the Treasury was unexpectedly left without the means - which it had reasonably counted upon to meet the public - engagements; trade was paralyzed; manufactures were stopped; the - best public securities suddenly sunk in the market; every species - of property depreciated more or less; and thousands of poor men, - who depended upon their daily labor for their daily bread, were - turned out of employment. - - I deeply regret that I am not able to give you any information - upon the state of the Union which is more satisfactory than what I - was then obliged to communicate. On the contrary, matters are - still worse at present than they then were. When Congress met, a - strong hope pervaded the whole public mind that some amicable - adjustment of the subject would speedily be made by the - representatives of the States and of the people, which might - restore peace between the conflicting sections of the country. - That hope has been diminished by every hour of delay; and as the - prospect of a bloodless settlement fades away, the public distress - becomes more and more aggravated. As evidence of this, it is only - necessary to say that the Treasury notes authorized by the act of - 17th December last were advertised, according to the law, and that - no responsible bidder offered to take any considerable sum at par - at a lower rate of interest than twelve per cent. From these facts - it appears that, in a government organized like ours, domestic - strife, or even a well-grounded fear of civil hostilities, is more - destructive to our public and private interests than the most - formidable foreign war. - - In my annual message I expressed the conviction, which I have long - deliberately held, and which recent reflection has only tended to - deepen and confirm, that no State has a right by its own act to - secede from the Union, or throw off its Federal obligations at - pleasure. I also declared my opinion to be that, even if that - right existed and should be exercised by any State of the - Confederacy, the Executive Department of this Government had no - authority under the Constitution to recognize its validity by - acknowledging the independence of such State. This left me no - alternative, as the Chief Executive officer under the Constitution - of the United States, but to collect the public revenues and to - protect the public property so far as this might be practicable - under existing laws. This is still my purpose. My province is to - execute, and not to make the laws. It belongs to Congress, - exclusively, to repeal, to modify, or to enlarge their provisions, - to meet exigencies as they may occur. I possess no dispensing - power. - - I certainly had no right to make aggressive war upon any State, - and I am perfectly satisfied that the Constitution has wisely - withheld that power even from Congress. But the right and the duty - to use military force defensively against those who resist the - Federal officers in the execution of their legal functions, and - against those who assail the property of the Federal Government, - is clear and undeniable. - - But the dangerous and hostile attitude of the States toward each - other has already far transcended and cast in the shade the - ordinary executive duties already provided for by law, and has - assumed such vast and alarming proportions as to place the subject - entirely above and beyond executive control. The fact cannot be - disguised that we are in the midst of a great revolution. In all - its various bearings, therefore, I commend the question to - Congress, as the only human tribunal, under Providence, possessing - the power to meet the existing emergency. To them, exclusively, - belongs the power to declare war, or to authorize the employment - of military force in all cases contemplated by the Constitution; - and they alone possess the power to remove grievances which might - lead to war, and to secure peace and union to this distracted - country. On them, and on them alone, rests the responsibility. - - The Union is a sacred trust left by our revolutionary fathers to - their descendants; and never did any other people inherit so rich - a legacy. It has rendered us prosperous in peace and triumphant in - war. The national flag has floated in glory over every sea. Under - its shadow American citizens have found protection and respect in - all lands beneath the sun. If we descend to considerations of - purely material interest, when, in the history of all time, has a - confederacy been bound together by such strong ties of mutual - interest? Each portion of it is dependent on all, and all upon - each portion, for prosperity and domestic security. Free trade - throughout the whole supplies the wants of one portion from the - productions of another, and scatters wealth everywhere. The great - planting and farming States require the aid of the commercial and - navigating States to send their productions to domestic and - foreign markets, and to furnish the naval power to render their - transportation secure against all hostile attacks. - - Should the Union perish in the midst of the present excitement, we - have already had a sad foretaste of the universal suffering which - would result from its destruction. The calamity would be severe in - every portion of the Union, and would be quite as great, to say - the least, in the Southern as in the Northern States. The greatest - aggravation of the evil, and that which would place us in the most - unfavorable light both before the world and posterity, is, as I am - firmly convinced, that the secession movement has been chiefly - based upon a misapprehension at the South of the sentiments of the - majority in several of the Northern States. Let the question be - transferred from political assemblies to the ballot-box, and the - people themselves would speedily redress the serious grievances - which the South have suffered. But, in Heaven’s name, let the - trial be made before we plunge into armed conflict upon the mere - assumption that there is no other alternative. Time is a great - conservative power. Let us pause at this momentous point and - afford the people, both North and South, an opportunity for - reflection. Would that South Carolina had been convinced of this - truth before her precipitate action! I, therefore, appeal through - you to the people of this country to declare in their might that - the Union must and shall be preserved by all constitutional means. - I most earnestly recommend that you devote yourselves exclusively - to the question how this can be accomplished in peace. All other - questions, when compared with this, sink into insignificance. The - present is no time for palliatives; action, prompt action, is - required. A delay in Congress to prescribe or to recommend a - distinct and practical proposition for conciliation may drive us - to a point from which it will be almost impossible to recede. - - A common ground on which conciliation and harmony can be produced - is not unattainable. The proposition to compromise by letting the - North have exclusive control of the territory above a certain - line, and to give Southern institutions protection below that - line, ought to receive universal approbation. In itself, indeed, - it may not be entirely satisfactory; but when the alternative is - between a reasonable concession on both sides and a destruction of - the Union, it is an imputation upon the patriotism of Congress to - assert that its members will hesitate for a moment. - - Even now the danger is upon us. In several of the States which - have not yet seceded, the forts, arsenals, and magazines of the - United States have been seized. This is by far the most serious - step which has been taken since the commencement of the troubles. - This public property has long been left without garrisons and - troops for its protection, because no person doubted its security - under the flag of the country in any State of the Union. Besides, - our small army has scarcely been sufficient to guard our remote - frontiers against Indian incursions. The seizure of this property, - from all appearances, has been purely aggressive, and not in - resistance to any attempt to coerce a State or States to remain in - the Union. - - At the beginning of these unhappy troubles, I determined that no - act of mine should increase the excitement in either section of - the country. If the political conflict were to end in a civil war, - it was my determined purpose not to commence it, nor even to - furnish an excuse for it by an act of this Government. My opinion - remains unchanged, that justice as well as sound policy requires - us still to seek a peaceful solution of the questions at issue - between the North and the South. Entertaining this conviction, I - refrained even from sending reinforcements to Major Anderson, who - commanded the forts in Charleston harbor, until an absolute - necessity for doing so should make itself apparent, lest it might - unjustly be regarded as a menace of military coercion, and thus - furnish, if not a provocation, a pretext for an outbreak on the - part of South Carolina. No necessity for these reinforcements - seemed to exist. I was assured by distinguished and upright - gentlemen of South Carolina[105] that no attack upon Major - Anderson was intended, but that, on the contrary, it was the - desire of the State authorities, as much as it was my own, to - avoid the fatal consequences which must eventually follow a - military collision. - -Footnote 105: - - Messrs. McQueen, Miles, Bonham, Boyce, and Keitt, members of the - House of Representatives from South Carolina, on the 8th of - December, 1860. - - And here I deem it proper to submit, for your information, copies - of a communication, dated December 28, 1860, addressed to me by R. - W. Barnwell, J. H. Adams, and J. L. Orr, “commissioners” from - South Carolina, with the accompanying documents, and copies of my - answer thereto, dated December 31. - - In further explanation of Major Anderson’s removal from Fort - Moultrie to Fort Sumter, it is proper to state that, after my - answer to the South Carolina “commissioners,” the War Department - received a letter from that gallant officer, dated December 27, - 1860, the day after this movement, from which the following is an - extract: - - “I will add, as my opinion, that many things convinced me that the - authorities of the State designed to proceed to a hostile act” - [evidently referring to the orders dated December 11, of the late - Secretary of War]. “Under this impression, I could not hesitate - that it was my solemn duty to move my command from a fort which we - could not probably have held longer than forty-eight or sixty - hours to this one, where my power of resistance is increased to a - very great degree.” It will be recollected that the concluding - part of these orders was in the following terms: “The smallness of - your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one - of the three forts; but an attack on, or attempt to take - possession of either one of them, will be regarded as an act of - hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them - which you may deem most proper to increase its power of - resistance. You are also authorized to take similar defensive - steps whenever you have tangible evidence of a design to proceed - to a hostile act.” - - It is said that serious apprehensions are, to some extent, - entertained, in which I do not share, that the peace of this - District may be disturbed before the 4th of March next. In any - event, it will be my duty to preserve it, and this duty shall be - performed. - - In conclusion, it may be permitted to me to remark that I have - often warned my countrymen of the dangers which now surround us. - This may be the last time I shall refer to the subject officially. - I feel that my duty has been faithfully, though it may be - imperfectly, performed; and whatever the result may be, I shall - carry to my grave the consciousness that I at least meant well for - my country. - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - WASHINGTON CITY, Jan. 8, 1861. - -It is a painful part of an historian’s duty to reflect upon the -conduct of public men, who had it in their power at least to show a -willingness to save their country from the calamity of civil war, -and who appear to have been indifferent to everything but the dogmas -of a party platform. This special message of President Buchanan, in -the circumstances of the moment, was entitled to the gravest -attention and respect. It ought to have produced immediate assent to -its recommendation, on the part of Republican Senators, whom it -would have relieved from their previous committals to the “Chicago -platform” by a reference of the questions in dispute to the people -of the country. The venerable age of the President, his long -experience in public affairs, his unquestionable patriotism, his -approaching retirement from public life, his manifest desire to -leave the Government to his successor unembarrassed by anything but -the secession of South Carolina, should have conciliated the support -of some at least, if not of all, of the Republican Senators. But, as -it is now my melancholy duty to show from the record, not one -Republican Senator ever voted for Mr. Crittenden’s resolution, the -adoption of which the President so strongly recommended. Memorials -of the most earnest character, coming from all quarters of the -North, even from New England, urging the passage of the Crittenden -Compromise, were heaped upon the table of the Senate.[106] On the -14th of January, Mr. Crittenden made an unsuccessful effort to have -his resolution considered. It was postponed to the following day. On -the 15th, every Republican Senator voted for its further -postponement, to make room for the Pacific Railroad Bill. On the -16th, Mr. Crittenden obtained, by a majority of one vote—all the -Republican Senators voting nay—the consideration of his resolution. -Parliamentary tactics were then resorted to by the Republicans to -defeat it. Mr. Clark, a Republican Senator from New Hampshire, moved -to strike out the whole preamble and body of the resolution, and to -substitute in its place another preamble and resolution of an -entirely opposite character, and affirming the dogma of the Chicago -platform in relation to slavery in the Territories. For this motion -there were 25 yeas to 23 nays; all the Republican Senators voting in -the affirmative.[107] Buried under the Clark amendment, Mr. -Crittenden’s resolution remained for more than six weeks, until the -2d of March, when it was too late for final action upon it. But on -that day a vote was taken upon it, and it was defeated by 19 votes -in the affirmative and 20 in the negative.[108] - -Footnote 106: - - See the Index to the Journal of the Senate for this session, pp. - 494, 495, 496. One of these memorials, coming from the City - Councils of Boston, had the signatures also of over 22,000 - citizens, of all shades of political character. Senate Journal of - 1860-’61, p. 218. - -Footnote 107: - - The Clark amendment, which smothered Mr. Crittenden’s resolution, - prevailed, because six secession Senators refused to vote against - it, preferring to play into the hands of the Republicans. They - were Messrs. Benjamin and Slidell, of Louisiana; Iverson, of - Georgia; Hemphill and Wigfall, of Texas; and Johnson, of Arkansas. - Had they voted with the Senators from the border States and the - other Democratic members, the Clark amendment would have been - defeated, and the Senate would on that day, before the secession - of any State excepting South Carolina, have been brought to a - direct vote on Mr. Crittenden’s resolution. - -Footnote 108: - - “It is proper,” Mr. Buchanan said, “for future reference that the - names of those Senators who constituted the majority on this - momentous question, should be placed upon record. Every vote given - from the six New England States was in opposition to Mr. - Crittenden’s resolution. These consisted of Mr. Clark, of New - Hampshire; Messrs. Sumner and Wilson, of Massachusetts; Mr. - Anthony, of Rhode Island; Messrs. Dixon and Foster, of - Connecticut; Mr. Foot, of Vermont; and Messrs. Fessenden and - Morrill, of Maine. The remaining eleven votes, in order to make up - the 20, were given by Mr. Wade, of Ohio; Mr. Trumbull, of - Illinois; Messrs. Bingham and Chandler, of Michigan; Messrs. - Grimes and Harlan, of Iowa; Messrs. Doolittle and Durkee, of - Wisconsin; Mr. Wilkinson, of Minnesota; Mr. King, of New York; and - Mr. Ten Eyck, of New Jersey. It is also worthy of observation, - that neither Mr. Hale, of New Hampshire, Mr. Simmons, of Rhode - Island, Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, Mr. Seward, of New York, nor Mr. - Cameron, of Pennsylvania, voted on the question, although it - appears from the journal that all these gentlemen were present in - the Senate on the day of the vote. It would be vain to conjecture - the reasons why these five Senators refrained from voting on an - occasion so important.” (Buchanan’s Defence, p. 143.) - - - - - CHAPTER XXII. - 1861—January, February, and March. - -THE “PEACE CONVENTION”—FORT SUMTER—THE STAR OF THE WEST FIRED UPON - IN CHARLESTON HARBOR—ANDERSON’S TEMPORARY TRUCE—THE HARBOR OF - PENSACOLA AND FORT PICKENS—THE COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN - EX-PRESIDENT TYLER AND PRESIDENT BUCHANAN. - - -The vote of the Senate on the 16th of January, by which Mr. -Crittenden’s resolution was defeated by the tactics of the -Republicans, aided by six of the Southern Senators, made it apparent -that some extraordinary interposition could alone save the Union. -For such interposition there was still time, if it could be promptly -exerted, and Congress could be induced to listen to it. It came from -the State of Virginia, and as Mr. Buchanan has given a succinct and -accurate account of this movement, which resulted in the assembling -at Washington of the body called “The Peace Convention,” I -transcribe it into these pages: - - These great and powerful commonwealths [the border States] still - remained faithful to the Union. They had hitherto stood aloof from - secession, and had manifested an earnest desire not only to remain - in the Union themselves, but to exert their powerful influence to - bring back the seceding sisters. Virginia had ever ranked as chief - among the Southern States, and had exercised great influence over - their counsels. She had now taken the lead in the grand design to - save the Union, and it became the duty of the President to render - her all the aid in his power in a cause so holy. Every reflecting - man foresaw that if the present movement of Virginia should fail - to impress upon Congress and the country the necessity for - adopting a peaceful compromise, like that proposed by Mr. - Crittenden, there was imminent danger that all the border slave - States would follow the cotton States, which had already adopted - ordinances of secession, and unite with them in an attempt to - break up the Union. Indeed, as has been already seen, the Virginia - legislature had declared that, in case of failure, such a - dissolution was “inevitable.” - - The Peace Convention met on the 4th February.[109] It was - composed of one hundred and thirty-three commissioners, - representing twenty-one States. A bare inspection of the list - will convince all inquirers of the great respectability and just - influence of its members. Among them there were many venerable - and distinguished citizens from the border States, earnestly - intent upon restoring and saving the Union. Their great object - was to prevail upon their associates from the North to unite - with them in such recommendations to Congress as would prevent - their own States from seceding, and enable them to bring back - the cotton States which had already seceded. It will be - recollected that on the 4th February, when the Peace Convention - assembled, six of the cotton States, South Carolina, Alabama, - Mississippi, Georgia, Louisiana, and Florida, had already - adopted ordinances of secession; and that but four days - thereafter (8th February) deputies from these States had adopted - and published at Montgomery, Alabama, a Provisional Constitution - for the so-called Confederate States. The Union was then - crumbling to pieces. One month only of the session of Congress - remained. Within this brief period it was necessary that the - Convention should recommend amendments to the Constitution in - sufficient time to enable both Houses to act upon them before - their final adjournment. It was also essential to success that - these amendments should be sustained by a decided majority of - the commissioners both from the Northern and the border States. - It was, however, soon discovered that the same malign influence - which had caused every Republican member of Congress to oppose - the Crittenden Compromise, would probably defeat the patriotic - purpose for which the Convention had assembled. - -Footnote 109: - - _Cong. Globe_, 1860-61, p. 125. - - On Wednesday, the 6th February, a resolution was adopted,[110] on - motion of Mr. Guthrie, of Kentucky, to refer the resolutions of - the General Assembly of Virginia, and all other kindred subjects, - to a committee to consist of one commissioner from each State, to - be selected by the respective State delegations; and to prevent - delay they were instructed to report on or before the Friday - following (the 8th), “what they may deem right, necessary, and - proper to restore harmony and preserve the Union.” - -Footnote 110: - - Official Journal of the Convention, pp. 9 and 10. - - This committee, instead of reporting on the day appointed, did not - report until Friday, the 15th February,[111] and thus a precious - week was lost...... - -Footnote 111: - - Ibid., p. 42. - - The amendments reported by a majority of the committee, through - Mr. Guthrie, their chairman, were substantially the same with the - Crittenden Compromise; but on motion of Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, - the general terms of the first and by far the most important - section were restricted to the _present_ Territories of the United - States.[112] On motion of Mr. Franklin, of Pennsylvania, this - section was further amended, but not materially changed, by the - adoption of the substitute offered by him. Nearly in this form it - was afterwards adopted by the Convention.[113] The following is a - copy: “In all the present Territory of the United States north of - the parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes of north - latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is - prohibited. In all the present Territory south of that line, the - status of persons held to involuntary service or labor, as it now - exists, shall not be changed; nor shall any law be passed by - Congress or the Territorial legislature to hinder or prevent the - taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to - said Territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said - relation; but the same shall be subject to judicial cognizance in - the Federal courts, according to the course of the common law. - When any Territory north or south of said line, within such - boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population - equal to that required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its - form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an - equal footing with the original States, with or without - involuntary servitude, as the Constitution of such State may - provide.” - -Footnote 112: - - Ibid., p. 21. - -Footnote 113: - - Ibid., p. 70. - - Mr. Baldwin, of Connecticut, and Mr. Seddon, of Virginia, on - opposite extremes, made minority reports, which they proposed - to substitute for that of the majority. Mr. Baldwin’s report - was a recommendation “to the several States to unite with - Kentucky in her application to Congress to call a convention - for proposing amendments to the Constitution of the United - States, to be submitted to the legislatures of the several - States, or to conventions therein, for ratification, as the - one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by - Congress, in accordance with the provisions in the fifth - article of the Constitution.”[114] - -Footnote 114: - - Official Journal, pp. 24 and 25. - - Of the two modes prescribed by the Constitution for its own - amendment, this was the least eligible at the existing crisis, - because by far the most dilatory. Instead of calling upon - Congress, then in session and which could act immediately, to - propose specific amendments to the legislatures of the several - States, it adopted the circuitous mode of requesting these - legislatures, in the first instance, to apply to Congress to call - a convention. Even should two-thirds of them respond in the - affirmative to this request, the process would necessarily - occasion a delay of years in attaining the object, when days were - all-important. This would entirely defeat the patriotic purpose of - the Peace Convention. It was called to obtain, if possible, a - direct vote of two-thirds of both Houses before the end of the - session in favor of such amendments as it might recommend. Could - such a vote be obtained, it was confidently expected by the - friends of the Union that its moral influence would, for the - present, satisfy the border States; would arrest the tide - beginning to rise among their people in favor of secession, and - might enable them to exercise an effective influence in reclaiming - the States which had already seceded. Affairs were then so urgent - that long before the State legislatures could possibly ask - Congress to call a convention as required by Mr. Baldwin’s - proposition, the cause of the Union might be hopeless. It was, - therefore, rejected. - - This proposition of Mr. Baldwin, evasive and dilatory as it was, - nevertheless received the votes of eight of the twenty-one - States.[115] These consisted of the whole of the New England - States, except Rhode Island, and of Illinois, Iowa and New York, - all being free States. This was an evil omen. - -Footnote 115: - - Ibid., p. 63. - - The first amendment reported by Mr. Seddon differed from that of - the majority, inasmuch as it embraced not only the present but all - future Territories.[116] This was rejected.[117] His second - amendment, which, however, was never voted upon by the Convention, - went so far as distinctly to recognize the right of secession. - -Footnote 116: - - Official Journal, pp. 26, 27 and 28. - -Footnote 117: - - Ibid., p. 28. - - It cannot be denied that there was in the convention an extreme - Southern rights element, headed by Mr. Seddon. This manifested - itself throughout its proceedings. These show how naturally - extremes meet. On more than one important occasion, we find the - vote of Virginia and North Carolina, though given in each case by - a bare majority of their commissioners, side by side with the vote - of Massachusetts and Vermont. It would be too tedious to trace the - proceedings of the Convention from the report of the committee - made by Mr. Guthrie until its final adjournment. It is sufficient - to say that more than ten days were consumed in discussion and in - voting upon various propositions offered by individual - commissioners. The final vote was not reached until Tuesday, the - 26th February, when it was taken on the first and vitally - important section, as amended.[118] - -Footnote 118: - - Ibid., p. 70. - - This section, on which all the rest depended, was negatived by a - vote of eight States to eleven. Those which voted in its favor - were Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, - Rhode Island and Tennessee. And those in the negative were - Connecticut, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Missouri, New - York, North Carolina, New Hampshire, Vermont and Virginia. It is - but justice to say that Messrs. Ruffin and Morehead, of North - Carolina, and Messrs. Rives and Summers, of Virginia, two of the - five commissioners from each of these States, declared their - dissent from the vote of their respective States. So, also, did - Messrs. Bronson, Corning, Dodge, Wool and Granger, five of the - eleven New York commissioners, dissent from the vote of their - State. On the other hand, Messrs. Meredith and Wilmot, two of the - seven commissioners from Pennsylvania, dissented from the majority - in voting in favor of the section. Thus would the Convention have - terminated but for the interposition of Illinois. Immediately - after the section had been negatived, the commissioners from that - State made a motion to reconsider the vote, and this prevailed. - The Convention afterwards adjourned until the next morning. When - they reassembled (February 27), the first section was adopted, but - only by a majority of nine to eight States, nine being less than a - majority of the States represented. This change was effected by a - change of the vote of Illinois from the negative to the - affirmative, by Missouri withholding her vote, and by a tie in the - New York commissioners, on account of the absence of one of their - number, rendering it impossible for the State to vote. Still, - Virginia and North Carolina, in the one extreme, and Connecticut, - Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Vermont, in the other, - persisted in voting in the negative. From the nature of this vote, - it was manifestly impossible that two-thirds of both Houses of - Congress should act favorably on the amendment, even if the delay - had not already rendered such action impracticable before the - close of the session. - - It would be useless to refer to the voting on the remaining - sections of the amendment, which were carried by small - majorities.[119] The Convention, on the same day, through Mr. - Tyler, their president, communicated to the Senate and House of - Representatives the amendment they had adopted, embracing all the - sections, with a request that it might be submitted by Congress, - under the Constitution, to the several State legislatures. In the - Senate this was immediately referred to a select committee, on - motion of Mr. Crittenden. The committee, on the next day (28th - Feb.),[120] reported a joint resolution (No. 70) proposing it as - an amendment to the Constitution, but he was never able to bring - the Senate to a direct vote upon it.[121] Failing in this, he made - a motion to substitute the amendment of the Peace Convention for - his own.[122] This he prefaced by declaring that he looked upon - the result of the deliberations of that body “as affording the - best opportunity for a general concurrence among the States, and - among the people.” He, therefore, “had determined to take it in - preference to his own proposition, and had so stated to many of - the members of the Convention.” He further said that he had - “examined the propositions offered by that Convention; they - contain, in my judgment, every material provision that is - contained in the resolution called the Crittenden Resolution.” He - also had adopted this course “out of deference to that great body - of men selected on the resolution of Virginia, and invited by - Virginia herself. The body having met, and being composed of such - men, and a majority of that Convention concurring in these - resolutions, I think they come to us with a sanction entitling - them to consideration.” Mr. Crittenden’s reasons failed to - convince the Senate, and his motion was rejected by a large - majority (28 to 7).[123] Then next in succession came the - memorable vote on Mr. Crittenden’s own resolution, and it was in - its turn defeated, as we have already stated, by a majority of 20 - against 19. - -Footnote 119: - - Senate Journal, pp. 332, 333. - -Footnote 120: - - Ibid., p. 437. - -Footnote 121: - - Ibid., p. 384. - -Footnote 122: - - _Cong. Globe_, 1860-’61, p. 1404. - -Footnote 123: - - Senate Journal, p. 386. - - We cannot take leave of this venerable patriot, who so wisely - appreciated the existing danger, without paying a just tribute to - the vigor and perseverance of his repeated efforts to ward off - from his country the direful calamity of disunion and civil war. - Well did he merit the almost unanimous vote of the Virginia - Convention, on the 11th March, tendering him the thanks of the - people of Virginia for “his recent able, zealous, and patriotic - efforts in the Senate in the United States, to bring about a just - and honorable adjustment of our national difficulties.”[124] This - vote, we may remark, was far from being complimentary to the - conduct of a majority of their own commissioners (Messrs. Tyler, - Brockenbrough, and Seddon) in the Peace Convention. - -Footnote 124: - - _National Intelligencer_, March 14, 1861. - - In the House of Representatives, the amendment proposed by the - Convention was treated with still less respect than it had been by - the Senate.[125] The Speaker was refused leave even to present - it.[126] Every effort made for this purpose was successfully - resisted by leading Republican members. The consequence is that a - copy of it does not even appear in the Journal. - -Footnote 125: - - _Cong. Globe_, pp. 1331, 1332, 1333. - -Footnote 126: - - House Journal, pp. 446, 448, 449. - - Although the amendment was somewhat less favorable to the South, - and ought, therefore, to have been more acceptable to the North - than the Crittenden amendment, yet, like this, it encountered the - opposition of every Republican member in both Houses of Congress. - Nevertheless, it presented a basis of compromise which, had it - been conceded by the North, might and probably would, have been - accepted by the people of the border States, in preference to the - fearful alternative of their secession from the Union. - -However urgent were the reasons for the adoption by Congress of the -Crittenden Compromise, or the propositions submitted to it by the -Peace Convention, the question now recurs whether the President in -the meantime did his duty and his whole duty, in keeping a vigilant -eye upon the proceedings in South Carolina and other Southern -States. To answer this question, it is necessary to go back to the -point of time at which the first commissioners from South Carolina -left Washington without having obtained from the President a promise -to withdraw Major Anderson’s force from the harbor of Charleston, or -any stipulation not to send him reinforcements. This point of time -is the 2d day of January, 1861, the day on which the commissioners -dated their reply to the President’s letter of December 31st; a -reply couched in terms so disrespectful and arrogant that by the -unanimous advice of the cabinet it was returned to them as a paper -unfit to be received. “From that time forward,” says Mr. Buchanan, -“all friendly political and personal intercourse finally ceased -between the revolutionary Senators and the President, and he was -severely attacked by them in the Senate, and especially by Mr. -Jefferson Davis. Indeed, their intercourse had been of the coldest -character ever since the President’s anti-secession message at the -commencement of the session of Congress.”[127] - -Footnote 127: - - Letter of October 28, 1862, in the controversy with General Scott, - published in the _National Intelligencer_ of November 1, 1862. As - a specimen of the intercourse between the President and the - secession Senators, after the messages of December 3d and January - 8th, take the following notes:— - - [JOHN SLIDELL TO PRESIDENT BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, January 27, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have seen in the _Star_, and heard from other parties, that - Major Beauregard, who had been ordered to West Point as - Superintendent of the Military Academy, and had entered on the - discharge of his duties there, had been relieved from his command. - May I take the liberty of asking you if this has been done with - your approbation? Very respectfully, yours, - - JOHN SLIDELL. - - [PRESIDENT BUCHANAN TO JOHN SLIDELL.] - - WASHINGTON, January 29, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - With every sentiment of personal friendship and regard, I am - obliged to say, in answer to your note of Sunday, that I have full - confidence in the Secretary of War; and his acts, in the line of - his duty, are my own acts, for which I am responsible. - - Yours, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -The first event occurring at this time in the Executive Department, -which it is important to notice here, was an application made by -General Scott to the President, on Sunday, the 30th of December, by -the following note: - - December 30, 1860. - - Lieutenant General Scott begs the President of the United States - to pardon the irregularity of this communication. It is Sunday, - the weather is bad, and General Scott is not well enough to go to - church. But matters of the highest national importance seem to - forbid a moment’s delay, and, if misled by zeal, he hopes for the - President’s forgiveness. - - Will the President permit General Scott, without reference to the - War Department, and otherwise as secretly as possible, to send two - hundred and fifty recruits, from New York harbor, to reinforce - Fort Sumter, together with some extra muskets or rifles, - ammunition, and subsistence stores? - - It is hoped that a sloop-of-war and cutter may be ordered for the - same purpose as early as to-morrow. - - General Scott will wait upon the President at any moment he may be - called for. - - The President’s most obedient servant, - WINFIELD SCOTT. - -General Scott was evidently not aware, when he wrote this note, that -the late Secretary of War, Floyd, was out of office. The President, -having substituted Mr. Holt in his place as Secretary _ad interim_, -was under no necessity whatever to act without the knowledge of that -Department. He proceeded therefore to act promptly and in the usual -manner upon the General’s recommendation. He received the General’s -note on the evening of Sunday, the 30th of December. On the morning -of Monday, the 31st, he gave instructions to the War and Navy -Departments; the orders were issued on that day; and in the evening -General Scott called upon the President and informed him that the -Secretaries had issued the orders and that they were in his (the -General’s) possession. The orders were that the sloop-of-war -Brooklyn, with troops, military stores, and provisions, was to sail -forthwith from Fortress Monroe to Fort Sumter. It could not be true, -therefore, as was afterwards asserted by General Scott, that “the -South Carolina commissioners had already been many days in -Washington and no movement of defence (on the part of the United -States) was permitted.” The commissioners arrived in Washington on -the 27th of December. On the 30th they received the President’s -answer. General Scott’s request was made to the President on the -30th, and on the 31st the orders for the Brooklyn to sail were in -his hands. The commissioners’ insolent reply to the President was -not delivered to him until the 2d of January. The Brooklyn was -already under orders, but the orders were not despatched from -Washington on the 31st for a reason that will presently appear. - -It is now to be stated how a mercantile steamer, The Star of the -West, came to be substituted for the Brooklyn, and to sail on this -expedition. And here General Scott’s memory was utterly at fault in -1862. He then publicly stated that the President refused to allow -any attempt to be made to reinforce Fort Sumter, because he was -holding negotiations with the South Carolina commissioners; and that -“afterwards Secretary Holt and myself [General Scott] endeavored, in -vain, to obtain a ship-of-war for the purpose, and were finally -obliged to employ the passenger steamer Star of the West.” It is -most extraordinary that the General should have made this -misstatement. The Star of the West was substituted for the Brooklyn -by his own advice. “At the interview already referred to,” says Mr. -Buchanan, “between the General and myself, on the evening of Monday, -the 31st of December, I suggested to him that, although I had not -received the South Carolina commissioners in their official -capacity, but merely as private gentlemen, yet it might be -considered as an improper act to send the Brooklyn with -reinforcements to Fort Sumter until I had received an answer from -them to my letter of the preceding day; that the delay could not -continue more than forty-eight hours. He promptly concurred in this -suggestion as gentlemanly and proper, and the orders were not -transmitted to the Brooklyn on that evening. My anticipations were -correct, for on the morning [afternoon] of the 2d of January I -received their insolent note, and sent it back to them. In the -meantime, however, the General had become convinced, on the -representations of a gentleman whom I forbear to name, that the -better plan, as the Secretaries of War and the Navy informed me, to -secure secrecy and success, and reach the fort, would be to send a -fast side-wheel steamer from New York with the reinforcement. -Accordingly, the Star of the West was selected for this duty. The -substitution of this steamer for the Brooklyn, which would have been -able to defend herself in case of attack, was reluctantly yielded by -me to the high military judgment of General Scott.”[128] - -Footnote 128: - - Letter from Mr. Buchanan to the _National Intelligencer_, October - 28, 1862. - -In consequence of this change, a short time had to elapse before the -Star of the West, then at New York, could take on board the -reinforcements. She sailed from New York on the 5th of January. On -that day General Scott sent a despatch to his son-in-law, Colonel -Scott, to countermand her departure, but it was not received until -after she had gone to sea. The countermand was given for two -reasons: first, because a despatch received by Mr. Holt on that day -from Major Anderson stated in effect that he felt secure in his -position; and secondly, and more emphatically, because on the same -evening information reached the War Department that a heavy battery -had been erected among the sand hills, at the entrance of Charleston -harbor, capable of destroying any unarmed vessel that might attempt -to enter.[129] Satisfied that there was no present necessity for -sending reinforcements, and that when sent they ought to go in a -vessel of war, the Government, with General Scott’s full -concurrence,[130] after learning that the countermand had not -reached the Star of the West before she sailed, took steps to -overtake her. The following memorandum now lies before me: - -Footnote 129: - - See a statement published by Mr. Holt in the _National - Intelligencer_, dated March 5, 1861. - -Footnote 130: - - When General Scott wrote and published, in 1862, his criticisms on - Mr. Buchanan’s course, he said that the Star of the West, “but for - the hesitation of the master, might, as is generally believed, - have delivered at the fort the men and subsistence on board.” He - had forgotten that he had sent his own order to the commander of - the troops on board that vessel, which would inform him that the - Brooklyn was coming to aid and succor him, and that in case he - could not land at Fort Sumter, he was to turn back and land his - troops at Fort Monroe and discharge the ship! With what propriety - then could the General blame the master of the ship for not making - an attempt which the General knew he could not make without the - support of the Brooklyn? - - MEMORANDUM FOR THE INFORMATION OF THE HON. SECRETARY OF WAR. - - A despatch was forwarded, night of January 7, through the agency - of the Navy Department, to the officer commanding recruits on - board the steamship Star of the West, in almost exactly these - words: - - “This communication will be handed you by the Commander of the - United States Steamer sloop-of-war Brooklyn. - - “The object of his mission is twofold. _First_, to afford aid and - succor in case your ship be shattered or injured; _second_, to - convey this order of recall, in case you cannot land at Fort - Sumter, to Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, there to await further - orders. - - “In case of your return to Hampton Roads, send a telegraphic - message here at once from Norfolk. - - ”WINFIELD SCOTT. - - “P. S.—Land your troops at Fort Monroe and discharge the ship. - - “W. S.” - -The Star of the West arrived off the harbor of Charleston on the 9th -of January, and being fired upon as she was attempting to enter the -harbor, by order of Governor Pickens, she returned without entering. -It is, therefore, now necessary to go forward, and covering -everything that was done or omitted by the President thereafter, in -regard to Fort Sumter, to inquire into another charge made by -General Scott in 1862, that the President was under the -embarrassment of a truce or armistice, which continued for the -remainder of the administration. It seems that late in the month of -January, there was a project considered, between the General, -Secretaries Holt and Toucey, and certain naval officers, with the -knowledge of the President, for sending three or four small steamers -belonging to the coast survey to the relief of Fort Sumter. General -Scott, in 1862, declared that he had but little doubt this -expedition would have been successful, but that it was “kept back by -something like a truce or armistice, made here, embracing Charleston -and Pensacola harbors, agreed upon by the late President and certain -principal seceders of South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana, etc., and -this truce lasted to the end of that administration.” - -It is perhaps not remarkable that the history of this period of Mr. -Buchanan’s administration should have been so widely misunderstood, -when one considers the nature of the materials from which the -history thus far written has been derived. General Scott, from his -official position, knew that no truce or armistice whatever was -entered into by the President with anybody, embracing the two -harbors of Charleston and Pensacola; that in regard to Pensacola, -there was a special arrangement, in no way connected with the state -of things in Charleston; and that in regard to Charleston, there was -only a temporary agreement between Major Anderson and Governor -Pickens, that was terminable on a certain event, and that lasted but -for a short time. To separate things entirely distinct in their -nature, but which General Scott saw fit to blend together in making -his imputations upon the President’s conduct, is now my imperative -duty. - -The only truce that was made in reference to Charleston was an -actual truce of arms made between Governor Pickens and Major -Anderson, on the 11th of January, 1861, without the President’s -previous knowledge, and consequently it could not have been the -result of any conference between the President and certain -secessionists then in Washington or elsewhere. The Star of the West, -sailing under the American flag, was fired upon and turned back on -the 9th of January. This outrage required Major Anderson’s instant -notice. If he had immediately opened fire from Fort Sumter upon the -adjacent batteries which sent their shot across the bow of that -vessel, he would have been justified by his position as an officer -of the United States commanding a fort which existed for the -protection of all vessels having a right to enter the harbor, and -especially for the protection of all vessels bearing the flag of the -United States. He was under no obligation whatever to recognize -South Carolina as a power foreign to the United States; but if he -had chosen, he might have considered the firing on this vessel as an -act of war, which South Carolina had instituted against the United -States. He took what he considered as the most prudent course that -was open to him. He sent a flag of truce to the Governor, stating -that he presumed the act was unauthorized, and therefore that he had -not returned the fire, but demanding an official disavowal of the -act within a reasonable time, otherwise he should consider it an act -of war and should fire on any vessel within the reach of his guns -which might attempt to enter or leave the harbor. It is quite -evident that if he had adhered to this purpose, the civil war would -then have commenced; for the attitude of South Carolina was that of -a power claiming complete independence of the United States, and her -preparations for driving the United States out of the harbor were -prosecuting with great vigor. But the affair took an unexpected, -although for the moment it may have been a fortunate turn. The -Governor did not disavow, but justified, the act of firing on the -Star of the West, and on the 11th of January he sent two members of -his executive council to Major Anderson, with instructions to -present to him “considerations of the gravest public character, and -of the deepest interest to all who deprecate the improper waste of -life, to induce the delivery of Fort Sumter to the constituted -authorities of South Carolina, with a pledge on its part to account -for such public property as may be in your charge.” - -It is difficult now to look back upon those transactions, and to -describe them with the coolness which history should preserve. -Without the least consideration for the duty incumbent upon the -President of the United States under his official oath, the -“constituted authorities of South Carolina” assumed from the first -a position which they calculated, not without reason, would be -supported by the secession leaders of the other cotton States. -Their attitude was that their secession ordinance had completely -severed the State from all connection with the United States; that -the latter power was an intruder in her dominions, holding -fortifications which were a standing affront to the dignity and a -peril to the safety of the State; that these fortifications must -be surrendered to the paramount territorial sovereignty of the -State; and that as to the property of the United States which they -contained, the State would account for it. The alternative plainly -presented was that war must ensue, if these demands were not -complied with. It is almost impossible to understand how sane men -could have imagined that the Executive Government of the United -States could be made to yield to such a demand; but the -explanation is to be found in the three facts, that the South -Carolina leaders meant to make the issue on the whole doctrine of -secession in such a shape as would secure the support of some -other States and their representatives in Washington; that they -had reason to count confidently upon the support of the latter; -and that they believed that President Buchanan could be induced or -driven into a compliance with their demands, if they presented the -alternatives of a complete admission of their right to secede -peaceably on the one hand, and civil war on the other. - -Perhaps the only thing that Major Anderson could prudently do, after -what he considered as a demand upon him for a surrender of the fort, -was to do precisely what he did, namely, to refer the whole matter -to Washington. His answer to the Governor, sent on the same day, was -that he could not comply with the demand, but that “should your -Excellency deem fit, prior to a resort to arms, to refer the matter -to Washington, it would afford me the sincerest pleasure to depute -one of my officers to accompany any messenger you may deem proper to -be the bearer of your demand.” This proposition was accepted by the -Governor, and he commissioned the Attorney General of the State, the -Hon. J. W. Hayne, to proceed to Washington and make the same demand -on the President that had been made on Major Anderson. Major -Anderson, on his part, sent one of his officers, Lieutenant J. -Norman Hall, as his deputy, to await the President’s decision. The -two gentlemen arrived in Washington together, on the evening of -January 13th, 1861. - -There was thus established between Major Anderson and the Governor -of South Carolina a temporary truce of arms, which related to no -locality but the harbor of Charleston, and would terminate when -Major Anderson should receive his instructions how to act. On the -one side, South Carolina, in an armed attitude, demands of Major -Anderson the surrender of a fort of the United States, with a plain -intimation that if he does not surrender it he must be driven out of -it. On the other hand, Major Anderson, who, as the commanding -officer of the United States in that harbor, has a just cause for -retaliation on account of the attack on the Star of the West, -proposes a suspension of all hostilities until he can receive the -instructions of his Government. The proposal being accepted and -acted upon, the circumstances constituted what President Buchanan, -with entire accuracy, and citing the language of Vattel, calls “a -partial truce, under which hostilities are suspended only in certain -places.”[131] But the President was greatly surprised by this state -of things. The truce made it alike impossible for Major Anderson to -ask for, or the Government to send him, reinforcements, while it -lasted. All that could be done by the President was to learn what -the South Carolina messenger or envoy had to say, and then to decide -again that Fort Sumter could not and would not be surrendered. When -this had been done, the truce would be ended.[132] - -Footnote 131: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 144. - -Footnote 132: - - See Ex. Doc., H. R., vol. ix., No. 61. The reader who consults the - documents without prejudice cannot fail to be struck with the - arrogance of tone and the extreme nature of the demands, that mark - all the papers that emanated from the South Carolina authorities - at this period. Nor can he fail, I think, to see that President - Buchanan, while he exercised great patience, bore himself - throughout with the dignity that belonged to his position. When a - paper became too outrageous to be tolerated, it was promptly - returned. - -Colonel Hayne called upon the President on the morning of the 14th -of January, stating that he bore a letter from Governor Pickens to -the President, which he would deliver in person on the next day. -Remembering his experience with the former commissioners from South -Carolina, the President declined to hold any conversation with -Colonel Hayne on the subject of his errand, and requested that all -communications should be made in writing, to which Colonel Hayne -assented. On the 15th the Governor’s letter was not delivered to the -President; it was held back on the advice of certain Southern -Senators. The following memorandum, drawn up by the President on the -16th, will explain what those Senators were then trying to -accomplish: - - Wednesday afternoon, at 4 P. M., January 16. - - Senator Clay (of Alabama) called. He began by assigning reasons - why I should withdraw Major Anderson and his troops from Fort - Sumter. I told him that it was quite out of the question for me to - hold verbal communication on this subject. Although I relied - implicitly upon his honor, yet there would be mistakes with the - best intentions. He concurred in this opinion, but said he would - never repeat to any human being what had passed between him and - me. I thought, however, I would leave no room for doubt on the - important point, and I told him I would not, under any - circumstances, withdraw the troops from Fort Sumter. He spoke of - the inauguration of civil war in Charleston as a dreadful - calamity. I answered that the troops were there in a small number, - in the possession of a fort which I firmly believed belonged to - the United States, to act purely on the defensive; and if - assaulted by the authorities of South Carolina, on them would rest - the exclusive responsibility of commencing civil war. I believed - South Carolina still to be a part of the Confederacy. - - He then (and I am not certain he did not mention it before) said - he had come from the seceding Senators to suggest to me some plan - by which the effusion of human blood might be spared at - Charleston. I told him any proposition of this kind must be - reduced to writing—that without this I could not consider it. - Still, he went on and said there was a truce agreed upon, so long - as Colonel Hayne was here. I told him I had understood that there - had been. He said they wanted him to remain a few days, and submit - a proposition to the government of South Carolina, to agree that - Major Anderson should be placed in his former position; that the - Government should have free access to him; that he should buy all - the provisions he wanted in Charleston; and that he should not be - disturbed if I would not send him additional reinforcements. I - again said that I could not take any proposition into - consideration unless it were reduced to writing. He said he - understood this perfectly. But [he] went on to say that the truce - might be extended until the meeting at Milledgeville, or even till - the 4th March. I told him that the truce would continue until - Colonel Hayne left here, which I supposed would be in a few days; - that Lieutenant Hall had been informed by Colonel Hayne that he - might go to see his sick sister in New York, provided he was back - on Friday evening. I told him I could say nothing further on the - subject of the truce, nor could I express any opinion on the - subjects to which he had referred, unless the proposition were - reduced to writing, and presented to me in a distinct form. He - said I need be under no apprehensions as to the security of the - fort. He had just come from Jefferson Davis, who said it could not - be taken; and Lars Anderson had informed him that Major Anderson - said he did not require reinforcements. He got up and said he - would go to those who had sent him, and it would be for them to - decide upon the proposition. I then said to him, emphatically, - that Colonel Hayne could not possibly be authorized to send any - propositions to Charleston until they had been first submitted to - myself and cabinet and agreed to. He said certainly not, that this - was a necessary preliminary. I repeated again that I could not - even consider any verbal proposition. He said he understood that - perfectly; that he would not have anything to do with it himself - without this. He then asked me when the cabinet would meet. He - believed it was to-morrow, and they would not have time to come to - an understanding so soon. I said that the regular day was Friday. - He said that would give them time, and so he went away. - - In the course of conversation I told him that I felt as much - anxiety to prevent a collision and spare the effusion of blood as - any man living; but this must be done in consistency with the - discharge of all my duties as laid down in my annual message and - my late special message. That I could not, and would not, withdraw - Major Anderson from Fort Sumter. - -What ensued after this interview between the President and Senator -Clay can be best related in the President’s own words. Every -statement that he makes in the following narrative is founded on and -supported by the written correspondence. - - Colonel Hayne, the commissioner from South Carolina, as already - stated, arrived in Washington on the 13th January. He bore with - him a letter from Governor Pickens addressed to the President. On - the next morning he called upon the President, and stated that he - would deliver this letter in person on the day following. The - President, however, admonished by his recent experience with the - former commissioners, declined to hold any conversation with him - on the subject of his mission, and requested that all - communications between them might be in writing. To this he - assented. Although the President had no actual knowledge of the - contents of the Governor’s letter, he could not doubt it contained - a demand for the surrender of the fort. Such a demand he was at - all times prepared peremptorily to reject. This Colonel Hayne must - have known, because the President had but a fortnight before - informed his predecessors this was impossible, and had never been - thought of by him in any possible contingency. The President - confidently expected that the letter would be transmitted to him - on the day after the interview, when his refusal to surrender the - fort would at once terminate the truce, and leave both parties - free to act upon their own responsibility. Colonel Hayne, however, - did not transmit this letter to the President on the 15th January, - according to his promise, but withheld it until the 31st of that - month. The reason for this vexatious delay will constitute a - curious portion of our narrative, and deserves to be mentioned in - some detail. (_Vide_ the President’s message of 8th February, - 1861, with the accompanying documents, Ex. Doc., H. R., vol. ix., - No. 61.) - - The Senators from the cotton States yet in Congress appeared, - strangely enough, to suppose that through their influence the - President might agree not to send reinforcements to Fort Sumter, - provided Governor Pickens would stipulate not to attack it. By - such an agreement they proposed to preserve the peace. But first - of all it was necessary for them to prevail upon Colonel Hayne not - to transmit the letter to the President on the day appointed, - because they well knew that the demand which it contained would - meet his prompt and decided refusal. This would render the - conclusion of such an agreement impossible. - - In furtherance of their plan, nine of these Senators, with - Jefferson Davis at their head, addressed a note to Colonel Hayne - on the 15th January, requesting him to defer the delivery of the - letter. They proposed that he should withhold it until they could - ascertain from the President whether he would agree not to send - reinforcements, provided Governor Pickens would engage not to - attack the fort. They informed the Colonel that should the - President prove willing in the first place to enter into such an - arrangement, they would then strongly recommend that he should not - deliver the letter he had in charge for the present, but send to - South Carolina for authority from Governor Pickens to become a - party thereto. Colonel Hayne, in his answer to these Senators of - the 17th January, informed them that he had not been clothed with - power to make the arrangements suggested, but provided they could - get assurances with which they were entirely satisfied that no - reinforcements would be sent to Fort Sumter, he would withhold the - letter with which he had been charged, refer their communication - to the authorities of South Carolina, and await further - instructions. - - On the 19th January this correspondence between the Senators and - Colonel Hayne was submitted to the President, accompanied by a - note from three of their number, requesting him to take the - subject into consideration. His answer to this note was delayed no - longer than was necessary to prepare it in proper form. On the 22d - January it was communicated to these Senators in a letter from the - Secretary of War. This contained an express refusal to enter into - the proposed agreement. Mr. Holt says: “I am happy to observe - that, in your letter to Colonel Hayne, you express the opinion - that it is ‘especially due from South Carolina to our States, to - say nothing of other slaveholding States, that she should, so far - as she can consistently with her honor, avoid initiating - hostilities between her and the United States or any other power.’ - To initiate such hostilities against Fort Sumter would, beyond - question, be an act of war against the United States. In regard to - the proposition of Colonel Hayne, ‘that no reinforcements will be - sent to Fort Sumter in the interval, and that public peace will - not be disturbed by any act of hostility towards South Carolina,’ - it is impossible for me to give you any such assurances. The - President has no authority to enter into such an agreement or - understanding. As an executive officer, he is simply bound to - protect the public property so far as this maybe practicable; and - it would be a manifest violation of his duty to place himself - under engagements that he would not perform this duty, either for - an indefinite, or limited, period. At the present moment it is not - deemed necessary to reinforce Major Anderson, because he makes no - such request and feels quite secure in his position. Should his - safety, however, require reinforcements, every effort will be made - to supply them.” - - It was believed by the President that this peremptory refusal to - enter into the proposed agreement, would have caused Colonel Hayne - immediately to present the letter he had in charge and thus - terminate his mission, thereby releasing both parties from the - obligations of the truce. In this expectation the President was - disappointed. The secession Senators again interposed, and advised - Colonel Hayne still longer to withhold the letter from the - President, and await further instructions from Charleston. In his - answer of 24th January to their note containing this advice, he - [Col. Hayne] informs them that although the letter from the - Secretary of War “was far from being satisfactory,” yet in - compliance with their request he “would withhold the communication - with which he was at present charged, and refer the whole matter - to the authorities of South Carolina, and would await their - reply.” On the 30th this reply was received, and on the next day - Colonel Hayne transmitted to the President the letter of Governor - Pickens demanding the surrender of the fort, with a long - communication from himself. This letter is dated “Headquarters, - Charleston, January 12, 1861,” and is as follows: - - “SIR:— - - “At the time of the separation of the State of South Carolina - from the United States, Fort Sumter was, and still is, in the - possession of troops of the United States, under the command of - Major Anderson. I regard that possession as not consistent with - the dignity or safety of the State of South Carolina, and have - this day [it was the day previous] addressed to Major Anderson a - communication to obtain possession of that fort by the - authorities of this State. The reply of Major Anderson informs - me that he has no authority to do what I required, but he - desires a reference of the demand to the President of the United - States. Under the circumstances now existing, and which need no - comment by me, I have determined to send to you Hon. I. W. - Hayne, the Attorney-General of the State of South Carolina, and - have instructed him to demand the delivery of Fort Sumter, in - the harbor of Charleston, to the constituted authorities of the - State of South Carolina. The demand I have made of Major - Anderson, and which I now make of you, is suggested by my - earnest desire to avoid the bloodshed which a persistence in - your attempt to retain possession of that fort will cause, and - which will be unavailing to secure to you that possession, but - induce a calamity most deeply to be deplored. If consequences so - unhappy shall ensue, I will secure for this State, in the demand - which I now make, the satisfaction of having exhausted every - attempt to avoid it. - - “In relation to the public property of the United States within - Fort Sumter, the Hon. I. W, Hayne, who will hand you this - communication, is authorized to give you the pledge of the State - that the valuation of such property will be accounted for by this - State, upon the adjustment of its relations with the United - States, of which it was a part.” - - On the 6th February, the Secretary of War, on behalf of the - President, replied to this demand, as well as to the letter of - Colonel Hayne accompanying it. Our narrative would be incomplete - without this admirable and conclusive reply. It is as follows: - - “WAR DEPARTMENT, February 6, 1861.[133] - - “SIR:— - - “The President of the United States has received your letter of - the 31st ultimo, and has charged me with the duty of replying - thereto. - - “In the communication addressed to the President by Governor - Pickens, under date of the 12th January, and which accompanies - yours now before me, his Excellency says: ‘I have determined to - send to you the Hon. I. W. Hayne, the Attorney General of the - State of South Carolina, and have instructed him to demand the - surrender of Fort Sumter, in the harbor of Charleston, to the - constituted authorities of the State of South Carolina. The demand - I have made of Major Anderson, and which I now make of you, is - suggested because of my earnest desire to avoid the bloodshed - which a persistence in your attempt to retain possession of that - fort will cause, and which will be unavailing to secure to you - that possession, but induce a calamity most deeply to be - deplored.’ The character of the demand thus authorized to be made - appears (under the influence, I presume, of the correspondence - with the Senators to which you refer) to have been modified by - subsequent instructions of his Excellency, dated the 26th, and - received by yourself on the 30th January, in which he says: ‘If it - be so that Fort Sumter is held as property, then, as property, the - rights, whatever they may be, of the United States, can be - ascertained, and for the satisfaction of these rights the pledge - of the State of South Carolina you are authorized to give.’ The - full scope and precise purport of your instructions, as thus - modified, you have expressed in the following words: ‘I do not - come as a military man to demand the surrender of a fortress, but - as the legal officer of the State—its Attorney General—to claim - for the State the exercise of its undoubted right of eminent - domain, and to pledge the State to make good all injury to the - rights of property which arise from the exercise of the claim.’ - And lest this explicit language should not sufficiently define - your position, you add: ‘The proposition now is that her [South - Carolina’s] law officer should, under authority of the Governor - and his council, distinctly pledge the faith of South Carolina to - make such compensation, in regard to Fort Sumter and its - appurtenances and contents, to the full extent of the money value - of the property of the United States, delivered over to the - authorities of South Carolina by your command.’ You then adopt his - Excellency’s train of thought upon the subject, so far as to - suggest that the possession of Fort Sumter by the United States, - ‘if continued long enough, must lead to collision,’ and that ‘an - attack upon it would scarcely improve it as property, whatever the - result; and if captured, it would no longer be the subject of - account.’ - - “The proposal, then, now presented to the President, is simply an - offer on the part of South Carolina to buy Fort Sumter and - contents as property of the United States, sustained by a - declaration in effect, that if she is not permitted to make the - purchase, she will seize the fort by force of arms. As the - initiation of a negotiation for the transfer of property between - friendly governments, this proposal impresses the President as - having assumed a most unusual form. He has, however, investigated - the claim on which it professes to be based, apart from the - declaration that accompanies it. And it may be here remarked, that - much stress has been laid upon the employment of the words - ‘property’ and ‘public property’ by the President in his several - messages. These are the most comprehensive terms which can be used - in such a connection, and surely, when referring to a fort or any - other public establishment, they embrace the entire and undivided - interest of the Government therein. - - “The title of the United States to Fort Sumter is complete and - incontestable. Were its interest in this property purely - proprietary, in the ordinary acceptation of the term, it might - probably be subjected to the exercise of the right of eminent - domain; but it has also political relations to it of a much higher - and more imposing character than those of mere proprietorship. It - has absolute jurisdiction over the fort and the soil on which it - stands. This jurisdiction consists in the authority to ‘exercise - exclusive legislation’ over the property referred to, and is - therefore clearly incompatible with the claim of eminent domain - now insisted upon by South Carolina. This authority was not - derived from any questionable revolutionary source, but from the - peaceful cession of South Carolina herself, acting through her - legislature, under a provision of the Constitution of the United - States. South Carolina can no more assert the right of eminent - domain over Fort Sumter than Maryland can assert it over the - District of Columbia. The political and proprietary rights of the - United States in either case rest upon precisely the same ground. - - “The President, however, is relieved from the necessity of further - pursuing this inquiry by the fact that, whatever may be the claim - of South Carolina to this fort, he has no constitutional power to - cede or surrender it. The property of the United States has been - acquired by force of public law, and can only be disposed of under - the same solemn sanctions. The President, as the head of the - executive branch of the Government only, can no more sell and - transfer Fort Sumter to South Carolina than he can sell and convey - the Capitol of the United States to Maryland or to any other State - or individual seeking to possess it. His Excellency the Governor - is too familiar with the Constitution of the United States, and - with the limitations upon the powers of the Chief Magistrate of - the Government it has established, not to appreciate at once the - soundness of this legal proposition. The question of reinforcing - Fort Sumter is so fully disposed of in my letter to Senator - Slidell and others, under date of the 22d of January, a copy of - which accompanies this, that its discussion will not now be - renewed. I then said: ‘At the present moment it is not deemed - necessary to reinforce Major Anderson, because he makes no such - request. Should his safety, however, require reinforcements, every - effort will be made to supply them.‘ I can add nothing to the - explicitness of this language, which still applies to the existing - status. - - “The right to send forward reinforcements when, in the judgment of - the President, the safety of the garrison requires them, rests on - the same unquestionable foundation as the right to occupy the - fortress itself. In the letter of Senator Davis and others to - yourself, under date of the 15th ultimo, they say: ‘We therefore - think it especially due from South Carolina to our States—to say - nothing of other slaveholding States—that she should, as far as - she can consistently with her honor, avoid initiating hostilities - between her and the United States or any other power;‘ and you now - yourself give to the President the gratifying assurance that - ‘South Carolina has every disposition to preserve the public - peace;’ and since he is himself sincerely animated by the same - desire, it would seem that this common and patriotic object must - be of certain attainment. It is difficult, however, to reconcile - with this assurance the declaration on your part that ‘it is a - consideration of her [South Carolina’s] own dignity as a - sovereign, and the safety of her people, which prompts her to - demand that this property should not longer be used as a military - post by a government she no longer acknowledges,’ and the thought - you so constantly present, that this occupation must lead to a - collision of arms and the prevalence of civil war. Fort Sumter is - in itself a military post, and nothing else; and it would seem - that not so much the fact as the purpose of its use should give to - it a hostile or friendly character. This fortress is now held by - the Government of the United States for the same objects for which - it has been held from the completion of its construction. These - are national and defensive; and were a public enemy now to attempt - the capture of Charleston or the destruction of the commerce of - its harbor, the whole force of the batteries of this fortress - would be at once exerted for their protection. How the presence of - a small garrison, actuated by such a spirit as this, can - compromise the dignity or honor of South Carolina, or become a - source of irritation to her people, the President is at a loss to - understand. The attitude of that garrison, as has been often - declared, is neither menacing, nor defiant, nor unfriendly. It is - acting under orders to stand strictly on the defensive; and the - government and people of South Carolina must well know that they - can never receive aught but shelter from its guns, unless, in the - absence of all provocation, they should assault it and seek its - destruction. The intent with which this fortress is held by the - President is truthfully stated by Senator Davis and others in - their letter to yourself of the 15th January, in which they say: - ‘It is not held with any hostile or unfriendly purpose toward your - State, but merely as property of the United States, which the - President deems it his duty to protect and preserve.’ - - “If the announcement so repeatedly made of the President’s pacific - purposes in continuing the occupation of Fort Sumter until the - question shall have been settled by competent authority, has - failed to impress the government of South Carolina, the forbearing - conduct of his administration for the last few months should be - received as conclusive evidence of his sincerity, And if this - forbearance, in view of the circumstances which have so severely - tried it, be not accepted as a satisfactory pledge of the peaceful - policy of this administration toward South Carolina, then it may - be safely affirmed that neither language nor conduct can possibly - furnish one. If, with all the multiplied proofs which exist of the - President’s anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness with which - he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall assault - Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of brave and loyal - men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common country - into the horrors of civil war, then upon them and those they - represent must rest the responsibility. - - “Very respectfully, your obedient servant, - “J. HOLT, - “Secretary of War. - - “HON. I. W. HAYNE, - “Attorney General of the State of South Carolina. - - “P.S.—The President has not, as you have been informed, received a - copy of the letter to yourself from the Senators, communicating - that of Mr. Holt of the 22d January.” - -Footnote 133: - - H. R. Ex. Doc., 1860-’61, vol. ix, Doc. No. 61. - - This letter of Mr. Holt, though firm and decided in character, is - courteous and respectful, both in tone and in terms. It reviews - the subject in an able and comprehensive manner, explaining and - justifying the conduct of the President. Unlike the letters to - which it is a response, it contains no menace. In conclusion, it - does no more than fix the responsibility of commencing a civil war - on the authorities of South Carolina, should they assault Fort - Sumter and imperil the lives of the brave and loyal men shut up - within its walls. It does not contain a word or an expression - calculated to afford just cause of offence; yet its statements and - its arguments must have cut Colonel Hayne to the quick. To reply - to them successfully was impossible. He, therefore, had no resort - but to get angry. Following in the footsteps of his predecessors, - on the 8th February he addressed an insulting answer, not to - Secretary Holt, as usage and common civility required, but - directly to the President. He then suddenly left Washington, - leaving his missile behind him to be delivered after his - departure. From his conduct he evidently anticipated its fate. His - letter was returned to him on the same day, directed to - Charleston, with the following indorsement: “The character of this - letter is such that it cannot be received. Colonel Hayne having - left the city before it was sent to the President, it is returned - to him by the first mail.” What has become of it we do not know. - No copy of it was retained, nor have we ever heard of it since. - - What effect this letter of Mr. Holt may have produced upon the - truculent Governor of South Carolina we shall not attempt to - decide. Certain it is, from whatever cause, no attack was made - upon Fort Sumter until six weeks after the close of Mr. Buchanan’s - administration. The fort remained unmolested until South Carolina - had been for some time a member of the Confederate States. It was - reserved for Mr. Jefferson Davis, their President, to issue the - order for its bombardment, and thus formally to commence the civil - war. This he did with a full consciousness that such would be the - fatal effect; because in the letter from him and other Southern - Senators to Colonel Hayne, of the 15th January, both he and they - had warned Governor Pickens that an attack upon the fort would be - “the instituting hostilities between her [South Carolina] and the - United States.” - - Thus ended the second mission from South Carolina to the - President, and thus was he relieved from the truce concluded by - Major Anderson. But in the mean time, before the termination of - this truce, the action of the General Assembly of Virginia, - instituting the Peace Convention, had interposed an insurmountable - obstacle to the reinforcement of Fort Sumter, unless attacked or - in immediate danger of attack, without entirely defeating this - beneficent measure. - -The attention of the reader must now be directed to the harbor of -Pensacola. To unravel and correct the misrepresentations which -have been accepted as part of the history of Mr. Buchanan’s -administration, is no agreeable, but it is a very necessary duty. If -General Scott, at this period of his life, had not been a man very -far advanced in years and burthened with increasing infirmities, he -ought to be held to a severer responsibility than I am disposed to -apply to him, on account of the entirely unwarrantable imputations -which, with great personal inconsistency, he allowed himself to cast -upon Mr. Buchanan, after the latter had retired to private life, and -after new men had come into power who made it their policy to blame -the preceding President. - -Pensacola, a town in the western end of the State of Florida, is on -a broad bay of the same name, which opens into the Gulf of Mexico. -The narrow entrance is commanded by Fort Pickens, built on the -extreme western point of Santa Rosa Island, and standing boldly upon -the Gulf. This fortress, unlike Fort Sumter, could be relieved at -any time by a naval force, which nothing could assail before the -fort was reached. Florida “seceded” on the 10th of January. The -command of the State troops was assumed by Colonel William H. Chase, -previously an officer of the United States corps of engineers. These -State forces suddenly expelled a small body of United States troops -from the town of Pensacola and the adjacent navy yard. This body of -regular troops was under the command of Lieutenant Slemmer, an -officer of the artillery, and it consisted of between seventy and -eighty men. They took refuge in Fort Pickens. Unless relieved, they -were in great danger of being captured by a much superior force, and -they were in pressing need of provisions. General Scott’s charge -against Mr. Buchanan, made in a paper which he presented to -President Lincoln in 1861, and which he called a report, was couched -in the following language: - -“The Brooklyn, with Captain Vogdes’ company alone, left the -Chesapeake for Fort Pickens about January 22d, and on the 29th, -President Buchanan having entered into a _quasi_ armistice with -certain leading seceders at Pensacola and elsewhere, caused -Secretaries Holt and Toucey to instruct, in a joint note, the -commanders of the war vessels off Pensacola, and Lieutenant Slemmer, -commanding Fort Pickens, to commit no act of hostility, and not to -land Captain Vogdes’ company unless the fort should be attacked. -That joint note I never saw, but suppose the armistice was -consequent upon the Peace Convention at Washington, and was -understood to terminate with it.” - -The facts are as follows: - -1. General Scott not only saw the joint order issued by Secretaries -Holt and Toucey, but he approved of it entirely. This is made -certain by a note written by Mr. Holt to the President, on the day -the order was issued, the 29th of January, informing him of the -fact. The original of this note was sealed up by the President and -put away. It reads as follows: - - [SECRETARY HOLT TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - “MY DEAR SIR:— - - “The words [of the joint order] are ‘the provisions _necessary_ - for the supply of the fort you will land.’ I think the language - could not be more carefully guarded. If, on communication with the - fort, it is found that no provisions are needed, then none will be - landed. - - “I have the satisfaction of saying that on submitting the paper to - General Scott, he expressed himself satisfied with it, saying that - there could be no objection to the arrangement in a military point - of view or otherwise. - - “Sincerely yours, - “J. HOLT.” - -2. The Brooklyn, which, after her return from her cruise in search -of the Star of the West, had lain in Hampton Roads ready for any -emergency, sailed on the 24th of January for Fort Pickens, with -Captain Vogdes’ company of artillery, from Fortress Monroe, and with -provisions and military stores. Previous to this, the Secretary of -the Navy, as a measure of precaution, had withdrawn from foreign -stations all the war vessels that could be spared, and the home -squadron was thus made unusually large in the Gulf of Mexico.[134] - -Footnote 134: - - Writing on the 25th of June, 1861, to Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Toucey - says: “The naval force assembled at Pensacola under your - administration consisted of the steamship Brooklyn, the frigate - Sabine, the sloop of war Macedonian, the steamer Wyandotte, and - for a time the sloop of war St. Louis. Without including the - troops on board the Brooklyn, this squadron could have thrown a - reinforcement of six or seven hundred men into Fort Pickens at any - time.” - -3. The circumstances which led to the joint order of January 29th -were the following: On the 28th, four days after the Brooklyn -sailed, Senators Slidell, of Louisiana, Hunter, of Virginia, and -Bigler, of Pennsylvania, received a telegraphic despatch from -Senator Mallory, then at Pensacola, with a request that it be laid -before the President. It gave the most positive assurances of both -Mallory and Chase that no attack would be made on the fort, if its -present status should be allowed to remain, and it expressed an -anxious desire to preserve peace. Notwithstanding these assurances, -the President was careful not to tie his own hands, in regard to -Pensacola, as they had been tied for a time by Major Anderson, in -regard to Charleston. The Brooklyn might not arrive in time to -preserve Fort Pickens, or to supply it with provisions, which must, -if needed, be thrown in at every hazard: and while it was of the -utmost importance that no collision should occur at that point, and -at a moment when the Peace Convention was about to assemble, it was -equally important that Mr. Mallory and Colonel Chase should be made -to understand that the fleet in the Gulf of Mexico would act, at a -moment’s warning, not only in the event of any attack upon the fort, -but whenever the officer in command should observe that preparations -were making for an attack. A cabinet council was accordingly held on -the day on which the President saw Mr. Mallory’s despatch to the -three Senators, and with the approbation of every member of the -cabinet, the President directed the Secretaries of War and of the -Navy to issue the following joint order, and to transmit it -immediately by telegraph to the naval officers in the Gulf, -including the commander of the Brooklyn, and to Lieutenant Slemmer: - - WASHINGTON, January 29, 1861. - -To JAMES GLYNN, Comdg. the “Macedonian,” Captain W. S. WALKER, - Comdg. the “Brooklyn,” and other Naval Officers in command, and - 1st Lieut. A. J. SLEMMER, First Artillery, commanding Fort - Pickens, Pensacola, Florida:— - - In consequence of the assurances received from Mr. Mallory in a - telegram of yesterday to Messrs. Slidell, Hunter, and Bigler, with - a request it should be laid before the President, that Fort - Pickens would not be assaulted, and an offer of an assurance to - the same effect from Col. Chase, for the purpose of avoiding a - hostile collision, upon receiving satisfactory assurances from Mr. - Mallory and Col. Chase that Fort Pickens will not be attacked, you - are instructed not to land the company on board the Brooklyn, - unless said fort shall be attacked, or preparations shall be made - for its attack. The provisions necessary for the supply of the - fort you will land. The Brooklyn and the other vessels of war on - the station will remain, and you will exercise the utmost - vigilance, and be prepared at a moment’s warning to land the - company at Fort Pickens, and you and they will instantly repel any - attack on the fort. The President yesterday sent a special message - to Congress, commending the Virginia Resolutions of Compromise. - The commissioners of different States are to meet here on Monday, - the 4th of February, and it is important that during their session - a collision of arms should be avoided, unless an attack should be - made, or there should be preparations for such an attack. In - either event the Brooklyn and the other vessels will act promptly. - - Your right and that of the other officers in command at Pensacola - freely to communicate with the Government by special messenger, - and its right in the same manner to communicate with yourself and - them, will remain intact as the basis on which the present - instruction is given.[135] - - J. HOLT, Secretary of War, - ISAAC TOUCEY, Secretary of the Navy. - -Footnote 135: - - This order, which was given by the Secretary of War to Captain - Vogdes, was founded on and embodied a memorandum of instructions - drawn up by the President himself, which now lies before me in his - handwriting: - - “You are instructed, for the purpose of avoiding a hostile - collision, not to land your company and stores at Fort Pickens, - upon receiving satisfactory assurances from Major Chase and Mr. - Mallory that the fort will not be attacked. The Brooklyn and the - other vessels of war in the vicinity will remain, and she will - land the company and provisions and defend Fort Pickens, should it - be attacked, exercising the utmost vigilance. The President - yesterday sent a special message to Congress commending the - Virginia Resolutions of Compromise. The commissioners of different - States are to meet here on Monday next, 4th February. During their - session, a collision of arms ought to be avoided, unless an attack - should be made on Fort Pickens, and then it must be repelled.” - -4. On the morning of the same day on which this joint order was -issued, Senator Bigler called at the White House, but being unable -to wait for an interview with the President, he dictated to the -private secretary the following message to the President: - - “I have seen Mr. Slidell and Mr. Hunter. They both think it very - important that collisions should be avoided, and have no doubt of - the truth of all that Mr. Mallory has said. They think also that - the Brooklyn might be very properly kept there to succor the fort - in case of attack. Of course no despatch will be sent to Mr. - Mallory, unless authorized by you. You might send such a despatch - to the Senate Chamber, as you may desire to have sent.” - - (Taken down from Mr. Bigler’s dictation, he being unable to remain - on account of meeting of tariff committee. - - A. J. G.[136] - - Tuesday morning, January 29, 1861.) - -Footnote 136: - - A. J. Glosbrenner, private secretary to the President. The - original memorandum in Mr. Glosbrenner’s handwriting is before me. - -5. On the arrival of the joint order at Pensacola, Mr. Mallory and -Colonel Chase gave to the naval and military commanders of the -United States the assurances which the order required. The Brooklyn -did not reach Pensacola until the 5th of February. But under the -order the fort was supplied with provisions, and made perfectly -secure from any attack. No attack was made, and the fort remained in -the possession of the Government from that time forward. - -It is thus apparent that, with reference to Fort Pickens, the whole -arrangement, although it amounted to a qualified armistice, differed -absolutely from that made by Major Anderson with Governor Pickens, -in regard to Fort Sumter. Anderson agreed to a temporary suspension -of arms on both sides. The President, in respect to Fort Pickens, -instructed the naval and military officers to defend the fort -against any attack, and not to wait for an actual attack, but to -succor Lieut. Slemmer on the instant that they perceived any -preparations for attacking him. It is impossible to suggest in what -way the President could have more effectually protected the rights -of the Government, on the eve of the assembling of the Peace -Convention. Fort Pickens, with the Brooklyn, the Macedonian, and -other war vessels in its immediate neighborhood, and in the hands of -Lieut. Slemmer, was just as safe as if ten thousand men had been -thrown into it, while the precautions taken prevented any outbreak -that would, if any had occurred, have prostrated the hope with which -the country was looking to the labors of the Peace Convention. - -How great were the anxieties felt by the Virginians whose State had -proposed that assembly, may be seen from an account which may now be -given of the informal intercourse between ex-President Tyler and -President Buchanan. Mr. Tyler was alarmed when he arrived in -Washington and heard that the Brooklyn had sailed with troops for -some Southern fort. As all eyes and thoughts were then directed to -the harbor of Charleston, Mr. Tyler took the readiest means to -ascertain what he could respecting the Brooklyn’s destination. On -the evening of January 25th, he addressed to the President the -following note: - - [MR. TYLER TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - Friday evening, January 25, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - The enclosed telegraphic despatch is this moment received. May I - be permitted to hope that it is based on an unfounded report. If - not, will you do me the favor to inform me on what day the - Brooklyn sailed, and whether she has recruits for any Southern - fort, and if so, which? - - With high regard, yours most truly, - JOHN TYLER. - -The President’s answer was as follows: - - [PRESIDENT BUCHANAN TO MR. TYLER.] - - January 25, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have just received your note. The orders were given to the - Brooklyn, I believe, on Monday or Tuesday last—certainly before - your arrival in this city. She goes on an errand of mercy and - relief. If she had not been sent, it would have been an - abandonment of our highest duty. Her movements are in no way - connected with South Carolina. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Mr. Tyler returned to Richmond on the 29th, and before he left the -following notes were exchanged between him and the President: - - [MR. TYLER TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - BROWN’S HOTEL, January 28, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I leave the city to-morrow morning for the brief interval that - elapses between this and the meeting of the [Peace] commissioners - on the 4th February. In making my adieus, which I would do in - person but for engagements which prevent, I desire to express my - pleasure at hearing your message read to-day in the Senate, and to - tender to you my acknowledgments for the facilities you have - afforded me of acquitting myself of the mission with which my - State entrusted me. I feel but one regret in all that has - occurred, and that is in the sailing of the Brooklyn, under orders - issued before my arrival in this city. I hope, however, that she - sailed with such instructions as, if followed, will prevent any - collision. There is nothing that I more sincerely desire than that - your administration may close amid the rejoicings of a great - people at the consummation of the work of a renewed and more - harmonious confederacy. - - Will you pardon me for calling your attention to the rumor - contained in the newspapers of the morning, which state that - active proceedings are in course of execution at Fortress Monroe, - in planting cannon upon the land side of the fort, with their - muzzles turned landward and overlooking the country? If this be - so, Mr. President, is such proceeding either appropriate or - well-timed? I shall do no more than call your attention to the - circumstance, and leave it without comment, with this single - remark: that when Virginia is making every possible effort to - redeem and save the Union, it is seemingly ungracious to have - cannon levelled at her bosom. - - With my most cordial wish for your success in steering the ship of - State amid the critical relations of the country, - - I am, dear Sir, truly and faithfully yours, - JOHN TYLER. - - [PRESIDENT BUCHANAN TO MR. TYLER.] - - WASHINGTON, January 28, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your note of this evening, and am happy to learn - that you were pleased at hearing my message read to-day in the - Senate. It expresses my sincere and cordial sentiments. My best - wishes attend you on your journey home and for your safe return to - this city on the 4th February. I shall then hope to see more of - you. - - I shall make it a point to inquire to-morrow morning into the - rumors in the newspapers, to which you refer, in relation to - Fortress Monroe. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Mr. Tyler was again in Washington on the 4th of February, to attend -the sessions of the Peace Convention, of which he was made the -presiding officer. On the 7th the members of that body were received -by the President. On the 8th Mr. Tyler, still anxious in regard to -the situation of things in Charleston, called upon the President, -and I find in the handwriting of the latter the following account of -their interview: - - Friday, February 8th, 1861. - - President Tyler and his lady called to see me at about three - o’clock in the afternoon. They informed me that Colonel Hayne - became much excited on the perusal of Mr. Holt’s last letter, and - considered it highly insulting in its character. I told him that - this must be a mere pretext,—there was nothing in that letter - unkind or disrespectful, and certainly there was no intention to - write anything but what was respectful, as its whole tenor would - prove. - - In answer to it I had received one of the most outrageous and - insulting letters from Colonel Hayne which had ever been addressed - to the head of any government. He told me he would send for - Colonel Hayne, and get him to withdraw the letter. I told him - Colonel Hayne had left that morning at six o’clock, and his letter - was not delivered to me until between eleven and twelve. - - He asked me if he might telegraph to Governor Pickens what I had - said relative to the character of Mr. Holt’s letter. I told him - certainly he might, he was at perfect liberty to do so. The letter - would speak for itself, and I asked him if he had read it, and he - said he had not. - - He then asked me and urged upon me to permit him to telegraph to - Colonel Hayne that I would not send reinforcements to the garrison - if Governor Pickens would pledge himself that he would not attack - it. I told him this was impossible. I could not agree to bind - myself not to reinforce the garrison in case I deemed it - necessary. That Mr. Holt’s letter showed that these reinforcements - had not yet been ordered, but that the character of Colonel - Hayne’s letter was such that these might be immediately necessary. - - Mr. Tyler strongly urged that I should withdraw the garrison, and - urged reasons to that effect. I told him this was quite - impossible—that I could never voluntarily surrender the property - of the United States which it was my solemn and imperative duty to - protect and defend. (He afterwards addressed me a note, urging the - same policy, which I did not answer.) - - In order to prevent all mistakes, I told him explicitly, as he was - about departing, that he was not authorized to telegraph anything - to Governor Pickens except as to the character of Mr. Holt’s - letter; that it was not insulting or disrespectful, but, on the - contrary, it was kind and respectful in its tone, and was so - intended both by the writer and myself. I then informed him that I - had sent Colonel Hayne’s letter back to him. He said such a letter - was highly improper, addressed to the head of a government. - - [MR. TYLER TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - Saturday evening, February 9, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I communicated to Governor Pickens what passed between us as to - Mr. Holt’s letter, and I am happy to say that the reply, received - a moment ago, leaves me no ground to fear any early disturbance. - The whole subject is referred to the convention at Montgomery, as - I plainly infer. The conclusion is in these words: “Everything - which can be done consistently with the honor and safety of this - State to avoid collision and bloodshed, has been and will be the - purpose of the authorities here.” - - Thus, my dear sir, the inquietude you expressed may be dismissed. - - Very truly and faithfully yours, - JOHN TYLER. - -It will be remembered, that on the 19th of February, the President -received information from Philadelphia, by a copy of a telegram said -to have been forwarded from Governor Pickens through Augusta to -Montgomery, that the Governor was urging an immediate attack on Fort -Sumter. This information the President at once communicated to Mr. -Tyler. The following notes disclose what Mr. Tyler learned: - - [MR. TYLER TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - Tuesday, February 19, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I do not believe a word of it. My last despatch from Judge - Robertson is wholly different. I am at the moment so engaged that - I cannot hasten to you. I will as soon as I can. - - Respectfully, your friend, - JOHN TYLER. - - Wednesday, February 20, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I despatched the telegram at about 5 o’clock. No answer yet. - Perhaps it was referred to Montgomery, or time may not have been - given to respond before the close of the office. A consultation of - cabinet may have been required. In short, many things of a similar - nature may have occurred. General Davis will be written to to-day. - No attack can be made without orders from Montgomery. - - Truly yours, - JOHN TYLER. - - Two o’clock P.M., February 20, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have this moment received a telegram from Charleston. The - Governor says: “Received your message; know nothing about the - report you speak of; no one is authorized to speak for me; things - must stand without any movement in force.” I would send the - despatch, but the latter part of it relates to another matter. - - Truly and sincerely your friend, - JOHN TYLER. - - BROWN’S HOTEL, February 24, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I think you may rely upon tranquillity at the South. Since you - left me I have made particular inquiries. General Davis has been - written to and will be written to. He is advised to send a - commissioner, and to go to Charleston himself to represent and - quiet all things. In fact, from information from one directly from - Richmond, and who travelled with merchants from the South going - North, the probability is that he is now in Charleston. The fact - may probably be announced in the papers to-morrow. Every one that - I have seen, secessionists and others, concur with myself in the - improbability of any movement until a commissioner shall come on - here and a failure in the mission. - - Truly and faithfully yours, - JOHN TYLER. - -The explanation of the last of these notes is that Mr. Jefferson -Davis had assumed at this time, at Montgomery, the office of -President of the Confederate States. His inaugural address was -delivered on the 18th of February, and his cabinet was organized -immediately thereafter. In compliance with the intimation sent by -Mr. Tyler, steps were at once taken by Mr. Davis to send -commissioners to Washington. It was, therefore, not the “cue” of the -Confederate government to have an immediate attack made on Fort -Sumter. Mr. Davis did not go to Charleston, but he doubtless exerted -there, for a time, the influence which Mr. Tyler desired. - - - - - CHAPTER XXIII. - 1861—January, February, and March. - -INTERVENTION OF VIRGINIA TO PREVENT A COLLISION OF ARMS—EX-PRESIDENT - TYLER’S MISSION TO THE PRESIDENT—THE PRESIDENT’S PREPARATIONS TO - REINFORCE ANDERSON, IN CASE OF NECESSITY—THE MONTGOMERY CONGRESS - AND THE CONFEDERATE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT—MR. LINCOLN’S JOURNEY - TO WASHINGTON—THE NEGLECTS OF CONGRESS. - - -To a right understanding of these complicated affairs that were -occurring in the months of January and February, many threads -require to be taken up separately, and interwoven in the narrative. -The last messenger or envoy from South Carolina, Colonel Hayne, was -in Washington from the 13th of January to the 8th of February, -during which period, as the reader has seen, the President’s hands -were so far tied by Major Anderson’s truce, that reinforcements -could not be sent to him while it lasted. But after this temporary -truce began, and before it terminated, there occurred another -intervention, altogether different from that of any of the Senators. -This was the action of the General Assembly of Virginia, which, -besides instituting the Peace Convention, took, at the same time, a -step which interposed an insurmountable obstacle to the -reinforcement of Fort Sumter, unless it should be attacked, or be in -immediate danger of attack. There is no reason to doubt that what -the State of Virginia then did was done in entire good faith, and -with an honorable and beneficent purpose to preserve the peace of -the country. At all events, the President was not at liberty to -regard her action in any other light, nor was he disposed to do so. - -On the 19th of January, ten days after the affair of the Star of the -West, and six days after the arrival of Colonel Hayne in Washington, -the General Assembly of Virginia, among their other proceedings, -appointed ex-President Tyler a commissioner to the President of the -United States, and Judge John Robertson a commissioner to the State -of South Carolina and the other States which had seceded, or might -thereafter secede, with instructions to procure a mutual agreement -to “abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision -of arms between the States and the Government of the United States,” -pending the proceedings of the Peace Convention. Mr. Tyler, who was -also a member of the Peace Convention, arrived in Washington on the -23d of January, two weeks before the departure of Col. Hayne. On the -following day, he presented the resolutions of his State to the -President, at the same time assuring him that the efforts of -Virginia to secure peace and a reconstruction of the basis of the -Union depended for their success on her being allowed to conduct -them undisturbed by any outside collision. The resolutions of -Virginia requested the President, and not Congress, to enter into -the proposed agreement. The President, already informed unofficially -of the tenor of the resolutions, was then preparing a special -message to Congress on the subject.[137] What occurred at this first -interview between Mr. Tyler and the President will appear from the -following memorandum the original of which is in the President’s -handwriting: - - Thursday morning, January 24, 1861. - - Mr. Tyler called and delivered me his credentials, and we had a - conference. I foreshadowed to him the principal points of my - message as [it was] delivered. He preferred that I should enter - into the arrangement myself. We discussed this question for some - time, and I was decided that I had no power. He then expressed an - apprehension that my message might precipitate action in Congress. - I told him I thought not. I sent for Governor Bigler that he might - consult him on this point, but Governor Bigler had gone to the - Senate. - - Friday morning, 25th. - - Mr. Tyler called again, and Mr. Bigler came. I read to him the - principal points of the message. He was anxious it should be sent - that day, and I immediately proceeded to put it in form. I told - him it should be sent in that day, or at latest on Saturday - morning. But the Senate adjourned over till Monday at an early - hour, and my purpose was thus defeated. - -Footnote 137: - - Message of January 28, 1861. - -Mr. Buchanan has said that while he had no constitutional power to -enter into the agreement proposed, it was due to its intrinsic -importance and to the State of Virginia, which had manifested so -strong a desire to restore and preserve the Union, that the proposal -should be submitted to Congress.[138] - - The President, accordingly, in his message of the 28th January, - submitting the Virginia resolutions to Congress, observed in - regard to this one, that “however strong may be my desire to enter - into such an agreement, I am convinced that I do not possess the - power. Congress, and Congress alone, under the war-making power, - can exercise the discretion of agreeing to abstain ‘from any and - all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms’ between this - and any other Government. It would, therefore, be a usurpation for - the Executive to attempt to restrain their hands by an agreement - in regard to matters over which he has no constitutional control. - If he were thus to act, they might pass laws which he would be - bound to obey, though in conflict with his agreement. Under - existing circumstances, my present actual power is confined within - narrow limits. It is my duty at all times to defend and protect - the public property within the seceding States, so far as this may - be practicable, and especially to employ all constitutional means - to protect the property of the United States, and to preserve the - public peace at this the seat of the Federal Government. If the - seceding States abstain ‘from any and all acts calculated to - produce a collision of arms,’ then the danger so much to be - deprecated will no longer exist. Defence, and not aggression, has - been the policy of the administration from the beginning. But - whilst I can enter into no engagement such as that proposed, I - cordially commend to Congress, with much confidence that it will - meet their approbation, to abstain from passing any law calculated - to produce a collision of arms pending the proceedings - contemplated by the action of the General Assembly of Virginia. I - am one of those who will never despair of the Republic. I yet - cherish the belief that the American people will perpetuate the - union of the States on some terms just and honorable for all - sections of the country. I trust that the mediation of Virginia - may be the destined means, under Providence, of accomplishing this - inestimable benefit. Glorious as are the memories of her past - history, such an achievement, both in relation to her own fame and - the welfare of the whole country, would surpass them all.” - - This noble and patriotic effort of Virginia met no favor from - Congress. Neither House referred these resolutions of her General - Assembly to a committee, or even treated them with the common - courtesy of ordering them to be printed. In the Senate no motion - was made to refer them, and the question to print them with the - accompanying message was debated from time to time until the 21st - February,[139] when the Peace Convention had nearly completed its - labors, and after this no further notice seems to have been taken - of the subject. In the House the motion to refer and print the - Virginia resolutions, made by Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, on the day - they were received, was never afterwards noticed.[140] This - mortifying neglect on the part of the Representatives of the - States and of the people, made a deep and unfortunate impression - on the citizens of Virginia.[141] - -Footnote 138: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 206. - -Footnote 139: - - _Cong. Globe_, pp. 590, 636. - -Footnote 140: - - H. J., p. 236. _Cong. Globe_, p. 601. - -Footnote 141: - - Buchanan’s Defence, pp. 207, 208. - -The President having laid this whole matter before Congress, with -whom it appropriately belonged, the question now recurs whether he -omitted any thing that it was in his power to do, during the session -of the Peace Convention. It was manifestly his duty to be prepared, -to the extent of all the means at his command, when Anderson’s truce -had terminated, to send him reinforcements, should Anderson request -them, or should it be known from any other quarter that Fort Sumter -was in danger of attack. Congress might not, as it did not, assume -any part of its just responsibility; and it was not known until some -days after the termination of Major Anderson’s truce, on the 6th of -February, that the Governor of South Carolina had determined to -respect the wishes of the Virginia Legislature, and refrain from -attacking the fort while the Peace Convention was sitting.[142] - -Footnote 142: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 209. - -Without waiting to know how Congress might treat this proposal of -the Virginia General Assembly, the President, on the 30th of -January, addressed the following note to the Secretary of War, Mr. -Holt: - - WASHINGTON, January 30th, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - It is time we should have decided whether it is practicable with - the means in our power, considering the obstacles interposed in - the harbor of Charleston, to reinforce Major Anderson at Fort - Sumter, should the action of the authorities of South Carolina, or - his request, render this necessary. The high military attainments - and just reputation of General Scott render his advice on this - subject of the greatest importance. Should reinforcements be - deemed practicable, then, in consultation with him, a plan ought - to be devised in advance to accomplish the object. I should be - gratified to see General Scott, the Secretary of the Navy, and - yourself, at twelve o’clock to-day, or any other hour most - convenient to yourselves, to talk over this and other matters. - - Your friend very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -The result of the conference appointed by this note has been given -by Mr. Buchanan himself: - - After several consultations, an expedition for this purpose was - quietly prepared at New York, under the direction of Secretary - Toucey, for the relief of Fort Sumter, the command of which was - intrusted to his intimate friend, the late lamented Commander Ward - of the navy. This gallant officer had been authorized to select - his own officers and men, who were to rendezvous on board the - receiving-ship, of which he was then in command. The expedition - consisted of a few small steamers, and it was arranged that on - receiving a telegraphic despatch from the Secretary, whenever the - emergency might require, he should, in the course of the following - night, set sail for Charleston, entering the harbor in the night, - and anchoring if possible under the guns of Fort Sumter. - - It is due to the memory of this brave officer to state that he had - sought the enterprise with the greatest enthusiasm, and was - willing to sacrifice his life in the accomplishment of the object, - should such be his fate, saying to Secretary Toucey, this would be - the best inheritance he could leave to his wife and children.[143] - -Footnote 143: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 210. - -This expedition did not sail. It consisted of a few small vessels -borrowed from the Treasury Department, with two or three hundred -men. While it was preparing, the Peace Convention was in session; -and as it had become known to the President that the authorities of -South Carolina were then respecting the appeal of the General -Assembly of Virginia to avoid collision, it would have broken up the -Peace Convention to send reinforcements to Major Anderson, unless he -asked for them; and it would inevitably have led to an immediate -assault upon the fort, which would have been the signal for a civil -war. These considerations caused some delay in issuing the orders to -Commander Ward. In point of fact, Major Anderson not only did not -ask for reinforcements, but on the 30th of January, the day on which -the President summoned the Secretaries of War and the Navy and -General Scott to a conference, Anderson wrote to the War Department -that he hoped no attempt would be made to throw in supplies; that it -would do more harm than good. From later advices received from him, -it became apparent that this small expedition under Commander Ward -could not enter the harbor of Charleston without a fearful sacrifice -of life. It was therefore kept back, but kept in readiness, at New -York, until the 5th day of March, on which day President Lincoln was -fully informed of it, and of the circumstances which had prevented -its sailing, by the retiring Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, with the -concurrence of President Buchanan. - -Without anticipating, however, what occurred on the last day of Mr. -Buchanan’s administration, and on the day following, it is only -needful to say here that Fort Sumter remained unmolested by any -actual attack, until some time after Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration, -although the disposition of the authorities of South Carolina -continued to be as hostile as ever. On the 4th of February, a -Congress of the States which had then seceded was held at Montgomery -in Alabama. These were the States of South Carolina, Mississippi, -Florida, Alabama, Georgia and Louisiana. The delegates to this -Congress were appointed by conventions of their respective States. -This body framed a provisional constitution for the new Confederacy, -which they styled the “Confederate States of America.” It was -adopted by the Congress on the 8th of February, and was to continue -in force for one year, unless it should be superseded at an earlier -period by a permanent organization. Jefferson Davis was elected -President, and Alexander H. Stephens Vice President, of the new -Confederacy. No popular election of Congress was ordered, but the -legislative powers were vested “in this Congress now assembled, -until otherwise ordered.”[144] - -Footnote 144: - - The reader who desires to examine the provisional constitution - will find it in Mr. Jefferson Davis’s work on the Rise and Fall of - the Confederate Government, Appendix. - -The authorities of South Carolina immediately began to look to the -Montgomery government for direction. On the 14th of February, a -telegraph operator in Augusta, Georgia, transmitted a despatch from -Charleston to Montgomery, urging the Southern Congress to do -something definite in regard to Fort Sumter, and asking whether the -Congress would appoint a General to lead the attack, or whether it -should be done under the superintendence of Governor Pickens, who -said, “the fort must be taken before Lincoln takes his seat.”[145] -Comparing the date on which information of this despatch reached -President Buchanan (February 19th), with what was taking place in -Washington at that time, it will appear that the administration -could not, while the Peace Congress was still in session, do -anything more than to prepare secretly the small expedition under -Commander Ward, and hold it in readiness to sail, whenever Major -Anderson should signify that he considered his position as insecure. -From information which reached the President from other quarters, he -was satisfied that the Montgomery Congress would not approve of the -taking of Fort Sumter before Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration. The great -body of the persons composing the Montgomery government were too -cool and too wary in their plans to promote, at that time, the hasty -and hot-headed schemes of their friends in South Carolina. They were -still bent upon procuring the peaceable assent of the Federal -Government to the separation of their States from the Union.[146] - -Footnote 145: - - My authority for this statement is a letter written on the 19th of - February to President Buchanan from Philadelphia, by an intimate - friend of his, giving an extract from a letter from the telegraph - operator, dated at Augusta on the 14th, and reciting the substance - of the despatch which the operator had that day forwarded. The - letter reached Mr. Buchanan on the same day on which it was - written. - -Footnote 146: - - On the 15th of February, the Montgomery Congress provided for the - appointment by their President-elect of three commissioners to the - Federal Government, for the negotiation and settlement of a - peaceful separation. - -They did not mean to initiate a war, although most of them saw -clearly that there _would be_ war, while they denied that there -_ought to be_ one. At all events, they meant to have it appear to -the world that they had done everything they could to procure a -peaceable acquiescence in their secession from the Union. Under -these circumstances, President Buchanan, who now had less than three -weeks of his official term remaining, and who could not anticipate -that commissioners of the new Confederacy would reach Washington -while he was President (they were not appointed until the 25th of -February), could only leave the position of things in regard to Fort -Sumter in the best possible attitude for his successor. This -attitude was, to hold privately all the means that the Government -then had for relieving Fort Sumter, in readiness, to be used by his -successor as circumstances might require. - -In the mean time, as the 4th of March was drawing near, Mr. Lincoln, -the President-elect, was making his journey from Springfield towards -Washington, delivering public speeches on the way, the tenor of -which was that retaining the forts and other property of the United -States in the seceded States was not coercion, that there need be no -war, and that there was no occasion for any alarm, as “nobody was -hurt.” From these strange utterances of Mr. Lincoln, as he -approached the capital, the only inference that could be drawn was -that he considered the country to be in no danger, and that there -would be no occasion to use force. It has been claimed, and not -without some reason, that Mr. Lincoln’s speeches on this journey -encouraged the secessionists to believe that they could negotiate a -peaceable and final separation of their States from the Union. But -at all events, Mr. Lincoln’s travelling speeches justified the -course that had been pursued by Mr. Buchanan; for Mr. Lincoln’s -attitude as the incoming President was that the use of force must be -confined to the preservation of the property of the United States in -the seceded States, against all attempts to forcibly dispossess the -Federal Government. How the war was precipitated, after Mr. -Lincoln’s inauguration, is a distinct topic. On the day of his -inauguration, he was perfectly at liberty, so far as depended upon -anything done or forborne by his predecessor, to refuse all -communication with the Montgomery commissioners, and to use all the -means that his predecessor had ever had for reinforcing Fort Sumter. -He was doubtless surprised, as his predecessor was, by being -informed on the 5th day of March, that Fort Sumter could not be held -without a force of fifteen or twenty thousand men, to destroy the -batteries that had been erected around it; and had the Congress, -which expired on the day of his inauguration, made the provisions -for the emergency which Mr. Buchanan urged upon them, no member of -Mr. Lincoln’s administration would have had any occasion to -temporize with the Southern commissioners in any form, concerning -the retention of that fortress. - -And here it may be well to recapitulate distinctly what President -Buchanan urged Congress to do and what it neglected to do. He has -himself so clearly stated this, that I cannot do better than to -quote his words: - - We have already seen that Congress, throughout the entire session, - refused to adopt any measures of compromise to prevent civil war, - or to retain first the cotton or afterwards the border States - within the Union. Failing to do this, and whilst witnessing the - secession of one after another of the cotton States, the - withdrawal of their Senators and Representatives, and the - formation of their Confederacy, it was the imperative duty of - Congress to furnish the President or his successor the means of - repelling force by force, should this become necessary, to - preserve the Union. They, nevertheless, refused to perform this - duty, with as much pertinacity as they had manifested in - repudiating all measures of compromise. - - 1. At the meeting of Congress, a Federal Judiciary had ceased to - exist in South Carolina. The District Judge, the District - Attorney, and the United States Marshal had resigned their - offices. These ministers of justice had all deserted their posts - before the act of secession, and the laws of the United States - could no longer be enforced through their agency. We have already - seen that the President, in his message, called the attention of - Congress to this subject, but no attempt was made in either House - to provide a remedy for the evil. - - 2. Congress positively refused to pass a law conferring on the - President authority to call forth the militia, or accept the - services of volunteers, to suppress insurrections which might - occur in any State against the Government of the United States. It - may appear strange that this power had not long since been vested - in the Executive. The Act of February 28, 1795,[147] the only law - applicable to the subject, provides alone for calling forth the - militia to suppress insurrections against State governments, - without making any similar provision for suppressing insurrections - against the Government of the United States. If anything were - required beyond a mere inspection of the act to render this clear, - it may be found in the opinion of Attorney General Black, of the - 20th November, 1860. Indeed, it is a plain _casus omissus_. This - palpable omission, which ought to have been instantly supplied, - was suffered to continue until after the end of Mr. Buchanan’s - administration, when on the 29th July, 1861, Congress conferred - this necessary power on the President.[148] The framers of the Act - of 1795 either did not anticipate an insurrection within any State - against the Federal Government, or if they did, they purposely - abstained from providing for it. Even in regard to insurrections - against a State government, so jealous were they of any - interference on the part of the Federal Government with the rights - of the States, that they withheld from Congress the power to - protect any State “against domestic violence,” except “on the - application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the - Legislature cannot be convened).” Under the Act of 1795, - therefore, the President is precluded from acting, even upon his - own personal and absolute knowledge of the existence of such an - insurrection. Before he can call forth the militia for its - suppression, he must first be applied to for this purpose by the - appropriate State authorities, in the manner prescribed by the - Constitution. It was the duty of Congress, immediately after their - meeting, to supply this defect in our laws, and to confer an - absolute authority on the President to call forth the militia, and - accept the services of volunteers, to suppress insurrections - against the United States, whenever or wherever they might occur. - This was a precautionary measure which, independently of existing - dangers, ought long since to have formed a part of our permanent - legislation. But no attempt was ever made in Congress to adopt it - until after the President’s special message of the 8th January, - 1861, and then the attempt entirely failed. Meanwhile the aspect - of public affairs had become more and more threatening. Mr. - Crittenden’s amendment had been defeated before the Committee of - Thirteen, on the last day of December; and it was also highly - probable that his proposition before the Senate to refer it to a - vote of the people of the States, would share the same fate. South - Carolina and Florida had already seceded, and the other cotton - States had called conventions for the purpose of seceding. Nay, - more, several of them had already seized the forts, magazines, and - arsenals within their limits. Still all this failed to produce any - effect upon Congress. It was at this crisis the President sent his - special message to Congress (8th January, 1861), by which he - endeavored to impress them with the necessity for immediate - action. He concealed nothing from them. Whilst still clinging to - the fading hope that they might yet provide for a peaceful - adjustment of our difficulties, and strongly recommending this - course, he says: “Even now the danger is upon us. In several of - the States which have not yet seceded, the forts, arsenals, and - magazines of the United States have been seized. This is by far - the most serious step which has been taken since the commencement - of the troubles...... The seizure of this property, from all - appearances, has been purely aggressive, and not in resistance to - any attempt to coerce a State or States to remain in the Union.” - He also stated the well-known fact that our small army was on the - remote frontiers, and was scarcely sufficient to guard the - inhabitants against Indian incursions, and consequently our forts - were without sufficient garrisons. - -Footnote 147: - - 1 Stat. at Large, p. 424. - -Footnote 148: - - 12 U. S. Stat. at Large, p. 281. - - Under these circumstances he appeals to Congress in the following - language: “But the dangerous and hostile attitude of the States - toward each other has already far transcended and cast in the - shade the ordinary executive duties already provided for by law, - and has assumed such vast and alarming proportions as to place the - subject entirely above and beyond executive control. The fact - cannot be disguised that we are in the midst of a great - revolution. In all its great bearings, therefore, I commend the - question to Congress, as the only human tribunal, under - Providence, possessing the power to declare war, or to authorize - the employment of military force in all cases contemplated by the - Constitution; and they alone possess the power to remove - grievances which might lead to war, and to secure peace and union - to this distracted country. On them, and on them alone, rests the - responsibility.” - - Congress might, had they thought proper, have regarded the - forcible seizure of these forts and other property, including that - of the Branch Mint at New Orleans, with all the treasure it - contained, as the commencement of an aggressive war. Beyond - question the cotton States had now committed acts of open - hostility against the Federal Government. They had always - contended that secession was a peaceful constitutional remedy, and - that Congress had no power to make war against a sovereign State - for the purpose of coercing her to remain in the Union. They could - no longer shelter themselves under this plea. They had by their - violent action entirely changed the position they had assumed; and - instead of peacefully awaiting the decision of Congress on the - question of coercion, they had themselves become the coercionists - and assailants. This question had, therefore, passed away. No - person has ever doubted the right or the duty of Congress to pass - laws enabling the President to defend the Union against armed - rebellion. Congress, however, still shrunk from the responsibility - of passing any such laws. This might have been commendable had it - proceeded from a sincere desire not to interpose obstacles to a - compromise intended to prevent the effusion of fraternal blood and - restore the Union. Still, in any event, the time had arrived when - it was their duty to make at the least contingent provisions for - the prosecution of the war, should this be rendered inevitable. - This had become the more necessary as Congress would soon expire, - and the new Congress could not be convened for a considerable - period after the old one had ceased to exist, because a large - portion of the Representatives had not then been elected. These - reasons, however, produced no effect. - - The President’s special message[149] was referred, two days after - its date (10th January), by the House of Representatives to a - special committee, of which Mr. Howard, of Michigan, was chairman. - Nothing was heard from this committee for the space of twenty - days. They then, on the 30th January, through Mr. John H. - Reynolds, of New York, one of its members, reported a bill[150] - enabling the President to call forth the militia or to accept the - services of volunteers for the purpose of protecting the forts, - magazines, arsenals, and other property of the United States, and - to “recover possession” of such of these as “have been or may - hereafter be unlawfully seized or taken possession of by any - combination of persons whatever.” Had this bill become a law, it - would have been the duty of the President at once to raise a - volunteer or militia force to recapture the forts which had been - already seized. But Congress was not then prepared to assume such - a responsibility. Mr. Reynolds accordingly withdrew his bill from - the consideration of the House on the very day it was reported. On - his own motion it was recommitted, and thus killed as soon as it - saw the light. It was never heard of more. - -Footnote 149: - - _Cong. Globe_, p. 316. - -Footnote 150: - - Ibid., p. 645, bills of H. R., No. 698. - - Then, after another pause of nineteen days, and only a fortnight - before the close of the session, the Committee on Military - Affairs, through Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, their chairman, on the 18th - February reported another bill[151] on the subject, but of a more - limited character than that which had been withdrawn. It is - remarkable that it contains no provision touching the recovery of - the forts and other property which had been already seized by the - delinquent States. It did no more than provide that the powers - already possessed by the President, under the Act of 1795, to - employ the militia in suppressing insurrections against a State - government, should be “extended to the case of insurrections - against the authority of the United States,” with the additional - authority to “accept the services of such volunteers as may offer - their services for the purpose mentioned.” Thus all hostile action - for the recovery of the forts already seized was excluded from the - bill. It is difficult to conceive what reasonable objection could - be made to this bill, except that it did not go far enough and - embrace the forts already seized; and more especially as when it - was reported we may recollect that the Confederate Congress had - already been ten days in session at Montgomery, Alabama, and had - adopted a Provisional Constitution. Notwithstanding all this, the - House refused to act upon it. The bill was discussed on several - occasions until Tuesday, 26th February. On that day a motion was - made by Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, to postpone its consideration until - Thursday, the 28th February.[152] Mr. Stanton, the reporter of the - bill, resisted this motion, stating that such a postponement would - be fatal to it. “It will,” said he, “be impossible after that to - have it passed by the Senate” (before the 4th March). He, - therefore, demanded the ayes and noes; and notwithstanding his - warning, Mr. Corwin’s motion prevailed by a vote of 100 to 74, and - thus the bill was defeated. - -Footnote 151: - - Ibid., p. 1001. bill 1003, H. R. - -Footnote 152: - - _Cong. Globe_, p. 1232. - - It may be proper to observe that Mr. Corwin, whose motion killed - the bill, was a confidential friend of the President elect, then - present in Washington, and was soon thereafter appointed minister - to Mexico. - - But even had Congress passed this bill, it would have proved - wholly inefficient for want of an appropriation to carry it into - effect. The Treasury was empty; but had it been full, the - President could not have drawn from it any, even the most trifling - sum, without a previous appropriation by law. The union of the - purse with the sword, in the hands of the Executive, is wholly - inconsistent with the idea of a free government. The power of the - legislative branch to withhold money from the Executive, and thus - restrain him from dangerous projects of his own, is a necessary - safeguard of liberty. This exists in every government pretending - to be free. Hence our Constitution has declared that “no money - shall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of - appropriations made by law.” It is, therefore, apparent that even - if this bill had become a law, it could not have been carried into - effect by the President without a direct violation of the - Constitution. - - Notwithstanding these insuperable obstacles, no member of either - House, throughout the entire session, ever even proposed to - raise or appropriate a single dollar for the defence of the - Government against armed rebellion. Congress not only refused to - grant the President the authority and force necessary to - suppress insurrections against the United States, but the - Senate, by refusing to confirm his nomination of a collector of - the customs for the port of Charleston, effectually tied his - hands and rendered it impossible for him to collect the revenue - within that port. In his annual message he expressed the opinion - that “the same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of - executing the [existing] laws for the collection of customs on - the seaboard of South Carolina as had been interposed to prevent - the administration of justice under the Federal authority within - the interior of that State.” At all events he had determined to - make the effort with the naval force under his command. He - trusted that this might be accomplished without collision; but - if resisted, then the force necessary to attain the object must - be applied. Accordingly, whilst informing Congress “that the - revenue still continues to be collected as heretofore at the - custom house in Charleston,” he says that “should the collector - unfortunately resign, a successor may be appointed to perform - this duty.” The collector (William F. Colcock) continued - faithfully to perform his duties until some days after the State - had seceded, when at the end of December he resigned. The - President, immediately afterwards, on the 2d January, nominated - to the Senate, as his successor, Mr. Peter McIntire, of - Pennsylvania, a gentleman well qualified for the office. The - selection could not have been made from South Carolina, because - no citizen of that State would have accepted the appointment. - The Senate, throughout their entire session, never acted upon - the nomination of Mr. McIntire; and without a collector of - customs duly appointed, it was rendered impossible for the - President, under any law in existence, to collect the revenue. - - But even if the Senate had confirmed Mr. McIntire’s nomination, it - is extremely doubtful whether the President could lawfully have - collected the revenue against the forcible resistance of the - State, unless Congress had conferred additional powers upon him. - For this purpose Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, on the 3d January, - 1861,[153] the day after Mr. McIntire’s nomination to the Senate, - reported a bill from the Judiciary Committee, further to provide - for the collection of duties on imports. This bill embraced - substantially the same provisions, long since expired, contained - in the Act of 2d March, 1833, commonly called “the Force Bill,” to - enable General Jackson to collect the revenue outside of - Charleston, “either upon land or on board any vessel.” Mr. - Bingham’s bill was permitted to slumber on the files of the House - until the 2d March, the last day but one before Congress - expired,[154] when he moved for a suspension of the rules, to - enable the House to take it up and consider it, but his motion - proved unsuccessful. Indeed, the motion was not made until so late - an hour of the session that even if it had prevailed, the bill - could not have passed both Houses before the final adjournment. - Thus the President was left both without a collector of customs, - and most probably without any law which a collector could have - carried into effect, had such an officer existed. Mr. Bingham’s - bill shared the fate of all other legislative measures, of - whatever character, intended either to prevent or to confront the - existing danger. From the persistent refusal to pass any act - enabling either the outgoing or the incoming administration to - meet the contingency of civil war, it may fairly be inferred that - the friends of Mr. Lincoln, in and out of Congress, believed he - would be able to settle the existing difficulties with the cotton - States in a peaceful manner, and that he might be embarrassed by - any legislation contemplating the necessity of a resort to hostile - measures. - -Footnote 153: - - _Cong. Globe_, p. 236, bills H. R., No. 910. - -Footnote 154: - - H. Journal, p. 465. - - The 36th Congress expired on the 3d March, 1861, leaving the law - just as they found it. They made no provision whatever for the - suppression of threatened rebellion, but deliberately refused to - grant either men or money for this purpose. It was this violation - of duty which compelled President Lincoln to issue a proclamation - convening the new Congress, in special session, immediately after - the attack on Fort Sumter.[155] - -Footnote 155: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 153, _et seq._ - -It is proper to state that President Lincoln did not accord to the -Montgomery Commissioners any official reception as representatives -of an independent government. But as will hereafter appear, his -Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, through the intervention of -distinguished persons in Washington, held much informal intercourse -with them in regard to the evacuation of Fort Sumter, the result of -which was that the commissioners left Washington believing, or -professing to believe, that they had been duped by a promise to -withdraw the troops, which had not been fulfilled, but, on the -contrary, that secret preparations were making by Mr. Lincoln’s -government to send reinforcements. This has always been assigned as -the excuse for the attack on Fort Sumter.[156] - -Footnote 156: - - In the 1st vol. of Mr. Jefferson Davis’s work, “Rise and Fall of - the Confederate Government,” will be found a full statement of the - Confederate side of the story relative to the intercourse between - the commissioners and Mr. Seward. I refer to it without either - assent or dissent, as it is not my province to examine the truth - or falsity of the charge made against the Lincoln administration. - It will be seen from the letters written by Mr. Stanton to Mr. - Buchanan during March and the early part of April (quoted _post_), - what opinion Mr. Stanton formed from all the information that he - could obtain, respecting the course of the new administration. - - - - - CHAPTER XXIV. - 1861—February and March. - -COMMISSIONERS FROM THE CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT—MR. JEFFERSON DAVIS’S - STATEMENT THAT THEY WERE INVITED BY PRESIDENT BUCHANAN CALLED IN - QUESTION. - - -It is now my duty to examine a statement made by Mr. Jefferson Davis -in his recent work, to the effect that Confederate commissioners -were appointed and sent to Washington from Montgomery, partly, at -least, in consequence of a suggestion made to him by President -Buchanan. The statement is in these words: “It may here be -mentioned, in explanation of my desire that the commission, or at -least a part of it, should reach Washington before the close of Mr. -Buchanan’s term, that I had received an intimation from him, through -a distinguished Senator of one of the border States,[157] that he -would be happy to receive a commissioner or commissioners from the -Confederate States, and would refer to the Senate any communication -that might be made through such a commission.”[158] - -Footnote 157: - - Mr. Hunter, of Virginia. - -Footnote 158: - - Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, vol. i., p. 264. - -This intimation, if it was ever made, was, as Mr. Davis describes -it, that the President would himself receive a diplomatic agent or -agents from the Confederate States, and would, as is the customary -and constitutional course on extraordinary occasions, consult the -Senate, not Congress, upon any communication that such agent or -agents might desire to make. Mr. Davis, although he names Mr. -Hunter, of Virginia, as the person through whom he received this -intimation, quotes no letter or telegram from that gentleman; so -that a judgment cannot be formed upon the character of this alleged -intimation. There is not the least trace among Mr. Buchanan’s -private papers of his ever having made to Mr. Hunter such a -suggestion in writing. If it was made orally—considering his habit -of keeping memoranda of important conversations, especially with the -Southern Senators—it is highly probable that he would not have -omitted to record this one. No such memorandum has been found after -the most diligent search. One is left, therefore, to the -probabilities of the case, which are all against the correctness of -Mr. Davis’ statement. No imputation is here made upon Mr. Davis’ -veracity; but it evidently requires something more in the nature of -proof than anything he has given, to justify the belief that -President Buchanan ever expressed his willingness to receive -commissioners from the Confederate States, to negotiate with the -diplomatic department of the Government for a peaceable -acknowledgment of the independence of those States. The mere -reception of such commissioners and a reference of their -communication to the Senate, would have been tantamount to an -admission that the Confederate government could be treated with as -an independent power. - -1. In the letter addressed by Mr. Davis to the President, dated on -the 27th of February, 1861, and which he describes in his book as -“of a personal and semi-official character,” introducing Mr. -Crawford, the first commissioner to arrive in Washington, and asking -for him “a favorable reception corresponding to his station,” he did -not in any manner signify that he was sending Mr. Crawford to -Washington in compliance with an intimation which he, Mr. Davis, had -received from Mr. Buchanan. This he would naturally have said, in -such a personal letter, if he at that time was acting upon such an -intimation from Mr. Buchanan, because it would have been an -unanswerable ground on which to ask for a favorable reception of the -commissioner. The appeal _ad hominem_ would not have been left out -of such a letter. - -2. Mr. Davis was well aware that President Buchanan had steadily -refused to accord any diplomatic or official character to the South -Carolina commissioners, as representatives of a foreign or -independent power, and that he had conferred with them only as -private and eminent citizens of their State. Mr. Davis was also -aware that the President had never offered to entertain, and had -never entertained, a proposition to refer to any other body than -Congress, the question of the standing of any seceded State. He had -acted in the same way towards Colonel Hayne, when he came from -Governor Pickens to demand the surrender of Fort Sumter; and again, -early in February, when the Hon. Thomas J. Judge presented himself -as a commissioner from the seceded State of Alabama, the President, -as Mr. Davis doubtless knew, refused to receive him in any capacity -but that of a distinguished citizen of Alabama, referring to his -several previous messages to Congress as proof that he could not -recognize Mr. Judge in the character which he claimed. All this had -transpired a good while before Mr. Davis sent Mr. Crawford to -Washington. On the other hand, ex-President Tyler had been received -by the President as a commissioner from the State of Virginia, which -had not seceded, and did not then propose and was not likely to -secede from the Union. Yet, the world is asked to believe that -President Buchanan, through a third person, sent an intimation to -the President of the Confederate States, that he would be happy to -receive a diplomatic agent of that government, and would consult the -Senate upon what that agent had to propose. - -3. The date of Mr. Crawford’s departure from Montgomery, “on or -about February 27th,” the date of his arrival in Washington, “two or -three days before the expiration of Mr. Buchanan’s term of office,” -and the fact that Mr. Buchanan declined to receive him or to send -any message to the Senate touching the subject of his mission, -militate strongly against the correctness of the assertion that he -went there in consequence of an intimation from Mr. Buchanan that -such an agent would be received. If such an intimation had been -given, the President could have had no excuse for refusing to hold -any communication with the agent, even if he did not arrive until -the last two or three days of the administration. - -4. Mr. Crawford, in a manuscript account which he furnished to Mr. -Davis of his “recollections of events connected with” his mission, -represents Mr. Buchanan as “panic-stricken;” in “a state of most -thorough alarm, not only for his home at Wheatland, but for his -personal safety;” that he was “afraid of a public visit” from the -commissioner whose appointment he had himself suggested, and whom he -had promised to receive.[159] Mr. Crawford is not alone in imputing -“panic” to Mr. Buchanan. It was a common mode, both with Mr. -Buchanan’s Northern and his Southern enemies, to represent him as -bewildered, confused, timorous, not only during the last days, but -during the last months of his administration. This was their way of -accounting for conduct which, for very opposite reasons, they -disliked. It has been my duty, in investigating day by day every act -of his official and private life during this period, to penetrate -into his closet, if I may so express myself, and to form an opinion -respecting the effect upon him of the great and critical events with -which he had to deal. The materials for such an opinion, when one -has access to the written evidence of what such a statesman was -doing from day to day and from hour to hour, are almost as ample as -if one had all the while been at his side and sate at his board. It -seems to me the veriest folly, to speak of a man as panic-stricken -or bewildered, who was daily and hourly answering with his own hand -the most important public despatches, and the most familiar private -letters, in the manner appropriate to each; recording with his own -pen important conversations; holding cabinet councils; giving -directions and transacting with punctuality and order the -multifarious business of a great office; attending to his own -private concerns, and grasping firmly the helm of state amid waves -that rose higher and were more dangerous than any through which the -good ship had ever floated; entertaining friends, enjoying the -delights of social intercourse, writing at one time the gravest and -most important messages to Congress, and then congratulating a young -lady friend on her approaching marriage, in as graceful and charming -a little note as a woman ever received. I cannot give to the reader -an adequate idea of what I have gone through, in the study of these -last four months of Mr. Buchanan’s official life. I can only say -that on me it has produced the impression of great versatility of -powers, immense industry, complete self-command, unshaken firmness, -and undeviating consistency. That a man of nearly seventy years -should have encountered, as he did, what he had to encounter, with -so little sign of fear, is the best proof of an undaunted temper and -a serene self-possession. The gossip of Pennsylvania Avenue, and the -tattle of secession circles, supposed him to be panic-stricken; -while he sate in the White House the most remarkable instance, in -those tumultuous times, of the _mens aequa in arduis_.[160] - -Footnote 159: - - As Mr. Crawford had no interview with President Buchanan, he could - have had none but hearsay evidence of Mr. Buchanan’s state of - mind. - -Footnote 160: - - I have had occasion heretofore to speak of the multitudes of - letters received by the President from all quarters of the - country, after the promulgation of his annual message of December - 3d. The inundation was scarcely less during the months of January - and February; and as a general rule, when an answer was necessary - or expedient, he made the original draft of it himself. In almost - all cases, he noted on the back of letters or other papers which - he received, the name of the writer, the date, and the date of the - answer. But was he wasting his energies, it may be asked, in the - duties of a mere clerk? Turn to his messages; consider the almost - daily cabinet consultations, and the incessant attention which he - had to give to the state of things in the South, the proceedings - of Congress, the condition of public opinion in the North, and the - deliberations of the Peace Convention, as well as to the ordinary - business of the Government. - -It seems to be quite evident from Mr. Tyler’s note of February 24th, -to the President, that so far as any suggestion of a commission to -be sent by Mr. Davis to Washington proceeded from that city, it -proceeded from Mr. Tyler himself, and those gentlemen of his own -State who, acting with him, were endeavoring to ward off any attack -upon Fort Sumter. Mr. Davis became President of the Confederate -States on the 18th of February. But before that date, Mr. Tyler was -actively engaged in efforts to prevent an armed collision at -Charleston; and as it was well known that Mr. Davis would be the -President of the new confederacy whose delegates had assembled at -Montgomery, Mr. Tyler and the other Virginians looked to him to -prevent any outbreak in South Carolina. But I know of nothing that -can connect Mr. Buchanan with the suggestion of a commission, beyond -Mr. Davis’s statement, which is wholly unsupported by proof. The -fair inference from all that occurred is, that the commission was -sent to Washington to take the chances of being received by the -out-going or the incoming administration, as circumstances might -admit. As the first commissioner did not leave Montgomery until the -27th of February, it could not have been expected that Mr. Buchanan -would take the responsibility of binding his successor by -negotiating with a diplomatic agent of the Confederate States during -the last three days of his administration; nor is it probable that -Mr. Davis, whose last words in the Senate of the United States -arraigned Mr. Buchanan severely for his course towards South -Carolina, had, as President of the Confederate States, received from -Mr. Buchanan an intimation that was equivalent to an invitation from -one potentate to another to send a commission for the adjustment of -all differences between their two governments. - -“He is advised to send a commission,” said Mr. Tyler to Mr. -Buchanan. Advised by whom? “By me, Mr. Tyler, and those Virginians -who are acting with me,” is plainly to be read between the lines of -Mr. Tyler’s letter of February 24th to the President. No one can -doubt that Mr. Buchanan’s account of his administration, published -in 1866, was written with perfect candor. If he had ever sent to Mr. -Davis the intimation which that gentleman says he received from him -through a third person, inviting commissioners from the Confederate -Government, he would have stated the fact, together with his reasons -for it. He never shrank from assigning reasons for any thing that he -ever did. Yet not only does he make no allusion to the Montgomery -commissioners, but any one who reads his fair and considerate -comments on the peace policy pursued by Mr. Lincoln down to the -attack on Fort Sumter, ought to be convinced that there was no need -for the presence of Confederate commissioners in Washington, coming -there on the suggestion of Mr. Buchanan, to negotiate matters that -would have to be referred to the Senate, although it is highly -probable that Mr. Tyler may have desired that a commissioner be sent -to arrange amicably for an agreement by the Confederates not to -attack Fort Sumter. - - - - - CHAPTER XXV. - 1861—February and March. - -TROOPS AT THE CAPITAL—INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN—IMPORTANT - AND ALARMING DESPATCHES FROM MAJOR ANDERSON—MR. HOLT’S - COMMUNICATION TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN—ATTITUDE IN WHICH MR. - BUCHANAN LEFT THE GOVERNMENT TO HIS SUCCESSOR—HIS DEPARTURE FOR - WHEATLAND. - - -As the administration was drawing to its end, great uneasiness was -felt by many persons in Washington for the safety of the capital and -the Government. Rumors of a conspiracy to seize the city and to -prevent the inauguration of the President-elect filled the air. -Among those who were affected by these rumors was the Secretary of -State, Judge Black. With characteristic energy, on the 22d of -January, being prevented by illness from attending the cabinet -meeting of that day, he addressed to the President a long and -earnest private letter, setting forth the grounds of his belief that -the existence of such a conspiracy was highly probable, and that at -all events, even if it were doubtful, the Government ought to be -prepared for the worst. The President, although at first he did not -share these apprehensions, was not the less vigilant in the -discharge of his executive duties, or the less disposed to give due -weight to Judge Black’s impressive arguments. He would have had -everything needful done in a manner not to excite public -observation, if the matter had not been broached in Congress. His -message of the 8th of January had been referred on the 10th, in the -House of Representatives, to a select committee of five members, -consisting of Messrs. Howard, of Michigan, Branch, of North -Carolina, Dawes, of Massachusetts, John Cochrane, of New York, and -Hickman, of Pennsylvania. On the 25th this committee were -instructed, by a resolution offered by Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, -“to inquire whether any secret organization hostile to the -Government of the United States exists in the District of Columbia; -and if so, whether any official or employé of the city of -Washington, or any employées or officers of the Federal Government, -in the Executive or Judicial Departments, are members of it.” Before -this committee had reported, steps had been taken by the Executive -to assemble quietly at Washington a small body of the regular -troops. This at once aroused the jealousy of certain members from -the border States. On the 11th of February, a resolution, offered by -Mr. Burnett, of Kentucky, was adopted in the House, calling upon the -President to furnish to the House, if not incompatible with the -public service, “the reasons that have induced him to assemble a -large number of troops in this city, why they are kept here, and -whether he has any information of a conspiracy on the part of any -portion of the citizens of the country to seize the capital and -prevent the inauguration of the President-elect.” - -On the 14th of February the select committee reported all the -testimony they had taken, and expressed their unanimous opinion that -the evidence produced before them did not prove the existence of a -secret organization at Washington, or elsewhere, for purposes -hostile to the Government. - -Thereupon Mr. Branch, of North Carolina, introduced another -resolution, condemning the quartering of troops at the capital. - -In the meantime, the Secretary of War, Mr. Holt, on the 18th of -February, made a full report to the President, in response to Mr. -Burnett’s resolution of the 11th, setting forth the reasons for the -assembling of the troops, and officially declaring that their -presence “is the result of the conclusion arrived at by yourself and -cabinet, on the proposition submitted to you by this department.” On -the 20th, Mr. Holt addressed to the President the following private -note: - - [MR. HOLT TO THE PRESIDENT.] - - WAR DEPARTMENT, Feb. 20, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I inclose a copy of the resolution referred to in the paper which - I had the honor to address to you on yesterday, and trust I shall - be pardoned for saying that I shall be very unhappy, if this - defence—truthful and tempered as it is—is not permitted to reach - the country. The act of assembling troops at the capital, and - providing for the inauguration of your successor under the shelter - of their guns, is one of the gravest and most responsible of your - administration. It constitutes, indeed, an epoch in the history of - our institutions, and as the circumstances surrounding you fully - justify the measure, they should be frankly and fearlessly set - forth to the world. For this step your administration has been, - and still continues to be, mercilessly denounced, and of this - denunciation, as you are aware, a large part has fallen to my - share. I have been defamed in my own State, and in the towns of my - nearest relatives and friends, and I confess that I have not yet - attained to the Christian philosophy of bearing such things as an - ox led to the slaughter, without opening my mouth. Congress is now - engaged in spreading broadcast over the country, through the - efforts of your enemies and mine, a report intended to show that - the safety of the capital has never been menaced, and of course - that all your preparations here have been prompted by cowardice, - or the spirit of despotism. _Now_ is the time to meet this - calumny. A few weeks hence the memory of the measure assailed will - be swallowed up by the heady current of events, and nothing will - remain but the wounds to the reputation and sensibilities of your - friends who gave to that measure their honest and zealous support. - I do not ask you to adopt my report as your own, but to submit it - simply as the views entertained by the War Department, and for - which its head should alone be held responsible. - - The helplessness of my position for all purposes of self-defence, - without your kind cooperation, must be my apology for the - solicitude expressed. - - Very sincerely your friend, - J. HOLT. - -The President did not at once concur in Mr. Holt’s views of the -necessity for making public the reasons which had governed the -Executive in ordering the troops to Washington. In a memorandum -which now lies before me in his handwriting, he says: - - After the Committee of Five had reported all the testimony which - could be collected in the case, with their opinion upon the result - of it, the President did not deem it necessary to answer Mr. - Burnett’s resolution. Understanding, however, that he and other - members considered it disrespectful to the Union, not to return an - answer, he [on the 2d of March] sent a message to the House, in - response to the resolution. - -This was in ample season to inform everybody that the troops were in -Washington to secure a peaceful inauguration of his successor -against all possibility of danger; the imputations cast upon his -administration in the meantime were of less immediate consequence. -The table given below shows the number of troops present in the city -on the 27th of February, and until after the 4th of March.[161] - -Footnote 161: - - Regular troops present in the City of Washington, February 27, - 1861. - - _Officers._ _Enlisted - men._ - - Field and Staff 4 4 - - 1st Artillery, Light Battery, I 4 81 - - 2d Artillery, Light Battery, A 4 78 - - West Point, Light Battery 4 12 70 229 - - 1st Artillery, Foot Company, D 3 50 - - 2d Artillery, Foot Company, E 2 72 - - 2d Artillery, Foot Company, H 2 65 - - 2d Artillery, Foot Company, K 3 52 - - Engineer, Sappers, and Miners 3 13 81 320 - - Det. Mtd. Recruits 3 81 - - Recruits attached 23 - - - Total 32 653 - - Respectfully submitted for the information of the - President, - ADJ. GENL,. OFFICE, S. COOPER, - - February 28, 1861. Adj. Genl. - -The following is the material part of the special message of March -2, 1861: - - These troops were ordered here to act as a _posse comitatus_ in - strict subordination to the civil authority, for the purpose of - preserving peace and order in the City of Washington, should this - be necessary before or at the period of the inauguration of the - President-elect. I was convinced that I ought to act. The safety - of the immense amount of public property in this city, and that of - the archives of the Government, in which all the States, and - especially the new States in which the public lands are situated, - have a deep interest; the peace and order of the city itself and - the security of the inauguration of the President-elect, were - objects of such vast importance to the whole country, that I could - not hesitate to adopt precautionary measures. At the present - moment, when all is quiet, it is difficult to realize the state of - alarm which prevailed when the troops were first ordered to this - city. This almost instantly subsided after the arrival of the - first company, and a feeling of comparative peace and security has - since existed, both in Washington and throughout the country. Had - I refused to adopt this precautionary measure, and evil - consequences, which good men at the time apprehended, had - followed, I should never have forgiven myself. - -Some of these troops were in Washington on the 22d of February. It -appears that ex-President Tyler was disturbed by learning that they -were to form part of the customary parade on Washington’s Birthday. -President Buchanan made the following reply to his remonstrance: - - [THE PRESIDENT TO MR. TYLER.] - - WASHINGTON, February 22, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I find it impossible to prevent two or three companies of the - Federal troops here from joining in the procession to-day with the - volunteers of the District, without giving serious offence to the - tens of thousands of the people who have assembled to witness the - parade. The day is the anniversary of Washington’s birth—a festive - occasion throughout the land—and it has been particularly marked - by the House of Representatives. These troops everywhere else join - such processions, in honor of the birthday of the Father of his - country, and it would be hard to assign a good reason why they - should be excluded from this privilege in the capital founded by - himself. They are here simply as a _posse comitatus_ to aid the - civil authority, in case of need. Besides, the programme was - published in the _National Intelligencer_ of this morning without - my knowledge.[162] - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 162: - - The War Department having considered the celebration of this - national anniversary by the military arm of the Government as a - matter of course. - -Among the interesting occurrences of that day, as part of the -history of the time, it is now proper to quote a private -correspondence between General Dix and Major Anderson.[163] - -Footnote 163: - - A copy of this correspondence was sent by General Dix to Mr. - Buchanan, after the latter had retired to Wheatland. See _post_. - - [GENERAL DIX TO MAJOR ANDERSON.] - - WASHINGTON, March 4, 1861. - - MY DEAR MAJOR:— - - I have just come from the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, and in a - day or two more I expect to be relieved from my duties as - Secretary of the Treasury and return to my family after my short, - but laborious and responsible term of official service. I shall - send you, by the same mail which takes this note, my answer to a - call made upon me by the House of Representatives for instruction - in regard to certain transactions in the extreme Southern States. - It discloses a demoralization in all that concerns the faithful - discharge of official duty, which, if it had pleased God, I could - have wished never to have lived to see. The cowardice and - treachery of General Twiggs is more disheartening than all that - has transpired since this disgraceful career of disloyalty to the - Government commenced. No man can help feeling that he is himself - stained in reputation by this national degradation. I can hardly - realize that I am living in the age in which I was born and - educated. - - In the midst of these evidences of degeneracy—in the face of the - humiliating spectacle of base intrigues to overthrow the - Government by those who are living upon its bounty, and of a - pusillanimous or perfidious surrender of the trusts confided to - them, the country turns with a feeling of relief, which you cannot - understand, to the noble example of fidelity and courage presented - by you and your gallant associates. God knows how ardently I wish - you a safe deliverance! But let the issue be what it may, you will - connect with your name the fame of historical recollections, with - which life itself can enter into no comparison. One of the most - grateful of my remembrances will be that I was once your - commanding officer. I write in haste, but from the heart, and can - only add, may God preserve you and carry you in triumph through - the perils of your position! I have never doubted if you were - assailed that the honor of the country would be gloriously - vindicated, and the disgrace cast upon it by others would be - signally rebuked by your courage and constancy. - - I am, my dear Major, faithfully your friend, - JOHN A. DIX. - - P.S.—It is gratifying to know that your State remains faithful to - the Union. My kind regards to Lieutenant Hall. - - [MAJOR ANDERSON TO GENERAL DIX.] - - FORT SUMTER, S. C., March 7, 1861. - - MY DEAR GENERAL:— - - Thank you. Many thanks to you for your whole-souled letter of - March 4th. One such letter is enough to make amends for a life of - trial and of discomfort. - - My position is not a very enviable one, but still, when I consider - how God has blessed me in every step I have taken here, I have not - the least fear of the result. I have written to the Department - very fully, and the administration now know my opinion, and the - opinion of each individual officer of this command, of the - strength of the force necessary for forcing an entrance into this - harbor. - - You speak of the disgraceful incidents developed in your report to - Congress. I had already read some of your correspondence, and was - shocked at the developments they made. The faithful historian of - the present period will have to present a record which will sadden - and surprise. It would seem that a Sirocco charged with treachery, - cunning, dishonesty, and bad faith, had tainted the atmosphere of - portions of our land; and alas! how many have been prostrated by - its blast! I hope that ere long we shall see symptoms of - restoration, and that a healthier wind will recover some of those - who have given way to the blast. A long life of honest devotion to - every duty, moral and social, may cause their course to be - forgiven, but it cannot be forgotten. The South Carolinians are on - the _qui vive_ to-night; why, we know not. They have four guard - boats in the stream, instead of the usual number of late, _two_. I - cannot believe, though, that General Beauregard, lately of the - Engineer Corps, would make an attack without having given formal - notice of his intention to do so. My rule is, though, always to - keep a bright lookout. With many thanks, my dear General, for your - most kind and welcome letter, I am, as ever, your sincere friend, - - ROBERT ANDERSON. - -The last day of the administration had now come. Mr. Buchanan was to -be relieved of the burthens of office, and they were to be devolved -on his successor. On that morning extraordinary despatches from -Major Anderson were delivered at the War Department. In Mr. -Buchanan’s handwriting I find, among his private papers, the -following account of what took place concerning this sudden -revelation of the position of affairs in the harbor of Charleston:— - - Monday, March 4, 1861. The cabinet met at the President’s room in - the Capitol, to assist me in examining the bills which might be - presented to me for approval, between the hours of ten and twelve - of that day, when my own term and that of Congress would expire. - - Mr. Holt did not attend until after eleven o’clock. At the first - opportunity, he informed us that on that morning he had received - extraordinary despatches from Major Anderson, saying that without - a force of some twenty or thirty thousand men to capture the - batteries which had been erected, he could not maintain himself at - Fort Sumter, and he [Mr. Holt] intended at once to communicate - these despatches to President, Lincoln. The cabinet had some - conversation on the subject that evening at Mr. Ould’s. - - Tuesday morning, 5th March, we saw Mr. Holt at the War Department. - He there read us what he had written to President Lincoln in - communicating these despatches to Mr. Holt, giving his reasons for - his astonishment. He referred to his own letter to Major Anderson - after he had taken possession of Fort Sumter, offering him - reinforcements, and the repeated letters of the Major stating that - he felt secure, and finally a letter, after the affair of the Star - of the West, stating that he did not desire reinforcements. He - concluded by referring to the expedition which had been prepared - at New York under the direction of General Scott, to sail at once, - in case the Major should be attacked or ask for reinforcements. - This was small, consisting of two or three hundred men with - provisions. - - On Tuesday afternoon, 5th March, Mr. Holt told me he had sent the - papers to President Lincoln. - - This is the last I have heard of it, from any member of the - cabinet or any friend at Washington, up till this day (Saturday - morning), 9th March, at half-past ten A.M. - -The following is Secretary Holt’s letter to President Lincoln: - - WAR DEPARTMENT, March 5, 1861. - - SIR:— - - I have the honor to submit for your consideration several letters - with inclosures, received on yesterday from Major Anderson and - Captain Foster, of the Corps of Engineers, which are of a most - important and unexpected character. Why they were unexpected will - appear from the following brief statement:— - - “After transferring his forces to Fort Sumter, he [Major Anderson] - addressed a letter to this Department, under date of the 31st - December, 1860, in which he says: ‘Thank God, we are now where the - Government may send us additional troops _at its leisure_. To be - sure, the uncivil and uncourteous action of the Governor [of South - Carolina], in preventing us from purchasing anything in the city, - will annoy and inconvenience us somewhat; _still we are safe_.‘ - And after referring to some deficiency in his stores, in the - articles of soap and candles, he adds: ‘Still we can cheerfully - put up with the inconvenience of doing without them for the - satisfaction we feel in the knowledge that we can command this - harbor _as long as our Government wishes to keep it_.’ And again, - on the 6th January, he wrote: ‘My position will, should there be - no treachery among the workmen whom we are compelled to retain for - the present, enable me to hold this fort _against any force which - can be brought against me_; and it would enable me, in the event - of war, to annoy the South Carolinians by preventing them from - throwing in supplies into their new posts, except by the aid of - the Wash Channel through Stone River.’ - - “Before the receipt of this communication, the Government, being - without information as to his condition, had despatched the Star - of the West with troops and supplies for Fort Sumter; but the - vessel having been fired on from a battery at the entrance to the - harbor, returned without having reached her destination. - - “On the 16th January, 1861, in replying to Major Anderson’s - letters of the 31st December and of 6th January, I said: ‘Your - late despatches, as well as the very intelligent statements of - Lieutenant Talbot, have relieved the Government of the - apprehensions previously entertained for your safety. In - consequence, it is not its purpose at present to reinforce you. - The attempt to do so would no doubt be attended by a collision of - arms and the effusion of blood—a national calamity, which the - President is most anxious to avoid. You will, therefore, report - frequently your condition, and the character and activity of the - preparations, if any, which may be being made for an attack upon - the fort, or for obstructing the Government in any endeavors it - may make to strengthen your command. Should your despatches be of - a nature too important to be intrusted to the mails, you will - convey them by special messenger. Whenever, in your judgment, - additional supplies or reinforcements are necessary for your - safety or for a successful defence of the fort, you will at once - communicate the fact to this Department, and a prompt and vigorous - effort will be made to forward them.’ - - “Since the date of this letter Major Anderson has regularly and - frequently reported the progress of the batteries being - constructed around him, and which looked either to the defence of - the harbor, or to an attack on his own position; but he has not - suggested that these works compromised his safety, nor has he made - any request that additional supplies or reinforcements should be - sent to him. On the contrary, on the 30th January, 1861, in a - letter to this Department, he uses this emphatic language: ‘I do - hope that no attempt will be made by our friends to throw supplies - in; their doing so would do more harm than good.‘ - - “On the 5th February, when referring to the batteries, etc., - constructed in his vicinity, he said: ‘Even in their present - condition, they will make it impossible for any hostile force, - other than a large and well-appointed one, to enter this harbor, - and the chances are that it will then be at a great sacrifice of - life;‘ and in a postscript he adds: ‘Of course, in speaking of - forcing an entrance, I do not refer to the little stratagem of a - small party slipping in.‘ This suggestion of a stratagem was well - considered in connection with all the information that could be - obtained bearing upon it; and in consequence of the vigilance and - number of the guard-boats in and outside of the harbor, it was - rejected as impracticable. - - “In view of these very distinct declarations, and of the earnest - desire to avoid a collision as long as possible, it was deemed - entirely safe to adhere to the line of policy indicated in my - letter of the 16th January, which has been already quoted. In that - Major Anderson had been requested to report ‘at once,’ ‘whenever, - in his judgment, additional supplies or reinforcements were - necessary for his safety or for a successful defence of the fort.’ - So long, therefore, as he remained silent upon this point, the - Government felt that there was no ground for apprehension. Still, - as the necessity for action might arise at any moment, an - expedition has been quietly prepared and is ready to sail from New - York, on a few hours’ notice, for transporting troops and supplies - to Fort Sumter. This step was taken under the supervision of - General Scott, who arranged its details, and who regarded the - reinforcements thus provided for as sufficient for the occasion. - The expedition, however, is not upon a scale approaching the - seemingly extravagant estimates of Major Anderson and Captain - Foster, now offered for the first time, and for the disclosures of - which the Government was wholly unprepared. - - “The declaration now made by the Major that he would not be - willing to risk his reputation on an attempt to throw - reinforcements into Charleston harbor, and with a view of holding - possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand - good and well-disciplined men, takes the Department by surprise, - as his previous correspondence contained no such intimation. - - “I have the honor to be, very respectfully, - - “Your obedient servant, - ”J. HOLT. - -As the question of peace or war was now to turn on what might happen -at Fort Sumter, it is incumbent on me to give a brief summary of the -position in which Mr. Buchanan left the Government to Mr. Lincoln. -It is for some other pen than mine to unravel the dark story in -which is involved the true history of the informal negotiations -between Mr. Lincoln’s administration and the Confederate -commissioners, in regard to the evacuation of Fort Sumter; -negotiations out of which those commissioners came with the -professed belief that they had been tricked, and which were swiftly -followed by an order from Montgomery to expel Anderson from that -post. It is not for me to sit in judgment on that transaction. I -have not the means of penetrating the councils of the Lincoln -administration, such as I have had for understanding those of his -predecessor. I leave to others to explain the truth or falsity of -the accusation which has undertaken to justify the bombardment of -Fort Sumter and the initiation of a civil war, in which less than -thirty days saw the practical transfer of the Confederate Government -from Montgomery to Richmond. But it will not be stepping out of my -province, if I now describe the situation in which Mr. Buchanan -handed over the Government to his successor. - -There was now an actual revolt of six States, having about five -millions of inhabitants, free and slave, with an organized -provisional government, based on the alleged right of States to -secede from the Union. Seven other slaveholding States, having -more than thirteen millions of inhabitants, free and slave, -still held aloof from the Southern Confederacy, still remained -loyal to the Government of the United States, still were -represented in the new Congress along with the whole North and -the whole West. It had been Mr. Buchanan’s policy, from the very -first, to save these so-called border States from joining the -Southern Confederacy.[164] He could not prevent the formation of -that Confederacy among the cotton States, without exercising -powers which the Constitution had not conferred upon him. To -make aggressive war upon a State, or its people, in order to -prevent it or them from doing an unconstitutional act, or -because one had been committed, was clearly not within the -constitutional powers of the Executive, even if it was within -the constitutional powers of Congress. The question has often -been asked, why did Mr. Buchanan suffer State after State to go -out of the Union? Why did he not prevent their adoption of -ordinances of secession? Why did he not call on the North for -volunteers, and put down the rebellion in its first stage? The -question is a very inconsiderate one, but it shall be answered. -In the first place, Mr. Buchanan had no power to call for -volunteers under any existing law, and to make such a call -without law, was to step outside of the Constitution, and to -look to a future indemnification by Congress. Why he did not -take such a step has been explained by him so lucidly and -exactly, that I have only to quote his words: - - Urgent and dangerous emergencies may have arisen, or may hereafter - arise in the history of our country, rendering delay disastrous, - such as the bombardment of Fort Sumter by the Confederate - government, which would for the moment justify the President in - violating the Constitution, by raising a military force without - the authority of law, but this only during a recess of Congress. - Such extreme cases are a law unto themselves. They must rest upon - the principle that it is a lesser evil to usurp, until Congress - can be assembled, a power withheld from the Executive, than to - suffer the Union to be endangered, either by traitors at home or - enemies from abroad. In all such cases, however, it is the - President’s duty to present to Congress, immediately after their - next meeting, the causes which impelled him thus to act, and ask - for their approbation; just as, on a like occasion, a British - minister would ask Parliament for a bill of indemnity. It would be - difficult, however, to conceive of an emergency so extreme as to - justify or even excuse a President for thus transcending his - constitutional powers whilst Congress, to whom he could make an - immediate appeal, was in session. Certainly no such case existed - during the administration of the late President. On the contrary, - not only was Congress actually in session, but bills were long - pending before it for extending his authority in calling forth the - militia, for enabling him to accept the services of volunteers, - and for the employment of the navy, if necessary, outside of ports - of entry for the collection of the revenue, all of which were - eventually rejected. Under these circumstances, had the President - attempted, of his own mere will, to exercise these high powers, - whilst Congress were at the very time deliberating whether to - grant them to him or not, he would have made himself justly liable - to impeachment. This would have been for the Executive to set at - defiance both the Constitution and the legislative branch of the - Government.[165] - -Footnote 164: - - President Buchanan kept before him all the while a table of the - Southern States, with the dates of their several secessions, their - populations, resources, and other facts, noted by himself, - discriminating the cotton and the border States in separate - groups. - -Footnote 165: - - Buchanan’s Defence, p. 161. - -This paragraph reveals, better than anything else he ever wrote, his -character as an American statesman. He was the last of a race of -eminent public men who had been bred in a profound reverence for the -Constitution and intimate knowledge of it. With his great -contemporaries of an earlier period, he may have differed upon the -construction of particular powers; he belonged to the school of -strict construction, while some of the famous men with whom he had -contended in former days were more lax in their interpretations. But -on the fundamental questions of the nature of the Union, the -authority of the Federal Government, and the means by which it was -to enforce its laws, there was no distinction between the school of -Jackson and Buchanan and the school of Clay and Webster. Moreover, -there was not one of his very eminent Whig antagonists, not even -Webster, whose loyalty to the Constitution—loyalty in the truest and -most comprehensive sense—the loyalty that will not violate, any more -than it will fail to assert, the just authority of such an -instrument—was more deep and fervid than Buchanan’s. This had been, -if one may use such an expression, the ruling passion of his public -life, from the time when he knew anything of public affairs. He was -not a man of brilliant genius, nor had he ever done any one thing -that had made his name illustrious and immortal, as Webster did when -he defended the Constitution against the heresy of nullification. -But in the course of a long, useful and consistent life, filled with -the exercise of talents of a fine order and uniform ability, he had -made the Constitution of his country the object of his deepest -affection, the constant guide of all his public acts. He was in -truth conspicuously and emphatically open to the reproach, if it be -a reproach, of regarding the Constitution of the United States with -what some have considered as idolatry. This trait in Mr. Buchanan’s -public character must not be overlooked, when the question is asked -to which I am now making an answer. How, in the long distant future, -the example of his fidelity to the Constitution contributed to its -restoration, after a period of turmoil and of more than neglect of -its principles, is worthy of reflection. - -In the next place, during the time of the formation of the -provisional confederacy of the cotton States, not only was Congress -in session, and not only did it neglect to do anything to strengthen -the hands of the Executive, but if the President had, without the -authority of law, issued a call for volunteers, it would not have -been responded to. It is true that some Northern legislatures passed -resolutions tendering men and money to the United States. But how -could such offers have been accepted and acted upon by the -Executive, without the authority of law? How could a regiment, or an -army of regiments, have been marched by the President into Georgia -or Mississippi, to prevent the adoption of a secession ordinance? -What but a declaration of war, made by the only war-making power, -would have protected officers and men from being in the condition of -trespassers and brigands, from the moment they set foot on the soil -of a Southern State on such an enterprise? War, war upon a State or -a people, must have a legal basis, if those who wage it are to be -entitled to the privileges and immunities of soldiers. On the other -hand, to enforce the laws of the United States against obstructions -put in the way of their execution by individuals or unlawful -combinations, was not to make war. But for this purpose, President -Buchanan could not obtain from Congress the necessary means. -Moreover, the public mind of the North was at that time intent upon -the measures by which it was hoped that all differences between the -two sections of the Union might be composed, and a call for -volunteers would have been regarded as fatal to any prospect of -adjustment, and would therefore have been little heeded. It required -all the excitement which followed the bombardment of Fort Sumter, -all the monstrous uprising of the North produced by that event, to -secure a response to President Lincoln’s irregular call for -seventy-five thousand men, in April, 1861. - -But it was in the power of President Buchanan to hold the border -States back from the secession movement until his successor could -take the reins of Government, and this duty he successfully -performed. Notwithstanding the failure of Congress to second his -efforts to preserve the Union unbroken by anything but the secession -of South Carolina; notwithstanding the failure of the Peace -Convention to propose anything that Congress would accept, Virginia, -North Carolina, Maryland, Kentucky, even Tennessee and Missouri, had -not seceded, or taken steps to secede, on the 4th of March, 1861. -The same conservative sentiment which still animated the best -portion of the people of those States, kept them from the vortex of -secession. They did not yet regard the election of Mr. Lincoln by a -purely sectional vote of the non-slaveholding States as a sufficient -cause for breaking up the Union. They still looked to his -administration for measures that would prevent a civil war; still -looked to the Federal Government for a redress of all the grievances -of which any of the States could complain. So that when Mr. Buchanan -laid down and Mr. Lincoln took up the powers of the Executive, the -problem which remained for the latter, and which Mr. Buchanan left -for him in the best attitude that it could be made to assume, was -how still to keep those border States from joining the Southern -Confederacy, as they had been kept from it hitherto. - -This was largely, almost exclusively, a matter for the Executive, -unless, indeed, he should think it best to call the new Congress, -then legally existing, together immediately, and insist on its doing -what the preceding Congress had neglected. This course was not at -once adopted, and consequently everything depended upon the dealing -of the Executive with the Confederate commissioners, who were then -in Washington, respecting the evacuation of Fort Sumter. Mr. -Buchanan had in no way trammelled his successor by negotiations with -those commissioners. He had, in fact, declined all intercourse with -them; and it was entirely optional with Mr. Lincoln to do the same -thing, as it was entirely open to him to determine whether he would -or would not order the evacuation of that fort, and to shape his -measures accordingly. Thus far, an attack upon Major Anderson’s -position had been prevented by the efforts of Virginia, and by the -prudent course pursued by Mr. Buchanan. It was to be expected that -the Southern commissioners would be most persistent in their -demands; that they would seek the aid of influential persons who -might desire to see the peace of the country preserved, and who -would be willing to hazard so much of a recognition of the new -Confederacy as a _de facto_ power, as would be involved in a -compliance with its immediate demands respecting Sumter. But by no -act, or word, or omission of the outgoing President, had his -successor been placed under any obligation to yield to those -demands, or even to consider them. That the military situation had -become such that Anderson could not be maintained in his position -without sending a considerable army to his relief, was not due to -President Buchanan’s unwillingness to send him reinforcements, but -it was a consequence of Anderson’s not asking for them until he was -so surrounded with fortifications and powerful batteries that he -could not be relieved without a force many times greater than all -that the Government then had at its command. - -Mr. Lincoln, therefore, assumed the Government without a single -admission by his predecessor of the right of secession, or of any -claim founded on it; without any obligation, other than the duty of -preventing a civil war, to hold even an informal negotiation with -the Confederate commissioners; with thirteen millions of people in -the border States still in the Union, and not likely to leave it, -unless blood should be shed. It may be that in one sense it was -fortunate that the first gun was fired on and not from Fort Sumter. -But into that question it is not needful for me to enter. My -province is fulfilled, if I have correctly described the condition -in which Mr. Buchanan left the Government to his successor. - -Excepting on the short drive from the White House to the Capitol, in -the same carriage, on the 4th day of March, according to the -graceful custom of inaugurating a new President, and in the public -ceremony of the day, there is no reason to suppose that Mr. Buchanan -and Mr. Lincoln ever met. All that is known is that Mr. Lincoln’s -demeanor, while in the carriage, produced upon Mr. Buchanan the -impression that he had no fears for his personal safety or the -safety of the capital. But it does not appear that at that or any -other time, Mr. Lincoln sought to know what his predecessor could -tell him. It is too much the habit of our public men to live and act -and confer only with their party associates. Unless it be in the -conflicts of public debate, they learn nothing of the views, -purposes, motives, and very little of the acts, of their political -opponents. If ever there was an occasion when this habit needed to -be broken, it was when one of these men was putting off and the -other was assuming the great duties of the Presidency. Mr. Buchanan -could not seek a conference with his successor on the state of -public affairs; his successor did not seek or apparently desire one. -How much there was that Mr. Buchanan could have communicated to Mr. -Lincoln, and how much it concerned the interest of the Republic that -the latter should learn, must be apparent from what has been gone -over in the preceding pages. Such a conference, if it had served no -other good purpose, would have fixed Mr. Lincoln’s attention upon -the extreme importance of so guiding the intercourse between his -administration, or any member of it, and the Confederate -commissioners, as to prevent all pretext for an assault upon Fort -Sumter. - -Mr. Buchanan was detained by his private affairs in Washington until -the 9th day of March. On that day, he departed for Wheatland, -accompanied by Miss Lane and the other members of his household. - - ---------------------------- - - TROOPS AT THE CAPITAL. - - The anonymous diarist of the _North American Review_, writing on - the 4th day of March, the day of Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration, - records his great disgust at the presence of troops in Washington, - and attributes it to “the mischievous influence of the Blairs.” It - is to be hoped that the statement which I have made will be - considered as sufficient proof of the source from which the first - suggestion of this very prudent and proper precaution came. There - was no single moment of time and no place in the Union, during the - whole period of Mr. Buchanan’s Presidency, at which the presence - of a military force was more necessary than it was at Washington - on the day of Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration; for, notwithstanding the - absence of any tangible evidence of a conspiracy to seize the city - or to interrupt the proceedings, yet, as Judge Black forcibly - remarked in his letter to the President, preparation could do no - possible harm, in any event, and in the event which seemed most - probable, it was the country’s only chance of salvation. If, then, - at this most critical time and place, there could be assembled - only 653 men of the rank and file of the army, a part of them - being the sappers and miners drawn from West Point, what a - commentary does this fact afford, upon the charge that President - Buchanan neglected his duty, by not garrisoning the Southern forts - in the month of October, 1860. At that time, the whole number of - seaboard forts of the United States was 57; the proper complement - for war garrisons of these forts would require 28,420 men; and - their actual garrisons were 1,334 men, 1,308 of whom were at - Governor’s Island, New York, Fort McHenry, Maryland, Fortress - Monroe, Virginia, and Alcantraz Island, San Francisco. The regular - army, when recruited to its maximum, was only 18,000 men; actually - it was not much over 16,000. At no time could any part of it have - been withdrawn from the remote frontiers; and of the 1,308 men - distributed at the five points above named, very few could have - been transferred to the nine Southern forts mentioned by General - Scott in his “views” of October, 1860. The Military Committee of - the House of Representatives, in their Report of February 18, - 1861, said: “Unless it is the intention of Congress that the - forts, arsenals, clock yards and other public property, shall be - exposed to capture and spoliation by any lawless bands who may - have the inclination to commit depredations upon it, the President - must be armed with additional force for their protection.” - Accordingly, they reported a bill authorizing the President to - call out the militia, but it was never acted upon. (See Report, H. - R. No. 85, 36th Cong., 2d Session, and Bill No. 1,003.) - - - - - CHAPTER XXVI. - 1861. - -JOURNEY FROM WASHINGTON TO WHEATLAND—WELCOME FROM FRIENDS AND - NEIGHBORS—THE RANCOR OF THE TIMES MAKES REFUTATION A DUTY OF THE - AUTHOR—THE STORY OF THE “CABINET SCENE”—MR. SEWARD'S CHARGE - AGAINST THE LATE ADMINISTRATION—PICTURES AND CURIOSITIES SAID TO - HAVE BEEN CARRIED AWAY FROM THE WHITE HOUSE—MISS LANE AND THE - ALMANACH DE GOTHA—PRIVATE CONVERSATIONS AT WHEATLAND INVENTED - AND PUT INTO THE MOUTH OF MR. BUCHANAN AND HIS GUESTS. - - -At my request, a citizen of Lancaster, Mr. W. U. Hensel, has -furnished for this work the following account of Mr. Buchanan’s -journey from Washington to Wheatland: - - Local pride and personal admiration for Mr. Buchanan had always - contributed to his strength at home in popular contests. In the - County of Lancaster, which to this day remains one of the - strongholds of the anti-Democratic party, Mr. Buchanan received - 8731 votes to 6608 for Fremont and 3615 for Fillmore. In the city - the utmost hopes of his friends were more than realized by a - plurality of 1196, about four times the usual Democratic majority, - and a majority over Fillmore and Fremont of 864. In the little - township of Lancaster, on the outskirts of the city, in which Mr. - Buchanan’s suburban home was situated, and which the _New York - Herald_ called “The Wheatland district,” the average opposition - majority of sixty was reduced to four. The interest and affection - with which he was regarded at home was testified by the escort of - an immense body of citizens of all parties which accompanied him - from his house to the railroad station, when he left for - Washington on March 2, 1857. The whole population of the city and - vicinity seemed to have turned out upon the occasion, and the - severity of the weather did not chill their enthusiasm. His - immediate escort to the capital consisted of the local military - company, the Fencibles, committees of council, representatives of - Franklin and Marshall College, of the board of trustees of which - institution he was president, and a number of personal friends. - - On his expected return to Wheatland, after the close of his term, - a citizens’ meeting appointed a committee of his neighbors and - friends to escort him on his way. When those gentlemen arrived in - Washington and, through their chairman, Hon. H. M. North, - acquainted the President with their mission, he was deeply moved - by the manifestation of good feeling toward him. A small military - escort accompanied him and his friends to the railroad station in - Washington, en route for Lancaster. They stopped over in - Baltimore, and during the evening the ex-President received a - large number of its citizens. In response to a serenade given him - about eleven o’clock in the evening, at Barnum’s Hotel, he spoke - as follows: - - - “MY FRIENDS:— - - “I thank you most cordially for this honor, and a long period of - time must elapse before memory shall fail to record it. The music - is admirable indeed, and the delicious strains cannot fail to - gratify the taste of any person whose genius or talents lead him - to such a high accomplishment. But the music is nothing at all - compared to the motives and feelings which prompted the - compliment. I thank you from the bottom of my heart for your kind - sentiments therein expressed. - - “There are some who are ever ready to pay homage to those who are - about entering upon the cares of office, influenced doubtless by a - principle of self-aggrandizement; but you pay your attentions to - an old man going out of office, and now on his way to a retired - and peaceful home. For many years I have experienced a deep regard - for the interests of Baltimore, have rejoiced in her prosperity, - and sympathized in her temporary misfortunes; and now one of the - strongest feelings of my heart is, that she may continue an - extension of her limits, enjoy an increase of trade and an - abundance of labor for her deserving laboring classes. - - “I must ask you to excuse this brief speech. I could say much - more, but the night is advancing, and I forbear to detain you. My - public history is before the people of this country, and whilst it - does not behoove me to speak of it, I assure you of my willingness - that they shall judge me by my kind regard for all the citizens of - Baltimore; and that God may prosper and bless them all is the - sincere prayer of an honest heart.” - - The Battalion and Baltimore City Guards having been added to his - escort, the homeward journey was resumed on the next morning, and - at York and other points on the road there were demonstrations of - popular welcome. At Columbia, Pa., a town on the Susquehanna - River, on the west border of Lancaster County, he was welcomed at - the gates of his own county by a committee of about one hundred - and fifty citizens of Lancaster, and delegates from Columbia and - surrounding towns and villages, who had gathered there to receive - him when his foot first fell upon the soil of the district which - claimed him as peculiarly its own. As the train which carried him - and his friends and the popular escort, now swelled to many - hundreds, neared the city, there was firing of cannon, pealing of - bells, and the formation of a procession to escort the party - through the streets of the city. The cars were stopped at the city - limits, and Mr. Buchanan was conducted into an open barouche, - drawn by four gray horses, and with a great civic and military - display he entered the city, and passing through its principal - streets, was taken to the public square. The procession halted and - broke ranks, and an immense citizens’ meeting was organized, in - the presence of which Wm. J. Preston, Esq., on behalf of the - Baltimore City Guards, addressed Mayor Sanderson, consigning the - ex-President to his old friends and neighbors. After the band had - played “Home Again,” the Mayor, addressing Mr. Preston, returned - the thanks of the citizens to his company for their courtesy to - Mr. Buchanan, and then, turning to the guest of the occasion, - welcomed him back to his home. Mr. Buchanan, in responding to this - speech, said: - - “MR. MAYOR, MY OLD NEIGHBORS, FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:— - - “I have not language to express the feelings which swell in my - heart on this occasion: but I do most cordially thank you for this - demonstration of your personal kindness to an old man, who comes - back to you ere long to go to his final rest. And here let me say - that, having visited many foreign climes, my heart has ever turned - to Lancaster as the spot where I would wish to live and die. When - yet a young man, in far remote Russia, my heart was still with - friends and neighbors in good old Lancaster. [Applause.] - - “Although I have always been true to you, I have not been so true - to you as you have been to me. Your fathers took me up when a - young man, fostered and cherished me through many long years. All - of them have passed away, and I stand before you to-day in the - midst of a new generation. [A voice in the crowd—“I saw you mount - your horse when you marched to Baltimore in the War of 1812.”] The - friendship of the fathers for myself has descended on their - children. Generations of mortal men rise, and sink, and are - forgotten, but the kindness of the past generation to me, now so - conspicuous in the present, can never be forgotten. - - “I have come to lay my bones among you, and during the brief, - intermediate period which Heaven may allot me, I shall endeavor to - perform the duties of a good citizen, and a kind friend and - neighbor. My advice shall be cheerfully extended to all who may - seek it, and my sympathy and support shall never be withheld from - the widow and the orphan. [Loud applause.] All political - aspirations have departed. What I have done, during a somewhat - protracted public life, has passed into history. If, at any time, - I have done aught to offend a single citizen, I now sincerely ask - his pardon, while from my heart I declare that I have no feeling - but that of kindness to any individual in this county. - - “I came to this city in 1809, more than half a century ago, and - am, therefore, I may say, among your oldest citizens. When I - parted from President Lincoln, on introducing him to the Executive - Mansion, according to custom, I said to him: “If you are as happy, - my dear sir, on entering this house as I am in leaving it and - returning home, you are the happiest man in this country!” I was - then thinking of the comforts and tranquillity of home, as - contrasted with the troubles, perplexities, and difficulties - inseparable from the Presidential office. Since leaving - Washington, I have briefly addressed my friends on two or three - occasions, but have purposely avoided all allusions to party - politics, and I shall do so here. - - “There is one aspiration, however, which is never absent from my - mind for a single moment, and which will meet with a unanimous - response from every individual here present, and that is, may God - preserve the Constitution and the Union, and in His good - providence dispel the shadows, clouds, and darkness which have now - cast a gloom over the land! Under that benign influence we have - advanced more rapidly in prosperity, greatness and glory than any - other nation in the tide of time. Indeed, we had become either the - envy or admiration of the whole world. May all our troubles end in - a peaceful solution, and may the good old times return to bless us - and our posterity! [Loud and prolonged applause.]” - - At the conclusion of his remarks, he seated himself in his - carriage, and was escorted out through the main street leading - westward to Wheatland, on the way passing under an arch spanning - the street, and with other signs of popular enthusiasm attending - the occasion. When the procession reached Wheatland, the city - guards were drawn up in front of the house, and to the music of - “Home, Sweet Home,” he ascended the portico and re-entered upon - the scenes of that tranquillity in which it was his desire to - spend the rest of his days. Briefly addressing the military - company drawn up in review before him he said, that he regarded - that day as one of the proudest of his life. He thanked the - officers and members for their handsome escort, so freely tendered - him, and held it especially significant, as he was now a private - citizen only. He regretted that having just reached his home, he - was not prepared to entertain them. The doors of his house had - been always open, the latch-string was out. At any other time when - they felt disposed to call, either as a company or individuals, - they should receive a very cordial welcome. On behalf of the - guards, Mr. Preston responded at length, expressing their - gratification at having the privilege of attending the President, - and witnessing the cordiality and universal honor with which he - had been received here. Late at night Mr. Buchanan was serenaded - by the musical bodies of Lancaster. - -And now that he had reached his home among those who best knew and -who venerated him, and had sate himself down for whatever enjoyment -of private life remained to him, it would seem that at least the -respect and the forbearance of all his countrymen, if not their -gratitude and applause, would have followed him in his retreat. He -had been “so clear in his great office;” he had so wisely and -conscientiously discharged its most important trusts; he had been so -free from the corruption that assails the supreme dispenser of -patronage and power; he had so well expounded the fundamental law -that must govern the course of public affairs in the perilous -condition that awaited them; he had done so much to secure for his -successor a safe path in which to walk; he had left to that -successor so little that could embarrass and so much that could -guide him, that it would seem as if his errors would have been -outweighed by the good that he had tried to do, as if all the -virtuous and noble of the land would have interposed to shield him -from censure. Nay, it would seem that he had accumulated a claim for -tender consideration, large beyond the ordinary measure of such a -fund. He had sacrificed on the altar of his country friendships of -long years of mutual confidence and service; of that confidence and -service which unite, in the strong bond of such a connection, the -lofty spirits who lead together the political parties of a great and -free country. In the discharge of his public duty, he had wounded -and alienated hearts in which he had ever been held, and hoped -always to be held, in affection and honor. To a man in the decline -of life, such losses are serious things; and this man had more of -them, far more, than usually falls to the lot of a statesman, even -in the changing fortunes of the longest public life. His countrymen -in general knew little of what his Presidency had cost him, or, if -they knew anything of the rupture of such ties, they gave him no -credit for the sacrifice. - -Human nature, at its best, has enormous weaknesses, even if it has -also great strength. Those who succeeded to the control of the -Federal Government could not resist the temptation to assail their -predecessors; as if the shortcomings of predecessors could excuse -their own mistakes; as if crimination of those who had laid down -responsibility could help those who had taken it up. But such is the -natural, perhaps the inevitable course of things in free governments -when a change of parties takes place, and especially in times of -extreme public danger. Mr. Buchanan was pursued in his retirement -with more than usual ferocity. The example that was set in high -places infected those of low degree. Men said that he was a -secessionist. He was a traitor. He had given away the authority of -the Government. He had been weak and vacillating. He had shut his -eyes when men about him, the very ministers of his cabinet, were -plotting the destruction of the Union. He was old and timid. He -might have crushed an incipient rebellion, and he had encouraged it. -He had been bullied at his own council board by a courageous -minister who had rebuked his policy and stayed him from a pernicious -step. He had carried off from the official palace of the Republic -ornaments that belonged to the nation. He had foolishly endeavored -to have a member of his family catalogued among the royal families -of the world. - -Some of these slanders were low enough in their origin, but not too -low to be echoed by a careless or a shameless press. Some of them -began in high quarters, and spread through all ranks of society. -Some would have been of moment, if they had been true; some had only -their own frivolity and falsehood to give them currency; but when do -frivolity and falsehood arrest the currency of a lie? - -The reader who has followed me through the foregoing pages, has been -enabled to pass judgment upon some of the most serious of the -reproaches with which this statesman was visited. But there are -other specific charges which remain to be noticed: and if, in this -final refutation, I begin with an accusation that borrowed some -dignity from its source, and then have to descend to things that no -origin and no authority could dignify, I must plead the simple -nature of my duty as the excuse. If I seem to the reader to pile -Pelion upon Ossa, he must not forget the sources from which have -been derived the erroneous popular impressions which have so long -prevailed concerning these affairs. - -When Mr. Seward became Secretary of State under President Lincoln, -he thought it proper to signalize his official correspondence with -some of our representatives abroad, with many discursive views and -statements about our internal affairs. However necessary it may have -been to possess our ministers at the courts of Europe with the -policy which the new administration intended to pursue in regard to -the threatened revolution, in order that they might enlighten the -statesmen of Europe on the subject, it was hardly to have been -expected that an American Secretary of State would, in his official -correspondence, inculpate a preceding administration of his own -government, even if it had not been one of his own party. But in the -letter addressed by Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams, on the 10th of April, -1861, from which I have already had occasion to quote, speaking of -what was the state of things when he came into office, he said: - - The Federal marine seemed to have been scattered everywhere except - where its presence was necessary, and such of the military forces - as were not in the remote States and Territories were held back - from activity by vague and mysterious armistices, which had been - informally contracted by the late President, or under his - authority, with a view to postpone conflict until impracticable - concessions to disunion should be made by Congress, or at least - until the waning term of his administration should reach its - appointed end.[166] - -Footnote 166: - - This despatch became public soon after the commencement of the - session of Congress which began in December, 1861. - -It is unnecessary for me to add anything to what has already been -said concerning the situation of the military forces at the time -when the secession movement began, or concerning the facts or -reasons for the only armistice, or understanding in the nature of an -armistice, “contracted by the late President,” (in regard to -Pensacola,) or the temporary truce of arms entered into by Major -Anderson in the harbor of Charleston. There was nothing “mysterious” -about either of these arrangements; nothing that could not be -plainly read on the records of the War and Navy Departments. And in -regard to the position of every vessel of the Navy, the records of -that Department, if Mr. Seward had taken the trouble to examine them -before he penned the charge that “the Federal marine seemed to have -been scattered everywhere except where its presence was necessary,” -he would have been able to say something more than was intended to -be conveyed by the word “seemed,” whatever that may have been, for -he would have had before him the facts. With respect, too, to -“impracticable concessions,” Mr. Seward might have compared his own -policy, pursued for some time after he became Secretary of State, -with that of the preceding administration. Mr. Toucey, Mr. -Buchanan’s Secretary of the Navy called on Mr. Seward at the State -Department soon after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, and found -that “the tenor of his [Mr. Seward’s] language was altogether for -peace and conciliation.” “I was as strongly impressed with it,” says -Mr. Toucey, “as Judge Campbell appears to have been on another -occasion.”[167] But upon the matter of fact respecting the position -of the naval forces, the following correspondence between Mr. -Buchanan and Mr. Toucey exhibits in full detail the situation of the -whole navy in the month of December, 1860, and the following months: - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. TOUCEY.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 20, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your favor of the 5th ultimo was duly received, and should long - since have been answered, but truly I had nothing to communicate - except to reiterate my warm attachment and respect for yourself, - and I know this was not necessary. - - I perceive by the papers that Mr. Grimes, of Iowa, has had a - resolution adopted by the Senate, asking the President for - information of the nature of the _quasi armistice_ at Fort - Pickens, referred to in his message, etc. - - As I was able, I have written in scraps a historical review of the - last four months of my administration, not, however, intending - that it should be published in my name. I consider it a complete - vindication of our policy. This is placed in the hands of Judge - Black and Mr. Stanton, to enable them to use the facts which it - contains in case of an attack against me in Congress. They write - that it is not probable any such attack will be made; but I - received their letter the day before the motion of Mr. Grimes. - General Dix, the Judge, and Mr. Stanton unite in the opinion that - nothing in our defence should be published at present, because - they do not believe the public mind is prepared to receive it, and - this would have the effect of producing violent attacks against me - from the Republican press, whilst we have very few, if any, - journals which would be willing to answer them; ——- _sed quere de - hoc_. I send you a copy of that portion of my review relating to - Fort Pickens. It is not so precise as the rest, because I have not - the necessary official papers in my possession. I perceive from - your letter you have a distinct recollection of the whole affair. - Would it not be wise and prudent for you to write to some friend - in Washington on the subject—Mr. Thomson, of New Jersey, or some - other person.... - - I think you ought to pay immediate attention to this matter. It - affords a fair opportunity to relieve yourself from the false and - unfounded charge made against you that you had not vessels at hand - to meet the emergency. The first paragraph of your letter to me - presents facts which would put the charge to flight. - - My health is in a great degree restored, but I recover strength - slowly. My letter is so long that I shall not advert to the - disastrous condition of our public affairs. Miss Lane unites with - myself in cordial wishes for your health and prosperity, and with - kindest regards to Mrs. Toucey. - - Ever your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 167: - - MS. letter from Mr. Toucey to Mr. Buchanan, June 5, 1861. - - [MR. TOUCEY TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - HARTFORD, July 31, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 20th. Senator Thomson took - offence last winter because I refused to give his brother a - command out of course in preference to his seniors, and although I - think, from his more recent intercourse, that it has passed away, - yet I am unwilling to make a request of him. The records of the - Navy Department will show, that on the 24th of December, 1860, the - sloop of war St. Louis, carrying twenty guns, was ordered from - Vera Cruz to Pensacola; that on the 5th of January, 1861, the - sloop of war Macedonia, carrying twenty-two guns, then at - Portsmouth (N. H.), ready for sea, was ordered by telegraph to - proceed to Pensacola; that on the 9th of January, 1861, the - frigate Sabine, carrying fifty guns, was ordered from Vera Cruz to - Pensacola; that the steam sloop of war Brooklyn, carrying - twenty-five guns, was ordered to Pensacola with two companies of - regular troops and a supply of military stores for Fort Pickens, - and arrived there early in February; that the U. S. steamer - Wyandotte, carrying five guns, was there doing effective service; - that the armed storeship Relief was there doing good service, and - was ordered to remain there; that the U. S. steamer Crusader, - carrying eight guns, having gone from her cruising ground, on the - coast of Cuba, to Pensacola for repairs, was ordered to proceed to - Tortugas, and on the arrival of the troops sent there, to return - immediately to Pensacola, and it being reported by the newspapers - that she had arrived at New Orleans, she was, on the 10th of - January, by telegraph to New Orleans, ordered to return - immediately to Pensacola, where she would find her orders. The - Relief left Pensacola with prisoners and the families of officers - for New York in violation of her orders, for which her commander - was tried and condemned by courtmartial. The Crusader missed her - orders. When the Brooklyn, the Sabine, the Macedonian, the St. - Louis, and the Wyandotte were lying before Pensacola, the force - being larger than was necessary, the St. Louis, her term of - service having expired, was ordered to New York. Whether her - orders had reached her before the 4th of March, I am not able to - say. At this time the home squadron consisted of the Powhatan, - Sabine, Brooklyn, St. Louis, Pocahontas, Pawnee, Mohawk, - Waterwitch, Wyandotte, Crusader, Cumberland, Macedonian and - Relief. The sloop of war Plymouth, the practice ship, was at - Norfolk in good condition. The U. S. steamer Anacosta was in - commission at Washington. The frigate Constitution, having been - thoroughly repaired, was anchored at Annapolis, in aid of the - Naval Academy. The great steam-ships Colorado, Minnesota and - Mississippi, at Boston, and the Wabash at New York, had been - thoroughly repaired, and could put to sea in two weeks; the - Merrimac, at Norfolk, in three weeks; the Roanoke, in dock at New - York, in six weeks. Of the above vessels, fourteen are steamers, - eight ships of the line; the Alabama, Virginia, Vermont, Ohio, - North Carolina, New York, Columbus and Pennsylvania, lying at the - navy yards, had been, on the 1st of December last, recommended by - the Department, in pursuance of the report of a board of naval - officers, to be converted into steam frigates, but Congress did - not make the necessary appropriation. The frigates Brandywine, - Potomac, St. Lawrence, Columbia and Raritan were at the navy - yards, and the same board of officers had recommended that when - repaired they should be razeed and converted into sloops. The - sloops of war Perry, Dale, Preble, Vincennes, Jamestown and - Germantown had, within a few months, returned from their regular - cruises on the coasts of Africa and South America and the East and - West Indies, and were at the navy yards awaiting repairs. Congress - had twice cut down the estimates of the Department for repairs a - million dollars. Of the thirty-seven steam vessels in the navy, - twenty had been added to it while I was at the head of the - Department. While we had this force at home, the Mediterranean - squadron consisted of but three vessels, the Susquehanna, Richmond - and Iroquois; the Brazil squadron, of the Congress, Seminole and - Pulaski; the East India squadron, of the Hartford, Saginaw, - Dacotah and John Adams; the Pacific squadron, of the Lancaster, - Cyane, St. Mary’s, Wyoming and Narragansett; the African squadron, - of the San Jacinto, Constellation, Portsmouth, Mohican, Saratoga, - Sumter and Mystic. The Niagara was on her way to carry home the - Japanese ambassadors; the Vandalia to relieve the John Adams. I - make this detailed statement that you may see that there is not - the slightest ground for anxiety as to the course of your - administration in reference to the naval force at Fort Pickens, in - the home squadron, or in the foreign squadrons. I concur with - Judge Black and others, that a publication at this time is not - expedient, because it would provoke attack; because it would not - be heard; because the best time for it is at the moment when the - tide of public sentiment begins to ebb and to set in the opposite - direction, which will inevitably soon take place. The public - cannot fail to see that affairs have taken a downward direction - with fatal velocity since the 4th of March, and that a series of - measures could not have been devised more exactly adapted to - divide the country and break the Government to pieces, than that - which has been pursued by your successor. - - Mrs. Toucey unites with me in presenting to yourself and to Miss - Lane our most respectful regards. - - Ever faithfully your friend, - I. TOUCEY. - -There was a peculiar, not to say a most offensive injustice, in -representing Mr. Buchanan’s policy as having for its object “to -postpone conflict until impracticable concessions to disunion should -be made by Congress, or at least until the waning term of his -administration should reach its appointed end.” There was nothing -impracticable in what Mr. Buchanan urged Congress to do, nor was -there any “concession to disunion” in his recommendations. Moreover, -he used his utmost exertions to strengthen the hands of his -successor, as well as his own, so that the Executive might be able -to meet any conflict that might arise. There now lie before me four -printed bills, three of which show what President Buchanan -endeavored to make Congress do. One of them is a bill introduced -into the Senate by Mr. Bigler, on the 14th of January, 1861, “to -provide for taking the sense of the people of the several States on -certain proposed amendments to the Constitution of the United -States.” - -This bill went rather beyond any “concessions” or proposed -recommendations made by the President. It was read twice and ordered -to be printed, but was never acted upon. The other three bills -embodied measures urgently asked for by the administration, and they -underwent the personal revision of the President, as appears from -his MSS. notes on the copies furnished to him, which are now in my -possession. The first was a bill reported on the 30th of January, -1861, from the select committee on the President’s message of -January 8th, and was entitled, “a bill further to provide for -calling forth the militia of the United States in certain cases.” It -would, if enacted, have enabled the President to accept the services -of volunteers to protect the forts and other public property of the -United States, and to recover their possession if it had been lost. -The second was a bill reported in the House by the same committee on -the 30th of January, 1861, “further to provide for the collection of -duties on imports.” This bill was drawn with a special view to the -condition of things in the port of Charleston. The third of these -bills, for giving the President powers which the exigency demanded, -was reported by the Committee on Military Affairs, in the House, and -was, on the 20th of February, 1861, ordered to be printed, pending -its second reading. It was “a bill supplementary to the several acts -now in force to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the -laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions.” The -laws then in force provided for calling forth the militia only when -the State authorities asked for protection against insurrections -aimed at the State governments, or in cases of foreign invasion. The -new bill was designed to provide against insurrections aimed at the -authority of the United States. Not one of these bills was ever -acted upon by that Congress; so that when “the waning term” of Mr. -Buchanan’s administration expired, the Executive was without the -appropriate means to collect the revenue outside of custom-houses, -or to call out the militia to suppress insurrections against the -United States, or to call for volunteers, and had but a mere handful -of regular troops within reach, even to guard the city of Washington -on the day of Mr. Lincoln’s inauguration, or to execute any law of -the United States that might meet with resistance.[168] - -Footnote 168: - - See Senate Bill, No. 537, 36th Congress, 2d session; House Bills, - Nos. 968, 969, 1003, same Congress, same session. - -For a long time after the month of February, 1862, there was current -a story about a “cabinet scene,” said to have occurred in Mr. -Buchanan’s cabinet in February, 1861, in which Mr. Stanton, then -Attorney General, had, by a threat of resignation, backed by a -similar threat by other ministers present, compelled the President -to recede from something that he proposed to do. This story first -became public in an English newspaper, on the 9th of February, 1862, -and was immediately copied and extensively circulated in this -country. The following correspondence discloses the public origin of -this story, and gives it its appropriate refutation: - - [THE HON. AUGUSTUS SCHELL TO THE HON. J. S. BLACK.] - - NEW YORK, July 28th, 1863. - - DEAR SIR:— - - You will find below an extract from a letter published in the - London _Observer_ on the 9th of February, 1862, subscribed with - initials T. W. The signature is known to be that of Mr. Thurlow - Weed, of Albany, who was at the time in London. - - “In February, Major Anderson, commanding Fort Moultrie, Charleston - harbor, finding his position endangered, passed his garrison by a - prompt and brilliant movement over to the stronger Fortress of - Sumter. Whereupon Mr. Floyd, Secretary of war, much excited, - called upon the President to say that Major Anderson had violated - express orders and thereby seriously compromised him (Floyd), and - that unless the Major was immediately remanded to Fort Moultrie, - he should resign the War Office. - - “The cabinet was assembled directly. Mr. Buchanan, explaining the - embarrassment of the Secretary of War, remarked that the act of - Major Anderson would occasion exasperation at the South; he had - told Mr. Floyd that, as the Government was strong, forbearance - toward erring brethren might win them back to their allegiance, - and that that officer might be ordered back. - - “After an ominous silence, the President inquired how the - suggestion struck his cabinet. - - “Mr. Stanton, just now called to the War Office [under President - Lincoln], but then Attorney General, answered: ‘That course, Mr. - President, ought certainly to be regarded as most liberal towards - “erring brethren,” but while one member of your cabinet has - fraudulent acceptances for millions of dollars afloat, and while - the confidential clerk of another—himself in Carolina teaching - rebellion—has just stolen $900,000 from the Indian Trust Fund, the - experiment of ordering Major Anderson back to Fort Moultrie would - be dangerous. But if you intend to try it, before it is done I beg - that you will accept my resignation.’ ‘And mine,’ added the - Secretary of State, Mr. Black. ‘And mine, also,’ said the - Postmaster General, Mr. Holt. ‘And mine, too,’ followed the - Secretary of the Treasury, General Dix. - - “This of course opened the bleared eyes of the President, and the - meeting resulted in the acceptance of Mr. Floyd’s resignation.” - - Inasmuch as you were a member of Mr. Buchanan’s cabinet, and one - of the persons alluded to among the members of his cabinet who - dissented from the proposition alleged to have been made by Mr. - Floyd, I have thought it not improper to call upon you to state - whether the subject matter of Mr. Weed’s communication is or is - not true. - - As for myself, I do not believe it to be true, and regard it as - one of the numerous slanders which have been disseminated to - reflect discredit upon the late excellent President of the United - States. I shall esteem it a favor if you will inform me, by - letter, of the precise circumstances attending the action of Mr. - Buchanan’s cabinet, at the time of the transaction referred to, if - any such took place, to the end that the public may be truthfully - informed of the actual occurrence. - - I have written this letter without the knowledge of Mr. Buchanan, - solely for the purpose that the public record of Mr. Buchanan’s - administration may be vindicated from a charge which those who - know him, as you and I do, can not but feel has originated from - personal or political malice. - - Yours very respectfully, - AUGUSTUS SCHELL. - - [JUDGE BLACK TO MR. SCHELL.] - - YORK, August 6, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your letter of July 28th, which I have but just now received, - calls my attention to a statement published in the London - _Observer_, over the signature of T. W. I am asked if the - occurrence, there said to have taken place at a cabinet council in - February, 1861, is true or not, and you desire me to inform you of - the precise circumstances attending the action of Mr. Buchanan’s - cabinet at the time of the transaction referred to. - - The latter part of this request is more than I can comply with at - present. All the circumstances set out with precision would, I - suppose, fill a moderate sized volume; and anything short of a - full account would probably do wrong to the subject. Besides, I am - not convinced that the truth would be received now with public - favor, or even with toleration. The time when justice shall be - done draws near, but is not yet. - - But the story you transcribe from the London paper is wholly - fictitious. Major Anderson passed his garrison to Fort Sumter, - not in February, 1861, but in December, 1860. General Dix was - not then a member of the cabinet...... The real cause of Floyd’s - retirement from office had no connection with that affair.[169] - Mr. Stanton made no such speech as that put into his mouth by T. - W., or any other speech inconsistent with the most perfect - respect for all his colleagues and for the President. Neither - Mr. Stanton nor Mr. Holt ever spoke to the President about - resigning, upon any contingency whatever, before the incoming of - the new administration. - - I am, with great respect, yours, - J. S. BLACK. - -Footnote 169: - - Ordering Anderson back to Fort Moultrie. - -For many years, the source from which Mr. Weed received any part -whatever of this story, remained shrouded in mystery. Judge Black at -one time had traced it to Colonel George W. McCook, of Ohio; and he -received from that gentleman a qualified promise to make known, at a -future period, the source from which he (Colonel McCook) derived his -information. But Colonel McCook was, at the time he gave this -promise, about to become a Republican candidate for the office of -Governor of Ohio. He lost the election, and died soon after. It was -not until I began to write the present work that I learned, from a -gentleman now residing in Philadelphia, Mr. George Plumer Smith, who -Mr. Weed’s informant was, and how Mr. Weed became possessed of a -story which he repeated in print, with some variation and a great -deal of inaccuracy. Mr. Smith furnished to me in February, 1882, the -following statement, and authorized me to make use of it: - -STATEMENT. - - In October, 1861, while at Willard’s Hotel, in Washington, I met - an old friend, Colonel George W. McCook, of Steubenville, Ohio, - where I had known him as partner in law practice with Mr. Edwin M. - Stanton, whom, also, I knew while in Ohio, and afterwards in - Pittsburgh, where I was a merchant. - - Colonel McCook and I had many conversations about the outlook then - of affairs, and we agreed that history might yet with us repeat - itself, and possible catastrophes make demand for a leader who, by - the will of the loyal people, would be called to assume powers - outside the Constitution. And we both agreed that, in such dire - contingency, Mr. Stanton would be the man. - - The Colonel then, with the dramatic gesture and forcible language - which his surviving friends would recall, told me of the scene in - the cabinet when Governor Floyd overshot himself in his demands on - Mr. Buchanan, etc., and of Mr. Stanton’s lead in demanding - Secretary Floyd’s dismissal, etc., etc., which account I readily - believed authentic, and treasured it in my memory. - - I was at that time detained in Washington to decide whether I - would go abroad to make purchases of certain supplies for the - Quartermaster’s Department, and sailed a few days after the last - conversation with Colonel McCook. - - I made contracts in Paris, and, about the middle of November, I - went down to Havre to expedite my first shipment, and there met - with Mr. Thurlow Weed and his party, just arrived. I had some - previous acquaintance with him, and during my stay abroad had - frequent occasion to see him. - - I closed up my business in Paris on the 28th January, 1862, on - which day it was telegraphed from Ireland that “_Frederick P. - Stanton_” was appointed to the War Department in Washington. - - Going over to London the next day, I called on Mr. Weed, then - there, and the mails not yet to hand. He was under the impression - the new Secretary was the former Governor of Kansas. But when it - was corrected I called again, and found him very desirous of - information about Mr. Edwin M. Stanton’s previous life and - character, which I gave him, including, of course, the cabinet - scene, as told me by Colonel McCook, then fresh in my - recollection. But Mr. Weed did not speak of writing it out for - publication, and I really regretted to find it, in his own - practical adaptation for the newspaper, in the _Observer_, on the - Sunday morning following. I took care to address copies to Mr. - Stanton, Colonel McCook, General Meigs, and others. - - Early in March following, I was in Washington, settling my - accounts, and, by Mr. Stanton’s invitation, called at his house. - After tea, he led me into his library, when at once he asked: “Who - furnished Thurlow Weed with the statements in the _Observer_ which - you sent me?” - - I then fully detailed how it all came about, and of Colonel - McCook’s being in Washington when I left, and giving me the - particulars of the cabinet scene, etc. Mr. Stanton reflected for - some minutes, when he said: “McCook should not have talked of such - matters; and, in his way, he has exaggerated what did occur; but” - pausing again, he continued, “I have not time now to be watching - and correcting what may be told of last winter’s troubles in Mr. - Buchanan’s cabinet, in which I was an unwilling member; besides, - many of my old Democratic friends now turn the cold shoulder to me - in the changed relations which duty to my country has laid upon - me.” - - I was, indeed, glad that the statement seemed to have attracted - but little attention, and hoped it would pass out of remembrance. - - But when Vice President Wilson reproduced it in the _Atlantic - Monthly_, and was answered by Judge Black, I thought it my duty to - write to Colonel McCook, reminding him of the occasion on which he - told me of the cabinet affair, as I told its outlines to Mr. Weed, - etc., and asking his (Colonel McCook’s) permission to correct much - which had been added to his original narrative; but I had no reply - from him; and not long after he died—suddenly, poor fellow. - - I had not then personal acquaintance with Judge J. S. Black, but - had opportunity to explain to a friend in York what I knew of the - matter, and he mentioned what I had told him to the Judge. - - I met the latter at Cape May, in 1876, and had a long conversation - about the reported scene, which, he said, would be fully explained - in, I understood him, a publication he had in preparation. - - I can only add my often and sincere regret that I should have been - concerned, in any way, in doing injustice to Mr. Buchanan, in the - trying scenes he had to encounter. - - GEO. PLUMER SMITH. - - PHILADELPHIA, February 8, 1882. - -The reader should now peruse an extract from a private letter, -written by Mr. Buchanan to his niece, Miss Lane, immediately after -he had heard that Mr. Stanton had been appointed by President -Lincoln Secretary of War. It shows, in addition to the internal -evidence which the story of the “cabinet scene” carried within -itself for its own refutation, that Mr. Stanton was a very unlikely -person to have played the part imputed to him in that account. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, January 16, 1862. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - ...... Well, our friend Stanton has been appointed Secretary of - War. I presume, without knowing, that this has been done by the - influence of General McClellan. I have reason to believe they are - very intimate. What are Mr. Stanton’s qualifications for that, the - greatest and most responsible office in the world, I cannot judge. - I appointed him Attorney General when Judge Black was raised to - the State Department, because his professional business and that - of the Judge, especially in California cases, were so intimately - connected that he could proceed in the Supreme Court without - delay. He is a sound, clear-headed, persevering and practical - lawyer, and is quite eminent, especially in patent cases. He is - not well versed in public, commercial or constitutional law, - because his professional duties as a country lawyer never led him - to make these his study. I believe him to be a perfectly honest - man, and in that respect he differs from ——. He never took much - part in cabinet councils, because his office did not require it. - He was always on my side, and flattered me _ad nauseam_.[170] - -Footnote 170: - - It will be noted from the date of this letter that it was written - before the story of the “cabinet scene” became current, and - therefore Mr. Buchanan could not have been led by that story to - give to a member of his family this description of Mr. Stanton’s - demeanor towards himself. See also the letters of Mr. Stanton to - Mr. Buchanan, quoted _post_. - -In the confidential letters of Mr. Buchanan, hereafter to be quoted, -his feelings about this story will be fully disclosed. The story -carried within itself a plain implication that he had been grossly -insulted by four members of his cabinet, an insult, which if it had -ever occurred, would have been instantly followed by their dismissal -from office. He was not a man to brook such an indignity, nor was -there a man among all those who were falsely said to have offered -it, who would have dared to be guilty of it. The contradiction given -to it by Judge Black, in his letter to Mr. Schell, was not -immediately published. - -How Mr. Stanton came to leave this falsehood without contradiction, -and what he said about it after he had assumed new political -relations, and after he learned the source from which Mr. Weed -received it, the reader has seen from the statement of the gentleman -who communicated it to Mr. Weed, and who received it from Col. -McCook. - -I must now descend to slanders of a nature almost too contemptible -for notice, but as they gave Mr. Buchanan much annoyance, I do not -think it fit to withhold all exhibition of his feelings about them. -His own letters explain what they were: - - [DR. BLAKE TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON CITY, December 19, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - A friend has called my attention to a description of the - President’s levee on the first page of the New York —— of - yesterday’s date, from which I make the following extract: “Next - we come to the Red Room. This is properly Mrs. Lincoln’s reception - room. Everything in it is new except the splendid old painting of - Washington. The fine pictures of Queen Victoria and Prince Albert - and other members of the royal family, presented to the President - of the United States for the President’s mansion by the Prince of - Wales, that hung upon the walls of this room, are missing. I learn - that they were removed to Wheatland with Mr. Buchanan. He also - took away from the White House a large number of the Chinese or - Japanese curiosities, intended, upon presentation, for the - mansion. All these are missing.” According to my recollection, the - Prince of Wales presented to Miss Lane three engravings, one of - his mother, another of his father, and the third of himself. They - were hung in the Red Room. Whether Miss Lane took them with her to - Wheatland I cannot say, but presume she did, as _they_ were _her - property_. There were no Chinese curiosities presented during your - administration. The Japanese curiosities presented, I believe, - through the late Commodore Perry to ex-President Pierce, remained - in the house when I ceased to be Commissioner of Public Buildings. - The presents made to you by the Japanese embassy were, by _your - directions_, deposited by me in the Patent Office, with _the - original list_ of the articles. I took a receipt for them from the - proper officer, which I delivered to you, and doubt not you still - have it in your possession. My first impulse on reading the base - insinuation of the _——’s_ correspondent, was to publish - immediately a flat and indignant contradiction of it; but on - consultation with a friend, who seemed to consider it unworthy of - notice, I concluded I had better write to you and learn from you - whether silent contempt, or a publication stamping it with - falsehood, would be the most proper method of treating the - slanderous imputation. - - Very truly yours, - JNO. B. BLAKE. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, December 19, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - In looking over the New York —— of yesterday, I observe that his - Washington correspondent states that I took away from the White - House the pictures of Queen Victoria, Prince Albert, and other - members of the royal family, presented to me for the Presidential - mansion by the Prince of Wales. I trust that neither the President - nor Mrs. Lincoln had any connection with this statement. - Likenesses of the Queen and Prince, with four of the children of - the royal family, were sent to Miss Lane in loose sheets, with - many kind messages, by the Prince of Wales, immediately before he - left for England. I think they were borne by Lord Lyons. Miss Lane - had them plainly framed at her own expense, and hung them up in - the Red Room until she should return to Wheatland. I am also - charged with having taken away from the White House a large number - of Chinese and Japanese curiosities intended upon presentation for - the mansion. You are aware that after the Japanese embassadors - left, I sent everything that had been presented by them to me to - the Patent Office. There were at the time two young ladies staying - at the White House, and before the embassadors left they presented - Miss Lane and each of them some trifling Japanese curiosities. - What they received I do not know, but since the receipt of the —— - I have inquired of Miss Hetty, and I certainly would not give - twenty dollars for the whole lot. Miss Lane is absent in New York, - and I cannot find her keys...... - - I send you the enclosed as something like what might be published. - If you would call on Lord Lyons, to whom I enclose a letter, and - say you called at my request, he would tell you all about the - pictures of the Queen and Prince Albert, and their children...... - - Thank God! my health I may say is entirely restored. How glad I - should be to see you! Miss Lane has been absent in New York for - some time, and I do not expect her home until after New Year. - - From your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO DR. BLAKE.] - - LANCASTER, December 20, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have this moment received your favor of yesterday. I wrote to - you yesterday on the subject of your letter, and suggested a mode - of contradiction. I now find that you took the precaution of - having a list made of the Japanese articles, and obtaining a - receipt from the Patent Office. The statement may, therefore, be - made still stronger.[171] - - The friend who advised you not to publish a contradiction - committed a great mistake. The charge is mean and contemptible, as - well as false, and if it were true, it would make me a mean and - contemptible fellow. It is just the thing to circulate freely. I - have no doubt Lord Lyons will give you a statement in writing - concerning the pictures. - - Wishing you many a merry Christmas, and many a happy New Year, I - remain always your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 171: - - The Patent Office receipts are now before me. The work entitled - “Ladies of the White House,” contains a letter from Lord Lyons - about the trifling presents made by the Prince of Wales to Miss - Lane. - -One other charge of a similar nature must now be intruded upon the -notice of the reader. The following contradiction of it was drawn up -by Mr. Buchanan himself for publication, but I do not know whether -it was in fact published. - - EX-PRESIDENT BUCHANAN. - - There has recently been published in the New York _Tribune_ a - letter dated at Gotha on the 12th August, and purporting to have - been written by Bayard Taylor, which contains the following: “In - this place is published the _Almanach de Gotha_, the most - aristocratic calendar in the world, containing the only reliable - pedigrees and portraits of the crowned heads. Well, last summer - the publisher was surprised by the reception of a portrait of Miss - Harriet Lane, forwarded by her uncle, with a request that it be - engraved for next year’s _Almanach_, as our Republican rulers had - a right to appear in the company of the reigning families.” - - We are authorized to say that this statement in regard to - Ex-President Buchanan is without the least shadow of foundation. - He never forwarded such a portrait to the publisher of the Gotha - _Almanach_; never made such a request, and never had any - correspondence of any kind, directly or indirectly, with that - gentleman. He was, therefore, surprised when this absurd charge - was a few days ago brought to his notice by a friend. - -I might multiply these misrepresentations of Mr. Buchanan’s acts, -his sentiments and opinions, into a catalogue that would only -disgust the reader. The sanctity of his domestic circle at -Wheatland, after his retirement from the Presidency, and during the -early stages of the civil war, was invaded by pretended accounts of -his conversation, which were circulated in the issues of newspapers -that were unfriendly to him, and which fed a diseased appetite for -scandal that could only have existed in a state of unexampled -excitement produced by the varying fortunes of the Federal arms. It -was indeed a wild and phrensied credulity that could give currency -to such falsehoods as were told of him, falsehoods that had no -excuse for their origin, or for the credence which they received. It -was a state of things which those who are too young to remember it -can scarcely conceive, and which those who lived through it must now -look back upon with horror. - -How he bore himself through all this flood of detraction and abuse; -how he never wavered amid disaster or victory, in his firm -determination to uphold with all his influence the just authority of -the Federal Government; how he prayed for the restoration of the -Union and the preservation of the Constitution; how he opened his -purse to relieve the suffering and cheer the hearts of the brave men -who were fighting the battles of their country, his private -correspondence abundantly proves. - -In the seven years which intervened between the end of his -Presidency and his death, he had, besides the occupation of -preparing the defence of his administration, and of entertaining -friends, the occupation of writing letters. He was not one of those -statesmen who, after a long life of great activity in the -excitements of politics and the business of office, cannot be happy -in retirement. He had many resources, and one of the chief of them -was his pen. Letter-writing was a sort of necessity of his mind, and -it is now well that he indulged it. It is in his familiar letters -during these last seven years of his life that his character comes -out most vividly and attractively, and in nothing does it appear -more winning, or more worthy of admiration than it does in the -steadfast evenness of temper with which he bore unmerited and -unprovoked calumny, and the serenity with which he looked to the -future for vindication. - - - - - CHAPTER XXVII. - 1861. - -CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. STANTON, MR. HOLT, GENERAL DIX AND OTHERS. - - -After his retirement to Wheatland, Mr. Buchanan received many -letters from three members of his cabinet, all of whom afterwards -held high office under President Lincoln,—namely, Mr. Stanton, Mr. -Holt, and General Dix. His relations with Judge Black, Mr. Toucey -and Mr. King continued to be very intimate, but the letters of the -three other gentlemen should specially receive the attention of the -reader, because their subsequent positions render them peculiarly -important witnesses to the course of Mr. Buchanan’s administration. -The letters received or written by Mr. Buchanan during the remainder -of the year 1861, are here given in their chronological order; but -it should be noted that this period is divided by the bombardment of -Fort Sumter, which began on the 11th of April, 1861. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, Sunday, March 10, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - The dangerous illness of my youngest child for the last three days - must be my apology for not writing to you until to-day. I shall - now endeavor to give you as full information as I possess of the - state of public affairs in Washington. At the depot, on the - afternoon of your departure, I parted with Mr. Holt and Mr. - Toucey, and have not seen them since then. The cabinet was, as you - know, nominated and confirmed that day. The next morning Mr. - Seward took possession of the State Department, and Mr. Bates was - shortly afterwards qualified and commissioned as Attorney General. - Before this was done, Mr. Seward sent for me and requested me to - draw up a nomination of Mr. Crittenden for Judge of the United - States Court. I did so, and gave it to him. My understanding was - that the nomination would be immediately sent in. But it has not - been sent, and the general understanding is that it _will not be_. - The rumor is that the _red blacks_ oppose it, and also many of the - Democrats, and that Mr. Holt will be nominated. He appears now to - be the chief favorite of the Republicans. At the time that Mr. - Seward sent for me, he also gave me some comments of General - Scott’s on the report made by Mr. Holt in relation to Major - Anderson and Fort Sumter. The remarkable character of these - comments induced me to ask permission (which was granted) to show - them to General Dix; and I designed also to procure a copy of them - for you, if possible, but I have not been able to see Mr. Seward - since he sent for the paper. These comments stated that they were - written at night, at the General’s quarters, and in the absence of - his papers. This may account for what I suppose to be errors in - respect to material facts. These errors relate - - 1st. To the sending of the Star of the West. This is attributed to - Mr. Toucey’s being unwilling to furnish the Brooklyn for that - expedition. My understanding was that Mr. Toucey wanted to send - the Brooklyn, and that General Scott and Mr. Holt preferred the - other mode, and overruled Mr. Toucey. - - 2d. The second point was that on subsequent consultations General - Scott urged the sending of a military and naval force to relieve - Major Anderson, but that Mr. Toucey made such difficulty about - furnishing the ships that it was abandoned. My understanding was - that General Scott _never urged_ the sending of any force to - Sumter, but only to be ready to do so if necessary; and that he - agreed with you in opinion that the state of political affairs in - the border States, and the reports of Major Anderson, made it - expedient _not_ to send any force unless Sumter was attacked. - - 3d. A third point relates to what General Scott calls an informal - truce entered into by you with certain persons from seceding - States, under which the reinforcement of Sumter and Fort Pickens - was suspended. My recollection in respect to that transaction is - that Mr. Holt and General Scott concurred _with you_ in that - arrangement, which, when proposed in cabinet, was opposed by Judge - Black and myself. - - In his conversation with me, Mr. Seward mentioned that Mr. Lincoln - and his cabinet, when this subject came up, would desire me to be - present, and also Mr. Holt. I told him that if _all of the late - cabinet_ were requested to be present I would have no objection, - but I did not think it proper _unless all_ were present. He said - that of course the invitation would be extended _to all_. As I - never heard any thing more on the subject, I suppose that they - have found it only necessary to consult Mr. Holt, who continued - acting as Secretary of War. Mr. Seward has been sick for several - days, but the first time that I see him my intention is to ask for - a copy of General Scott’s comments for you. - - I am perfectly satisfied that Major Anderson _will be withdrawn_. - Scott agrees with Anderson as to the force required to relieve - Sumter, and evidently favors withdrawal of the troops. The same - thing will no doubt be done in respect to Fort Pickens. The - Montgomery commissioners have not yet applied for an audience. - Various conjectures are made in respect to whether they will be - received. I am also convinced by the general tone prevailing here - that there is not the least design to attempt any coercive - measure. A continuation of your policy _to avoid collision_ will - be the course of the present administration. General Dix gave up - the Treasury Department Thursday, and went home Friday morning. He - on all occasions speaks of you with kindness and regard. Mr. Holt - is the only one of your cabinet yet in office—the probability is - that he will receive the nomination of Supreme Judge as a reward - for what he terms his efforts to arrest the downward course of - public affairs at the time he became Secretary of War. The - resignations of General Cooper and Colonels Lay and Withers show - that the feeling of secession in Virginia is growing stronger. - Judge Campbell has his resignation prepared, and will send it in - on the 15th of this month. This will be the most serious - resignation that has yet occurred, not only on account of his high - character and eminent qualities, but also because it affects a - branch of the Government hitherto untouched by the contagion of - secession. - - Judge Black left town with his family yesterday. He is to return - on Monday. The scramble for office is terrific. It is said that - Lincoln takes the precaution of seeing no strangers alone. The - reception on Friday is reported to have been an immense mob. - - I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane, and shall ever - remain, with sincere regard, - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. HOLT.] - - WHEATLAND, March 11, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have not heard a word from any member of my late cabinet since I - left Washington, except a letter from Mr. Stanton, received - yesterday. I had expected to hear often, especially from Judge - Black and yourself. Meanwhile the Northern papers are teeming with - what I know to be misrepresentations as to expressions used by - yourself concerning my conduct. From our first acquaintance I have - had the most implicit confidence in your integrity, ability and - friendship, and this remains unchanged. Pray enlighten me as to - what is going on in Washington. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO JAMES GORDON BENNETT, ESQ.] - - WHEATLAND, March 11, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Will you be kind enough to direct the _Herald_ to be sent to me at - Lancaster? I have been quite lost without it. - - I am once more settled at this, my quiet home, and one of my first - impulses is to return you my cordial and grateful thanks for the - able and powerful support which you have given me almost - universally throughout my stormy and turbulent administration. - Under Heaven’s blessing the administration has been successful in - its foreign and domestic policy, unless we may except the sad - events which have recently occurred. These no human wisdom could - have prevented. Whether I have done all I could, consistently with - my duty, to give them a wise and peaceful direction towards the - preservation or reconstruction of the Union, will be for the - public and posterity to judge. I feel conscious that I have done - my duty in this respect, and that I shall, at last, receive - justice. With my very kindest regards to Mrs. Bennett, I remain, - - Sincerely and respectfully your friend, - b JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, March 12, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - It is now the universal impression in this city, that Sumter and - Pickens will both be surrendered. The _National Republican_ - (Lincoln organ) says that it was determined on at the cabinet - meeting Saturday. Enclosed I send you a slip from the New York - _Tribune_ of Monday, 11th. Harvey, the telegraphic correspondent, - is intimate and in daily association with Mr. Holt, but he surely - can have no warrant for the assertion in the article referred to. - Cameron was sworn into office yesterday.[172] The administration - is now completely organized, but demands for office necessarily - must occupy their chief attention. I have not seen any of the - cabinet, or any leading Senator of that party, since the date of - my last letter. - - Floyd is here. Russell has been discharged from the indictment - against, him. All accounts here represent the secession feeling in - Virginia to be rapidly strengthening and extending. It would not - surprise me to see Virginia out in less than ninety days, and - Maryland will be close at her heels. Lincoln and the family at the - White House are represented to be greatly elated at Douglas - joining in defence of the new administration. It is said to be the - chief topic of conversation with visitors at the Executive - mansion. - - You will notice in the _Tribune_ an article signed “One who sees - the facts,” which is quite sharp on Major Anderson, and the writer - evidently agrees with you in respect to the Major’s course. - Glossbrenner started home this morning. - - With great respect, I remain, yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - -Footnote 172: - - As Secretary of War. - - [MR. HOLT TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, March 14, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have read, with amazement and much sorrow, the statement - contained in your kind letter of the 11th inst., just received, - that the Northern papers are teeming with misrepresentations of - expressions, said to have been used by myself, concerning your - conduct. As I read but few of these papers, it is not surprising - that such calumnies should have escaped my notice; but I am - astonished that they should not have been mentioned to me by some - of our common friends. Having no knowledge whatever of the nature - or details of these misrepresentations, of course I can offer you - no explanation or refutation of them. This much, however, may be - safely affirmed, that if they impute to me expressions in any - degree disparaging to yourself personally or officially, they are - utterly false. I gave to your administration an earnest and - sincere support, first from a high sense of duty to my country, - and next out of regard for yourself personally. What I thus - supported, I will never cease to defend. - - I feel a gratitude that words cannot convey, for the declaration - that, in despite of all these fabrications and perversions of a - profligate press, your confidence remains unshaken. Be assured - that I have not, and never will, do aught unworthy of the trust - that you so generously repose. I have labored to deserve your - friendship, which has lavished upon me honors and distinctions for - which I am, and shall continue to be, grateful with every throb of - my life. No greater mortification could befall me than to fear - even that you regarded me insensible to these kindnesses, or - capable of being less than your devoted friend, now and hereafter, - here and everywhere. - - I think you have little reason to disquiet yourself about the - calumnies of the press. The enthusiasm which greeted you in your - progress homeward shows how these things have impressed the - popular heart. You will not have to live long to witness the - entombment of the last of the falsehoods by which your patriotic - career has been assailed. If you are not spared until then, you - need have no fear but that history will do you justice. - - I have not met with any member of your cabinet, except Governor - Toucey, since we separated on Monday night. I remained in the War - Department until the Monday following, when General Cameron was - qualified. I have seen the President but once since, and then on a - matter of business about which he wished the information which he - supposed my connection with the War Department would supply. - Having no means of knowing the plans and purposes of the - administration, I can only say I am well satisfied its policy will - be decidedly pacific and conciliatory. I should not be surprised - to learn, any morning, that Fort Sumter had been evacuated. As - Fort Pickens can be retained without a collision, it may be - differently treated. All is tranquil here, and the tone of feeling - prevailing is constantly increasing in hopefulness and confidence. - The indications from the border States are very encouraging. The - popular mind is rapidly becoming tranquilized. This accomplished, - and the revolution will die out. Excitement is the aliment on - which it feeds, and without this it could scarcely subsist for - sixty days. The work of transferring the offices is going on, but - not rapidly or remorselessly. The temper of the Republicans seems - greatly changed from what it was during their conflict for power. - I believe every effort will be made to preserve the Government, - and I have more hope of the result now than I have had for the - last three months. - - With kind regards to Miss Lane, I am, very respectfully, - - Your sincere friend, - J. HOLT. - - [GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - NEW YORK, March 14, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I left Washington on Friday (Mr. Chase having relieved me on the - preceding day[173]), went to Boston on Saturday, passed Sunday - with my wife and daughter, and returned to this city on Monday. I - am at this moment annoyed with the apprehension that I may be - obliged to go to Washington to-morrow. If so, I will advise you of - the cause. - - When we parted, there was a feeling of doubt as to my friend Major - Anderson. I wrote him a letter the day his despatches were - received—in fact, the night after our meeting at Mr. Ould’s house, - in which I alluded in the strongest terms of reprobation to the - treachery of some of the officers of the Government in the South, - contrasting it with his own courage and constancy. I made no - allusion to his despatches. I have received a letter from him - which is perfectly satisfactory. I will in a few days send you - copies of mine to him and his answer. - - I envy you the quietude of Wheatland. There is none here. The - excitements are wearisome in the extreme. The people are now - agitated by the intelligence that Fort Sumter is to be abandoned. - Here, I think, there will be no decided demonstration of - disapproval. But in the country it will be different. The - disappointment will be very great, and it will go far to turn the - current against the new administration. Your record will brighten - in proportion. Of course, an attempt will be made to cast the - responsibility on you. But there is a complete defence, as we - know. - - I shall never forget the six happy weeks I passed with you. The - remembrance of your kindness, and that of Miss Lane, will always - be among my brightest retrospections. Nothing would afford me so - much gratification as to be able to do something in return for - your contributions to my happiness and comfort. With my kind - regards to her, I am, dear sir, - - Sincerely and faithfully yours, - JOHN A. DIX. - -Footnote 173: - - As Secretary of the Treasury. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, March 14, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Your favor was received last evening. I shall take care of it so - that when required it may be returned. - - There is no doubt of Sumter being evacuated; report says the order - has gone, but that, I think, is doubtful. You will have noticed - the resolution introduced yesterday by Mr. Douglas in the Senate. - That looks like a comprehensive platform for relinquishing - everything in the seceded States, and even those that sympathize - with them. To me it seems like the first step towards a strictly - Northern non-slaveholding confederacy. - - In the last two days nothing has occurred here to my knowledge but - what you will see in the newspapers. There has been no further - action in respect to the Supreme Judgeship. It is generally - understood that Crittenden will not be nominated. Judge Campbell - has reconsidered his resignation, and will not resign immediately. - The Court adjourns to-day. I am now writing in the Supreme Court - room. If the Court ever reassembles, there will be considerable - change in its organization. Judge Grier went home sick two days - ago. Judge McLean is reported to be quite ill. Lincoln will - probably (if his administration continues four years) make a - change that will affect the constitutional doctrines of the Court. - - The pressure for office continues unabated. Every department is - overrun, and by the time that all the patronage is distributed the - Republican party will be dissolved. I hope that peace and - tranquillity, with cessation from your intense labors, will long - preserve you in health and happiness. - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - P. S.—The Supreme Court have just decided Mrs. Gaines’s case in - her favor—four judges to three—the Chief Justice, Grier, and - Catron _dissenting_. They have also decided that the Federal - Government _has no power_ to coerce the Governor of a State to - return a fugitive from justice, although it is his duty to comply - with the demand. - - Yours, etc., - E. M. S. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Notwithstanding what has been said in the papers and the universal - reports here during the last week, the order for the removal of - the troops from Sumter has not, as I am assured, yet been given. - Yesterday it was still under debate. Every day affords proof of - the absence of any settled policy or harmonious concert of action - in the administration. Seward, Bates and Cameron form one wing; - Chase, Miller, Blair, the opposite wing; Smith is on both sides, - and Lincoln sometimes on one, sometimes on the other. There has - been agreement in nothing. Lincoln, it is complained in the - streets, has undertaken to distribute the whole patronage, small - and great, leaving nothing to the chiefs of departments. Growls - about Scott’s “imbecility” are growing frequent. The Republicans - are beginning to think that a monstrous blunder was made in the - tariff bill, and that it will cut off the trade of New York, build - up New Orleans and the Southern ports, and leave the Government no - revenue—they see before them the prospect of soon being without - money and without credit. But with all this, it is certain that - _Anderson will be withdrawn_. I do not believe there will be much - further effort to assail you. Mr. Sumner told me yesterday that - Scott’s _proposed order_ was based upon purely military reasons - and the limited military resources of the Government. The - embarrassments that surrounded you they now feel; and whatever may - be said against you must recoil as an argument against them. And - in giving reasons for their action, they must exhibit the facts - that controlled you in respect to Sumter. - - Mr. Holt has gone to New York. I have not seen him. When he called - on me I happened to be from home, and when I called he was absent. - Judge Black is here, and I suppose intends to remain for some - time. He is staying at Harrison’s. I hope to be able to procure a - copy of Mr. Holt’s letter and General Scott’s comments next week, - and I intend to call and see the General and have a talk with him. - With sincere regard, I remain, - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Yours of yesterday was received this morning, and its arrival - telegraphed. I do not think there will be any serious effort to - assail your administration in respect to Fort Sumter. That would - imply a coercive policy on their part, and hostility to your - pacific measures. The tendency of General Scott’s remarks was - rather to impute blame to Mr. Toucey than to any one else. And as - Mr. Holt and the General concurred in everything done or written, - their concurrence will defend you. - - I will procure the papers you desire, and forward them, and will - make you a visit as soon as the illness of my child will suffer me - to leave home. In the meantime, I shall write to you often, and - apprise you of what is going on. - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL DIX.] - - WASHINGTON, March 18, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Many thanks for your kind letter of the 14th instant. I shall ever - recollect with pleasure and satisfaction your brief sojourn with - us at the White House, and with gratitude the able and successful - manner in which you performed the duties of your arduous and - responsible office. - - You might envy me the quiet of Wheatland were my thoughts not - constantly disturbed by the unfortunate condition of our country. - The question of the withdrawal of the troops from Fort Sumter at - first agitated the public mind in this vicinity; but my impression - is that the people are now becoming gradually reconciled to it. - There is a general desire for peace. As a military movement, - General Scott’s name will go far to sustain Mr. Lincoln. After - Major’s Anderson’s letter, received on the 4th March, it was very - doubtful whether he could be reinforced by the means within the - power of the Government. The only alternative would have been, to - let the Confederate States commence the war on him, and if the - force had been so superior as to render successful resistance - impossible, after the honor of the flag had been maintained, then - to authorize him to capitulate. Indeed, I presume such, or nearly - such, was the purport of the instructions. - - It is probable an attempt will be made, as you suggest, to cast - the responsibility on me. But I always refused to surrender the - fort and was ever ready to send reinforcements on the request of - Major Anderson. - - I thank God that the revolution has as yet been bloodless, - notwithstanding my duty, as prescribed in my annual message, has - been performed as far as this was practicable. - - With my kindest regards to Mrs. Dix, I remain always, sincerely - and respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. HOLT TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, March 20, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - On reaching home last evening, I had the pleasure of receiving - yours of the 16th inst., and now hasten to inclose the copy of my - letter to the President, as requested. I think you need have no - apprehension that either yourself or friends will be called upon - for any elaborate vindication of your policy in reference to Fort - Sumter; events are hurrying on too rapidly for that. You will ere - this have seen Breckinridge’s speech in the Senate, connected with - the movement now making by his friends in Kentucky, through an - irregular popular convention gathered from the highways and - hedges, to force the legislature to the adoption of a - revolutionary policy. This demonstration on his part is regarded - as very significant. Kentucky voted against him, on the - _suspicion_ merely that he was a disunionist; after this avowal, I - doubt not, her condemnation of him will be far more decided. - - I very much fear an early recognition on the part of France of the - new Confederacy, which, followed as it would speedily be by - others, would go far to consolidate the Southern republic. The - bait for the material interests of Europe has been adroitly - prepared, and cannot be long resisted. But I think such a step by - a friendly government taken within ninety days after the revolt of - the States ought to be treated almost as _casus belli_. Fort - Sumter, I presume, is about to be evacuated, which will do much to - allay popular excitement in South Carolina, and thus take away the - aliment on which the revolution is feeding. Still there will - remain military complications in the South, for the peaceable - adjustment of which fears may well be entertained. - - You have my sincere thanks for your kind invitation to visit - Wheatland. It would afford me the greatest pleasure to do so, and - I trust that events may yet place this gratification within my - reach. - - Very respectfully and truly your friend, - J. HOLT. - - [GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - NEW YORK, March 28th, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I intended to have sent you long ere this a copy of my letter to - Major Anderson, and his reply. Mine was written on the evening of - the inauguration, after the consultation at Mr. Ould’s; and it was - intended to encourage him if he was true, or to cut him to the - heart if he was false. You know, however, that I would not doubt - his honor and good faith. I should have sent the correspondence - last week, but I was urged to go to Washington to see Mr. Chase in - regard to the new loan. The request came from the Government, and - I could not decline it. I found the Secretary well informed in - regard to the condition of the finances, and think he will acquit - himself with credit. - - When I left (on Saturday last), I do not think the administration - had any settled policy. It was merely drifting with the current, - at a loss to know whether it were better to come to an anchor, or - set sail. There had not been at that time a full cabinet meeting; - and I know that the foreign appointments had been made without - consulting the Secretary of the Treasury. I believe Mr. Lincoln is - acting on the theory of advising, in regard to appointments, with - the head of the Department under which they properly fall, and - with none of the others. - - Will you please to say to Miss —— that I have the assurance she - desired in regard to her nephew. - - My wife and daughters are in Boston, and I am very desolate. - - I think it is decided to withdraw Major Anderson, without holding - your administration to any responsibility for it. The attempt, as - must be seen, would not only be fruitless, but absurd. - - The loan of eight millions will be taken next week on favorable - terms. If the bids for the stock are not satisfactory, Mr. Chase - has the alternative of issuing Treasury notes, payable in - two years, and convertible into stock. This privilege of - convertibility will enable him to place them at par. But it would - be better, if he can get a fair price for the stock, to take it, - and get the eight millions out of the way for twenty years. - - I beg to be kindly remembered to Miss Lane, and am, my dear sir, - with sincere regard, - - Faithfully yours, - JOHN A. DIX. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, April 3d, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Although a considerable period has elapsed since the date of my - last letter to you, nothing has transpired here of interest but - what is fully detailed in the newspapers. Mr. Toucey left here - last week. Judge Black is still in the city. General Dix made a - short visit at the request of the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. - Holt, I think, is still here, but I have not seen him for several - days. You of course saw Thompson’s answer and Mr. Holt’s reply. I - have not had any intercourse with any of the present cabinet, - except a few brief interviews with Mr. Bates, the Attorney - General, on business connected with his Department. Mr. Lincoln I - have not seen. He is said to be very much broken down with the - pressure that is upon him in respect to appointments. The policy - of the administration in respect to the seceding States remains in - obscurity. There has been a rumor, for the last two or three days, - that, notwithstanding all that has been said, there will be an - effort to reinforce Fort Sumter; but I do not believe a word of - it. The special messenger, Colonel Lamon, told me that he was - satisfied it could not be done. The new loan has been bid for, at - better rates than I anticipated; and I perceive General Dix was - one of the largest bidders at the highest rates. The new Tariff - Bill seems to give the administration great trouble; and - luckily it is a measure of their own. The first month of the - administration seems to have furnished an ample vindication of - your policy, and to have rendered all occasion of other defence - needless. The rumors from Richmond are very threatening; secession - is rapidly gaining strength there. - - Hoping that you are in the enjoyment of good health and happiness, - I remain, as ever, - - Yours, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - P. S.—12 o’clock. The Secretary of the Treasury has determined to - reject all the bids for the new loan under 94. This gives him - $3,099,000 only of eight millions called for. He could have - obtained the whole amount at 93½. Riggs thinks the Secretary has - made a great mistake in not taking the whole sum, and that he will - not get as good terms as 93½ in future. There are no bids here - taken. - - E. M. S. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, April 10th, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I am rejoiced to learn by yours of the 8th instant, received this - morning, that your good health continues. Mrs. Stanton desires to - return her thanks for your kind invitation. It would give her - great pleasure to make you a visit, if the care of young children - permitted her to leave home. Before long I hope to have the - pleasure of paying my respects to you at Wheatland. - - Enclosed I send you a copy of General Scott’s “views,” as - published in the _Intelligencer_. The first I ever heard of them - was when they were read in cabinet by Floyd on the 27th of - December. I have been hoping to procure for you a copy of General - Scott’s “observations” upon Mr. Holt’s last letter respecting - Sumter, but as yet have not succeeded. I saw Mr. Holt on Sunday. I - had supposed he might have some knowledge of the designs of the - administration and the purpose of the recent military and naval - movements; but he said he had none. He has received a curious - letter from General Twiggs, the substance of which is “that the - power to dismiss an officer of the army without trial has been - exercised, and he does not dispute it; but Mr. Holt has _assumed - the right_ to apply epithets the propriety of which he will - discuss with General Holt, whenever he has the honor of meeting - him personally.” What would he have thought of the epithet - “cowardice” which you struck out of Mr. Holt’s order? Mr. Seaton, - when I called on him this morning, expressed his gratification to - hear of your good health, and spoke of you with much kindness. He - says he has no knowledge of the movements or policy of the - administration but what he finds in the New York papers, has not - seen Lincoln since the inauguration, and has no intercourse with - the cabinet. Doctor Gwin has just returned from Mississippi. He - speaks with great confidence of the stability and power of the - Confederacy, and evidently sympathizes strongly with them. Every - day impresses stronger conviction upon the public mind here that - armed collision will soon take place. Lincoln has appointed his - partner, Colonel Lamon, marshal. He is to enter upon the office - Friday; and Selden says he gives as a reason for doing so - immediately that apprehensions are entertained of a hostile attack - upon Washington. But I think that apprehension is as groundless as - the rumor that hurried Lincoln from Harrisburg to Washington. - - I beg you to present my kindest regards to Miss Lane. The rumor - continues rife that she is soon to return to this city. Mrs. - Stanton and myself will be happy to welcome her. I shall continue - to keep you advised of any thing of interest that may transpire - here, and hope that your life may long be spared in health and - happiness. - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - P.S.—12 o’clock. It is certain that the administration is - panic-stricken for some cause. They commenced this morning an - active enrolment of the militia of the District. Chew, of the - State Department, was sent last week to Charleston. I have just - been told that he went with a formal note to Governor Pickens—that - the administration designed to succor Major Anderson—that fourteen - ships would be sent—that they meant only to supply provisions, but - if there was any resistance forces would also be sent in. It is - now reported as coming from one of the commissioners that the - _batteries have_ _opened on Sumter_. Soldiers are also being - placed in the Departments. This is the last rumor on the Avenue. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, April 11, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - The letter of Twiggs is in accordance with his character, and - shows how richly he deserved the epithet with which he would have - been branded on the records of the country and before the world - but for your forbearance. The cowardly effort to insult and wound - you is worthy of one who betrayed his trust and traitorously - surrendered the arms and colors of his Government. The idle threat - to visit Lancaster shows that “braggart” is to be added to traitor - and coward, in order to designate his full measure of infamy. - - I showed your letter and the copy of Twiggs’ letter to Mr. Holt. - He thought it ought to be published by you, but I do not. It would - be dignifying the creature too much. I enclose a copy of his - letter to Mr. Holt. You will observe that the same contemptible - threat of personal vengeance is made in it. But it is gratifying - to know that Twiggs feels so acutely the sting of his dismissal, - and that all the whitewashing of the Confederate States affords - him no relief. I have applied to the War Office for copies of the - several orders relating to Twiggs, and shall probably have them - to-morrow, and will forward them to you. - - There is great “soldiering” in town the last two days. The yard in - front of the War Office is crowded with the District Militia, who - are being mustered into service. The feeling of loyalty to the - Government has greatly diminished in this city. Many persons who - would have supported the Government under your administration - refuse to be enrolled. Many who were enrolled have withdrawn, and - refuse to take the oath. The administration has not acquired the - confidence and respect of the people here. Not one of the cabinet - or principal officers has taken a house or brought his family - here. Seward rented a house “while he should continue in the - cabinet,” but has not opened it, nor has his family come. They all - act as though they meant to be ready “to cut and run” at a - minute’s notice—their tenure is like that of a Bedouin on the - sands of the desert. This is sensibly felt and talked about by the - people of the city, and they feel no confidence in an - administration that betrays so much insecurity. And besides, a - strong feeling of distrust in the candor and sincerity of Lincoln - personally and of his cabinet has sprung up. If they had been - merely silent and secret, there might have been no ground of - complaint. But assurances are said to have been given and - declarations made in conflict with the facts now transpiring in - respect to the South, so that no one speaks of Lincoln or any - member of his cabinet with respect or regard. - - The facts about Sumter it is impossible to ascertain, for the - reasons that have been mentioned, for no one knows _what to - believe_. The nearest conjecture I can form is this:— - - 1st. That the Baltic has been sent with provisions for Sumter. - - 2d. That the Powhatan has been sent with forces to land and attack - the batteries. - - 3d. That a _secret_ expedition, independent of General Scott, has - been sent, under charge of Fox, to make an effort to land in the - night at Sumter. - - The refusal to admit Captain Talbot to Sumter may prevent concert - of action with Major Anderson, and I think the whole thing will - prove a failure. There is no excitement here. People are anxious, - but the sensation telegrams sent from here are without any - foundation. It is true, however, that Ben McCullough has been here - on a scouting expedition, and he carefully examined all the - barracks and military posts in the city, and said that he expected - to be in possession of the city before long. He stayed all night - at Doctor Gwin’s. This has a business aspect. It is believed that - a secession ordinance will be passed by the Virginia convention - to-day. - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO J. BUCHANAN HENRY.] - - (Without date.) - - . . . - - The Confederate States have deliberately commenced the civil war, - and God knows where it may end. They were repeatedly warned by my - administration that an assault on Fort Sumter would be civil war, - and they would be responsible for the consequences. The last of - these warnings happens to be before me, and is contained in the - last sentence of Mr. Holt’s letter to Mr. Hayne, of February 6th, - 1861. It is as follows: “If, with all the multiplied proofs which - exist of the President’s anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness - with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall - assault Fort Sumter and peril the lives of the handful of brave - and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common - country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them, and those - they represent, must rest the responsibility.” - - I have been entirely well since my return home, until within the - last few days, when I have suffered from sharp twinges of - rheumatism in my legs. - - With my kindest regards to your wife, I remain, very - affectionately, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, April 12, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - We have the war upon us. The telegraphic news of this morning you - will have seen before this reaches you. The impression here is - held by many: 1st, that the effort to reinforce will be a failure; - 2d, that in less than twenty-four hours from this time Anderson - will have surrendered; 3d, that in less than thirty days Davis - will be in possession of Washington. - - Yours truly, EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL DIX.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 19, 1861. - - MY DEAR GENERAL: - - I need scarcely say I was much gratified with your letter to Major - Anderson, as well as with his answer. You placed, in an eloquent - and striking light, before him the infamous conduct of General - Twiggs and others, and his response was manly and loyal. By the - bye, I some time since received an insulting letter from General - Twiggs, dated in Mississippi on the 30th ultimo. Its conclusion is - as follows: “Your usurped right to dismiss me from the army might - be acquiesced in, but you had no right to brand me as a traitor; - this was personal, _and I shall treat it as such_, not through the - papers, but _in person_. I shall, most assuredly, pay a visit to - Lancaster, for the sole purpose of a _personal interview_ with - you. So, sir, prepare yourself. I am well assured that public - opinion will sanction _any course_ I may take with you.” - - I have paid no attention to this note, and entertain but little - apprehension from the threats of this hoary-headed rebel. My fate, - however, is, in some respects, hard. After my annual message of - the 3d December, in which I made as able an argument as I could - against secession, and indicated my purpose to collect the revenue - and defend the Federal forts in South Carolina, etc., the Southern - friends of the administration fell away from it. From the line - prescribed in this message, I am not conscious that I have - departed a hair’s breadth, so far as it was practicable to pursue - it. I was ready and willing at all times to attempt to collect the - revenue, and, as a necessary preliminary, I nominated a collector - to the Senate. You know the result. - - After my explosion with the commissioners of South Carolina at the - end of December, the Southern Senators denounced me on the floor - of the Senate; but after my message to Congress of the 8th - January, one of them at least abused me in terms which I would not - repeat. In that message I declared that “the right and the duty to - use military force defensively against those who resist the - Federal officers, in the execution of their legal functions, and - against those who assail the property of the Federal Government, - is clear and undeniable;” and more to the same purpose. - - Warning was repeatedly given that if the authorities of South - Carolina should assail Fort Sumter, this would be the commencement - of a civil war, and they would be responsible for the - consequences. The last and most emphatic warning of this - character, is contained in the concluding sentence of Mr. Holt’s - final and admirable answer to Mr. Hayne of the 6th of February. It - is as follows: “If with all the multiplied proofs which exist of - the President’s anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness with - which he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall - assail Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of brave - and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common - country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them and those - they represent must rest the responsibility.” This letter has been - published, but seems to have been forgotten. I perceive that you - are to be President of the great Union meeting. Would it not be - well, in portraying the conduct of South Carolina in assailing - Fort Sumter, to state that this had been done under the most - solemn warnings of the consequences, and refer to this letter of - Mr. Holt? Nobody seems to understand the course pursued by the - late administration. A quotation from Holt’s letter would - strengthen the hands of the present administration. You were a - member of the cabinet at its date, and I believe it received your - warm approbation. Hence it would come from you with peculiar - propriety. - - Had I known you were about to visit Washington on the business of - the Treasury, I should have urged you to call at Wheatland on your - return. You would then, as you will at all times, be a most - welcome visitor. - - They talk about keeping secrets. Nobody seems to have suspected - the existence of an expedition to reinforce or supply Fort Sumter - at the close of our administration. - - The present administration had no alternative but to accept the - war initiated by South Carolina or the Southern Confederacy. The - North will sustain the administration almost to a man; and it - ought to be sustained at all hazards. - - Miss Hetty feels very much indebted to you, and you are frequently - the subject of kind remembrances in our small family circle. - Please to present my kind regards to Mrs. Dix. - - From your friend always, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - NEW YORK, April 24, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - As chairman of a committee of citizens having the war in charge, - every moment of my time is engrossed, and I have only time to - thank you for your kind and important letter. It reached me just - as I was going to the great meeting on Saturday. I enclose a paper - giving my remarks. You will see the use I have made of your - letter. I had no time to correct, add or abridge, as my remarks - were in type before I left the stand, and, indeed, were in - circulation in the streets. - - There was one passage in your letter I was very anxious to read to - the meeting. I have never taken a liberty with a private letter, - though I was never so strongly tempted. The sentence I allude to - is this: “The present administration had no alternative but to - accept the war initiated by South Carolina or the Southern - Confederacy. The North will sustain the administration almost to a - man; and it ought to be sustained at all hazards.” May I use the - foregoing, if I think it proper and a fit occasion presents - itself? Many of our political friends express great gratification - at the statement your letter enabled me to make. - - I will write more fully in a few days, and am, with sincere - respect and regard, - - Your friend, - JOHN A. DIX. - - P.S.—The Republicans here have behaved very well. They placed me - at the head of the Committee on Resolutions, and gave a majority - of the Committee to us. The resolutions, with one exception, were - drawn by me. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL DIX.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 25, 1861. - - MY DEAR GENERAL:— - - I have just received your favor of yesterday, with the New York - _Times_ containing your remarks as president of the great Union - meeting. They were excellent and appropriate, and I am much - indebted to you for them. I had read them before in the Sunday - _Herald_. - - Since the day and hour that I delivered my message, on the 3d - December last, I have never departed from it for a single moment. - The argument which it contained against secession, and the - determination it expressed to collect the revenue and protect the - property of the United States, produced an instantaneous - alienation of the Southern Senators. After my difficulties with - the South Carolina commissioners, this became a violent and - settled hostility, and I was openly denounced by them on the floor - of the Senate. - - Supposing that Fort Sumter would then be attacked, the expedition - of the Star of the West was organized and prepared by General - Scott. Before it sailed, however, information was received from - Major Anderson and some other sources, I do not recollect what, - which, in the opinion of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy - and General Scott, rendered it unnecessary. It was then - countermanded by General Scott; but the countermand did not reach - New York until after it had sailed. But you know all this. - - I have no doubt of the loyalty and good faith of Major Anderson. - His forbearance must be attributed to his desire of preserving - peace and avoiding a hostile collision. When the Major, in a firm - and patriotic manner, refused to surrender the fort to Beauregard, - it seems he informed him that his provisions would last but a few - days. What an outrage it was, after this information, to fire on - the fort. - - I remain, most truly, - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—In regard to the sentences in my letter, it might have been - well, and I think it would have been, to read them. It is now - probably too late, unless another good opportunity would seem to - justify. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. BAKER.] - - WHEATLAND, April 26, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - What on earth has become of my friends in Philadelphia? It is some - time since I have heard from any of them. But almost every day I - receive violent, insulting and threatening anonymous letters from - that city. Now, I am not easily moved, but I should like to know - whether I am in danger of a personal attack from there, so that I - may be prepared to meet it. They know not what they would do; - because, when my record is presented to the world, all will be - clear as light. - - In Lancaster there was at first considerable feeling against me, - but that has subsided very fast. My old friends seem to be - faithful and true. The speech of General Dix at New York threw - some light upon the subject, and had a happy effect here. This, - united with General Twiggs’ threatening letter, at once arrested - the tide. Has the speech of General Dix been published in any of - the Philadelphia papers? - - My old friend —— has not been near me since my return, and I am - told he is very bitter. - - The officers, and I may add, the men of the two Ohio regiments - here have the most friendly dispositions. Great numbers of them - have visited me. - - I receive the kindest letters from New York. Is there any danger - of disturbance to the public peace in Philadelphia? - - What has become of Judge Black? I know not where he is. He may be - still in Somerset. I wrote to him there at his own request some - time ago, but have received no answer. The attack on Fort Sumter - was an outrageous act. The authorities at Charleston were several - times warned by my administration that such an attack would be - civil war, and would be treated as such. If it had been made in my - time it should have been treated as such. - - From your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. STANTON.] - - WHEATLAND, May 6, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - The last two letters which I received from you are both dated on - the 12th April, and were acknowledged by me on the 17th. I have - heard nothing either from yourself or Mr. Holt since the assault - upon Fort Sumter. That you have written I entertain not a doubt, - because you were to keep me advised of anything of interest which - might transpire at Washington. The mails have been very irregular. - Whether our friend Holt is in Washington or in Kentucky or - whereabout is unknown to this deponent. Black is somewhere, as - quiet as a mouse. - - The first gun fired by Beauregard aroused the indignant spirit of - the North as nothing else could have done, and made us a unanimous - people. I had repeatedly warned them that this would be the - result. I had supposed, and believed, that it would be the policy - of Mr. Lincoln’s administration to yield to the popular impulse, - and banish, at least for the present, all party distinctions. In - this I have been, most probably, mistaken. I judge from the answer - of Mr. Seward, Jr., to an inquiry propounded to him about some - arrangement with the enemy, in which he goes out of his way to - say, that the days for such things had passed away since the 4th - of March. I suppose he alluded to the arrangement made not to land - the forces, but merely the supplies, at Fort Pickens whilst the - Peace Convention were in session, unless the revolutionists should - manifest a disposition to assail it. I have not got in my - possession copies of the orders issued by Messrs. Holt and Toucey - on that occasion, with the full approbation of General Scott. If - Mr. Holt be in Washington, I would thank you to obtain from him a - copy of this military order. I shall write to Mr. Toucey to-day - for a copy of the naval order. - - Upon reëxamination of the whole course of my administration, from - the 6th November, 1860, I can find nothing to regret. I shall at - all times be prepared to defend it. The Southern Senators became - cold after my message of the 3d December, and bitterly hostile - after my explosion with the first South Carolina commissioners. - After this our social relations ceased; and all because I would - not consent to withdraw the troops from Fort Sumter, nor would I - agree not to reinforce them; but, under all circumstances, - uniformly declared that I would send reinforcements whenever - requested by Major Anderson, or the safety of the fort required - them. I am sorry you have not been able to procure for me General - Scott’s _critique_ on Mr. Holt’s letter to President Lincoln. I - hope Mr. Holt himself has a copy of it. - - We live here in content and quiet, and see our friends in a social - way. The officers of the Ohio regiments visit us occasionally, and - are quite agreeable men, and most of them are Democrats. We had a - visit from Mr. Sherman yesterday. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. J. C. G. KENNEDY.] - - WHEATLAND, LANCASTER, May 13, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Many thanks for your kind letter of May 11th received this day. My - letter to Mr. Seaton had no other object in view than to suggest - hints to be used by him if he thought proper. I have kept no copy - of it, though I have a general recollection of what it contains. - If there is nothing personally harsh or offensive in it towards - those officers who have abandoned their flag notwithstanding their - oaths, I can perceive no objection to its publication with the - explanation you propose to be given. I do not think there is - anything harsh or offensive in it. I have been quite unwell for a - week or ten days; the last few days I have been confined to my - bed. I believe, with the blessing of God, I may weather this - storm, though it has been severe. It is very inconvenient for me - at the present moment, when all the world is alive, to be sick in - bed. Please to present me in the kindest terms to Mr. Seaton, and - believe me always to be sincerely and respectfully your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, May 16, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Your letter by Mr. Magraw was received, and I designed to send an - answer by him, but he left here without my knowledge. On the 20th - of April, the day after the Baltimore riot, and again on Blue - Tuesday, the day before the arrival of the New York regiments, I - wrote to you. These letters will probably reach you some time, if - they have not already arrived; but I regret their miscarriage, as - they kept up a regular chain of Washington events from the date of - Lincoln’s first proclamation after the capture of Sumter, and - since that time incidents have passed so rapidly that I cannot - recall them in their order. - - The fling of Mr. F. W. Seward about “negotiations” would merit a - retort if there were an independent press, and the state of the - times admitted discussion of such matters. The negotiations - carried on by Mr. Seward with the Confederate commissioners - through Judge Campbell and Judge Nelson will some day, perhaps, be - brought to light, and if they were as has been represented to me, - Mr. Seward and the Lincoln administration will not be in a - position to make sneering observations respecting any negotiations - during your administration. It was in reference to these that Jeff - Davis in his message spoke with much severity. You no doubt - observed his allusion to informal negotiations through a person - _holding a high station_ in the Government of the United States, - and which were participated in by other persons holding stations - equally high. I have understood that Judge Campbell was the person - alluded to, and that Judge Nelson and, perhaps, Judge Catron were - the other persons cognizant of Mr. Seward’s assurances respecting - the evacuation of Fort Sumter. - - Mr. Holt is still here. Judge Black has been absent some weeks, - but returned night before last. Mr. Holt stays at home pretty - closely, and I have met him very seldom, though I occasionally - hear of his visiting some of the Departments. The state of affairs - is tolerably well detailed in the public prints. But no - description could convey to you the panic that prevailed here for - several days after the Baltimore riot, and before communications - were reopened. This was increased by reports of the trepidation of - Lincoln that were circulated through the streets. Almost every - family packed up their effects. Women and children were sent away - in great numbers; provisions advanced to famine prices. In a great - measure the alarm has passed away, but there is still a deep - apprehension that before long this city is doomed to be the scene - of battle and carnage. In respect to military operations going on, - or contemplated, little is known until the results are announced - in the newspapers. General Scott seems to have _carte blanche_. He - is, in fact, the Government, and if his health continues, vigorous - measures are anticipated. - - For the last few days I have been moving my family, my former - residence being made unpleasant by troops and hospitals - surrounding me. In the present state of affairs, I do not like to - leave home, or I would pay you a visit, but no one knows what may - happen any day, or how soon the communications may be again - interrupted. Marching and drilling is going on all day in every - street. The troops that have arrived here are in general - fine-looking, able-bodied, active men, well equipped, and - apparently ready and willing for the service in which they are - engaged. Your cordial concurrence in the disposition to maintain - the Government and resist aggression gives great satisfaction, and - I am pleased to observe a letter from you in the _Intelligencer_ - of this morning. - - I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane. There are many - stories afloat among the ladies in the city that would amuse her, - but as they are no doubt told her by lady correspondents, it is - needless for me to repeat them. I hope you may continue in the - enjoyment of good health, and remain with sincere regard, - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [TO J. BUCHANAN HENRY.] - - WHEATLAND, LANCASTER, } - (Confidential.) Friday, May 17, 1861. } - - MY DEAR JAMES:— - - I have been quite unwell for the last fortnight, during the last - week I have been in bed; still, thank God, I believe I am now - convalescent, though, as yet I am exceedingly weak. I should be - glad to see you here on private and public business, but not if - your absence should operate seriously to your prejudice. We - should also be happy to see Mr. Schell here. The termination of - the late administration ought not to break up the bonds of - mutual friendship which it produced. There is no part of my - administration which was considered with greater care and - pursued with more firmness than that between the 6th November, - the day of Mr. Lincoln’s election, and the 4th of March last. - Although nearly all upon record, the public seem to have - forgotten it. It has become necessary now to revive the public - memory, and I know of no journal in the country so proper to do - this as the _Journal of Commerce_. Mr. Hallock, of that valuable - paper (I believe I am correct in spelling the name), has always - been a friend. I would thank you to call upon him, present him - my kind and grateful regards, and say that with his permission I - will send him some documents. There never was a moment of time - when my administration were not ready and willing to reinforce, - or attempt to reinforce, and supply Fort Sumter, if Major - Anderson had called for such reinforcement or supply. On the 6th - of November, when Lincoln was elected, the whole force at my - command was just five companies, and neither of them full. They - did not exceed in the whole three hundred men. The ——, however, - from a spirit of malignity, and supposing that the world may - have forgotten the circumstance, takes every occasion to blame - me for my supineness; it will soon arrive at the point of - denouncing me for not crushing out the rebellion at once, and - thus try to make me the author of the war...... No extent of - abuse, general or particular abuse, that —— could pour out upon - me would induce me to prosecute him; but this is an attempt to - bring not only my character, but my life into danger by - malignant falsehood. It would be one of those great national - prosecutions, such as have occurred in this and other countries, - necessary to vindicate the character of the Government. - - I want you to bring on with you Wheaton’s Elements of - International Law—the seventh edition, and no other. I see it is - published for sale in Boston at $6, and presume it can be had in - New York. If the _Journal of Commerce_ publishes a tri-weekly - paper, please to have it sent on to me immediately. You might, - confidentially and quietly, consult with —— whom it is best to - employ to conduct this business in its preliminary stages.[174] - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 174: - - His purpose to institute a prosecution for libel was abandoned by - the advice of friends. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, May 19, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - You will see in the New York papers Judge Campbell’s report of the - negotiations between himself and Mr. Seward, to which I referred - in my letter of last week. They had been related to me by the - Judge about the time they closed. Mr. Seward’s silence will not - relieve him from the imputation of deceit and double-dealing in - the minds of many, although I do not believe it can justly be - imputed to him. I have no doubt he believed that Sumter would be - evacuated as he stated it would be. But the war party overruled - him with Lincoln, and he was forced to give up, but could not give - up his office. That is a sacrifice no Republican will be apt to - make. But this correspondence shows that Mr. Frederick Seward was - not in the line of truth when he said that negotiations ceased on - the fourth of March. The New York _Evening Post_ is very severe on - Judge Campbell, and very unjustly so, for the Judge has been as - anxiously and patriotically earnest to preserve the Government as - any man in the United States, and he has sacrificed more than any - Southern man rather than yield to the secessionists. I regret the - treatment he has received from Mr. Seward and the _Post_. - - Nothing new has transpired here since my last letter. I am - perfectly convinced that an attack will be made, and a battle - fought for this city before long. With sincere regard, I remain, - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. HOLT TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - (Confidential.) WASHINGTON, May 24, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 21st inst. from the - hands of Mr. Magraw. I had previously observed with pain notices - in the public papers of your illness, and it is therefore with - great gratification that I learn you are convalescing, though - still confined to your room. I thank you sincerely for your kind - invitation to visit Wheatland, and regret much that it is not in - my power at once to do so. My engagements, however, are such that - I cannot leave Washington for the present, though I hope to be - able to see you in the course of the summer. - - I would gladly give you any assistance in my power in the - preparation of the paper to which you refer, but fear any aid I - could render would be of little avail to you. I have preserved no - memoranda of the transactions you propose to treat, and although - my memory might be trusted as to their substance, it would in all - probability be at fault in regard to their details. In reference - to the latter, I would rather defer to your own recollection, or - to that of other members of the cabinet. As a historical document, - I concur with you that the preparation of such a document is a - “necessity;” but I cannot perceive that there is any reason for - haste in its completion, or any expediency in its early - publication. The country is so completely occupied by the fearful - and absorbing events occurring and impending, that you could not - hope at present to engage its attention. Besides, from what I have - observed in the public papers, I cannot discover that your - administration is being so assailed upon the points alluded to as - to require any elaborate vindication at your hands...... I suppose - you have seen the prominent Southern papers—including Governor - Floyd’s organ at Richmond—in which is set forth as his especial - glory the aid given to the revolution by the War Department during - the year 1860. - - You have, I believe, copies of all of Major Anderson’s letters, - and it may be copies, also, of a part of those received from Fort - Pickens. As the fate of the latter fortress is still undetermined, - I doubt if the Government would give copies of any correspondence - in regard to it. Colonel Anderson’s letters and those to him from - the Government, during my brief connection with the War - Department, formed, I think, a sufficient defence of the policy - pursued during that time. - - ...... I have had two brief but satisfactory interviews with - Colonel Anderson. He is thoroughly loyal, and if he ever had any - sympathy with the revolutionists, which I am now far from - believing, I think the ferocious spirit in which the siege and - cannonade of Sumter were conducted crushed it out of him. We did - not discuss at all the policy of your administration in regard to - Sumter, but he said in general terms that he was satisfied all - that had occurred was providential—that the course pursued had - been the means of fixing the eyes of the nation on Sumter, and of - awakening to the last degree its anxieties for its fate: so that - when it fell its fall proved the instrumentality of arousing the - national enthusiasm and loyalty, as we now see them displayed in - the eager rush to maintain the honor of the flag. The approval of - his course, of which you speak, relates, I presume, to his defence - of Sumter. I have not heard that the administration has expressed - any formal censure of your policy. - - Now that the South has begun an unprovoked and malignant war upon - the United States, accompanied by an insolent threat of the - capture of Washington, and with an open avowal that the only - Southern right now insisted on is the right of dismembering the - Republic, I am decidedly in favor of prosecuting the struggle - until the citizens of the seceded States shall be made to obey the - laws as we obey them. I believe it can be done. It will cost much - blood and many millions of treasure, but, if it cost billions, the - preservation of such a government would be well worth the - expenditure. - - With kind remembrances to Miss Lane, I am - - Very sincerely your friend, - J. HOLT. - - [GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - NEW YORK, May 28th, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Ever since I wrote you last I have been busy night and day, and am - a good deal worn down by my labors on the Union Defence Committee, - and by superintending the organization and equipment of nine - regiments, six of which I have sent to the field, leaving three to - go to-morrow and the day after. The post of Major General of - Volunteers was tendered to me by Governor Morgan, and I could not - decline without subjecting myself to the imputation of hauling - down my flag, a thing altogether inadmissible. So I am in harness - for the war, though the administration take it easy, for I have - not yet been accepted, and there are rumors that there are too - many Democratic epaulettes in the field. There seems to be no fear - at Washington that there are too many Democratic knapsacks. New - York has about 15,000 men at the seat of war, without a general - except Sanford, who has gone on temporarily. How is it, my dear - sir, that New York is always overlooked (or nearly always) except - when there are burdens to be borne? As to this Generalship, it was - unsought, and I am indifferent about it entirely. I am willing to - give my strength and my life, if need be, to uphold the Government - against treason and rebellion. But if the administration prefers - some one else to command New York troops, no one will acquiesce - half so cheerfully as myself. - - I should be very glad if I could look in upon you, though it were - but for a moment; but if I am ordered South, I suppose I shall be - needed at once. My whole division will be in the field by Sunday - next. - - Miss Lane has not made her promised visit. I will merely suggest - the inviolability of promises by keeping my own. I engaged to send - her a photograph for her second album, and beg to give her, - through you, the choice of a variety. I beg also to be most - cordially remembered to her. Our excellent friend, Mr. ——, wanted - a note or letter of Major Anderson’s, written at Fort Sumter, and - I take the liberty, not knowing his address, to send it to you. - - I fear the impatience of the country may interfere with General - Scott’s plan of getting a large force on foot, disciplining it - thoroughly until October, and then embodying it, and marching - through the Southern country in such numbers as to render - resistance vain. Partisan movements without any definite result - only serve to irritate and excite to new effort. - - I am, my dear sir, with best wishes, in which my wife unites, - - Sincerely and faithfully your friend, - JOHN A. DIX. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, June 8, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Your friends here are very much gratified by Judge Black’s report - of improvement in your health. The accounts we have had occasioned - a great deal of solicitude concerning you; but I trust that you - may now be speedily restored. I have not written to you for some - time because there was nothing to communicate that would cheer or - gratify you. While every patriot has rejoiced at the enthusiastic - spirit with which the nation has aroused to maintain its existence - and honor, the peculation and fraud that immediately spring up to - prey upon the volunteers and grasp the public money as plunder and - spoil has created a strong feeling of loathing and disgust. And no - sooner had the appearance of imminent danger passed away, and the - administration recovered from its panic, than a determination - became manifest to give a strict party direction, as far as - possible, to the great national movement. After a few Democratic - appointments, as Butler and Dix, everything else has been - exclusively devoted to Black Republican interests. This has - already excited a strong reactionary feeling, not only in New - York, but in the Western States. General Dix informs me that he - has been so badly treated by Cameron, and so disgusted by the - general course of the administration, that he intends immediately - to resign. This will be followed by a withdrawal of financial - confidence and support to a very great extent. Indeed, the course - of things for the last four weeks has been such as to excite - distrust in every Department of the Government. The military - movements, or rather inaction, also excite great apprehension. It - is believed that Davis and Beauregard are both in this - vicinity—one at Harper’s Ferry, the other at Manassas Gap—and that - they can concentrate over sixty thousand troops. Our whole force - does not exceed forty-five thousand. It is also reported that - discord exists between the cabinet and General Scott in respect to - important points of strategy. Our condition, therefore, seems to - be one of even greater danger than at any former period, for the - consequence of success by the secessionists would be far more - extensive and irremediable than if the Capital had been seized - weeks ago. Ould is reported as having gone off and joined the - secessionists. Harvey, the new minister to Spain, it is - discovered, was a correspondent with the secessionists and - communicated the designs and operations of the Government to Judge - McGrath. It is supposed he will be recalled. Cassius Clay has been - playing the fool at London by writing letters to the _Times_, - which that paper treats with ridicule and contempt. The impression - here is that the decided and active countenance and support of the - British government will be given to the Southern Confederacy. Mr. - Holt is still here, but I seldom see him. Judge Black is also - here. I should have visited you, but dare not leave town even for - one night. Our troops have slept on their arms nearly every night - for a week, anticipating attack. Hoping to hear of your - restoration to good health, I remain as ever, - - Truly yours, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, June 12, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I had written to you the day before your letter was received, and - am very glad to learn that your health is still improving. Shortly - after the 4th of March, I saw Mr. Weaver, and told him to let me - know in case there should appear any disposition to interfere with - him, and I would exert myself to have him retained. He expressed - himself so confidently of his security, that any interposition of - mine would have appeared gratuitous, if not impertinent. But - before your last letter reached here, he called and said he had - been removed. He said he did not desire to be reinstated in it, - preferring to enter the military service, and desiring a captain’s - commission. While I think his restoration might be accomplished, - the other is more doubtful, as it is generally understood that Mr. - Cameron has bestowed all the military posts. I shall, however, do - all in my power to accomplish what Mr. Weaver desires, on account - of the interest you take in his welfare. - - We have this morning disastrous news from Fortress Monroe. The - rumor is that the sacrifice of life at Bethel Bridge was very - great, and it is in a great measure attributed to the incompetence - of the commanding officer. There is much reason to fear that other - disasters from similar cause will occur. The recent appointments - in the army are generally spoken of with great disapprobation. - General Dix is very much chagrined with the treatment he has - received from the War Department, and on Saturday I had a letter - declaring his intention to resign immediately. He would, in my - opinion, be a serious loss to the service. The rumored appointment - of Cummings, of _The Bulletin_, as Brigadier General and - Quartermaster General, has produced very general dissatisfaction - and distrust. The appointment has been announced as having been - certainly made, but I do not believe that it has been. - - I had a letter this week from your friend General Harney. He feels - himself very badly treated by the administration. Last month he - was ordered to Washington without any reason but suspicion of his - loyalty. Being satisfied on that point, he was restored to his - command, and is now again superseded, without any explanation, and - is disgraced by being left without any command. - - Since this letter was commenced, the brother of General Butler has - arrived from Fort Monroe, and reports the whole loss of our troops - at fourteen killed and forty-four wounded. This is so greatly - below the former reports, which set down our loss at over one - thousand, that it affords great relief. There is great anxiety to - hear from Harper’s Ferry. The movement in that direction a few - days ago you have no doubt seen in the papers. Much apprehension - is felt here as to the expedition, and there is some uneasiness - lest an attack on this city will be induced by withdrawal of so - large a portion of the military force. Harvey’s treachery is much - talked of. The foreign indications by yesterday’s steamer are - considered more favorable than heretofore. - - I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane; and with sincere - regard I remain, - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, June 20, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - On the day that my last letter was written, I had an interview - with Secretary Smith, in relation to Mr. Weaver, and explained to - him the nature of the service you had rendered to Mr. Lincoln, and - also the engagement that Mr. Doolittle had made _after_ that - service had been rendered, and as an expression of his sense of - the obligation. Mr. Doolittle had also placed a letter on file, as - he promised to do, but not making any explanation. I am gratified - to learn this morning that Mr. Weaver has been restored to his - clerkship, and also that he has received an appointment as first - lieutenant in the army, for which I applied on his behalf. You - will no doubt be pleased that the administration has properly - appreciated the favor you rendered. - - Hoping that your health is still improving, I remain, - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. HALLOCK.] - - (Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 29, - 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - My nephew, J. Buchanan Henry, informed me of the very satisfactory - conversation with you some time since. I should have written to - you some time ago but for my long illness. Since I have been able - to write, I have been making memoranda so as to present in one - connected view the acts of my administration since the troubles - commenced in South Carolina. When presented (but the proper time - has not, I think, arrived), they will, unless I am greatly - mistaken, prove to be a triumphant vindication in every - particular. - - In the mean time, it is asked why I did not nip this great - revolution in its bud, by garrisoning the forts in the Southern - States and sending reinforcements to Forts Moultrie, Sumter and - Castle Pinckney, in the harbor of Charleston. I shall let General - Scott answer this question. I send you a copy of his “Views,” - addressed to the War Department, and finally published at length, - doubtless under his own authority, in the _National Intelligencer_ - of January 18th, 1861. They are dated on the 29th and 30th - October, 1860, more than a week before the Presidential election. - After reading them, you will admit that they constitute an - extraordinary document. Indeed, they tend to prove what has been - often said of the gallant General, that when he abandons the sword - for the pen he makes sad work of it. They were extensively - published and commented upon in the South, but attracted but - little attention in the North. My present purpose, however, is - only to prove from them the utter impossibility of garrisoning - these forts. - - You will observe that on the 29th October, he enumerates nine - of them in six of the Southern States; but he submits no plan - for this purpose, and designates no troops to accomplish this - great and extensive military operation. This it was his duty - to do as Lieutenant General. In writing, the next day, October - 30th, he seems to have been struck with the absurdity of the - recommendation. In this supplement he states: “There is one - regular company at Boston, one here at the Narrows, one at - Portsmouth, one at Augusta, Ga., and one at Baton Rouge, _in - all, five companies only within reach_ to garrison or - reinforce the forts mentioned in the ‘Views.’” Five companies - containing less than 400 men to garrison and reinforce nine - fortifications scattered over six of the Southern States! - - Nearly the whole of our small army were at the time stationed on - the remote frontiers of our extensive country to protect the - inhabitants and emigrants against the tomahawk and scalping knife - of the savage; and at the approach of winter, could not have been - brought within reach for several months. They were employed for - this purpose as they had been for years. At the period when our - fortifications were erected, it was not contemplated that they - should be garrisoned, except in the event of a foreign war, and - this to avoid the necessity of raising a large standing army. No - person then dreamed of danger to the States. It is a remarkable - fact, that after months had elapsed, and we had, at the instance - of General Scott, scoured the whole country for forces to protect - the inauguration, all the troops we could assemble at Washington, - rank and file, amounted to six hundred and thirty. This fact is - stated by me in a message to the House of Representatives. To have - sent four hundred men to Charleston after the Presidential - election to garrison and defend three forts, an arsenal, a custom - house, navy yard, and post office, would have only been to provoke - collision. I believed that the public property was safer without - than it would have been with such an utterly inadequate force. - Besides, whoever was in Washington at the time must have witnessed - the strong expression of sentiment by the other Southern States - against any attack by South Carolina against the public property. - For the reason it was not their policy to make the attack. In my - message, therefore, of the 3d December, I stated: “It is not - believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States - from this property by force.” In this belief I was justified by - the event—as there was no trouble until after Major Anderson - retired from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, as he had a right to - do, first having spiked his cannon and burnt the gun carriages. - - But I am proceeding beyond what I had intended, which was to state - the impossibility of reinforcing the forts with the troops “within - reach.” There are other very important questions arising out of - these transactions which, for the present, I forbear to touch. - They will all appear in due time. The _Journal of Commerce_, from - its very great ability and prudent character, exercises great - influence over the country. I do not intend, for the present, to - appear, either directly or indirectly, as an author. I have merely - deemed it advisable to recall your attention to facts, all of - which are of record, so that you might, if you should think it - advisable, be able to answer the question: Why did the late - President not send troops to the forts at Charleston and the other - Southern forts? I send you a copy of my message in pamphlet form, - from which I have never departed. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, June 28, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - It is with great gratification that I am assured, from several - sources, that your health is improving. I was not aware, until I - received your letter, that you had been so ill, for I place but - little reliance on what the newspapers say. - - After a long delay I received my appointment as Major General. The - President, whom I saw the day before yesterday, assured me that it - was not intentional, and that he had no other purpose than to - appoint me. I shall enter on my active duties in a few days. - - Everything is quiet in this city. As late as last evening the - enemy was also quiet, and, I think, has no intention of advancing. - The weather is very warm, as it always is here in June, and the - season for active operations will soon be over, until after the - first frost. - - I hope Miss Lane is well, and that your health may be completely - restored. I beg you to give her my kind regards, and to accept - assurances of my sincere respect. I am, dear Sir, - - Unchangeably your friend, - JOHN A. DIX. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.] - - (Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 13, - 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - My late severe illness has hitherto prevented me from - acknowledging the receipt of your kind letter of May last. Rest - assured that this delay did not proceed from any want of regard - for you or your family. On the contrary, I shall ever cherish the - most friendly feelings and ardent wishes for the prosperity of - both. I should be glad to hear from you as often as may be - convenient, and, although I recover my strength but slowly, I - think I may promise to be a more punctual correspondent. - - The future of our country presents a dark cloud, through which my - vision cannot penetrate. The assault upon Fort Sumter was the - commencement of war by the Confederate States, and no alternative - was left but to prosecute it with vigor on our part. Up and until - all social and political relations ceased between the secession - leaders and myself, I had often warned them that the North would - rise to a man against them if such an assault were made. No - alternative seems now to be left but to prosecute hostilities - until the seceding States shall return to their allegiance, or - until it shall be demonstrated that this object, which is nearest - my heart, cannot be accomplished. From present appearances it - seems certain that they would accept no terms of compromise short - of an absolute recognition of their independence, which is - impossible. I am glad that General Scott does not underrate the - strength of his enemy, which would be a great fault in a - commander. With all my heart and soul I wish him success. I think - that some very unfit military appointments have been made, from - which we may suffer in some degree in the beginning, but ere long - merit will rise to its appropriate station. It was just so at the - commencement of the war of 1812. I was rejoiced at the appointment - of General Dix, and believe he will do both himself and the - country honor. - - In passing North or South, I should be most happy if you would - call and pay us a visit at Wheatland. You shall receive a most - hearty welcome, especially if you should be accompanied by your - lady and Miss King. - - With my kindest regards to them, I remain, very respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to Mr., Mrs. and - Miss King. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Your favor with the continuation of the historical sketch was duly - received. Last evening Judge Black and General Dix met at my - house, and we consulted together in regard to it. We concur in - opinion that a publication at present would accomplish no good. - The public mind is too much excited on other topics to give - attention to the past, and it would only afford occasion for fresh - malignant attacks upon you from ——. His day, I think, is rapidly - passing; and, at all events, a stronger impression will hereafter - be produced when the public feeling is more tranquil. The - narrative appears to me to be a clear and accurate statement of - the events of the period to which it relates, with one exception - of no material consequence, in respect to which the recollection - of Judge Black, General Dix and myself is somewhat different from - the statement. Speaking of the order to the Brooklyn not to - disembark the forces sent to Pickens unless that fort were - attacked, you mention it as having been made with the entire - unanimity of your cabinet and the approval of General Scott. That - he approved it is fully shown by Mr. Holt’s note to you; but our - recollection is that in the cabinet it was opposed by Judge Black, - General Dix and myself. I do not know that there is now any reason - to question the wisdom of the measure; it may have saved Pickens - from immediate attack at that time; and I have understood that - General Scott says that Pickens could not have been successfully - defended if it had then been attacked, and that he speaks of this - as a blunder of the Confederates. In this view the wisdom of the - measure is fully vindicated; and at the time it was supported by - the Secretary of War and Secretary of the Navy, to whose - Departments the subject appertained. - - So far, however, as your administration is concerned, its policy - in reference to both Sumter and Pickens is fully vindicated by the - course of the present administration for forty days after the - inauguration of Lincoln. No use was made of the means that had - been prepared for reinforcing Sumter. A Republican Senator - informed me a short time ago that General Scott personally urged - him to consent to the evacuation of both Sumter and Pickens; and - it is a fact of general notoriety, published in all the papers at - the time and never contradicted, that not only the General, but - other military men who were consulted, were in favor of that - measure. - - Whatever may be said by ——’s malignity now, I think that the - public will be disposed to do full justice to your efforts to - avert the calamity of civil war; and every month for a long time - to come will, I am afraid, furnish fresh evidence of the magnitude - of that calamity. The impression that Mr. Weaver had received an - army appointment proved to be a mistake; it was another Weaver who - was appointed. General Dix is still here. He has been shamefully - treated by the administration. We are expecting a general battle - to be commenced at Fairfax to-day, and conflicting opinions of the - result are entertained. With sincere regard, I remain as ever, - - Truly yours, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, July 26, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Three days ago I received the enclosed letters, under cover - addressed to me. Upon reading the first sentence, I perceived - there must be some mistake, and turning over the leaf saw that the - address was to Judge Black, and I therefore return them unread. I - should have handed them to him, but have not seen him since they - were received, and am informed that he left here some days ago. - - The dreadful disaster of Sunday can scarcely be mentioned. The - imbecility of this administration culminated in that catastrophe; - an irretrievable misfortune and national disgrace never to be - forgotten are to be added to the ruin of all peaceful pursuits and - national bankruptcy, as the result of Lincoln’s “running the - machine” for five months. - - You perceive that Bennett is for a change of the cabinet, and - proposes for one of the new cabinet Mr. Holt, whose opposition to - Bennett’s appointment was bitter and intensely hostile. It is not - unlikely that some change in the War and Navy Departments may take - place, but none beyond those two Departments until Jeff Davis - turns out the whole concern. The capture of Washington seems now - to be inevitable; during the whole of Monday and Tuesday it might - have been taken without any resistance. The rout, overthrow, and - utter demoralization of the whole army is complete. Even now I - doubt whether any serious opposition to the entrance of the - Confederate forces could be offered. While Lincoln, Scott, and the - cabinet are disputing who is to blame, the city is unguarded, and - the enemy at hand. General McClellan reached here last evening. - But if he had the ability of Cæsar, Alexander, or Napoleon, what - can he accomplish? Will not Scott’s jealousy, cabinet intrigues, - and Republican interference thwart him at every step? While hoping - for the best, I cannot shut my eyes against the dangers that beset - the Government, and especially this city. It is certain that Davis - was in the field on Sunday, and the secessionists here assert that - he headed in person the last victorious charge. General Dix is in - Baltimore; after three weeks’ neglect and insult he was sent - there. The warm debate between Douglas’s friend Richardson and - Kentucky Burnett has attracted some interest, but has been - attended with no bellicose result. Since this note was commenced, - the morning paper has come in, and I see that McClellan did not - arrive last night, as I was informed he had. General Lee was after - him, but will have to wait a while before they can meet. - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, August 31, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I am sorry that any cause has prevented you from paying me a - visit. I trust your kind purpose will not be long suspended. The - memory of your last visit causes Miss Lane and myself to be - anxious that it should be repeated. I rejoice to learn that you - and yours are all in good health. May this precious blessing be - long continued to you and them. - - I agree with you that nothing but a vigorous prosecution of the - war can now determine the question between the North and the - South. It is vain to talk of peace at the present moment. The - Confederate States, flushed with their success at Bull’s Run, - would consent to nothing less than a recognition of their - independence, and this is impossible to grant under any - conceivable circumstances. I have much faith that General - McClellan is “the coming man.” - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [HON. RICHARD COBDEN TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - MIDHURST, SUSSEX, Sept. 5, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - It is rather more than two years since I had the pleasure of - seeing you, and in that interval, what events have occurred! - - I think it is no exaggeration to say that there are few Americans - who have been more deeply and painfully interested than myself in - the deplorable civil conflict which is now raging on your - continent. - - The subject is so distressing to my feelings, that I avoid as much - as possible all correspondence with my American friends. But after - the friendly reception which I experienced from you at Washington, - I should be sorry if our intimacy were to be impaired owing to any - neglect on my part. I have been abroad nearly the whole time since - my return from the States, chiefly in France and Algiers, but am - now settled down at home. My health is improved, and if I can be - quiet and avoid public meetings, I hope to continue to escape from - a return of my bronchial affection. - - I hope you are well, and that you will be good enough to let me - hear from you. Or if you cannot find time to write, pray let me - have a letter from my amiable young friend, your niece, to whom I - beg to be most kindly remembered. - - I will not enter on the subject of your domestic troubles. My - experience in our Crimean war led me to the conclusion that from - the moment when the first drop of blood is shed reason and - argument are powerless to put an end to war. It can only be - terminated by its own self-destroying and exhaustive process. - - This, however, I will say, that of all the questions ever - subjected to the ordeal of battle, that which is the ground of - quarrel between the Northern and Southern States of your Union - seems the least adapted for the arbitrament of the sword. - - I feel very anxious that nothing should arise to put in jeopardy - the relations between England and your country. - - I remember listening with great satisfaction to General Cass, - whilst I was at Washington, when he narrated to me the - satisfactory settlement of the various questions in debate between - the two countries, and I will venture to offer the opinion that - history will do justice to the successful foreign policy of your - administration. (It would be very presumptuous in me, a foreigner, - to pass judgment on your internal policy.) - - Should it happen that you are in communication with General Cass, - will you kindly remember me to him? - - The subject of the blockade is becoming more and more serious. I - am afraid we have ourselves to blame for not having placed the - question of belligerent rights on a better footing. I remember - that after the Congress of Paris had agreed to abolish - privateering, Mr. Marcy proposed to go a step further, and exempt - private property altogether from capture. This was objected to, I - believe, by our government; afterwards, I remember, your - newspapers advocated the abolition of blockades altogether. I have - the impression that your government, I mean your Presidency, would - have agreed to the Paris declaration, with the addition of a - clause for making private property (not contraband of war) sacred - at sea, and another clause doing away with blockades altogether, - excepting as regards articles contraband of war—am I correct in - this supposition? - - Mr. Bright is well, but, like myself, feels your civil war almost - with the sorrow of a private affliction. - - Mr. Milner Gibson is on a yachting excursion. He has grown a - little stouter and somewhat grey with the cares of office. - - Believe me, yours very sincerely, - R. COBDEN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO HON. GEORGE G. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, September 4th, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have this morning received your favor of yesterday. I rejoice to - learn that when you visit me you will be accompanied by two of - your grand-daughters; and the sooner the better. We shall give you - and them a most cordial welcome. - - In regard to any public use of the opinions expressed in my - letter, in favor of the prosecution of the war, I would rather, - for the present, you would withhold them. Of course I have kept no - copy and know not how they are expressed. Every person who has - conversed with me knows that I am in favor of sustaining the - Government in a vigorous prosecution of the war for the - restoration of the Union. An occasion may offer when it may be - proper for me authoritatively to express this opinion for the - public. Until that time shall arrive, I desire to avoid any public - exhibition. - - When a private letter of mine was published some time since, - condemning the desertion of the flag by the officers of the army - and the navy, you know it was made the occasion to abuse me by the - Black Republican papers. Knowing our relations of intimate - friendship, it would be said that we had concocted a plan to bring - me before the public in self-defence in an indirect manner. - - Ever your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [JUDGE BLACK TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, September 9th, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - There seems to be a dead pause here in everything but making - appointments and contracts. If there is to be a battle, nobody - knows it, not even those who are to fight it, unless by - conjecture. But it is not easy to see how it can be avoided very - long. The ground that Beauregard leaves McClellan to stand upon is - getting narrower every day. But each has a wholesome fear of the - other. It is terrible enough to think of the momentous interests - at stake upon the issue. And that issue may be determined by the - state of the weather, the condition of the ground, or the - slightest blunder of an officer. - - Mrs. Gwynn, it seems, was not arrested. I told you I did not - believe either that she had been arrested or given the cause of - accusation which was alleged against her. It was another lady of - the same name—Mrs. Gwynn of Alexandria—who sewed up plans and - documents in shirts, unless, indeed, the whole story is a fable - invented by that “perfectly reliable gentleman” who has been - engaged in furnishing lies for the newspapers as far back as I can - remember. - - Mr. Glossbrenner furnished me a fair copy of the _paper_ before I - left York. I shall soon have it in shape. I have already made some - progress in it. - - My regards to Miss Lane, and believe me - - Yours truly, - J. S. BLACK. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. JOHN B. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, September 12th, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your kind favor of the 7th instant, and owe you - many thanks for it, as well as for Mr. Stanton’s report. It puts - to rest the assertion that a single columbiad or cannon ever - reached the Southern States in 1860 or 1861, and they are not - fighting us with our own weapons. Floyd’s order was arrested - before its execution. About the small arms, there does not appear - to be any thing out of the usual course of administration and - distribution. They were ordered there so long ago as December, - 1859. - - I have never received the bound copies of the Public Documents of - the 35th Congress, though I recollect that Mr. Glossbrenner or - some other person told me before I left Washington that Mr. - Wheeler was boxing them up for me. I expect to see Mr. G. in a few - days, and shall inquire of him. - - I owe you very many thanks for the order you have obtained from - Mr. Smith for the documents of the 36th Congress; and please to - present my kind regards to Mr. Kelly. - - We must, I presume, soon hear of a battle or of a retreat of the - Confederate forces. Our all is embarked on board a ship which is - approaching the breakers. This is no time to investigate why she - was brought into this sad condition. We must save her by an united - effort. We must prosecute the war with the utmost vigor. May God - grant us a safe deliverance and a restoration of the Union! - - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you. - - Your friend always, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Pardon me for having omitted to acknowledge your favor of the - 8th August, in answer to mine of the 5th. General Twiggs has sent - me another insolent and threatening letter, in which he exults in - the fact that my likeness had been ordered from the Rotunda. I - know not know what will become of it. It is condemned as a - likeness by good judges.[175] - -Footnote 175: - - [MR. HOLT TO MR. WM. B. REED.] - - (Private.) WASHINGTON, September 16th, 1868. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I did not at once reply to your note of the 11th instant, because - of a belief that a copy of the order dismissing Twiggs would - answer your purpose. Learning, however, from a telegram in the - hands of Doctor Blake that you prefer I shall respond formally to - your inquiry, I have done so. Should you make any public use of - this communication, I beg that you will see personally to a - correction of the proofs. - - If you will examine Mr. Buchanan’s correspondence you will - probably find one or more abusive letters from Twiggs on the - subject of his dismissal. They might assist you in establishing - “the truth of history.” - - Very respectfully your obedient servant, - J. HOLT. - - P.S.—The Government did all in its power to protect itself from - Twigg’s meditated treachery by relieving him from his command, _as - soon as its apprehensions in regard to him were excited_, and if - it failed it was because, owing to the disturbed condition of the - country, the order was slow in reaching him, and because when it - did reach him, availing himself of the temporary absence of his - successor, _he disobeyed the order and surrendered a Department of - which he had no longer the command_. - - J. H. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.] - - WHEATLAND, September 18, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I am gratified to learn, by your favor of the 13th, that your - visit here was agreeable to yourself and Miss King, and we, - therefore, trust that it may be soon repeated. I need not say that - both Miss Lane and myself will be most happy to see you both - again, and give you a cordial welcome. - - You recollect the correspondence between Mr. Holt and Mr. - Thompson. The last letter of Mr. Thompson to Mr. Holt was - published in the tri-weekly _National Intelligencer_ of March - 19th, 1861, and was dated at Oxford on March 11th. Mr. Holt, I - believe, replied to this letter; but, if so, I cannot find his - reply in the _Intelligencer_. I should be much obliged to you if - you could procure me a copy of this reply. Poor Thompson! He - committed a sad wrong against his country, from which he can never - recover. He had been the devoted friend and admirer of Mr. Holt, - but in the end he afforded just cause to that gentleman for his - severe answer. - - How Mr. Holt came to be so far mistaken, in his letter of May 31st - to Kentucky, as to state that the revolutionary leaders greeted me - with all hails to my face, I do not know. The truth is that, after - the message of the 3d of December, they were alienated from me; - and, after I had returned the insolent letter of the first South - Carolina commissioners to them, I was attacked by Jefferson Davis - and his followers on the floor of the Senate, and all political - and social intercourse between us ceased. Had the Senate confirmed - my nomination of the 2d January of a collector of the port of - Charleston, the war would probably have commenced in January, - instead of May. I am collecting materials for history, and I - cannot find a note from Mr. Slidell to myself and my answer - relative to the very proper removal of Beauregard from West - Point.[176] - - I think I must have given them to Mr. Holt. He was much pleased - with my answer at the time. If they are in his possession, I - should be glad you would procure me copies. They are very brief. - The ladies of Mr. S.’s family never after looked near the White - House. - - I think I can perceive in the public mind a more fixed, resolute - and determined purpose than ever to prosecute the war to a - successful termination, with all the men and means in our power. - Enlistments are now proceeding much more rapidly than a few weeks - ago, and I am truly glad of it. The time has passed for offering - compromises and terms of peace to the seceded States. We well know - that, under existing circumstances, they would accept of nothing - less than a recognition of their independence, which it is - impossible we should grant. There is a time for all things under - the sun; but surely this is not the moment for paralyzing the arm - of the national administration by a suicidal conflict among - ourselves, but for bold, energetic and united action. The - Democratic party has ever been devoted to the Constitution and the - Union; and I rejoice that, among the many thousands that have - rushed to their defence in this the hour of peril, a large - majority belong to that time-honored party. - - I sat down to write you a few lines, but find that my letter has - swelled into large proportions. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 176: - - See the correspondence, _ante_. - - [FROM JOSHUA BATES.] - - LONDON, September 20, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have to thank you for your valued letters of the 12th and 13th - ult., which I have read with great interest. I think you give too - much importance to newspaper attacks. Judging by my own feelings, - I should say readers of newspapers do not believe a word of these - attacks, but put them down to party tactics. Lord Palmerston, in - the last session of Parliament, in answering a speech of Mr. - Horsman, who complained that the _Times_ had abused him and - ridiculed his speeches, remarked, that he always thought that he - (Lord P.) was the best abused of any man in the Kingdom, but he - was not disturbed by it. A gentleman once applied to Lord - Melbourne for advice whether he should accept a seat in the - cabinet which was offered him. Lord M. said: “If you do not mind - being abused daily in the newspapers, you will find office very - pleasant; but if your happiness is at all disturbed by such abuse, - you had best not take office.” Gallatin’s theory was that no man - ever did his duty that was not abused by the newspapers. I never - had a doubt that you would execute the high duties of the office - of President of the United States with honor to yourself and great - advantage to the country; and I feel sure that your great public - services will be approved by the country at no distant day. It was - shameful that Congress should leave you without the power to stop - the rebellion before it had become so formidable. I have, however, - full faith in the patriotism of the people of the free States; - that they will punish rebels, and preserve the Constitution, I - have no doubt. Secession is out of the question. Who would ever - lend money to a Government of the United States, if aware that it - could be broken up any day by a right of any State to secede? This - government will, I think, do nothing more. The want of cotton will - be severely felt at Manchester the coming winter. By that time I - hope the Southern States will give in. The remittance by Miss - Lane, to whom, pray, give my kind regards, has been placed to her - credit, and subject to her orders, in the books of Baring Brothers - & Co. (£2,000), subject to interest at 4 per cent. per annum. - - I remain, my dear Sir, with the highest respect, - - Very truly yours, - JOSHUA BATES. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO A COMMITTEE OF THE CITIZENS OF CHESTER AND - LANCASTER COUNTIES.] - - WHEATLAND, September 28, 1861. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I have been honored by your kind invitation, as Chairman of the - appropriate committee, to attend and address a Union meeting of - the citizens of Chester and Lancaster counties, to be held at - Hagersville on the first of October. This I should gladly accept, - proceeding as it does from a much valued portion of my old - Congressional district, but advancing years and the present state - of my health render it impossible. - - You correctly estimate the deep interest which I feel “in common - with the citizens who will there be assembled, in the present - condition of our country.” This is, indeed, serious, but our - recent military reverses, so far from producing despondency in the - minds of a loyal and powerful people, will only animate them to - more mighty exertions in sustaining a war which has become - inevitable by the assault of the Confederate States upon Fort - Sumter. For this reason, were it possible for me to address your - meeting, waiving all other topics, I should confine myself to a - solemn and earnest appeal to my countrymen, and especially those - without families, to volunteer for the war, and join the many - thousands of brave and patriotic volunteers who are already in the - field. - - This is the moment for action; for PROMPT, ENERGETIC and UNITED - action; and not for discussion of PEACE PROPOSITIONS. These, we - must know, would be rejected by the States that have seceded, - unless we should offer to recognize their independence, which is - entirely out of the question. Better counsels may hereafter - prevail, when these people shall be convinced that the war is - conducted, not for their conquest or subjugation, but solely for - the purpose of bringing them back to their original position in - the Union, without impairing, in the slightest degree, any of - their Constitutional rights. Whilst, therefore, we shall cordially - hail their return under our common and glorious flag, and welcome - them as brothers, yet, until that happy day shall arrive, it will - be our duty to support the President with all the men and means at - the command of the country, in a vigorous and successful - prosecution of the war. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO J. BUCHANAN HENRY.] - - WHEATLAND, October 21, 1861. - - MY DEAR JAMES:— - - I have mislaid your last letter, and have not answered it sooner, - awaiting information that my account had been settled and the - balance struck in the Chemical Bank. I think there would be no - risk, and if so, no danger in sending a bank book or the - certificate of loan by mail. I believe that New York Loan is - registered, and without coupons—but there is no hurry in either - case. - - I am determined to sell all my seceded State bonds this fall for - what they will bring. North Carolinas will probably command $60, - and I would sell at that price to-morrow, but dislike to send the - certificates by mail. These loans may rise or sink in the market, - as the Bulls or the Bears may prevail; but after the war is over, - let it terminate as it may, these States will be so exhausted as - not to be able to pay, be they never so willing. As you sometimes - deal in stocks, I give you this _confidentially_ as my opinion. - - We have never heard a word from or of our good friend Schell since - he left us. How is he? or what has become of him? - - I think it is now time that I should not merely defend but - triumphantly vindicate myself, or cause myself to be vindicated - before the public, though my friends still urge me to wait. - - I believe it is universally believed that Floyd stole guns and - sent them to the South. There is not a word of truth in it, as is - proved by a report of the Committee on Military Affairs to the - House of Representatives on the 18th February last, Mr. Stanton, a - Black Republican, being chairman. It is true that at a late period - of the administration, Floyd made the attempt to send a - considerable number of columbiads and thirty-two pounders to Ship - Island and Galveston, but I arrested the order, through the - Secretary of War, before a single gun was sent. - - We are expecting Mrs. Roosevelt, and I shall be delighted to see - her, though we shall not be able to entertain her as I could - desire. I have never at any period since I commenced housekeeping, - been able to get a good cook, or even a tolerably good one, except - at Washington, and we now have one of the worst. We shall, - however, give her a hearty welcome. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P. S.—For what price can New York Loan be obtained in the market? - Have the Messrs. O’Brien my Virginia certificate in their - possession? The Confederates have not confiscated State loans in - their infamous act, and I presume there would be no difficulty in - assigning it. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, November 12, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - You will confer a great favor upon me if you can obtain a - half-dozen of copies of Mr. Stanton’s report from the Committee on - Military Affairs, made on the 18th February, 1861 (No. 85), - relative to the arms alleged to have been stolen and sent to the - South by Floyd. This report, with the remarks of Mr. Stanton when - presenting it, ought to have put this matter at rest, and it did - so, I believe, so far as Congress was concerned. It has, however, - been recently repeated by Cameron, Reverdy Johnson and others, and - I desire these copies to send to different parts of the Union, so - that the falsehood may be refuted by the record. I am no further - interested in the matter than, if the charge were true, it might - argue a want of vigilance on my part. - - I perceive that Mr. Holt has got a .... from the Secretary of War, - and I learn from those who read Forney’s _Press_ that Stanton is - the counsel and friend of McClellan, who is, I trust and hope, - “the coming man.” - - By the bye, it is difficult to imagine how it was possible to - mystify so plain a subject, under the laws of war, as an exchange - of prisoners with the rebels, so as to make it mean a recognition - in any form, however remote, of their Confederacy. It admits - nothing but that your enemy, whether pirate, rebel, Algerine or - regular government, has got your soldiers in his possession, and - you have his soldiers in your possession. The exchange means - nothing beyond. The laws of humanity are not confined to any other - limit. The more barbarous and cruel the enemy, the greater is the - necessity for an exchange; because the greater is the danger that - they will shed the blood of your soldiers. I do not apply this - remark to the Confederate States, and only use it by way of - illustration. I believe they have not treated their prisoners - cruelly. - - They do not seem to understand at Washington another plain - principle of the law of nations, and that is, that whilst the - capture and confiscation of private property at sea is still - permissible, this is not the case on land. Such are all the - authorities. The Treaty of Ghent recognized slaves as private - property, and therefore they were to be restored; and we paid for - all our army consumed in Mexico. The rebels have violated this law - in the most reckless manner. - - But why am I writing so? I have materials put together which will - constitute, unless I am greatly mistaken, not merely a good - defence, but a triumphant vindication of my administration. You - must not be astonished some day to find in print, portraits drawn - by myself of all those who ever served in my cabinet. I think I - know them all perfectly, unless it may be Stanton. - - I hope Miss King has entirely recovered. Please present me to her - very kindly, as well as to Mrs. King. I am now alone, Miss Lane - being in New York; but thank God! I am tranquil and contented, - sound, or nearly so, in body, and I trust sound in mind, and ever - true to my friends. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - BALTIMORE, December 2, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I enclose you a proclamation, rather out of date, but not the less - valuable, I trust, for having been sent out on the very day John - Cochrane proclaimed the infamous and cowardly scheme of arming - slaves against their masters. - - I believe every State north of South Carolina and Mississippi may - be reclaimed by a just and enlightened policy. The abolitionists - will make a powerful effort to drag the country into the - emancipation of slaves. But I am confident they will fail. - Fortunately this project cannot be separated from the support of - Fremont, and it will for that reason, I think, be condemned by the - friends of the administration. - - The _Herald_ said my proclamation was inspired by the President. I - do not yet know whether he approves it. It was put forth without - consulting any one. I knew I was right; and when this conviction - is strong, I never consult friends, for fear they may differ with - me. - - It has been a source of great gratification to me to hear, as I - have frequently from Mr. Magraw, of your improved health. That you - may live to see this unhappy contest ended, and good fellowship - restored again is the sincere wish of, dear sir, yours very - respectfully and truly, - - JOHN A. DIX. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, December 2, 1861. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received your letters of the 20th and 30th ultimo, and in - compliance with the request in the latter return you Judge Black’s - opinion. I have heard nothing from him since his call on the way - to York after parting from you at the Continental. - - I hope you are enjoying yourself. Indeed this cannot fail to be - the case with such a charming lady as Mrs. Roosevelt. We get along - very comfortably and pleasantly at Wheatland. I received a letter - yesterday from Annie Buchanan offering to pay me a visit; but I - advised her to defer it until after your return. Indeed this would - be no place for her at present. I wish you, however, to remain at - New York just as long as you find it agreeable. - - I am glad to learn that Judge Nelson believes that Captain Wilkes - can be sustained by public law in the seizure of Mason and - Slidell. I place great reliance upon his judgment, but at the - first we shall probably receive a terrific broadside from the - English journals. - - The more I saw of the Misses Johnston, I liked them the better. - They are fine women. - - I often see the Nevins and am glad of it. I dine to-day at Harry - Magraw’s. The dinner is given to Bishop Wood. - - With my kindest regards to the Judge and Mrs. Roosevelt, I remain - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.] - - WHEATLAND, December 10, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received a package directed in your well-known hand; and - upon opening it discover a letter directed to Miss Lane, which I - shall forward to her, with a beautiful pair of slippers and fan; - the former, I presume, for myself. - - Miss Lane has been in New York since early in November, and I know - not when she will return. - - Presuming that the slippers are a New Year’s gift from Miss King - to myself, I desire to express my grateful thanks to her for this - token of her regard. Present to her my kindest wishes for her - health, prosperity, and happiness. - - I wish I had something to write to you about which might interest - you; but my life glides on so smoothly that I should scarcely know - how time passes, were it not for the terrible condition of the - country. I never expected to see the day when the Federal - Government would assume the power of issuing a paper currency, - much less of making it a legal tender. - - With my kindest regards to Mrs. and Miss King, I remain - - Always your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Your letter of the 18th November is the last I have heard - from any member of my late cabinet. I have kind friends at - Washington, however, who occasionally give me the news. I was glad - to see that Judge Black had been appointed reporter to the Supreme - Court. The position is respectable, though a descent...... - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO THE HON. RICHARD COBDEN.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, PENN., } - December 14, 1861. } - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I ought long since to have answered your letter of September; but - a protracted illness, from which, thank God! I have some time - since recovered, has left me far behind with my correspondence. It - is my sincere desire always to cherish the intimacy which - commenced between us in better and happier days. I deeply regret - that the feelings of friendship between the people of the two - countries are not what they were when we parted at Washington more - than two years ago. The public journals on both sides of the water - have contributed much to produce this result. Still the masses on - our side are far from being hostile to the English people, whilst - they entertain a very high regard for Queen Victoria. - - I trust that the seizure of Messrs. Mason and Slidell on board the - Trent may be viewed in what I consider its proper light by the - British ministry. A neutral nation is the common friend of both - belligerents, and has no right to aid the one to the injury of the - other. It is, consequently, very clear, under the law of nations, - that a neutral vessel has no right to carry articles contraband of - war to any enemy, to transport his troops or his despatches. These - principles are well settled by British authority. And Sir W. - Scott, in the case of the Atalanta (Wheaton, 566) informs us that - the writers on public law declare “that the belligerent may stop - the ambassador of his enemy on his way.” And why not? If it be - unlawful to carry despatches, with the greater reason it must be - unlawful to carry ministers who write despatches, and to whom - despatches are addressed, who are the agents of one belligerent - government on their way to a neutral country for the express - purpose of enlisting its government in the war against the other. - - In some respects it would have been better had Captain Wilkes - seized the Trent and brought her into port. It would then have - become a purely judicial question, to be decided upon precedent - and authority by the appropriate court of admiralty, and the two - governments would not then have been brought face to face as they - are now confronting each other. Under all the circumstances, I do - not think that this seizure presents a justifiable cause of - quarrel on the part of the British government, and I trust you may - take this view of the subject. - - In reference to your question in regard to blockade, no - administration within the last half century, up to the end of my - term, would have consented to a general declaration abolishing - privateering. Our most effectual means of annoying a great naval - power upon the ocean is by granting letters of marque and - reprisal. We could not possibly, therefore, have consented to the - Paris declaration which would have left the vessels (for example - of Great Britain or France) free to capture our merchant vessels, - whilst we should have deprived ourselves of the employment of the - force which had proved so powerful in capturing their merchant - vessels. Hence the proposition of Mr. Marcy to abolish war upon - private property altogether on the ocean, as modern civilization - had abolished it on the land. I do not think that a proposition - was ever made to abolish blockade. I certainly have no - recollection of it. - - I am rejoiced to learn that Mr. Bright is well; I was afraid, when - I left England, that his health was in an unpromising condition. - Please to remember me in the kindest terms to him and Mr. Gibson. - Miss Lane is in New York; if she were at home, she would have many - kind messages to send you. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, December 19th, 1861. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received your favor of the 18th instant, and am truly sorry - to learn the death of my friend Mr. Lanahan. At one period I was - very much attached to him, and I still continue to entertain for - him cordial feelings of kindness...... - - You ask my opinion on the Slidell and Mason affair, and whether - there is danger of a war with England. I think, as a fair - deduction from British authorities, that Captain Wilkes might have - seized the Trent and brought her into port for adjudication. Had - he done this, it would have become a judicial question, and the - two nations would not have been brought front to front in - opposition to each other. That he only seized the commissioners - and let the vessel go was an act intended for kindness on his - part. Certainly, a war can not grow out of this question, unless - Great Britain desires it, without very bad management on our side. - My kindest regards to the Judge and Mrs. Roosevelt. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, December 21, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have just received your kind letter of the 19th instant, and, in - answer, I think I may say that my health is restored. The swelling - in my legs and feet has disappeared, and I now walk to Lancaster - with great enjoyment. - - You advise me to keep quiet, which I shall do for the present. I - shall bide my time, under a perfect conviction that my - administration cannot only be satisfactorily defended, but - triumphantly vindicated. - - I wish with all my heart that I could be with you at the meeting - of your children and grandchildren on Christmas; but this is out - of the question. The happy faces and innocent gambols of children - have always had a charm for me. May you live many days in health - and prosperity to enjoy such meetings around the family altar. As - I cannot be present at the hospitable board, I hope you will drink - my health in a glass of the old Custom House Madeira. - - I am, like you, a passenger in the omnibus; and, although nothing - could tempt me again to become a driver, yet I cannot avoid - feeling deep anxiety for my country. I trust the danger of a war - with England has passed away; but, if such a disastrous event - should occur, it will be a war created by the newspapers. With my - kindest regards to Mrs. Leiper and all your patriarchal family, I - remain, - - Very respectfully, your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Your sweetheart, Miss Lane, has been absent several weeks in - New York, and I do not expect her home until after the New Year. I - sincerely wish she felt more of a disposition than she does to - bind herself in the silken cords which you describe. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, December 25th, 1861. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received your favor of yesterday and am happy to inform you - that Doctor Blake has contradicted the picture and Japanese - falsehood in the _National Intelligencer_ of yesterday. You have - probably ere this seen it. - - I have passed a very sober, quiet and contented Christmas. I went - to hear Mr. Krotel in the morning and came immediately home. It is - the first day for many a day that I have had no visitors. Miss - Hetty and myself dined together very pleasantly. - - Poor Prince Albert! I think in many respects he was to be pitied. - His position was very awkward, but he sustained it with becoming - dignity. He could not assume the position of William the Third and - say, if I am not to be king and am to be placed in a subordinate - position to the queen, I shall return to Holland. - - I intend to give Harry Magraw a dinner on Saturday next, but I can - not rival the dinner which he gave when last at home. No such - dinner has ever been given in Lancaster, at least to my knowledge. - - I have not received a line from Judge Black nor seen him since he - called here after meeting you in Philadelphia. I am glad he has - been appointed reporter to the Supreme Court. - - I enclose you an invitation from Mr. and Mrs. Wharton. I have - answered my own, and informed them that I would send yours to you - in New York. You will judge whether you ought to answer. - - I wish you to remain in New York just as long as this may be - agreeable to yourself and to Mr. and Mrs. Roosevelt. You would - have a dull time here at this season. - - Please to remember me in the kindest terms to the Judge and Mrs. - Roosevelt, with my ardent wishes that they may pass many years - together in peace, prosperity and happiness. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, December 30, 1861. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 27th instant, and thank you most - kindly for your efficient agency in correcting the slander of the - correspondent of the New York ——. Lord Lyons’ letter is quite - satisfactory. - - Thank Heaven there is now no danger of an immediate war with - England. That Mason and Slidell would be surrendered to John Bull - I had expected for some time, from the editorials and - correspondence of the New York _Herald_, which is evidently in the - confidence of the administration or some members of it. - - I know nothing of what is going on in Washington, except from the - papers. From them I perceive that Judge Black has been appointed - Reporter of the Supreme Court, and that General Cameron has - conferred upon Mr. Holt the appointment of Auditor of General - Fremont’s accounts. I believe that Stanton and Horatio King have - not yet been provided for. - - I have not seen an account of your marriage; but this, I expect, - will come along some day. How happy I should be to see you here. I - now soon expect Miss Lane. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - - - - CHAPTER XXVIII. - 1862-1864. - - PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE. - - -The residue of my task can be easily and best performed by tracing -in his correspondence the course of Mr. Buchanan’s remaining years. -As the letters quoted in the last chapter disclose, his tranquillity -was disturbed only by his anxiety for the country, and by the -attacks which were made upon his reputation. He lived through the -whole of the war, through the first administration of Lincoln, the -nomination of McClellan as the Democratic candidate for the -Presidency, the second election of Lincoln, his assassination and -the accession of President Johnson. The new and critical public -questions that arose, the events that marked the wavering fortunes -of the country, found him the same in feeling and opinion about the -necessity for a complete suppression of all the military array of -the Confederate States, and the restoration of the authority of the -Federal Constitution. It would have been quite natural, if the mode -in which he was treated had caused him to shut himself up in a -stolid indifference to the success of the Federal arms. But his -nature was too noble, his patriotism was too genuine, to allow the -insults and injuries that were heaped upon him to affect his love -for that Union in whose service forty years of his life had been -passed. It is needless for me to enlarge upon the character of his -patriotism; for it is attested by every sentiment and feeling that -he was expressing from day to day in his most familiar and -unpremeditated correspondence with his friends. But it is an -important part of my duty to describe with accuracy the steps that -he meditated and that he finally took, for the vindication of the -course of his administration during the last five months of his -term. - -It has already been seen that soon after his retirement to -Wheatland, he began to collect and arrange the materials for a -defence; and that he was dissuaded from immediate publication by the -friends who believed that he could not get the public ear. He -withheld the publication of the book until the war was virtually -over; and, in fact, he did not cause it to be published until some -time after the Presidential election of 1864, for it was no part of -his object to promote by it the immediate success of the Democratic -party. What he meant to do was to leave behind him an exact and -truthful account of his administration “on the eve of the -rebellion.” The extent to which it obtained the public attention may -be judged by the fact that five thousand copies of it were sold, -mostly in the course of two years after its first publication, which -was in the year 1866.[177] The sale was not as large as might have -been expected, partly in consequence of the temper of the times, and -partly because it was written in the third person, which made it a -little less lively narrative than it might have been. But although -his name was not put on the title page, the preface disclosed -plainly that he was the author. It was entirely his own work. The -style is clear and strong, and its accuracy has not been—indeed, it -could not well be—seriously questioned. Its statements were chiefly -founded on the public documents of the time to which they related, -and the information furnished to him by the gentlemen of his cabinet -who could assist his recollection. He did not make a direct use, by -quotation, of those ample stores of proof which he held among his -private papers, and which he left for the future use of his -biographer. - -Footnote 177: - - The preface bears date in September, 1865; and the publishers - entered it for copyright in that year. But the imprint of the copy - which I have used bears date in the year 1866. Mr. Buchanan made - no arrangement with the publishers for any pecuniary profits on - this book, and never received any. - -It will be seen from the letters which I am about to quote, that -after the publication of this book, he intended to have prepared, -under his own direction, a full biography, in justice, he said, to -himself and the great men whom he had known and with whom he had -acted. He continued through the remainder of his life to collect -materials for this purpose. Various arrangements were made from time -to time for carrying out this object, but none of them took effect, -partly because of his increasing bodily infirmities, and partly -because he could not have exactly the assistance that he needed. His -intellectual faculties continued, as his correspondence abundantly -shows, to be unimpaired to the last; and such was the tenacity of -his memory, his vast experience, his fund of amusing as well as -important anecdotes, and his thorough acquaintance with the politics -of the time through which he had lived, that an historical work from -his pen, or one written under his immediate direction, would have -been of inestimable value. As it was, he collected a very great mass -of materials for the elucidation of his own history and of the -history of the country from 1820 to 1860. But these materials -remained in an undigested state down to the time of his death; and -when he executed his last will, he inserted in it a provision for -the preparation of a biography, which did not take effect as he had -designed, for a reason to which I have referred in the preface of -the present work. He had acted history, had lived history, and he -was eminently qualified to write history. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, January 3d, 1862. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received your favor of the 31st ultimo, directed to me as - the Hon. James Buchanan, and not ex-President Buchanan, which I - was glad to observe. In compliance with its request, I enclose you - a check...... - - There are things in Mr. Seward’s letter to Lord Lyons which will - furnish the British Government with a pretext to take offence, if - they so desire. When we determined to swallow the bitter - pill,[178] which I think was right, we ought to have done it - gracefully and without pettifogging. - - No notice seems to have been taken of the publication of Mr. - Seward’s letter to Mr. Adams, of the 30th November. It may have - been well to write this letter, but to publish it under the - authority of the Government was unwise. It states: “I have never - for a moment believed that such a recognition [of the Confederate - States] could take place without producing immediately a war - between the United States and all the recognizing powers. I have - not supposed it possible that the British government could fail to - see this,” etc., etc. This will be treated as an impotent threat, - by that malignant anti-American journal, the _Times_, and possibly - by a portion of the British people. - - You may tell Judge Roosevelt that I have been no little astonished - to find in the excellent _Journal of Commerce_ articles to prove - that the Federal Government possesses, under the Constitution, the - power to issue a paper currency and to make it a legal tender; and - this upon the principle that it has not been expressly prohibited. - They seem to have lost sight of the great principle that Congress - has no power except what is expressly granted or necessarily - implied.[179] Mr. Webster did once darkly intimate on the floor of - the Senate that Congress might authorize the issue of a paper - currency, and whilst it was opposed by the entire Democratic - party, it met no favor with the Whig party. Mr. Clay’s most - strongly urged argument against the Independent Treasury was, that - it might lead to a Government paper currency. I do not recollect - that in my day it was ever claimed, even by the most violent - consolidationist, that a creditor could be forced to take either - the paper of the Bank of the United States or the Government, in - payment of a debt. If the Judge has it convenient, I wish he would - look at my speech in favor of the Independent Treasury, delivered - in the Senate on 29th September, 1837...... - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 178: - - The surrender of Mason and Slidell. - -Footnote 179: - - Mr. Buchanan must have referred to communications, not to - editorial opinions. The editorial views of the _Journal of - Commerce_ have always been opposed to the views which he - controverted. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO JUDGE WOODWARD.] - - WHEATLAND, September 5th, 1863. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Until I received your note this morning, the fact that I had - written to you in July last had not for weeks recurred to my - memory. I expected no answer. I probably ought not to have written - at all on the subject of the Conscription Law. Had I reflected for - a moment that you were a Judge of the Supreme Court, as well as - the Democratic candidate for Governor, I should have refrained. My - abhorrence throughout life has been the mixing up of party - politics with the administration of justice. I perceived that in - New York the party were fast making the unconstitutionality of the - Conscription Law the leading and prominent point in the canvass, - and I wrote (I believe with good effect) to an able and - influential friend, guarding him against it, and referring to Mr. - Monroe’s opinion. At the same time it occurred to me that a word - of caution to you confidentially, _as a candidate, not as a - Judge_, might not be inappropriate. - - I consider that on the result of your election vaster issues - depend, both for weal and for woe to our country, than on that of - any other gubernatorial canvass ever held in Pennsylvania. I am, - therefore, anxious for your success, and believe it will be - accomplished. My information, though not as extensive as in former - times, proceeds from honest and sound judging Democrats. It is - given voluntarily, and is generally, though not universally, - cheering. - - I beg you not to answer this note. - - Very respectfully yours, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO JAMES BUCHANAN HENRY.] - - WHEATLAND, January 7, 1863. - - MY DEAR JAMES:— - - I have received your favor of the 5th instant, and am much - indebted to you for Mr. Adams’ oration. I send you the price. - - Mr. Croswell has not written to me. It is now out of time for the - publication of an article in reply to Weed’s letter and the - election story. I do not believe that Mr. C. intends to publish - such an article; and I desire that nothing further should be said - to him on the subject. Let him do as he pleases. - - I feel very solicitious about the course of Governor Seymour and - the New York Democracy. He will be surrounded by men of principle - in proportion to their interest. I know them well. I trust that - they may not produce a reaction. I have much confidence in - Governor Seymour himself, and regret that he has been obliged to - “back out” in regard to the Police Commissioners. - - I owe you many thanks for your kind letter of the 24th ultimo. I - have been calm and tranquil under the abuse I have received, and - would be positively happy were it not for the troubles of the - country. I am much indebted to General Scott for his attack. My - vindication against his charges has been of great service to me - throughout the country south and west of New York. Of this I have - daily evidence. My statements have not, to my knowledge, been - attacked even by the Republican papers. I have no confidence in - the ——, knowing by whom it is controlled. But all things will, at - last, come right. - - . . . . . . . - . - - Harriet Buchanan is still here, but will return home to-morrow. - - “The two Pollies” and Miss Hetty send you their kindest regards. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, January 11, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received yours of the 9th instant, and can assure you I do - not entertain the least idea of making any publication at present, - but shall remain where you have placed me, on the rock of St. - Helena. I am content to bide my time, and not even give to the - world the official documents which I have collected and arranged, - although they would place me above reproach. - - I think, under all the circumstances, the administration acted - wisely in surrendering Mason and Slidell. I say nothing of the - accompanying despatch of Seward or of the publication of his - letter to Mr. Adams. - - Miss Lane has not yet returned from New York, and I know not when - to expect her. - - From your friend always, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.] - - WHEATLAND, January 28, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 23d instant, and had heard from - Miss Lane on the subject of the slippers. She has not yet returned - from New York. I desire to repeat my warm thanks to Miss King for - her valued token of regard. - - I have just read the rhapsody of —— over the appointment of Mr. - Stanton...... - - I do most earnestly hope that our army may be able to do something - effective before the 1st of April. If not, there is great danger, - not merely of British, but of European interference. There will - then be such a clamor for cotton among the millions of operatives - dependent upon it for bread, both in England and on the continent, - that I fear for the blockade. - - From my heart I wish Stanton success, not only for his own sake, - but that of the country. He is a great improvement on his - immediate predecessor. I believe him to be a truly honest man, who - will never sanction corruption, though he may not be quite able to - grapple with treason as the lion grapples with his prey. I would - rather he had not retained the assistant of the late Secretary and - appointed another of the same; but they are both keen and - energetic. - - With my kindest regards to Mrs. King and Annie Augusta, I remain, - very respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. JOHN A. PARKER.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 3, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 28th ultimo, and was grateful to - learn that you had arrived safely in New York. I am sorry to - believe that a letter from me would do you no good at Washington. - Nevertheless, it is proper I should state that when South - Carolina, in 1850 or 1851, invited Virginia to coöperate with her - in the adoption of secession measures, you were active and - efficient in procuring the passage of resolutions by the General - Assembly of your State, refusing to comply with the invitation. I - know that you went to Richmond for this purpose, on the advice of - the late Colonel King and myself, and I learned at the time, from - reliable sources, that you contributed much in producing this - happy result. I do not recollect the precise terms of the - resolutions either of South Carolina or Virginia. - - Would that Virginia had persisted in this wise and patriotic - course! Had she done so, she might have become the happy - instrument of bringing back the cotton States and restoring the - Union. Her rash conduct in rushing out of the Union after these - States had, by assaulting and capturing Fort Sumter, commenced the - civil war, has done herself irreparable injury, as well as - inflicted a great calamity upon the whole country. - - What have been your opinions concerning secession after 1851, and - until you left the United States, I cannot state, though I have no - reason to doubt their loyalty. You certainly never expressed any - different sentiment to me in all our intercourse. I need not say - that I am wholly ignorant of your present opinions or purposes on - this subject. - - I need not assure you that it would afford me sincere satisfaction - to serve you. In case of need, I would advise you to appeal to Mr. - Lincoln himself. He is, I believe, an honest and patriotic man, - with a heart in the right place. The bad health of Mrs. Parker - will be a prevailing argument with him in favor of permitting you - to return to your family, after more than a year’s absence in the - public service, unless powerful reasons should exist against such - a permission. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 10, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 5th instant. Glad as I would - have been to see Mr. Carlisle and yourself during the last week, I - was almost satisfied you did not come. The weather was very - unfavorable, and besides _mirabile dictu_! I had a sharp onset - from the gout. Your visit, I hope, will not be long delayed. The - birds already begin to sing at early morn, and the willows are - assuming the livery of spring. - - And, so, Mr. Pearce thinks it is a matter of no importance that I - should go down to history as having put my hand into the Treasury - and drawn out $8000 more than was appropriated, to gratify my - personal vanity in furnishing the White House. Thus the fact - stands recorded in the proceedings of Congress, and in the debate - in the House it is made, by Mr. Stevens, a precedent for allowing - Mr. Lincoln to draw from the Treasury $11,000 more than was - appropriated. This is the staple of Mr. Stevens’s argument, the - Representative from my own district. And does Mr. Pearce suppose, - in opposition to these uncontradicted statements before the Senate - and the House, that any man will ever pore over the appropriation - bills to correct the error? Alas for craven fear! - - Although I shall never again become an active politician I intend - to take care of Mr. Bright, should there be any necessity for it, - as I think there never will be. His day in Indiana was passed - before his last election to the Senate, if election it could be - fairly called. He can no longer block the way against the - elevation of such able, eloquent, and rising men as Mr. Voorhees. - - In any other state of public affairs than the present, the - gentlemen of the cabinet referred to by Thurlow Weed would have - immediately contradicted his charge. Had it even been true, then - their honor would have required this. Since the origin of the - Government there has been no case of violating cabinet confidence - except one, and the great man who was betrayed into it by violent - prejudice was destroyed. It is moral perjury, and no cabinet could - exist if the consultations were not held sacred. The charge of - Thurlow Weed is, therefore, in effect, that some one member of the - cabinet has disclosed to him a cabinet secret, and authorized him - to publish it to the world. General Dix, now at the head of the - police in Baltimore, though worthy of a better place, is one of - the _dramatis personae_, though he was not in the cabinet until a - considerable time after Floyd had resigned. The very day after the - explosion in regard to Indian bonds, I informed Mr. Floyd, through - his relative, Mr. Breckinridge, that I would expect him to resign. - He did so, and informed me that Floyd appeared to be very much - struck with the information. Up until that time Floyd had been - uniformly opposed to the secession party. The escape of Major - Anderson, two or three days thereafter, from Fort Moultrie to Fort - Sumter at midnight, first spiking his cannon and burning his gun - carriages, afforded Floyd an opportunity, as he supposed, to - expire in a blaze of glory. - - I am at a loss to know what to do in this matter. I know the enemy - wish to draw my fire in a straggling manner. I wish it, at once, - to embrace and refute the whole line of charges, and I know that - when the entire truth is told my enemies will be confounded, and - by the blessing of God I shall be safe at every point. I shall - decide nothing for two or three days. I may hear from some member - of the cabinet implicated. It would be strange if General Dix - should patiently submit to the charge, though not a member of the - cabinet at all at the time. You may read this letter to our friend - Carlisle, and converse with him on the subjects, of course, - confidentially. - - Miss Lane desires to be very kindly remembered to you. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—I forgot to observe that the escape of Major Anderson from - Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter took place on Christmas night, 1860, - but Weed has it in February, 1861. Floyd left the cabinet in - December. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 10th, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 6th, and am rejoiced that Annie - Augusta is about to be married, with your approbation. I need not - say how heartily I wish that she may be happy...... - - That Stanton is an able and an honest man there can be no doubt. I - wish him success with all my heart and soul, and he promises very - fairly...... - - Apropos—you speak of Bright’s expulsion from the Senate. I will - copy a letter which I have just written to Senator Saulsbury, who - sent me his speech upon the subject. - - “(Private.) - - “MY DEAR SIR:— - - “Many thanks for your able speech on the expulsion of Mr. Bright. - I have read it with much interest. The question was purely - judicial, and ought to have been so considered. Still, even in - this point of view, there was room for honest differences of - opinion. Whilst I had reason to believe at the time that Mr. - Bright sympathized with the ultras of the cotton States in - condemning my absolute refusal, in December, 1860, on the demand - of the self-styled commissioners from South Carolina, to withdraw - the troops from South Carolina, yet I had no idea, until I read - his letter and late speech, that he remained in the same state of - feeling after the inauguration of the hostile Confederacy. - - “I had always entertained the warmest friendship for Mr. Bright, - and manifested this on every proper occasion whilst I was - President, and therefore felt deep sorrow when I saw the letter to - the President of that Confederacy, recommending a gentleman whose - business it was to dispose of a great improvement in fire-arms; - and this it now appears, was so much a matter of course with him, - that he has forgotten he had ever written such a letter.” - - - I thank you for the extract from the _Star_ containing an account - of Mrs. Lincoln’s party. I am glad there was no dancing. I had - refused this, even on the carpet, to the earnest request of the - Prince of Wales. The reasons are obvious why balls should not be - given in the White House. - - Your conversation with Stevenson was strange. If there be any - member of Jeff Davis’s cabinet in favor of reconstruction, Hunter - must be the man. - - I trust that our late victories may be the prelude to those more - decided, and that ere the spring opens we may be in such a - condition as to afford no pretext to England and France to - interfere in our domestic affairs. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. BOYD.] - - (Private.) - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 17, 1862. - - MY DEAR MADAM:— - - I was happy to receive your note of the 10th instant. It reminded - me of earlier and happier times, which I trust may speedily - return. If I could be instrumental in restoring peace to the land - in the manner you suggest, or in any other manner, this would fill - my heart with joy. But I see not what can now be done by any man - in the North. The Confederate States commenced this unhappy war - for the destruction of the Union, and until they shall be willing - to consent to its restoration, there can be no hope for peace. We - should hail their return under the Constitution with delight. But - the idea of a recognition of their independence, and a consequent - dissolution of the Confederacy which has rendered us prosperous - and happy in peace and triumphant and glorious in war, cannot be - entertained for a moment. This would be the death knell of their - own safety and welfare, and would destroy the prestige and - character of our country throughout the world. - - With every wish for your happiness, I remain, very respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. STANTON.] - - (Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February - 25, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have thought it a duty of friendship to inform you that the two - letters which you describe in yours to me of the 16th May last, to - wit: that of “the 24th of April, the day after the Baltimore - riot,” and that written “on the Blue Tuesday, the day before the - arrival of the New York regiments,” never reached me. I hope they - may not be in improper hands. - - I deem it my right to ask for a copy of the orders issued by the - Secretary of War to the commander of the Brooklyn about the last - of January or beginning of February, 1861, by which the safety of - Fort Pickens was secured, together with the telegraphic despatch - which preceded them, addressed to Messrs. Hunter, Slidell and - Bigler (I believe), of the Senate. Your particular attention must - have been drawn to this subject a few days after the 4th of March, - 1861, because in your letter to me of the 14th of that month you - state your recollection to be, that Mr. Holt and General Scott - concurred with me in that arrangement, which you say, “when - proposed in cabinet was approved by Judge Black and myself.” - - Although you now belong to an administration which has manifested - intense hostility to myself, and whose organ, at least in this - State, is the _Philadelphia Press_, yet, notwithstanding our - changed relations, I wish you all the success and glory in your - efforts to conquer the rebellion and restore the Union, which your - heart can desire. If I might be permitted to intimate a word of - advice, it would be to write as little as possible for the public - eye. Let your actions speak for themselves, and so far as I can - judge, they have spoken loudly in your favor. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, February 26th, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 21st instant, and owe you many - thanks for your prompt and successful attention to my requests. - You do all things well. It is strange that Mr. Fessenden should - have doubted as to the propriety and necessity of correcting his - assertion that I had expended $8000 more in furnishing the White - House than had been appropriated by Congress for this purpose. - - I am very happy to learn that you intend to pay us a visit, and - this “before a great while;” and you were entirely correct in - informing our friend Carlisle that he would, also, receive a - cordial welcome. The sooner the better; but the country now - presents its most gloomy aspect. It is covered by snow, and this - is not sufficient to enable us to sleigh. In a day or two, I hope, - the snow will disappear. Please drop a line to me two or three - days before your departure from Washington, so that I may - certainly be at home on your arrival and send for you to - Lancaster...... - - Your interview with Stanton was entirely satisfactory. Whenever I - choose to dissipate all the slanders against my administration, - this can be done effectually. It is strange, passing strange, that - the barefaced falsehood of the stealing of arms by Floyd (who is - certainly no better than he ought to be), which was nailed to the - counter more than a year ago by the Report of the Committee on - Military Affairs from Mr. Stanton, should have been repeated again - and again, until it is now almost universally believed. I observe - in Colonel Maynadier’s letter, published in the _National - Intelligencer_, a statement of what is the truth in regard to - Floyd. He was persistently and openly opposed to secession and the - seceders, and was not on terms with their leaders until the - exposure of his connection with the abstracted bonds. Informed at - that time it was expected he should resign, he retired with a - flourish, under the assumed cover of being a violent secessionist - and therefore unwilling to remain longer in the cabinet. - - Bright has got what he deserved, though the precedent may be and - doubtless is dangerous. He was thoroughly in league with Davis, or - at least in their hostility to myself. His attack upon me in his - speech was without any foundation, and was doubtless intended to - enlist Republican votes. - - Miss Lane desires me to renew to you “the assurance of her - distinguished consideration.” - - Ever your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Maynadier, in his letter dated February 3d, 1862, to the - Potter Committee, says: “He (Floyd) had recently published over - his own signature [this was probably about November, 1860], in a - Richmond paper, a letter on this subject [secession] which gained - him high credit at the North for his boldness in rebuking the - pernicious views of many in his own State.” I do not wish you to - hunt for this letter. Its worth would not be equal to the trouble. - It was, I believe, published in the _Richmond Examiner_, though - possibly the _Enquirer_. It would now be a great curiosity. - Nobody, I presume, in Washington, files these papers. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO JUDGE BLACK.] - - WHEATLAND, March 4, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 1st instant, but, I regret, - without the opinion. I am happy to say you are entirely mistaken - in supposing that I suffer from low spirits. I am astonished at my - own health and spirits, and the zest with which I enjoy the calm - pleasures with which Providence has blessed me. It is true that I - regret I had not called the attention of the public nearly a year - ago to certain historical facts furnished by official documents, - which would have relieved me from imputations affecting my - character and, in some degree, that of my party; but I excuse - myself by the consideration that I was too unwell to suffer my - mind to play with a healthy and vigorous action. I am not at all - astonished to learn that _your_ “_views and mine are so far out of - accord_,” and that in my administration I first conceded too - much to the South, and afterwards too much to the present - administration. My policy was well matured, at least by myself, - and was clearly and distinctly presented in the messages of - December, 1860, and January 8th, 1861. From these I never - consciously swerved. The first was approved by every member of the - cabinet except Thompson and Cobb, and to the last I believe there - was no objection. After a full and careful review, I would not, if - I could, alter this policy in any particular. I should have been - glad could you have taken time to run your eyes over the paper - delivered to you by Mr. Glossbrenner, and to have informed me of - any mistakes which, in your judgment, I may have made in regard to - facts. Our opinions may be at variance, but I should be truly - sorry to present ourselves in opposition to each other in regard - to matters of fact. - - As to my course since the wicked bombardment of Fort Sumter, it is - but a regular consequence of my whole policy towards the seceding - States. They had been informed over and over again by me what - would be the consequences of an attack upon it. They chose to - commence civil war, and Mr. Lincoln had no alternative but to - defend the country against dismemberment. I certainly should have - done the same thing had they begun the war in my time; and this - they well knew. I am not conscious that the bad conduct of the - South toward me, sustained, I believe, by Bright alone of the - Northern Senators, has prejudiced my judgment against them. He has - got his reward, though perhaps not in a very legitimate manner. - - I hope you may be able to find the paper, the last sheets of which - were handed to you by Mr. Stanton. It would be a great loss to me. - - On your postscript in relation to General Cass I shall not remark, - further than to say it is not in accordance with my recollection. - - Notwithstanding our misunderstandings, I hope we may ever continue - to be friends. Towards you my heart is in the right place. If I - should publish against your advice, it will be because throughout - my life I have refuted slander on the spot, when worthy of - refutation, without regard to consequences. I think I owe this to - the Democracy of Pennsylvania, which is now exhibiting - unmistakable symptoms of a new and vigorous life, and indications - of a continued attachment to myself. - - I presume I need scarcely invite you to pay me a visit. This I - promise, however, that if you will come and bring Mrs. Black - along, I shall not introduce any subject which will give you pain, - or on which we can possibly differ. - - From your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO HON. ISAAC TOUCEY.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, March 19, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I cannot deny myself the pleasure of expressing the great - satisfaction I have felt in perusing your testimony before Hale’s - committee. I never saw it until a few minutes ago. I knew well how - unjust the charges were against you, and anticipated your - triumphant vindication whenever you should be called upon to make - it, and, therefore, it is not more conclusive than I had expected. - - Forney set the report afloat that I was engaged in writing a - history of my administration, life, and times. There is no truth - in this; but it is true that I have collected and arranged the - necessary documents, which might be put in form at any moment, to - justify all my proceedings in regard to the South, since the - election of Mr. Lincoln. Your testimony alone was wanting to make - them perfect. I wish very much I could see you. I could scarcely - ask you to pay me a visit, unless you should take this on your - way, should you have occasion to visit Washington. I need not say - how cordial would be our welcome to Mrs. Toucey and yourself. - - How strange have been the fortunes of your colleagues Holt, Dix, - and Stanton! I was somewhat mortified when Holt accepted an - auditorship under Cameron to investigate Fremont’s accounts. I - have a warm regard for General Dix, and think he deserves a better - place than the head of the Baltimore police, where he can acquire - no glory. I wish he were in the field at the head of a proper - command. - - My health is excellent, considering my age and late severe - illness. I am contented, and should enjoy myself very much but for - the troubles of the country; still my spirits are cheerful. After - a careful review of all that I have done, or omitted to do, since - the unfortunate 6th of November, 1860, I can lay my hand on my - heart, and say that I have nothing to repent of. Our constant - agreement in all important measures is a solace and comfort, and - endears you to me in a peculiar manner. May you and yours be ever - prosperous and happy. - - With my warm and respectful regards to Mrs. Toucey, as well as - those of Miss Lane, I remain, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, April 2, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your kind letter of the 31st ultimo. I had duly - received yours of the 20th, and ought to have answered it, but - truly had nothing to say. Besides, I excuse myself by the - agreeable anticipation that I expect soon to enjoy the pleasure of - seeing you. - - I am glad you brought the attention of Judge Black to Weed’s - letter. I have heard from him since, and expect every day to see - him...... A statement was made by an official of Government in a - foreign newspaper, that they [members of my cabinet] had one after - the other offered me the grossest insult. Had such a scene - transpired in my cabinet, they should not have been in office - fifteen minutes. I do not distrust the friendship of Judge Black. - On the contrary, I have no doubt of his devoted attachment, but I - presume he is unwilling to stand alone in the contradiction of the - slander. General Dix might, perhaps, join him; but let it pass, my - time will come. - - I am decidedly in favor of prosecuting the war with vigor to a - successful termination; but still I consider it bad policy - unnecessarily to exasperate the Southern people. The insult - offered to the memory of Mr. Calhoun, by changing the name of Fort - Calhoun to Fort Wool, will sink deep into the hearts of the people - of the cotton States—men, women, and children. It was my fortune - to differ from this great and pure man on many important - questions, but his character was so elevated that Clay and Webster - and others pronounced eulogies upon him in the Senate and in the - House after his decease. He died ten years before the commencement - of the troubles, and even before the compromise of 1850. I do not - think the administration will derive much honor from having - attainted his memory. But “_de gustibus non est disputandum_.” Had - he been living, I do not think we should be involved in our - present difficulties. - - We live in the hope of soon seeing you. This is a charming spring - day, and the country begins to assume the livery of early spring, - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - (Private.) WHEATLAND, May 17, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I take the chance that this acknowledgment of the receipt of your - acceptable letter of the 15th may reach you before you leave for - New York. I wish you would pass this way either going to or - returning from that city; but this would be too much to ask. This - country is now clothed with rich and beautiful verdure. The next - time you come, and I trust this may be before long, pray bring - your trunk with you. - - I have neither seen Judge Black nor heard from him since you left - us. I hope none of my friends will trouble him again about the - Thurlow Weed letter. - - In all free countries, fidelity to the head of the government on - the part of the members of his cabinet, whilst belonging to his - political family, has ever been considered both a point of honor - and duty, and has rarely, if ever, been violated. Whilst at - liberty to contract new political engagements, if they should - betray to their new friends or the public what had transpired in - the old cabinet, without the consent of its head, they would be - held justly infamous. If, therefore, the statement made by Weed - were as true as it is infamously false, the irresistible - implication would be that he had received the information from a - member of the cabinet, and thus all of those implicated would be - exposed to the charge until it was brought home to the guilty - individual. - - Thurlow Weed is understood to be an agent of the Government. To - serve them he abandoned his position as head of the lobby in the - New York legislature and went to Europe. Whilst in London, he - publishes a letter in a London journal and attaches his own name - to it, stating that Messrs. Stanton, Holt, Dix and Black had - grossly insulted me in cabinet council, and had used expressions - to me which, if true, would have caused their instant removal. Is - this falsehood, proceeding from a _quasi_ official source, - contradicted by any of them?..... Notwithstanding all, I except - Judge Black. I believe his heart is in the right place...... - - Miss Lane intends to leave here for New York on Thursday next, and - will be at James Henry’s. She would be much gratified to meet you - there. - - I fear the carriage is a bad speculation. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, May 27, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 22d, and am always rejoiced to - learn that you are healthy and happy. Neither of us can say:— - - “That in our youth we never did apply - Hot and rebellious liquors to our blood,” - - though, with the blessing of Providence, we both enjoy “a green - old age.” If we have not been abstemious, we have been temperate, - and used the blessings in our way without abusing them. - - Miss Lane is now absent. She left here on Thursday last on a visit - to her uncle at Oxford Church, and her cousin, James B. Henry, on - Staten Island. You always live in her kind memory. - - I feel more and more deeply every day for the sad condition of our - country. May the Almighty Governor of the world pardon the - national sins and corruptions of this people, and restore the - Constitution and the Union, and perpetuate our civil and religious - liberties! Without His interposition, I can see no determinate end - to our troubles. - - My health is as good as usual. Ever your friend, - - Very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MISS SEATON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, June 23, 1862. - - MY DEAR MR. BUCHANAN:— - - My father, at my request, allows me to be his deputy in - acknowledging, with many thanks, your kind and interesting - letter relative to the graceful note and gift from the Prince of - Wales. He desires me to say that he thinks it would be well to - publish the Prince’s letter, as the fact of your having received - it has been made public; while the cordial and friendly - sentiment expressed by the Prince for the American people, and - for yourself as their chief, would undoubtedly be welcomed by - the country. My father thinks that, so far from there being any - impropriety in making the letter public, justice to the Prince - seems rather to make it necessary; and he will be happy to make - the _Intelligencer_ the medium of communicating it, should you - so desire. Pray let him know, or, rather, may I not say, let - _me_ be the recipient of your decision, for I have not yet had - the pleasure of placing your autograph among my otherwise - valuable collection, where it would hold, I need not say, a - choice place, not only from the warm personal regard I entertain - for you, dear Mr. Buchanan, but from the fact that I consider - you the last constitutional President we shall ever see. At a - moment when passion whirled the country to frenzy, you had the - true courage to refrain—to abide within the limits marked out by - the Constitution for the Executive. Were you still with us, I - for one believe that we should not now be engaged in this - fearful fratricidal strife. Let me not, however, enter upon this - saddest of themes; how sad you, in your peaceful home, can - hardly conceive; and you and Miss Lane may congratulate - yourselves at not being made unhappy by the sight of a conflict - which has uprooted society here, separated friends and families, - severed the dearest ties. Your reign was a peaceful one; would - that it were just beginning. - - I am glad to assure you of the continued health of my parents, who - are in the possession of all that makes old age valuable—love, - reverence, and troops of friends, among whom they have so long - numbered you as one best appreciated. We rejoice to learn that you - bear the honors of your years so well, and I trust that you may - continue to possess the blessing of my father’s activity and - youthfulness of spirits, which are a marvel to us all, although - his next birthday will ring out seventy-seven! I hope that Miss - Lane is still as lovely and charming as I always thought her. Tell - her that when —— sailed last week for England, I regretted that he - was not accompanied by one whom I should be well pleased to see - our representative just now at Balmoral. - - I suppose we can hardly expect ever to see you here; yet I hope - that we may meet again; but if not, your sweet message induces me - to think that I shall be still kindly remembered. Pray let it be - so. What a volume I am sending you; can you pardon me for such an - infliction? - - With warm regards to yourself from my parents, and my cordial - remembrance to Miss Lane, believe me, dear Mr. Buchanan, - - Always very sincerely yours, - JOSEPHINE SEATON. - -The following is the letter of the Prince of Wales to Mr. Buchanan, -referred to by Miss Seaton. It was written while the Prince was on -his travels in the East. The full length portrait of himself, which -accompanied it, painted by Sir John Watson Gordon, remained at -Wheatland until Mr. Buchanan’s death. It is now the property of Mr. -Johnston. - - [THE PRINCE OF WALES TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - JAFFA, March 29, 1862. - - DEAR MR. BUCHANAN:— - - Permit me to request that you will accept the accompanying - portrait as a slight mark of my grateful recollection of the - hospitable reception and agreeable visit at the White House on the - occasion of my tour in the United States. - - Believe me that the cordial welcome which was then vouchsafed to - me by the American people, and by you as their chief, can never be - effaced from my memory. - - I venture to ask you, at the same time, to remember me kindly to - Miss Lane, and believe me, dear Mr. Buchanan, - - Yours very truly, - ALBERT EDWARD. - - [MR. DERRICK TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, D. C., July 5, 1862. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the - 2d inst., enclosing a check for $100, as a contribution to the - fund for the Pennsylvania Soldiers’ Relief Association, and to - express to you the thanks of the committee of that association, - appointed to solicit contributions, for your very liberal and - unsolicited donation. I am, very respectfully, - - Your obedient servant, - A. H. DERRICK. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. WM. FLINN.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 12, 1862. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 10th instant, and you will - please to accept my thanks for the two missing numbers of the - _Globe_ and the _Congressional Directory_. Be good enough, also, - to present my acknowledgements to Mr. Shiel for the _Directory_, - and say I appreciate it highly as a token of his regard. By the - same mail I received a copy of the Blue Book under the frank of - Mr. Hunter, and directed in the handwriting of good Mr. Faherty. I - presume you caused this to be sent; but whether or not, you need - give yourself no further trouble in this matter. - - Miss Lane regrets very much that she was not at home during your - visit, but hopes that it will not be long until you repeat it. - - I am glad to learn that Miss Jones has made so good a match. I - hope her father may be prosperous and happy. I have not heard from - him nor of him since a few days after you left Wheatland. - - I wish I had some news which might interest you. The suspense was - dreadful whilst the fight was proceeding near Richmond, and I felt - greatly relieved when I learned that General McClellan and our - brave army had escaped destruction. His strategy was admirable, - but I am at loss to know why he did not occupy his present - position from the beginning. Mystery yet hangs over the whole - affair, though I feel very confident that when all is unravelled - McClellan will be justified. - - With my kindest regards to Mrs. Flinn, I remain always - - Truly your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 12th, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have not answered your letter of the 1st instant, awaiting the - answer of Stackpole and Pierre; but as they have not yet come to - hand, I presume I need not expect them. I shall be right glad to - see them, though much obliged to you for your prudent caution. - - I am glad to learn that Senator Wright talks of paying me a visit - on his return to Indiana. You may say to him that if he should, he - shall receive a cordial welcome....... - - We felt the deepest anxiety during the fight before Richmond, and - I felt a heavy pressure removed from my heart when we learned that - McClellan and his brave army were safe. Without doubt his change - of position in the face of a superior army evinced great skill in - strategy; but why was the wrong position originally selected? I - still feel great confidence in McClellan, and with all my heart - wish him success. Still, there is a mystery in the whole affair - which time alone can unravel. - - Please to remember me most kindly to Messrs. Carlisle and Riggs. - How happy I should be to see both, or either of them....... - - Mr. Shunk was here a few days ago, who came from Judge Black’s in - company with our C. J. Lowry. The Judge had too bad a headache to - leave home, and therefore sent his son-in-law. - - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you. - - From your friend always, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [SIR HENRY HOLLAND TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - BROOK STREET, LONDON, July 18th, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your letter, which I received through Lord Lyons, was very welcome - to me, as an expression of your friendship and regard—even the - more welcome, in this sense, from its coming amidst these - troublous and ungenial times, when all old feelings and relations - seem to be perverted or put aside. I scarcely know whether it is - more pleasurable or painful to look back to those few happy days - at Washington in October, 1860. Pray tell Miss Lane, with my - affectionate regards, that I have not written to her lately, from - a difficulty in writing at all to America during the present state - of things. No letter could be written without referring to them, - and no such reference could be made without pain; nor could any - comment be possible, where every issue to this unhappy struggle is - shrouded in such perfect darkness. I have letters now lying before - me from Mr. Everett and Thurlow Weed (the latter dated as late as - the 5th July, from New York), and I see from both how completely - events have belied all calculation, and how little is seen, or can - safely be conjectured, as to the future. Lord Lyons, too, has been - breakfasting with me this morning, and we have been talking at - length over all the recent and present events of the cabinet at - Washington and the armies in the field. He professes the same - inability to form a judgment as to the issues of the war. The - universal opinion here is (and it has been mine from the very - outset) that it must end in separation, in some form or other, and - that the really important point now is, what shall be the border - line. I have the conviction (which I expressed in a former letter) - that the course followed during the last few months of your - Presidency was that best fitted to avert this misfortune, had it - been possible to do so. All succeeding events, even down to these - late terrible battles in front of Richmond, confirm me in this - impression. It was well worth the effort made to win the South - back, by gentle and generous means. The issue, thus far, shows how - completely an opposite course of action has failed of effect. I - will quit this subject, however, the rather so, as I have but a - few more minutes in which to write, and the mail goes to-day. - - The Prince of Wales has returned from his long journey in Egypt, - Syria and Greece, in thorough health, and with great benefit in - every way. He has been a great comfort to the Queen since his - return. The Queen is in good health, but still deeply sorrowing - over what is hardly less a grief to the country than to herself. - She does her public work admirably, as usual, but wishes no public - appearances this year. I received from her, three days ago, two - beautiful and affecting volumes connected with the memory of the - Prince Consort. Your letter came to my hands while I was writing - to thank her for them. - - We are all prosperous here, save the distress in the cloth - manufacturing districts, from the want of the raw material. It - seems likely that Parliament will have to make some provision - against the probable increase of this distress, as the year goes - on. - - Last year I went to Constantinople, and Athens, and some parts of - Asia Minor. This year I shall first pay some visits in the extreme - north of Scotland (the Duke of Sutherland, Edward Ellis, etc.), - and then go into Spain. Lady H. and my daughter go to Switzerland - for a few weeks. - - I must hasten to a close. Again let me ask you to keep me in Miss - Lane’s remembrance, and to believe me ever, my dear sir, - - Yours very faithfully, - H. HOLLAND. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, July 25, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favors of the 10th and 23d instants. Miss - Lane is greatly indebted to you for your photograph, which has - been placed in her book. - - How long I ought in silence to bear ——’s slanders is now a serious - question. I have not seen his late speech at Harrisburg, but - understand from a friend that it charges me with being in constant - correspondence with foreign governments, urging the recognition of - the Confederacy. This is in substance a charge of treason, without - the shadow of a pretext, and ought to be punished by an appeal to - our courts of justice. Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered - to you. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, August 6, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I write to thank you for your letter of the 24th ultimo, and for - Mr. O’Sullivan’s letters. He is an able and clear headed man. I - have read them according to your request. - - —— is one of those inflictions which give me but little trouble. - His malignity without a cause almost amounts to insanity. He - cannot avoid abusing me. In this manner base minds relieve - themselves from the weight of obligations to their benefactors. I - have never read his speech. You speak of it as if it had been a - meeting of “the Republican and Douglas parties.” You may rest - assured that no such thing exists as a Douglas party in this - State. The former members of it are now thorough Democrats. The - very few exceptions, such as ——, ——, ——, and —— are the blackest - of Black Republicans. They had “a war meeting” in Lancaster on - Saturday last. It was not large, though many good Democrats came - to attend it. The first speaker was ——, and he led off in abuse of - me. Many then left. It is represented as an overwhelming meeting, - but it was, in truth, a comparatively small affair. - - —— is doing Mr. Lincoln’s administration great injury. He is - exasperating the Democratic party against it, because he speaks as - if he were on confidential terms with the President...... The - Democratic party are the support of the war for the Constitution - and the Union, _as they were_, and yet they are denounced as - traitors by such scamps as ——. This cannot long endure. But I have - spent too much time on such a ——. - - We have had much company during the last month; but we hear - nothing of Carlisle and Riggs. How rejoiced we shall always be to - see you! - - My own health continues good. Miss Lane desires to be most kindly - remembered to you. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Would it not be well to send the carriage to New York for - sale? - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, August 15, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I was much gratified to learn from yours of the 9th instant the - favorable opinions entertained of my administration by Messrs. - Saulsbury and Washington. Such opinions begin to be a little more - common than they were a year ago, and they will be still more - common in another year...... - - We are all alive here with recruiting, and many, very many of our - best young men are entering the service. The present is believed - to be the crisis of the war, and for this reason they come forward - to do their duty. - - I wish I had some news to communicate which would be agreeable to - you. We are proceeding in the same “John Trot” style as when you - left us. My health is as good as usual, and better than I deserve. - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you. - - By the bye, I enclose you a copy of a note addressed by me to Mr. - Lincoln on the 21st October last, which neither he nor his private - secretary has ever had the civility to answer. I presume he has - been made to believe by —— who enjoys and will betray his - confidence that I have opposed him in the war for the restoration - of the Union. I would make no appeal to him; but if you are on - terms with the private secretary, you might inquire after the - books. They came to me from poor Benton, whose name is written in - each volume. - - From your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. HUGHES.] - - (Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, - September 1, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received yours of the 29th ultimo, and regret that you - should have been prevented from paying me your intended visit. I - need not say you should have received a cordial welcome. I hope - you may ere long pay Wheatland a visit, when, without reserve, we - can talk over together the sad condition of the country, and the - course which ought to be pursued by the Democratic party in the - present dangerous emergency. It has ever been the bulwark of the - Constitution and the Union, and its action must now be in unison - with its glorious past history. My age and my position admonish me - to leave it in the care and guidance of younger men, and I rejoice - that you are now at the helm. - - The next Congress will be by far the most important that has ever - assembled under the Constitution, and I deeply regret that any - difficulty should have arisen in the selection of a candidate for - the York district. I had hoped that Mr. Glossbrenner might have - been the man, because I know he is sufficiently firm and true for - the crisis. If my interference should promise any good, I shall - interfere. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, October 28, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I thank you sincerely for your kind letter of caution and advice. - I now send you my answer to General Scott. This was forced upon me - by a voluntary attack, which was little expected. Although I did - not altogether trust him, our relations since I ordered him to - Washington had been of a very friendly character. - - You will please to take the document immediately to the office of - the _Intelligencer_. I cannot doubt that they will publish it - immediately. I leave it unsealed, so that you may first look over - it, if you think proper; but you will please to seal it up before - delivery. Mr. Carlisle might also see it, if this could be done - without delay. - - I would thank you to immediately acknowledge its receipt. I should - be glad you could examine the proof; but this I presume is - impossible. - - I have no doubt they will publish it, though their remarks - preceding Scott’s statement are unfriendly. This I could not have - expected from Col. Seaton. - - Your friend always, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. C. E. BENNETT.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, October 29, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have this moment received your letter of the 25th instant, - informing me that a number of ladies and gentlemen of Cincinnati - had formed themselves into a reading club, and had honored me by - adopting a resolution calling it after my name. I need not say how - much this token of their regard has touched the heart of an old - public servant in retirement. It shall be gratefully remembered. - - The association, conducted with wise and persevering effort, - cannot fail to prove highly useful both to its own members and to - society. The solitary reading of an individual for mere pastime is - of comparatively little value either to himself or to others. The - information thus acquired soon passes away, and is forgotten, - unless fixed upon the memory and impressed upon the heart by an - interchange of opinions with congenial spirits. The participation - of ladies in the duties of the association is calculated to - exercise the most happy influence. It will promote refinement, - religion and morality among its members. - - May the “Buchanan Reading Club” flourish and produce good fruit - long after he, whose name it bears, shall have been gathered to - his fathers. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, November 7, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th ultimo. You have, no - doubt, frequent occasions to defend me, and I am truly grateful - that you embrace them with the ardor of friendship. None doubt - your ability. - - When the troubles were approaching, I determined prayerfully upon - my course, from which I never departed. This was done after much - reflection, and had my earnest advice and recommendations been - followed, we should have had no war. It is now alleged if I had - plunged into hostilities with four or five hundred men, at an - early period, this would have terrified the South into submission. - - General Scott’s attack upon me was most unexpected and causeless. - Perhaps it may prove all for the best. - - I owe you many thanks for the copy of “Plain Facts,” etc., and I - should feel much indebted to you for half a dozen more copies. I - have looked over it with great interest. It has revived many - agreeable memories. - - I congratulate you on having become a grandfather, and trust that - the boy may prove an honor to yourself and a distinguished and - useful citizen of his country. - - I do not intend to remove from this place. I simply joined a - friend in purchasing a farm in Chester County, because at the - moment he was unable to pay for the whole of it. He desired it for - a residence, and as soon as he is able to pay for my half I shall - convey it to him. - - I am truly rejoiced to learn that the Government is doing you a - simple act of justice. My health, thank God! continues good for a - man of my age. - - Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to you. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, November 13, 1863. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I have received your letter of the 11th instant with Judge Black’s - opinion, and am glad that you have at length decided. - - I enclose a letter directed to you. The Misses Johnstons will not - leave until next week. By them I shall send the package for Mrs. - Stevens, and another package, I presume, from the convent at - Georgetown, which Father Keenan gave me a few days ago. Father - Balf, his associate, brought it from Reading, where it had been - carried by a Mrs. McManus. It must have been on the way for some - time. - - I shall go to the bank and make out your list of taxable property, - including your horse and your gold watch. I know not how I omitted - to enclose you the circular. Horses and watches are included in - it. - - Please to remember me very kindly to Mr. Royal Phelps, and tell - Mr. Schell I heartily sympathize with him in the loss of his - election. It is a consolation to know that the people of his - district will be the greatest sufferers by his defeat. - - My health and strength, I thank God, appear to be daily improving, - and we get along in great tranquility and peace. Miss Hetty is - very kind and attentive, and has been all I could desire since you - left. - - With my affectionate regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and my best - respects to the Judge, - - I remain yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P. S.—Judge Black, as Dr. Nevin informs me, went to Washington on - Monday last. I shall be prepared, I think, before the meeting of - Congress without his aid. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO JAMES BUCHANAN HENRY.] - - WHEATLAND, November 22, 1862. - - MY DEAR JAMES:— - - I have received your favor of the 19th instant, and am happy to - learn that my manuscript is safe in Mr. Schell’s hands. You - suggest that it might be proper to extend it so as to embrace the - history of my whole administration. I fear I am not able to - undertake the task. Besides, this would require my presence in - Washington, or that of some trusty person, to collect and arrange - the documents...... - - Things move on as usual at Wheatland. Judging from the number of - letters and papers I receive, I infer that my letter to General - Scott has been well received by the public. - - I expected ere this to have seen in the _Intelligencer_ a short - reply which I made to General Scott’s last. I probably should have - made no reply, but for his introduction of the “stolen arms.” - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, November 27, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your letters of the 24th and 25th instants, and I - am placed under additional obligations. I am already so much in - debt to you, and have so little means of payment, that I shall - have to take the benefit of the insolvent law. I am also greatly - obliged to my old and valued friend Colonel Seaton for his - fairness and kindness. - - The cause of the delay is curious, and was entirely beyond your - control. - - I should be sorry if General Scott would pursue the controversy - further. I do not charge him with intentional misrepresentation, - for of this I believe him to be incapable; but his memory is more - impaired than even I had believed. He has got a great many things - jumbled together, and does not seem to have any distinct ideas of - what has passed since he came to Washington in December, 1860. I - was rejoiced when he left the command of the army, though things - do not seem to have much improved since. - - I do not see ——’s paper, but I understand that he is on a new tack - of downright falsehood. He announces that political assemblies - have been held at Wheatland, and even mentions the names of - gentlemen present, without the shadow of foundation. Judge Black - and Wm. B. Reed are always two of the _dramatis personæ_. It is - months since I have seen either, though I often hear from the - latter, though not from the former. - - I have taken no part in party politics since my return from - Washington further than to express my opinions on current events - to a few personal friends and to give my vote. They (the ——’s), - have now got me up for Senator, when they well know that there is - no office which I should think for a moment of accepting. - - I am in my usual health. Miss Lane is not at home this evening, or - she would send her kindest regards. - - I send you the $2 which you paid for the _Intelligencers_. - - Ever your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December 6, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 30th ultimo, and am gratified - that you think so well of my letters to General Scott. That the - editor of the Boston _Post_ should not have published them, is to - me a matter of astonishment, little reason as I have to be - astonished at any event. Throughout New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and - the great West, they have been extensively republished and, I - think, have done much good. New England, however, except - Connecticut, is a sealed book. General Scott has, I believe, made - a final reply, but it has not yet reached me. This I shall not - answer, unless it contains something imperatively requiring it. I - have but few copies, and I cannot supply the demand. I send you - one of each. - - I fear that your History of Democracy, of which I think highly, is - so far behind that it will require years for you to overtake the - present time. This period would furnish you ample illustrations of - the conservative wisdom of its principles. - - You ask me what I think of Messrs. Holt, Stanton and Dickinson. I - cannot answer this question without going too much into detail. - - Miss Lane desires to be very kindly remembered to you. Should you - visit Washington, we should be most happy to see you, either on - your way or your return. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Please to pardon me for having inadvertently written on two - sheets. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO HON. ISAAC TOUCEY.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December 6, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Yours of the 19th ultimo afforded me sincere pleasure. I had - written to you several months ago, and from the fact it was never - acknowledged, I inferred it had never been received. I should be - glad to know whether I was correct. - - My answers to General Scott have been well received throughout - Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and the Western States, and have, I - think, produced a good effect. Not so, in New York and New - England, with the exception of Connecticut. I am informed they - were not published in Greene’s Boston _Morning Post_!! So much for - gratitude. - - I perceive this moment by the papers that Scott has written a - third letter. I shall not reply to it unless something in it - should render this absolutely necessary. - - I wonder that General Scott has not alluded to the resignation of - General Cass. I have not heard from the old gentleman since we - separated. It may become necessary that I should allude to his - offer and desire to withdraw his resignation and return to the - cabinet. - - In a memorandum made by me some time after the event, I state as - follows: “On Monday, December 17, 1860, both Mr. Thompson and - Judge Black informed me that they had held conversation with - General Cass on the subject of his resignation, and that he had - expressed a desire to withdraw it and return to the cabinet. I - gave this no encouragement. His purpose to resign had been known - for several days, and his actual resignation had been prepared - three days before it was delivered to me. The world knew all about - it, and had he returned the explanation would have been very - embarrassing,” etc. Am I correct? - - I send you a copy of the joint order of Mr. Holt and yourself. I - wrote to you before, as I have already stated (the letter may not - have been received), on the subject of the preparation of a - statement by yourself in regard to your course in the Navy - Department during the last months of the administration. I know - you took measures to prepare for the approaching troubles with a - wise precaution. Your testimony before the Hale Committee proves - this to be the fact. - - Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to Mrs. Toucey and - yourself. I wish we could enjoy the privilege of seeing you both - at Wheatland. - - With my kindest regards to Mrs. Toucey, I remain always, - - Very respectfully, your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Please to acknowledge this in a line on its receipt. You can - afterwards write. - - [SENATOR SAULSBURY TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - “_Resolved_, That after it had become manifest that an - insurrection against the United States was about to break out in - some of the Southern States, James Buchanan, then President, from - sympathy with the conspirators and their treasonable project, - failed to take necessary and proper measures to prevent it. - Wherefore he should receive the censure and condemnation of the - Senate and the American people.” - - SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, Dec. 15, 1862. - - HON. JAMES BUCHANAN: - - DEAR SIR:— - - Above is a copy of the resolution just offered in the Senate, by - Mr. Davis, of Kentucky. We let the Republicans manage the question - of its present consideration. Trumbull objected. My impression is - that it will be the occasion for great misrepresentation and abuse - of yourself and your administration, but whether the Senate will - be so unjust as to pass the resolution, under the circumstances, - may be doubtful. Those with whom you were most intimate are not - here to defend you. I shall, of course, protest against it, and if - you think it prudent to convey me any information to aid me in - opposing the resolution, I should be happy to receive it. - - Your obedient servant, - W. SAULSBURY. - - Have you copies of your letters in reply to General Scott? - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December 16th, 1862. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have just received your favor of the 15th instant. I think you - will come to the conclusion that I ought not to publish. I have - also received Mr. Davis’ resolution, which I consider infamous. - If, two years after a Presidential term has expired, the Senate - can go back and try to condemn and execute the former incumbent, - who would accept the office? Besides, the charge is wholly without - foundation, as is established by my letters to General Scott. I - have sent some copies of them to Senator Saulsbury, who sent me a - copy of the resolution...... - - Unless the resolution is the result of a caucus, I should hardly - think it could pass the Senate. I may have occasion for Mr. - Carlisle’s professional services before the termination of the - proceedings. - - From your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO JAMES BUCHANAN HENRY.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December 19, 1862. - - MY DEAR JAMES:— - - I have received yours of the 15th instant, with your description - of the property on Staten Island. I have no doubt it is a correct - representation. The distance from the landing, thirty minutes’ - walk and two miles from your own house is an objection; but the - idea of keeping four men servants and such an establishment as - would be necessary, is scarcely consistent with my means. I have - lost heavily by the troubles of the times, and I wish to preserve - the principal of what I am worth (chiefly) for my family. Besides, - in my peculiar position, which you perfectly understand, my - purchase or removal would give occasion to fresh rumors of a - disagreeable character. I have about $15,000 in currency, which I - am very desirous to invest, and I wish you could assist me in - doing it. I presume an investment in this property would yield but - a small interest as rent. I might add that the Democracy of - Pennsylvania, now just rising into power, to which I owe so much, - would be outraged at my abandonment of the State in my old age. - - You have doubtless witnessed the infamous attempt of Senator Davis - to pass a resolution of censure on myself; and, although it has - failed, the spirit to do me injustice still prevails in the - Republican party. They will, at last, without the least just - cause, endeavor to cast the responsibility of the war upon myself. - Although this is simply ridiculous in itself, they will endeavor - to make it appear a reality. - - There is some malignant person in New York who sends me - disagreeable slips from New York papers, which I generally burn - without reading. In the last one, my eye was caught by ——, printed - at the head of a low caricature on myself. I just thought that Mr. - —— had made a bad selection of ——. If this gentleman had not - offered to correct Thurlow Weed’s lies, I should have had this - done in some other manner. The time has now passed. I presume he - was afraid; and certainly he was under no obligation to assume - this task. - - Mr. John Quincy Adams delivered an address before the New York - Historical Society on the 30th April, 1839, _which I very, very - much_ desire to obtain. I spoke earnestly to Mr. Schell about it - the last time he was here, but I suppose he has forgotten it. I - would give any reasonable price for a copy. I wish very much that - you would procure me one. If this cannot be done, you might find - it in some of the public libraries, and make a copy for me from - pages 68 and 69, of what he says on the subject of secession. - - We are getting along here in the usual style. I am not - disheartened, but, trusting in God, I hope my enemies will obtain - no advantage over me. - - The two Harriets and Miss Hetty desire to be kindly remembered to - Mrs. Henry and yourself. - - With my kindest regards to her, I remain, - - Yours very affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MRS. CALEB B. SMITH TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WASHINGTON, December 26th, 1862. - - HONORED SIR:— - - Your check for $30 was duly received. Your benevolent wishes have - been accomplished. Our Christmas feast was all that we could have - anticipated, and many a poor soldier’s heart did “leap for joy.” - - With many thanks, I am - - Yours respectfully, - MRS. CALEB B. SMITH. - Per C. M. M. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. J. J. ROOSEVELT.] - - WHEATLAND, February 14, 1863. - - MY DEAR MADAM:— - - I often hear of your health and happiness through Harriet, but - have determined to hear directly from yourself, if I can - accomplish this by addressing you a letter. It is now “the auld - lang syne” since we first met; but to save all unpleasant - feelings, I was then much older than yourself. You captivated me - at once, and I have ever since remained faithful and true, and am - now, in my old age, your devoted friend. I should be a happy, as I - am a contented, man, were it not for the calamities of the - country. Still, I enjoy the consciousness that for many years I - warned my countrymen of the approaching danger; and during my - administration I did every thing in my power to preserve the - Union. Until I began to write history, I never fully appreciated - the part which those called the Douglas Democrats had in hastening - the catastrophe. Had they, at Charleston, simply consented to - recognize the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott - case, the Democratic party would not have been divided. This was - all on which the Southern delegates insisted. They said truly that - it made no difference to them, in point of fact, whether slavery - was abolished in the territories by act of Congress, according to - the Republican creed, or by an act of the Territorial Legislature, - according to the creed of squatter sovereignty. The delegation - from New York, headed by Dean Richmond, by their refusal to submit - to the constitutional laws of the land, as declared by the Supreme - Court, committed a fatal blunder. It would be curious to speculate - what might have been the present condition of the country, had the - Fernando Wood, instead of the Dean Richmond delegates, been - admitted at Charleston. Still, all this affords no excuse for the - conduct of the secessionists, and for their attack on Fort Sumter. - - I have been twice disappointed in not seeing Prince John.[180] He - is now, I perceive, figuring extensively in politics, and, I - trust, successfully. He is able, eloquent, witty and eccentric. He - sometimes carries too much sail for his ballast, but I like him - very much. Why cannot he and Judge Roosevelt take a run to - Wheatland? How much good it would do me to see them! - - I have not heard from our much valued friend, Augustus Schell, for - a long time. - - Is it not strange that among a population so numerous, and so - intelligent and enterprising as ours, the war has not yet produced - one great General. McClellan is the best among them, unless it may - be Rosecrans. During the French Revolution there sprang up, often - from the ranks, Generals of the first order, possessing dash and - strategy, and capable of conducting a war of invasion in the most - efficient manner. - - I sometimes hear of Lady Ousley, through Miss Lane. I rejoice that - her daughter is so well married, and shall ever hear of her health - and prosperity with the greatest satisfaction. When you write, - please to remember me to her in the kindest terms. Remember me, - also, kindly to Sir William. - - Miss Lane feels the death of her brother very sensibly. - - It would require much ingenuity to reconcile the apparently - conflicting statements of M. Mercier and Mr. Seward. These - will not, I think, lead to any serious consequences. The - difficulty here arises from the modern practice of publishing - indiscriminately diplomatic correspondence. - - Please to remember me most kindly to the Judge, and believe me - ever to be - - Respectfully and affectionately your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 180: - - Mr. John Van Buren, to whom this _soubriquet_ was long applied. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO NAHUM CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, February 23, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received yours of the 16th instant, and I can scarcely tell - you how much obliged I feel for it and the enclosed papers. In - consequence of your information, I have been able to find - everything I sought. - - I feel how important it would be for myself to publish a - collection of my speeches on the different subjects to which you - refer, and especially on slavery; but I am too old and too lazy to - undertake the task. There are a few of these speeches which might - be useful to the country when they reach the point of examining - seriously the acts of the present administration outside of the - war. - - Miss Lane and myself were highly gratified with your last - interesting visit. You became more like a member of the little - family than ever before. The information of which you possess so - inexhaustible a store was communicated in a familiar manner, and - we enjoyed your conversation very much. How delighted we should - always be to see you, but your distance forbids the hope that we - can often enjoy this pleasure. - - Miss Lane left me on Tuesday last on a visit to her Uncle Edward - near Philadelphia. I sent your letter after her. - - I wish I had some news to communicate which might prove - interesting to you. I know nothing of this kind for the present, - and to speculate concerning the future in the terrible condition - of our country would be vain labor. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, March 19, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 12th instant, and always rejoice - to hear of your good health and prosperity. - - I have been absent for a few days on a visit to a friend in - Chester county, and on my return home I was rejoiced to find - Governor Porter. We passed a very pleasant time together, talking - of old times, and of the present as well as the past. - - Miss Lane has not been at home for several weeks. She has been on - a visit to her uncle and his family at Oxford Church. - - I wish I had some news to communicate which would be interesting - to you. I have almost ceased to speculate upon the future - condition of our country, and yet I entertain much hope that all - will yet be well. I cannot entertain the idea of a division of the - Union. May God, in His good providence, restore it! - - From your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, March 20, 1863. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I send you a letter just received from Mrs. Roosevelt in the very - condition it came to hand, and yet I scarcely believe it has been - violated. The envelope directed to me was open just as I send it. - - The talented and faithful Spencer will soon deliver a lecture on - temperance. He has invited the girls to attend, and promised to - procure them tickets. That it will be able and eloquent you will - not doubt. - - Two or three days ago I received a letter from old Mary Wall. She - writes to me, she says, because Miss Hetty and yourself have been - married and left Wheatland. Who are the happy and well governed - husbands she does not mention. Poor old thing! She must be in a - forlorn condition. I have enclosed her letter to Doctor Blake, and - requested him to inquire into her situation. Miss Hetty says she - might probably be admitted into Christ Church Hospital in West - Philadelphia. She is, I believe, a good Episcopalian, and has - several hundred dollars, if any body would take the trouble of - collecting it for her. I sincerely pity her. - - Please to return the enclosed to brother Edward. Your purchases, - Miss Hetty says, have all arrived. - - With love to all, yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, March 21, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I am much indebted to you for the _Daily Globe_ of April, 1862, - containing your letter to the editor. I was not aware that this - had been published by Mr. Rives, and I think you were, also, - ignorant of it. But it is just the thing. - - I enclose you a letter, which I have received from Mary Wall. Pray - keep it a profound secret that Miss Lane and Miss Hetty have both - been married. I should like to know who are their husbands. I pity - the old woman, and would cheerfully contribute to her wants, but I - cannot pay her expenses to England. Besides, she would be in - greater want of money there than she is here. There is an - excellent Episcopal Institution for such persons in Philadelphia, - and I think through the influence of Miss Lane she might obtain a - home in it. What property has she? I cannot make this out from her - letter. Is she a member in full communion with the Episcopal - Church? Miss Hetty thinks she is. Miss Harriet has been absent for - some time. From your benevolent heart I know you will take - pleasure in answering these questions. Above all, do not let the - old woman know anything of the Episcopal Institution, lest she - might be disappointed. I do not know that they would charge her - anything for her living; but if they should, it would be a trifle. - If she had anything to give, this might facilitate her admission. - - I very often think most affectionately of you and other - friends in Washington. But why should I tax their time by - asking them to write answers to letters of mine containing no - news. Correspondence ought to be an interchange of equivalents - between friends. I have no news to give, and to write letters - on the beauty of virtue and on the fitness of things to those - who are already virtuous, and are just what they ought to be, - would be a vain labor. I wish I had something to communicate - which might provoke a long letter from you in reply. My life - is tranquil and monotonous, although I see much company, - especially from my own State. Ere a month, I shall enter my - seventy-second year, should I live so long, and my health is - excellent, considering my age. If you could know how glad I - should be to see you, and to talk over with you past and - present events, you would never fail to come this way on your - route to New Jersey and New York. - - I regret very much the fate of your able, honest, and time-honored - court. I feel a warm personal regard for C. J. Dunlop. Such acts - of wanton tyranny will surely return to plague the inventors. - There will be a “tit for tat.” Why could not the Judge Advocate - General, with the rank, pay, and emoluments of a colonel of - cavalry, have saved his brother-in-law? - - I perceive by the _Intelligencer_ that Judge Black has gained his - great Quicksilver Mine cause. This alone ought to make him rich. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 10, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I ought ere this to have acknowledged your very welcome letter of - the 21st and 26th ultimos. Your letters are always gratifying to - me, and I regret that I can give you so little in return. To - attempt to furnish you political news would be truly sending coals - to Newcastle. - - I do not think it necessary at present to republish your letter in - refutation of Mr. Fessenden’s statement. Thanks to your kindness, - it is now of record in the _Globe_, and I presume it has been of - course transferred to the _Congressional Globe_. You might look. - - My defence has been greatly enlarged, and will be published in due - time. I do not think this is the proper moment. Thanks to General - Scott, I need not now be in so great a hurry. - - I am truly rejoiced to learn that our good and large hearted - friend Sullivan has recovered his health. May blessings rest upon - his “frosty pow!” - - I am sorry to learn that Dr. Jones has had a severe attack of - gout...... He is one of my most esteemed friends, and is a - faithful and true man. May he live and prosper for many years! - - Miss Lane had an idea of visiting Mr. Berghman’s, but not since - the death of her brother. She is still in Philadelphia, but I - expect her home in a week or ten days. The loss of her brother has - made a deep impression upon her. She, although the youngest, is - now the last of her father’s children. - - Our friend Carlisle sent me the brief of his argument in the - case of the Brilliante. I perused it at the time with great care - and great satisfaction. His points are presented in lucid and - convincing order; and in my humble judgment he ought to have - gained the cause. I know not why I did not acknowledge the brief - at the time it was received. This I ought to have done. Judge - Black, who was here yesterday, spoke of his argument in the - highest terms. By the bye, the Judge really seems to be - embarrassed with his money. He is at a loss to know what to do - with it. I gave him advice on this subject, but whether he will - follow it, I know not. I am truly sorry that Mr. Carlisle has - felt it to be his duty to refuse to take the oath prescribed by - the new court. I do not know what it contains. If he cannot - conscientiously take it, there is an end of the question. If he - has refused simply because the court has no right to require it, - I think he has not acted prudently. He is an able and honorable - man, and a discriminating and powerful lawyer, and I fear he may - suffer in a pecuniary view. Please to remember me to him in the - most friendly terms. - - Poor Mary Wall! If she has determined to return to England, I - shall cheerfully contribute to pay her expenses. You may set me - down for $20. - - Could you not pay me a visit, and bring Mr. Carlisle with you, - when the spring fairly opens? - - From your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—Miss Hetty, of whom you kindly inquire, has entirely - recovered her health, and is now larger than I ever saw her. I - cannot keep her in the house, or prevent her from working in the - garden or about the lawn. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. NAHUM CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, May 8, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I owe you many thanks for President Lord’s picture of - Abolitionism. It is clearly and forcibly written, and proceeding - from a New England clergyman, it is almost miraculous. - - I fear you are too sanguine in predicting that in another year - there will be great changes in favor of Democracy in the New - England States. The clergy have taught the people there that - slavery is a mortal sin demanding extirpation. - - The mass of the Democracy in this State is as true to the - Constitution and the Union as the needle to the pole. With the - exception of a few fanatics, they are not extreme. They will obey - the laws, and await the process of the ballot-box for redress. - Unless something unexpected should occur, they will elect their - governor in October by a large majority. - - From the current of events, it is to be apprehended that it will - be long before the Democracy can obtain a majority in the Senate. - The people already begin to speculate upon this subject. They say - it would be unjust that the six New England States with a - population scarcely greater than that of New York, should have a - representation in the Senate equal to that of New York, - Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri combined, not - to speak of Western Virginia, and the thinly peopled Territories - soon to be admitted as States. For my own part I am willing to - follow where the Constitution leads, trusting to Providence for - the final result. Still I should be rejoiced if even a single - Senator could be elected from New England. - - Miss Lane came home for a few days a brief time ago; but returned - to her uncle’s to be confirmed and admitted as a member of the - Episcopal Church. When she next returns, I have no doubt she will - be too happy to write to you. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, May 18, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - In answer to your request of the 11th instant:—I regret that I - have not a single copy of the Documents to which you refer, except - those forming a part of the entire set of Documents for 1860-61. - It is but a few weeks since I gave the last copy to a friend. I - have received Judge Parker’s Letters and Address, for which please - to accept my thanks. You inform me in your note of the 14th, that - you enclose me a slip containing facts upon a subject alluded to - in our conversation when you were at Wheatland. _This I have not - received._ - - Miss Lane has not yet returned and my evenings are rather - solitary. Still I resign myself in a philosophic and, I trust, - Christian spirit to the privations inseparable from old age. I - wish, with all my heart, that I had a few neighbors like yourself. - - I try to think as little of public affairs as possible; but they - will ever intrude. If I could be of any service, I should - sacrifice all to restore the Union; but as I can contribute - nothing towards the accomplishment of this most desirable object, - I relieve my mind from the subject as much as possible. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - MY DEAR MISS LANE:— - - I enclose you a letter from James S. Lane, which, under your - general license, so far as your Uncle John’s estate is concerned, - I took the liberty of opening. - - Lancaster is in a state of agitation and alarm. They have - determined, on motion of Mr. Hager, to defend the city to the last - extremity. I do not consider the danger great, so far as we are - concerned. It may be otherwise at Harrisburg. You had better - remain at your Uncle Edward’s; because if you were to return home, - if there were any danger, I should send you back. I suppose you - are aware that Doctor Nevin has sent Alice and Blanche to New - York. I do not think we are in any serious danger in Lancaster; - but if we were, you could not by possibility remain. - - Mr. Swarr is here, and I want to send this to town by him. In - haste - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, July 8, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your note of the 5th instant, with the article - enclosed. This I have read with much satisfaction. It is the - philosophy of politics applied to our present unfortunate - condition. - - It is probable the rebels might have paid a flying visit to - Lancaster had not the bridge across the Susquehanna at - Wrightsville been burnt down. I remained quietly at home, and - would not have removed under any circumstances. They were within - eleven miles of us. - - I am at a loss for precise dates, which you can supply. When was - the Anti-Slavery Society organized at Boston, and when did - Thompson arrive in this country, and how long did he remain? By - answering these questions, if convenient, you will greatly oblige - me. - - Miss Lane is now at home, and desires to be most kindly remembered - to you. My health is as good as usual. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, July 23, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received the _National Intelligencer_ containing the well - deserved eulogy on our deceased friend Mr. Sullivan. I saw a - notice of his death some days before in the Philadelphia _Age_, - and immediately wrote a letter of sympathy to his widow, an - excellent woman, worthy of such a husband. I felt deeply the death - of Mr. Sullivan, from our ancient friendly social relation which - had continued without interruption for many years. - - By the bye, you do not seem to have been aware, as I was not - myself until a few days ago, that my franking privilege had been - abolished. It was first brought to my notice by the receipt of - letters and packages in the form of letters marked with double - postage because not prepaid. The Postmaster General, in his - instructions, ought to have noticed this. It was hardly consistent - with the dignity of Congress, whilst retaining the privilege of - its own members, to strike at Mrs. Harrison, if she is still - living, Mrs. Polk, Mr. Fillmore, General Pierce, and myself. But I - care nothing about it. This privilege, in all its forms, ought to - be entirely abolished. Members of Congress have abused it to an - enormous extent. Neither the Queen nor any member of the British - Parliament can frank a letter. - - I have not been so well for some days. My rheumatism has partially - returned with strong symptoms of dyspepsia. I propose going to the - Bedford Springs some day next week, should nothing occur to - prevent. - - The draft gives much dissatisfaction in this county, especially - among poor men with large families dependent for support on their - labor. The laws, however, will not here be forcibly resisted. - - How glad I should be to meet you, and other old Washington - friends; but this seems to be impossible. - - Unless some great and unforeseen change should take place, Judge - Woodward will be elected governor of our State by a large - majority. - - Miss Lane desires me to present her kindest regards. - - From your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. SCHELL.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 25, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - It is so long since I have heard from you that I wish to know what - has become of you, and how you are enjoying yourself. - - Although taking no active part in politics, I have yet been - observing, with great interest, the events that are passing. I - have been much gratified with Governor Seymour’s course, but fear - he is now about to fall into an error. The conscription law, - though unwise and unjust in many of its provisions, is not, in my - opinion, unconstitutional. The Constitution confers upon Congress - in the clearest terms the power “to raise and support armies,” - without any other limitation except that “no appropriation of - money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years.” How - shall these armies be raised? Can this only be done by voluntary - enlistment? Or may not Congress resort to a conscription law as a - necessary and proper means, such as is employed by other nations - for this purpose? - - I think the confusion on the subject has arisen from the blending - the restricted power over the militia, an entirely distinct - question, with that of the general power in Congress to raise - armies. - - But I merely make these suggestions. It would be very unfortunate - if, after the present administration have committed so many clear - violations of the Constitution, the Democratic party should place - itself in opposition to what I think must be the decision of the - Supreme Court of the United States on this question. - - I have not been so well as usual for the last few days. I intend - to go to Bedford towards the end of next week, if nothing should - prevent, and shall take Miss Hetty along with me, whose robust - health has been giving way for some time past. Miss Lane and Miss - Buchanan will remain at home. I would request you to accompany me - there, but I know the company will be small, and the place would - not be agreeable to you, under these circumstances. - - From the last letter received from James Henry I fear he will lose - his excellent wife. I sympathize with him deeply in this gloomy - prospect. Her loss to him would be irreparable. May Heaven avert - it! - - Cannot my fifteen Tennessee five per cent. bonds be now sold at a - rate bearing a just proportion to the price of the six per cent. - bonds? - - “The signs of the times” in this State indicate the election of - Judge Woodward by a large majority. Unless some great and - unexpected change should take place, such I confidently predict - will be the result. - - Miss Lane and Miss Buchanan desire to be very kindly remembered to - you. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. BAKER.] - - WHEATLAND, July 26, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have no news to communicate of the least importance, and write - only to keep the chain of friendship bright between you and - myself. My health has not been as good as usual for the last few - days, but the visit to the Bedford Springs will, I think, be of - service to me. The fabled fountain to restore youth has never yet - been discovered, and there is no remedy for old age but Christian - philosophy and resignation. By the bye, should you have business - at Broad Top, how happy I should be to have your company thus far, - or until the end of the journey, should you desire to use the - water. There has been, and probably will be, but little company - there, and Farmer Baker must, I presume, stay at home at this busy - season. We propose to leave on Thursday next. I shall take Miss - Hetty with me, whose health has been declining for some time. Miss - Lane and Annie Buchanan will remain at Wheatland. - - What has become of the visit of Mr. Read and yourself, from which - I had anticipated so much pleasure? I have heard nothing either - from or of Mr. Dillon for a long time. Doctor Sample passed a day - and night with me last week. We had a most agreeable time talking - over “old times” and our memories of men of the past generation. - He is old and feeble in body, and somewhat deaf, but his intellect - is still clear. He seems to be contented with his lot, and in him - Christianity has disarmed the fear of death. - - . . . . . . . - . - . . . . . . . - . - . . . . . . . - . - - Please to remember me in the kindest terms to Mrs. Baker, Mrs. - Hopkins and the other members of your most agreeable family. So - much for Sunday morning before going to church. - - Ever your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - BEDFORD SPRINGS, August 3, 1863. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - We arrived here safe and sound on Friday last before dinner. I - hardly ever passed a more uncomfortable day than that on which I - left, having suffered the whole day with a violent diarrhœa. At - night Mrs. Baker gave me a dose of your friend Brown’s - Anti-Cholera mixture, which cured me outright. The water has had - its usual good effect upon me, and I think I needed it much. No - healing fountain can cure old age; but with God’s blessing it may - assist in gently sloping the way which leads to death. - - The company here consists of about one hundred and fifty, and I - think there is fully that number. There are many sensible and - agreeable people among them; but they are not very gay. On - Saturday night they made the first attempt to get up a cotillion, - and it partly succeeded, but they wanted the buoyancy and - brilliancy of former times. - - There are several naughty secession girls here from - Baltimore,—some of them very bright. My principal amusement has - been with them, and I am really inclined to believe they give - General Schenck a hard time of it. The stories they tell of how - they provoked him are truly amusing. They praise General Wool, and - I have no doubt they flatter him into a compliance with many of - their wishes. They speak rather contemptuously of our friend - General Dix, but Schenck is their abomination. - - I treat them playfully, and tell them I love them so, that it - would be impossible for me ever to consent to part from them, and - that the shocking idea has never once entered my head of living in - a separate confederacy from them. I am like Ruth, and that they - must not entreat me from following after them. We must be one and - indivisible. I hear accounts from the other side, and it is - certain the Baltimore women must give General Schenck a rough road - to travel. - - Our little party is very agreeable. Mrs. Nevin is as gay as a girl - let loose from school after a long session of hard service. I - could hardly tell you how much she enjoys herself. Miss Hetty gets - along quietly and well. Her manners are ladylike, and she behaves - with perfect propriety. Mrs. Baker is very good and very ladylike; - and Miss Swarr is modest but cheerful. I need not speak of Messrs. - Swarr, Baker, Carpenter, and North. We are all grateful. There - have been many kind inquiries after you, but a watering place is - like the world, even the grandest performers are soon forgotten. - - Mr. Babcock, of the Yeates Institute, preached here last night, - but I did not hear him. Those who did, say he preached very well. - I never saw him to my knowledge. - - I am treated by all with kindness and respect. I saw Mrs. Patton - and Miss Hamilton on Saturday evening. The health of the latter is - evidently improving. - - Give my love to Miss Annie, Elizabeth Speer Buchanan, and remember - me kindly to Mrs. Fahnestock. I hope you are all getting along - happily. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, September 22, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - It afforded me great pleasure to learn from yours of the 14th - instant, that you still enjoy health and happiness. May this yet - continue for years to come! I have recently had a severe and very - painful attack of rheumatism, but it has nearly passed away. - - I met Mr. Kelly at the Bedford Springs, and we talked very kindly - of you and yours. I found my old friends there as kind and as - enthusiastic as ever. My visit was very agreeable. - - I cannot anticipate the result of the Governor’s election, as I - was able to do in former years, when I took an active part in - politics. The news, however, is generally cheering. It is the most - important State election which has ever been held in Pennsylvania. - God grant us a safe deliverance! - - I saw Judge Woodward when he was in Lancaster at our great meeting - on Thursday last, though I did not attend the meeting. He seems to - be in fine spirits, and will, if elected, make an excellent - Governor. Governor Porter and Judge Black were with us. The - Governor’s health is still good, and he is as shrewd and observant - as ever. Judge Black’s speech will, I think, make a noise in the - world. It is able and eloquent, and _very strong_. - - I hope nothing may occur to prevent you from visiting me the next - time you entertain so good an intention. This I hope may ere long - occur. - - Miss Lane desires to be very kindly remembered to you. We expect a - visit to-day from Sir Henry Holland, and she is busy in making - preparations. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—I saw an account of the great meeting to which you refer, and - was happy to perceive that you are still in the harness. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, December 5, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your favor of the 24th October was well worthy of an immediate - answer, but my life here glides along so quietly and tranquilly as - to afford no incidents worth communicating. - - The quarrel among the Republicans to which you refer will not, I - think, subserve the immediate interests of the Democratic party. - They cannot afford to divide. The main object of them all is to - abolish every vestige of slavery, and they differ only as to the - best means of accomplishing it. The difference between them, as I - understand it, is between tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee. Whilst the - Sumnerites would convert the States in rebellion into Territories, - to be governed as such under the laws of Congress, the Blairites, - preserving the name of States, would place them under the military - government of the President. In either case, they can only be - restored to the Union provided slavery is abolished. The more - extreme party will probably prevail, because such is the nature - and history of revolutions. The Blairs will be crushed, unless - they shall speedily repent. This they will not hesitate to do, - should their interests so dictate. - - The Democratic party must rely upon themselves and await events. I - see the Democratic members have been holding meetings preparatory - to the assemblage of Congress. On their prudence, firmness and - decision much will depend. Their platform, if it be wise, will - give tone to the party throughout the country. With the vanity of - age, I think I could construct one which would unite and - strengthen the party, but no person consults me on such a subject. - - I agree with you that, however much we may condemn Secretary - Chase’s official conduct, he is a gentleman by education and - personal demeanor. He is, in my judgment, by far the ablest member - of the cabinet, not excepting even Abraham himself. The skill, - however, with which he has obtained loans and managed the paper - money machine, will only make the crash, when it shall occur, the - more terrific. His adroit management may delay, but cannot prevent - it. As long as he can issue greenbacks with one hand as currency, - and receive them with the other for national loans, the crazy - vessel may be kept afloat. - - Well! we see from the papers that Washington is to be gay and - extravagant beyond all former example during the approaching - winter. Shoddy will make a grand display. How much your society, - formerly the best in the country, must have changed! Mrs. Ogle - Tayloe was here about a fortnight ago, sighing over the memory of - past days. - - We have been more gay than usual at Wheatland for the last few - months, and have seen a good deal of company. I have not been out - of the county since you were here, but they will have it that I am - now in England. - - I have thought several times of accepting your kind offer to - attend to ——. He is an ungrateful little scamp, and no reason - exists why I should not sell his property. I think I shall soon - send you all the papers which will prove how much he has - bamboozled me. I wish you would talk to Mr. Riggs upon the - subject. - - Miss Lane and Miss Hetty both desire to be most kindly remembered - to you. We all unite in the expression of regret that we cannot - see you oftener. - - With my kindest regards to Doctor Jones, I remain, - - Always your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO HON. GEORGE G. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, December 21, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your kind favor, and am always rejoiced to learn - your continued health and happiness. May you live to enjoy a merry - Christmas and a happy New Year, and a number of such, until, in a - good old age, you shall be peacefully gathered to your fathers in - well-grounded Christian hope. - - The storm of persecution against me, as you intimate, has nearly - spent itself, though the _Herald_ and the _Tribune_, both of which - I take, occasionally strike me a blow. My time will, however, soon - come. I am now much more fully prepared than I was a year ago. I - view it as a merciful dispensation of Providence that the report - of General Scott to President Lincoln has been published during my - lifetime, and this through his own folly..... - - Miss Lane desires her kindest remembrance to you. I need not say - we shall always be most happy to see and welcome you at Wheatland. - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December 31, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 28th instant, and am content to - leave the —— affair to be managed by Mr. Riggs in the manner he - proposes. Still I should be much obliged to you to keep a sharp - look out over the matter. The conduct of Leonard and his wife has - been all it should not have been. - - We now seem to be rapidly treading the paths of all former - Republics. A large standing army necessarily produces some - ambitious commander-in-chief possessing its confidence. - Fortunately for the country, no general having the pre-eminence - over all the rest has yet made his appearance, unless Grant may - prove to be the coming man. At the termination of the war, it will - probably be more difficult to get clear of the army than it was to - raise it. - - The time has now arrived when with perfect safety the Democrats in - Congress might erect a secure platform; but will they do it? What - can be expected from a party at the head of which is..... A man of - the first consideration ought to have been selected as.....; and - above all, he ought not to have been one of those who broke up the - National Convention at Charleston. Mr. Lincoln would be less - dangerous to the Republic than an unprincipled military chieftain - whom the army would follow to any extremity. My health is as - usual. Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to you. - - Ever your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, January 14, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Miss Lane and myself have received your Christmas greetings with - peculiar pleasure, and trust you may live many years in health and - prosperity. - - With you I believe that the madness of men will eventually yield - to conservative counsels; _but not soon_. In this respect, I - differ both from you and Governor Seymour. I yet perceive no - evidence of a change so happy. It may, however, come suddenly with - the crash of the paper system, which, sooner or later, is - inevitable. The Democratic party is not yet prepared to act with - power and unanimity. They would, at the present moment, divide, - should they attempt to erect a platform. And yet, in my opinion, - the time has arrived when a platform could be constructed which - would stand against all external shocks and would carry the - principles of the glorious old party triumphantly through the - breakers. - - Have you ever thought of the danger to our institutions from the - disbandment of a standing army of a million of men, one-fourth at - least being negroes? Will they patiently and quietly consent, with - arms in their hands, to return to the labors and duties of private - life, and to earn their living by the sweat of their brow? What - does history teach in this respect? I trust in God it may be so. - - As to Christianity: it seems now to consist in preaching war - instead of peace. In New England, I presume, the masses are - tolerably united in favor of the gospel of war. In this portion of - the world there is considerable division, though the higher law - doctrine of the abolitionist would seem to be in the ascendant. - - The state of public opinion in this quarter was naively - illustrated the other day by a young lady who called to see me. - She said that the church in their town (Presbyterian) had been - vacant for several months, though they gave a good salary. “When,” - said she, “a preacher comes to us on trial, and we are pleased - with him, after he goes away, they begin to inquire whether he is - a Republican or Democrat. If found to be a Republican, the - Democrats oppose him, and if found to be a Democrat, the - Republicans oppose him; and so, between the two, it is hard to - tell whether we shall ever have another preacher.” - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, January 27, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I am just recovering from a rather severe illness and was only - able on yesterday to leave my room. I find your two letters of - January 16 and January 20, and am scarcely in a condition to do - more than thank you for them. - - My publication is ready for the press; but the Democrats have made - no issue on which to fight the Presidential battle...... The - Republicans care not a button how much we complain of their - unconstitutional measures, their change of the war from its - original purposes, etc., etc., so long as we give them a vigorous - material support. From present appearances, Mr. Lincoln will be - re-elected, unless some Republican military chieftain should - supply his place, or our finances should break down. - - All I have to say in regard to the Floyd acceptances is that the - “gentleman of high respectability” is altogether mistaken in - regard to myself, and, I have no doubt, is equally so in regard to - Governor Toucey. - - A Senator first informed me that drafts on the War Department, - payable at a future day and accepted by Governor Floyd, were on - change in New York. I immediately sent for Mr. Floyd and asked him - if it were true. He told me that Russell & Co., in order to enable - them to send provisions to the army in Utah, had to anticipate - their credit, and as these drafts were only payable after the - money had been earned, there could be no danger. There were but - three or four of them. I asked him by what law he was authorized - to issue such acceptances. He said there was no law for it, but it - had been the practice of the office. I told him it must at once be - discontinued—that if there was no law for it, it was against law. - He told me the few drafts already accepted should be immediately - paid, and he would never issue another. I rested satisfied, and - was greatly astonished when, some months after, the fraud was - discovered, and the subject placed before the committee of the - House. Mr. Holt, in all he did, acted under my direction and with - my assent. - - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you. I wish I - could drop in for a day at Mount Ida. - - Ever your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. SCHELL.] - - WHEATLAND, February 12, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 9th instant. I had supposed that - James Henry would have informed you of the reason I had not - visited New York. When making the necessary preparations to leave - home, I had a violent and very painful attack of rheumatic gout. - Although I have now recovered from this, I still walk with - difficulty, and am not yet in a condition to visit your city. - - I agree with you that the future of the Democratic party is - discouraging. At the moment when it was clearly demonstrated - that the administration, departing from the principle of - conducting the war for the restoration of the Union as it was, - and the Constitution as it is, had resolved to conduct it for - the subjugation of the Southern States and the destruction of - slavery, the party had then an opportunity of making a noble, - and probably a successful issue with their opponents. That time - has now passed, and the leaders of our party, beginning at New - York, notwithstanding the change in the programme of our - opponents, are still nearly as demonstrative in the support of - the war as the Republicans. No party can succeed without a great - issue, broadly placed before the people. - - We are getting on here as usual, just as you left us. Harriet - Buchanan is still with us, and you are often the subject of - agreeable conversation in our little group. - - I send you a check for the wine, and remain, very respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, March 14, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your letter of the 1st instant. You may well have - expected to hear from me ere this, in answer to yours of the 1st - February. I am sorry to say, however, that, about the time of its - receipt, I again had an attack of rheumatism in my legs still more - violent and painful than the former, which confined me for a - considerable time to my bed and to my chamber, because I could not - set my feet on the ground. Thank God! I think I have entirely - recovered from it, except that I still hobble in my gait. I am, - however, daily improving. - - Would that I were able to visit your Arcadia in the month of June - and receive your cordial welcome; but this is an enjoyment which I - fear is not reserved for me. - - I owe you many thanks for your very kind offer to cause my record - to be stereotyped and to superintend the work. Your services would - be invaluable, but I do not consider it of sufficient importance - for stereotyping. By the bye, a friend the other day sent me a - copy of Appleton’s Cyclopædia for 1861, which I find, to my - surprise, contains a tolerably fair representation of the last - months of my administration, so far as the facts were known to the - author. It is, however, greatly deficient in many particulars. - Still, there is throughout a spirit of candor manifested, to which - I have not been lately accustomed. - - I hope your meeting in New York may result in good for the country - and the Democratic party. So far as I can learn and observe, there - will be very great difficulty in erecting a platform on which the - party can unite. It now embraces all shades of opinion, from the - prosecution of the war with as much vigor as the Republicans, - notwithstanding the violations of the Constitution, down to peace - [with the Confederate government], which means neither more nor - less than recognition. I say that this means recognition, because - I entertain not the least idea that the South would return to the - Union, if we were to offer to restore them with all the rights - which belonged to them, as expounded by the Supreme Court, at the - time of their secession. Besides, I regret to say, many good - Democrats in Pennsylvania begin to be inoculated with abolition - principles. I could construct a platform which would suit myself; - but what is right and what is practicable are two very different - things. For the latter we must await the course of events until a - short time before the meeting of the convention. I entertain a - warm regard both for Mr. Reed and Mr. O’Conor, but I believe both - may be called extreme peace men. Have you ever reflected upon what - would be the embarrassments of a Democratic administration, should - it succeed to power with the war still existing and the finances - in their present unhappy condition? - - The Democrats of New Hampshire, with General Pierce, have fought a - noble battle worthy of a better fate. I was much pleased with the - article you were kind enough to send me. - - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you. Whilst it - is highly improbable that we shall drop in upon you at Mount Ida, - I hope it is certain you may drop in upon us at Wheatland during - the approaching spring or summer. The bluebirds and other - songsters are now singing around me, and the buds are ready to - burst; but yet we have all kinds of weather in the course of a - single day. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. VIELE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, May 2, 1864. - - MY DEAR MADAM:— - - I must crave a thousand pardons for not having complied with your - request and sent you my autograph, with a sentiment for your - album. I need not assign the reasons for this omission, but if you - should think it proceeded from want of respect for yourself, you - would be greatly in error. On the contrary, although I have never - enjoyed the pleasure of your acquaintance, yet from what I have - learned of your character and intellectual accomplishments, I - shall be proud to hold a place in your personal esteem. - - Congratulating you on the unexampled success of the New York Fair - for the relief of our brave and disabled soldiers, to which you - yourself have contributed in no small degree, I remain, - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. TOUCEY.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, May 13, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - It is long since I have heard from you, and I desire to learn that - Mrs. Toucey and yourself are as comfortable and happy as my - earnest wishes prompt. - - During the past winter I have suffered severe attacks of painful - rheumatism in both legs. The disease has finally retreated into my - right hand and arm, and is now, I trust in God, passing away. I - still, however, write with considerable pain. - - I earnestly desire that you could be with me for a few days. The - publication which I propose to make has for some time been - substantially, I may almost say, literally prepared. I think the - simple statement of facts in their natural order affords a - conclusive vindication of our administration for the last four - months of its duration. The preface contains a historical sketch - of the rise and progress of abolition, of the Charleston - Convention, of the Peace Convention, etc., etc. I have had no - person to assist me in its preparation, to make suggestions, or - even to verify the facts, though these are mostly official...... - - The season is delightful, and why cannot Mrs. Toucey and yourself - pay us a visit? Did we part at Washington never again to enjoy the - society of each other? I trust in God not...... - - The Judge, notwithstanding all this, is perfectly true to our - administration. He talks very openly and without disguise against - the present administration, and, before our last gubernatorial - election, made a speech of greater severity and power against - Lincoln (and published it) than any delivered throughout the - campaign. Judge Black and his family visit me occasionally, and he - is just as agreeable as ever. His practice in the Supreme Court - has been very lucrative, and he is now becoming a rich man. - - Miss Lane unites with me in cordial regards to Mrs. Toucey, and - expresses an ardent hope that you may both pay us a visit. - - From your friend, always, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. TOUCEY TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - HARTFORD, May 25, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR: - - I was very happy to receive your letter of the 13th inst. It gave - me information which I had long been wishing to obtain. Let me - rejoice with you that you have regained your accustomed power of - locomotion without the discomfort of bodily pain. I think the time - has come when the history of the last four months of your eventful - administration may be given to the public, with good results. Mrs. - Toucey’s health is so delicate and precarious, that I fear we - shall not be able to accept your kind invitation, for which we are - very grateful to you and to Miss Lane. Still, I trust that we - shall meet again and enjoy the opportunity of conferring together - upon the events of the last seven years, so interesting to us all. - It will be my greatest pleasure to contribute anything in my power - to the history you have in hand, although I think you need no aid - from any quarter; and as to giving “the last finishing touches,” - that is what you have always been accustomed to do yourself; and - while I appreciate your kindness, it would be absurd for me to - think of aiding Praxiteles to give the finishing polish to his - work. I send you herewith a printed copy of my testimony before - the Senate Committee, which embraces all the facts with regard to - Norfolk, Pensacola, and, incidentally, the Home squadron. The - testimony was divided into two parts by the committee for their - convenience. The note appended to it is strictly correct, and in - three lines answers the grossly false accusation that the navy was - sent abroad in the interest of secession. The truth is, the - squadrons at the different foreign stations were all of them very - small, had not been augmented in proportion to the increase of our - commerce, and none of them could be diminished without sacrificing - its safety and the interests and safety of those engaged in it. It - is not, I suppose, now treason to say “Blessed are the - peacemakers.” It was the cardinal point of your policy to preserve - the peace of the country, and thereby most surely preserve the - union of these States on the existing basis of the Constitution; - and it would have been a most startling departure from that policy - to have recalled our foreign squadrons, and thus, with lunatic - rashness, defeat it at the outset, and precipitate at once the - wretched consequences which have since followed its abandonment, - to the utter ruin of the country. I thank God that we can wash our - hands of any such criminality. There is one fact which has never - transpired—which at the time was shrouded in the greatest - secrecy—which was not communicated to any of my colleagues in the - cabinet—which rested with the late gallant Commander Ward, a - friend of mine from his youth, who fell on the Potomac in the - early stage of the war. He was stationed at New York in command of - the receiving ship. It was arranged with him that, on receiving a - telegraphic despatch from me, he should, in the course of the - following night, set sail from New York with a force of small - vessels, and relieve the garrison of Fort Sumter, entering the - harbor in the night and anchoring, if possible, under the guns of - the fort. He sought the desperate enterprise with the greatest - enthusiasm, and was willing to sacrifice his life, saying that the - sacrifice would be the best inheritance he could leave to his wife - and children. He left Washington, after repeated interviews with - me, with instructions to select his officers, select and prepare - his men on board of the receiving ship, and make every preparation - which he could make without exciting suspicion, so that he could - set sail in a few hours, whenever the emergency should arise. In - regard to the wish of General Cass to withdraw his resignation, I - knew nothing personally, but remember well that the subject was - brought up in cabinet meeting; that Judge Black and Mr. Thompson - seemed to know all about it, as if they were privy to it; and that - after some discussion you deemed it inadmissible. The times are - sadly out of joint. I had not supposed it possible that any - administration could, in the short space of three years, do the - work of destruction so effectually. Still I trust that, in the - boundless stores of Infinite mercy, there may yet be some - deliverance for the country. - - Mrs. Toucey unites with me in the kindest regards to yourself and - Miss Lane. I am, my dear Sir, with the highest consideration and - regard, always - - Your friend, - ISAAC TOUCEY. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, June 20th, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I am always rejoiced to hear that you are still in the enjoyment - of a green and happy old age, surrounded by grateful and - prosperous children and grandchildren. May this long be the lot - from Providence of Mrs. Leiper and yourself! - - You inquire for my health, and I am glad to inform you it is as - good as I can expect. After suffering much during the past winter - and early spring from rheumatic gout, I have been for several - weeks free from pain, though I still hobble a little in walking. - - You inform me you have a good deal to talk to me about when we - meet. I hope this may be ere long. I need not assure you how happy - I always am to see you. - - Your friend, Miss Lane, desires to be most kindly remembered to - you. After passing the whole winter and spring at home, I am glad - she has determined to visit the Bedford Springs about the middle - of July. Whether I shall accompany her is uncertain. I believe it - is natural for old men to be reluctant to leave home. At least, - such is my feeling. - - What an extraordinary speech Mr. Lincoln has made to the Union - Leaguers at Philadelphia! They have promised with a shout to march - to the front at his call and shed their blood, if need be, in the - cause of their country. I have no doubt he will afford them the - opportunity. Nobody believes they will embrace it. They will - still, however, fight the Copperheads at home. - - Your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. J. B. BAKER.] - - WHEATLAND, July 15th, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - As the rebel raid is over, Miss Lane will leave for the Bedford - Springs on Tuesday next, and will go to Huntingdon that evening. - She would be very glad if Emily and yourself should accompany her. - I desire to go, but have not yet determined. - - When will the purchase money for the Pim property be payable? If - at the present moment, it would not be convenient for me; but - still I can borrow. - - I learn that Doctor Carpenter and your uncle Newton are to visit - you to-morrow. I do hope you will be able to arrange all affairs. - - Your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, August 5th, 1864. - - MY DEAR MISS LANE:— - - I arrived here this afternoon, baggage all safe, a few minutes - after three o’clock. I never had so agreeable a ride on a railroad - car. I would advise you, by all means, in returning home, to stay - all night at Huntingdon and come by the cars on the next morning. - I told Mr. Miller......, and I wish you to stay at his house. We - parted from Mrs. Pegram, Miss Brent, and Mr. Jackson, at - Harrisburg—a sorry parting. - - I found all things in good order on my arrival. Mrs. Fahnestock is - still here and so is Miss Harriet Parker. - - Governor Curtin, as you will have perceived, has called for the - services of 30,000 volunteers to defend the State against the - rebels. - - I scarcely know to what ladies to send my love at Bedford, but I - wish you to deliver it especially to the ladies who gave me a - parting kiss. The fragrance of their lips is as fresh as at the - first moment. I hope you and Harriet will behave with all proper - respect to your venerable aunt. Remember me most kindly to Mrs. - Wade. I hope she will place you under proper restraint, a thing I - have never been able to accomplish. Give my best love to Harriet. - - I entertain no fears for you at the Springs. It is possible, - however, that the rebels may succeed in cutting the railroad track - between Huntingdon and Harrisburg, which would put you to some - inconvenience on returning home; but be not alarmed. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—From a telegram sent by Mr. Scott to Altoona, it would seem - he considers that place to be in danger. - - [TO HIS NEPHEW, JAMES BUCHANAN.] - - WHEATLAND, August 6th, 1864. - - MY DEAR JAMES:— - - I have received your favor of the 3d instant, and am truly - rejoiced to learn that your prospects are so favorable in the oil - region. Until I read your letter, I had supposed your brother - Edward was a partner with you; but as you do not mention his name, - I conclude this is not the case...... - - I passed more than a fortnight very agreeably at the Springs. Miss - Lane desired to remain until your father should go to Bedford. I - am now sorry I did not bring her and Harriet Buchanan home with - me, although I do not consider them in any danger at the Springs. - What I fear is that the railroad may be cut and travel interrupted - somewhere between Huntingdon and Harrisburg. Newton Lightner is - still at the Springs, and I hope they may return with him. The - people of Lancaster are in great alarm and are about to remove - their valuables...... - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, August 23, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor and it affords me great pleasure to - learn that Mrs. Leiper and yourself propose to pay us a visit some - time after the 1st September. The sooner the better. I need not - promise both a cordial welcome. Please write a day or two before - so that the carriage may meet you at the cars. - - It did not occur to me that your former letter might have referred - to that one which I wrote in favor of Forney’s election to the - Senate. If it had, I should have spared you some trouble. - - Miss Lane returned from the Springs on Friday last and desires to - be kindly remembered to Mrs. Leiper and yourself. - - The address of Mr. Lincoln’s “To whom it may concern,” has given a - great impulse to the reaction already commenced before its date. I - have no doubt he is anxious to correct the blunder; but cannot - believe, as the New York _Herald’s_ correspondent states, that he - has employed Judge Black to visit Canada for this purpose. - - Very affectionately, your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, August 25, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favors of the 1st and 17th insts., together - with a copy of your letter to Mr. Van Dyke as Chairman, all of - which I have read with much interest. The meeting of the Chicago - Convention is so near at hand that it would be vain to enter into - political speculations. The proceedings of this body, whatever - they may be, will constitute a new and important era in the - history of the Democratic party. From all appearances McClellan - will be nominated. Whether for good or for evil time must - determine. The platform will present the greatest difficulty. - Whilst we are all in favor of peace, it may be too pacific. We - ought to commence negotiations with the South and offer them every - reasonable guarantee for the security of their rights _within the - Union_. If they will accept this and engage to meet us in a - general convention of all the States, then I should be in favor of - an armistice. A general proposition for peace, and an armistice - without reference to the restoration of the Union, would be in - fact a recognition of their independence. For this I confess I am - far from being prepared. - - It is my impression that the South have no idea of making peace - without recognition. In this I trust I may be mistaken. - - Your article on “swapping horses” is both witty and true, and has - afforded us much amusement. - - In regard to Miss Lane’s coal lands: I think it would be - impossible, scattered as the heirs are, and some of them needy, to - obtain the consent of all to lease them. It is in the power of any - one of them to force a sale by legal proceedings. This was - threatened; but has not yet been attempted. In that event, which - is highly probable, we ought to be prepared to purchase; and from - the nature of law proceedings we shall have sufficient time to be - ready. Your services and influence may then become very - beneficial...... Miss Lane will write to you whenever anything - shall occur respecting the lands. - - I shall decide when and how I shall publish after seeing the - proceedings at Chicago. I cannot think the work deserves to be - stereotyped. - - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you. - - My health is as usual. We passed our time very agreeably at the - Springs. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO HIS NEPHEW, J. BUCHANAN HENRY.] - - WHEATLAND, September 22, 1864. - - MY DEAR JAMES:— - - I was very much gratified with your last letter, as I always am to - hear good tidings of yourself and your little boy. May God have - you both under His holy keeping! I should have written to you more - than ten days ago, but for an accident which has caused me much - pain, and confined me to my room, and a great part of the time to - bed, since last Sunday week. On that evening whilst taking a walk - on the turnpike I fell with great force, and the concussion was so - violent that on the next day I found myself unable to walk, and - for several days I could not stand. I can now walk across the - floor and my strength is gradually returning. In other respects I - am well. The doctor thought that the severe fall might bring back - the rheumatism; but it has not done so, except in a slight - degree...... - - No man except General McClellan could have been nominated at - Chicago. The Convention was neither more nor less than a - ratification meeting of the decree of the people. He would not - have been my first choice; but I am satisfied. God grant he may - succeed! Peace would be a great, a very great blessing; but it - would be purchased at too high a price at the expense of the - Union. I have never yet been able to tolerate the idea of Southern - recognition. - - Mr. Schell will, I think and earnestly hope, accept my invitation - to pay us a visit during the present or next month. We should all - be glad you would accompany him; but not at the expense of your - important business...... Miss Hetty has made apple butter for you - which, in the estimate of those who use such an article, is - pronounced excellent. She says, however, that you never write to - her as you did formerly. - - Miss Harriet and Miss Hetty desire me to present their kindest - love to you, and I remain - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, October 5, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have just received your favor of the 3d instant. Whilst I do not - concur in opinion with our valued friend, Mr. Sparks, that there - is no difference between the Chicago platform and General - McClellan’s letter of acceptance, I am cordially willing to give - him my vote. - - On retiring from the Presidential office, I expressed the - determination to follow the example of my Democratic predecessors, - and refrain from taking an active part in party politics. Still, I - am as much of a Democrat, and as devoted to Democratic principles, - as I ever have been. Peace, although a great blessing and greatly - to be desired, would be too dearly purchased at the expense of the - Union, and I, therefore, like the letter of General McClellan. - - In answer to your inquiry, I am but slightly, if at all, - acquainted with General McClellan. I must certainly have seen him, - but have no recollection of his person. - - As to the result of the election in this State, I can express no - opinion. I hear, from those who visit me, of great changes - everywhere in our favor; but it cannot be denied that, since the - victories of Farragut, Sherman, and the prospects of General - Grant, an impression has been made, more or less extensively, that - the Southern States will speedily submit. I wish to God this were - true. It is certain, however, that the expectation has gone far to - embolden the Republicans. But why speculate? Tuesday next will - decide the vote of Pennsylvania at the Presidential election, - unless it should be very close. - - My record is all ready, but I do not intend to publish until after - the Presidential election. The truth which it contains would not - make it a very acceptable document, especially to the friends of - the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, of Squatter Sovereignty, - and of those Douglas supporters who broke up the Charleston - Convention. It would not be very acceptable to ——, nor to ——, and - that class of politicians. - - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you, and I - remain always, - - Very respectfully your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, October 26, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 18th instant, and regret to - learn from it that Mrs. Leiper and yourself have abandoned the - purpose of paying us a visit. I anticipated much pleasure from - this visit. I now meet very few who can converse with me from - their own knowledge of the distant past; and it is always a source - of high gratification to meet an old friend like yourself, even - older than I am, with whom I have ever been on terms of intimacy. - We are both at a period of life when it is our duty to relax our - grasp on a world fast receding, and fix our thoughts, desires and - affections on one which knows no change. I trust in God that, - through the merits and atonement of his Son, we may be both - prepared for the inevitable change. - - I am truly sorry to learn that you have not been very well. My own - health is now good, except some rheumatic feeling in the legs. - - I experience, with you, the desire to stay at home. This comes - from old age, and is a merciful dispensation of Providence, - repressing the desire to mingle much with the outside world when - we are no longer capable of its enjoyments. Peace and tranquillity - suit us best. - - Though feeling a deep interest in it, I speculate but little on - the result of the approaching election. When I was behind the - scenes I could generally predict the event; but not so now. I - confess I was most agreeably surprised that we had carried the - Congressional election on the home vote, and now indulge the hope - that we may have a majority over the soldiers’ vote and all on the - 8th November. In this, however, I do not feel very great - confidence. - - Please to present my kind regards to Mrs. Leiper, and say how - sorry I am not to have been able to welcome her at Wheatland. I - should still insist on your promised visit, but Miss Lane left - home yesterday, to stay I do not know how long. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. HASSARD.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, November 8, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 31st ultimo, inquiring whether - there is any truth in the statement that President Polk, in 1846, - had solicited Arch-Bishop Hughes to accept a special mission to - Mexico, and I regret that I cannot give this question a very - definite answer. I shall cheerfully, however, state all my - knowledge on the subject. - - There were at this period many Catholic soldiers in the army of - General Taylor on the Rio Grande; and I suggested to President - Polk that it was our duty to provide them chaplains of their own - Christian denomination. To this he cheerfully assented. In - consequence, I addressed the letter, in May, 1846, to which you - refer, to Bishop Hughes (not then Archbishop), inviting him to - come to Washington. He was then in Baltimore, attending the - Provincial Council of Bishops. He immediately came to the State - Department, accompanied by Bishop ——, of Dubuque. - - When I communicated to Bishop Hughes the desire of the President - to send Catholic chaplains to the army, and to obtain his advice - and assistance to carry this into effect, both Bishops warmly - approved the measure. They immediately proceeded to the Jesuits’ - College in Georgetown, to obtain the services of two suitable army - chaplains. After a few hours they returned, evidently much - gratified with their success, and informed me, in enthusiastic - terms, that every professor in the College, both old and young, - had volunteered to go to the army. The Bishops, however, came to - the conclusion that it would be more expedient to select the - chaplains from among the priests outside of the college, and - accordingly Father McElroy and Father Rey, of the Jesuit Society, - were appointed for this arduous and dangerous service. It is due - to these pious and good men to say they faithfully and usefully - performed their spiritual duties to the soldiers, and with much - satisfaction to the administration. One of these, Father Rey, was - afterwards murdered by brigands, near Monterey. - - It occurred to the President, whilst the Bishop was in Washington, - and most probably at an earlier period, that, should he consent to - visit Mexico, he might render essential services in removing the - violent prejudices of the Mexicans, and especially of their - influential clergy, which then prevailed against the United - States, and thus prepare the way for peace between the two - Republics. In this I heartily concurred. Independently of his - exalted character as a dignitary of the church, I believed him to - be one of the ablest and most accomplished and energetic men I had - ever known, and that he possessed all the prudence and firmness - necessary to render such a mission successful. - - The President and the Bishop had several conversations on this - subject; but at none of these was I present. I have not the least - doubt, however, from what I heard the President say, that this - mission was offered to him, and that he declined it. - - The President, much as he desired to avail himself of the Bishop’s - services, could not at the time offer him anything more - acceptable. He could not appoint a new envoy to the Mexican - Government so soon after they had refused, in an insulting manner, - to receive our former minister. Paredes was, at that time, the - Revolutionary President of Mexico. He owed his elevation to his - extreme and violent hostility to the Government and people of the - United States. Besides, his army had just commenced the war by - crossing the Rio Grande and attacking a detachment of our troops. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, November 21, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - From your last letter I incline to believe that you bear our - defeat with Christian fortitude. Your preceding letter was written - with such glowing confidence and joyful hope, that Miss Lane and - myself had some amusement over it, as we had no expectation of - General McClellan’s election from the beginning, most ardently as - we desired it. If one seriously asks himself the question, in what - condition would the Democratic party be, with all the terrible - difficulties and embarrassments surrounding it, had it been - successful, he will find grounds for consolation in defeat. It has - shown its strength and has performed its duty, and can well afford - to bide its time. Meanwhile, it will be a watchful guardian over - the Constitution. - - Now would be the time for conciliation on the part of Mr. Lincoln. - A frank and manly offer to the Confederates, that they might - return to the Union just as they were before they left it, leaving - the slavery question to settle itself, might possibly be accepted. - Should they return, he would have the glory of accomplishing the - object of the war against the most formidable rebellion which has - ever existed. He ought to desire nothing more. - - In that event, the exasperated feelings of mutual hate would soon - subside. If the parties would not love each other, they must - entertain greater mutual respect for one another than ever existed - before. There would be no new collision between them for a hundred - years. The Republicans in this part of the world are not exultant. - They have won the elephant, and they will find difficulty in - deciding what to do with him. - - I feel some pity for Stanton, on his sick bed. I have no doubt of - his personal integrity, and that his acceptance of the Department - has been a great pecuniary loss to him. He has served Lincoln - faithfully, if not very ably or discreetly, and yet the - Republicans themselves do not speak well of him...... - - I rarely see and but seldom hear of Judge Black. I presume he must - now be in Washington. He must be getting very rich. - - I very seldom hear from Mr. Toucey. He is a gentleman of the old - school, full of principle and honor. - - I have not the least feeling against our good friend Flinn on - account of _that resolution_, but esteem him as highly as ever. I - am convinced he had no part in it. It was altogether à la - Florence. - - Miss Lane has been at her uncle Edward’s for several weeks, and - will not be home till the beginning of December, and then Buchanan - Henry will accompany her. In the meantime, Miss Annie Buchanan, a - very intelligent and agreeable girl, is staying with me. She, as - well as Miss Hetty, desires to be kindly remembered. We all wish - you would spend the Christmas holidays with us. - - Remember me kindly to Doctor Jones and Mr. Carlisle. Had the - latter accepted the position in the cabinet which I offered, I - should have had one ex-member of it, both able and willing to - render me valuable assistance, and this he could have done with - very little loss of hours. - - Your letters are always highly acceptable, and I shall ever - remain, most sincerely, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, December 28, 1864. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of Christmas day, and cordially return - you my best wishes for your health, prosperity and happiness. I - agree in opinion with General McClellan, that it is fortunate both - for himself and the Democratic party that he was not elected. But - I consider the defeat of Governor Seymour as most unfortunate. But - doctors will differ. - - Miss Lane received your favor respecting the coal lands in - Philadelphia, but she is now at home. These consist of about 2,300 - acres, situate in Broad Top Township, Bedford County, near the - railroad connecting the Pennsylvania Railroad at Huntingdon, with - the mines. This road is in full operation, and over it there is - now conveyed large quantities of excellent coal to market. I have - no doubt of the great value of these lands, though they have not - been further explored than to ascertain there is abundance of coal - in them. Miss Lane’s interest in them is about one-eleventh, and - she is entirely opposed to their sale, but I have no doubt this - will be forced by some of her co-heirs. As yet she has received no - notice of the institution of proceedings for this purpose, but is - expecting it daily. The parties to whom you refer ought to examine - the lands, for there is not a doubt they will be sold in the - spring. - - Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to you. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—My health has been good for several months. - - - - - CHAPTER XXIX. - 1865-1868. - -MARRIAGE OF MISS LANE—LETTERS TO HER AND OTHER PERSONS. - - -In the year 1866, Mr. Buchanan had the happiness of seeing his -niece, Miss Lane, married to Mr. Henry E. Johnston, of Baltimore. It -seems that this engagement was first made known to him in October, -1865, when Miss Lane was absent from Wheatland. He writes to her as -follows: - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, October 21, 1865.[181] - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I received yours of the 18th yesterday. We will talk the matter - over in regard to Wheatland after your return. I believe you say - truly that nothing would have induced you to leave me, in good or - evil fortune, if I had wished you to remain with me. Such a wish - on my part would be very selfish. You have long known my desire - that you should marry, whenever a suitor worthy of you, and - possessing your affections, should offer. Indeed it has been my - strong desire to see you settled in the world before my death. You - have now made your own unbiased choice; and from the character of - Mr. Johnston I anticipate for you a happy marriage, because I - believe, from your own good sense, you will conform to your - conductor, and make him a good and loving wife. Beware of - unreasonable delays in the performance of the ceremony, lest these - may be attributed to an improper motive. - - I have no news to communicate of the least importance; besides, I - hope to see you by the middle of the next week at the latest. - - Blanche and Martha paid me a brief visit yesterday,—better late - than never, and so I told them. - - Governor Porter was here two days during the present week. He and - I began political life nearly together, and we can talk over the - men and measures of the “auld lang syne” for the last fifty years. - His visits are always agreeable to me. - - Among your numerous friends you ask only for Punch,[182] and this - in the postscript, which is said to contain the essence of a - lady’s letter. He is a companion which I shun as much as possible, - not being at all to my liking. I believe, however, his health is - in a satisfactory condition. - - The proceedings of a majority of the Episcopal Convention have - afforded me great satisfaction. - - If the opportunity should offer, please to remember me with great - kindness and respect to Bishop Hopkins. I have no doubt his - preaching extempore is excellent. - - Give my love to Mrs. Reigart, and be sure you place an indelible - mark on _that_ stocking. Should I again get the gout, how it will - solace the pain. - - Miss Hetty desires to be kindly remembered to Maria and yourself. - With my love to Maria, I remain, - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 182: - - It seems from the following letter from Dr. Blake to Mr. Buchanan, - that Miss Lane was in Washington in March, 1865, at the second - inauguration of President Lincoln. - - [DR. BLAKE TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - HIS EXCELLENCY, JAMES BUCHANAN:— - - MY DEAR SIR:—Your favor of the 21st inst. did not reach me until - the 23d. On the following day I saw Miss Lane, and had the same - pleasure yesterday. I expect to call on her to-morrow in company - with some ladies who wish to pay their respects to her on your and - her own accounts. She will not require any attention from me, as - her reception hours are occupied by the many friends and admirers - who visit her. At Mrs. Lincoln’s afternoon reception she was the - observed of all observers, and she was constantly surrounded by - crowds of acquaintances, and persons desirous of being introduced - to her. She, I am sure, must be highly gratified by her visit, as - nothing has occurred to mar the pleasure of it. - - Our city is full of strangers, who have been attracted among us by - the approaching inauguration. There is nothing new, and I have - nothing of local interest to communicate at this time. - - Very truly your friend, - JOHN B. BLAKE. - -Footnote 181: - - A favorite dog. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.] - - WHEATLAND, November 30, 1865. - - MY DEAR HARRIET:— - - I enclose two letters. That from Mr. Capen I opened, supposing it - might require immediate attention; but when I discovered the - subject of it I ceased to read. I go to town to-day, and shall - keep this open, so that if other letters should arrive I will - enclose them. - - I go to York on Saturday, having received a very kind and pressing - invitation from the Shunks. Rebecca was ill in bed, and that is - the reason why I had not heard from them. I have not a word from - either Mr. Schell or James Henry. I infer there is nothing - encouraging to write about the book. A strong attempt is making to - cry it down in New York, but it will make its own way. No news. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Miss Lane’s marriage took place at Wheatland on the 11th of January, -1866. The note of invitation to one of their most valued friends was -written on the same day on which he received from Mr. Johnston a -deed of settlement which that gentleman made in favor of his -intended wife. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO COLONEL J. B. BAKER.] - - WHEATLAND, January 6, 1866. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Miss Lane requests me to invite you in her name to her wedding on - Thursday, the 11th inst. The ceremony will be between 12 and 1 - o’clock. It is to be a private affair. No cards of invitation have - been issued. I hope you will not fail to countenance us with your - presence. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. JOHNSTON.] - - WHEATLAND, January 6, 1866. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 4th, with the deed, which - I think has been well and carefully prepared. For this - purely voluntary act of your kindness Miss Lane feels - herself greatly indebted, and you will please to accept my - cordial acknowledgments. - - Had I been consulted, I should have preferred that my name had not - appeared as a trustee, having determined, at my advanced age, to - relieve myself, as far as possible, from all worldly affairs; but, - as the chief burden will rest upon your brother Josiah, who is - abundantly competent to perform the duty, I shall cheerfully - accept the trust. Besides, this will place upon record, for - whatever it may be worth, my entire approbation of the marriage. - - With sentiments of warm regard, I remain, - - Very respectfully your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, February 24, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 21st instant, and rejoice to - learn that your health has so much improved. I trust that the - genial air of the spring and the active exercise to which you have - been all your life accustomed, may restore you once more to - perfect health. Thank God! my own health has been good thus far - throughout the severe and inclement weather. - - I duly received your letter of the 17th January, and have been - under the impression it was answered. I have often since thought - of the description which you gave of your happy Christmas meeting - with your children and grandchildren under the old paternal roof, - and what heartfelt satisfaction it must have afforded to Mrs. - Leiper and yourself. I trust that several more such family - reunions may be in reserve for you, though we have both attained - an age when we cannot expect much time in this world, and when we - ought to be preparing to meet our God in peace. - - I had not learned, until the receipt of your last, that Mr. - Lincoln had joined the Church. Let us hope, in Christian charity, - that the act was done in sincerity. The old Presbyterian Church is - not now what it was in former years. The last general assembly has - thoroughly abolitionized it. - - I confess I was much gratified at the capture of Charleston. This - city was the nest of all our troubles. For more than a quarter of - a century the people were disunionists, and during this whole - period have been persistently engaged in inoculating the other - slave States with their virus. Alas, for poor Virginia! who has - suffered so much, and who was so reluctantly dragged into their - support. - - Miss Lane is now on a visit to Mrs. Berghman’s (the daughter of - Charles Macalester), in Washington city. - - From your friend always, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. FLINN.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 18, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I was much astonished to learn from yours of the 17th that you had - not received the bond and mortgage. At least ten days before the - 1st of April, I enclosed the bond and mortgage to you, with a - regular power of attorney, duly stamped and acknowledged, - authorizing the recorder of deeds from Alleghany county to enter - satisfaction on the record. My letter inclosing these papers was - placed in the post office at Lancaster on the day after its date - by a friend who happened to be at Wheatland, and the postage was - paid. What can have become of it, I cannot conjecture. It must - have gone astray, as many letters do. Should it not soon turn up, - I shall send another power to enter satisfaction. Not knowing the - name of the recorder, I gave the power to him by his official - title, which is sufficient. Should it prove to be necessary to - have a new power, please to state his name. - - I thank you for the information relative to the assassination of - President Lincoln, though I had received the news of this - deplorable event before it came to hand. The ways of Divine - Providence are inscrutable; and it is the duty of poor, frail man, - whether he will or not, to submit to His mysterious dispensations. - The war—the necessary war—forced upon us by the madness of the - rebels, we all fondly hoped was drawing to a triumphant conclusion - in the restoration of the Union with a return to friendly - relations among all the States, under the auspices of Mr. Lincoln. - At such a moment the terrible crime was committed, which hurried - him into eternity, and God only knows what may be the direful - consequences. I deeply mourn his loss, from private feelings, but - still more deeply for the sake of the country. Heaven, I trust, - will not suffer the perpetrators of the deed, and all their guilty - accomplices, to escape just punishment. But we must not despair of - the Republic. - - I have known President Johnson for many years. Indeed, he once - honored me with a visit at Wheatland. That he has risen from an - humble station to the highest political position of the Union, is - evidence both of his ability and his merits. He is (certainly he - used to be) a man of sound judgment, excellent common sense, and - devoted to the elevation and welfare of the people. I wish him - success, with all my heart, in performing the arduous and - responsible duties which have been cast upon him. I shall judge - him fairly, as I ever did his lamented predecessor, though my - opinions may be of but little importance. I hope he may exercise - his own good judgment, first weighing the counsels of his advisers - carefully, as was ever the practice of the first and greatest of - our Presidents, before the adoption of any decided resolution. The - feelings naturally springing from the horrid deed ought first to - have a few days to subside, before a final committal of the - administration to any fixed policy. - - I have weighed your suggestion with care, but regret to say I - cannot agree with you. Such an act would be misrepresented.[183] - - With my kind regards to Mrs. Flinn, I remain always your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 183: - - His correspondent had urged him to “write a few lines on the death - of Mr. Lincoln, which will soothe the bitter prejudices of the - extremists of his party against you and your friends.” - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO THE HON. J. W. WALL.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 27, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Upon a reperusal of your letter of the 30th ultimo, I consider it - my duty to furnish a specific denial of the statement, by - whomsoever made, that I refused you the mission to Rome, “because - of a doubt as to the genuineness of your Democracy.” Any such - statement is without the least foundation. Indeed, according to my - best recollection, those who professed to be the best friends both - of yourself and of Mr. Stockton, never intimated a suspicion - either of your Democracy or your ability. On the contrary, they - expressed much anxiety that you should be the Democratic candidate - for Congress in your district. - - Permit me to observe, as your father’s friend, and as your own (if - you will allow me so to be), that I regretted very much the tone - and manner in which you say that “the Republicans will sweep the - State of New Jersey next fall.” You ought to recollect that the - life of a public man under this, and indeed under all popular - governments, is exposed to many vicissitudes. For this, whilst - ever keeping steadily in view a sacred regard for principle, he - ought to be prepared. His true policy is to “bide his time,” and - if injustice has been done him, it is morally certain that the - people will, in the long run, repair it. Indeed, this very - injustice, if borne with discreet moderation and firmness, often - proves the cause of his eventual benefit. Do not mar your future - prospects by hasty actions or expressions which may be employed to - your injury. Still believe “there is a better day coming,” and - prepare the way for it. - - I was seventy-four on Sunday last, and, considering my advanced - age, I enjoy good health as well as a buoyant spirit. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 27, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Rest assured that I was much gratified to receive your favor of - the 22d. If I was indebted a letter to you, I am sorry for it, - because I entertain no other feeling towards you but that of - kindness and friendship. - - In common with you, I feel the assassination of President Lincoln - to be a terrible misfortune to our country. May God, in his mercy, - ward from us the evils which it portends, and bring good out of - this fearful calamity. My intercourse with our deceased President, - both on his visit to me, after his arrival in Washington, and on - the day of his first inauguration, convinced me that he was a man - of a kindly and benevolent heart, and of plain, sincere and frank - manners. I have never since changed my opinion of his character. - Indeed, I felt for him much personal regard. Throughout the years - of the war, I never faltered in my conviction that it would - eventually terminate in the crushing of the rebellion, and was - ever opposed to the recognition of the Confederate government by - any act which even looked in that direction. Believing, always, - secession to be a palpable violation of the Constitution, I - considered the acts of secession to be absolutely void; and that - the States were, therefore, still members, though rebellious - members, of the Union...... - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO REV. P. COOMBE.] - - WASHINGTON, May 2, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 29th ultimo, proposing that I - should endow a Professorship in Dickinson College for the - education of poor students who do not possess the means of - educating themselves. The object is highly praiseworthy, but I - regret to say I do not feel myself at liberty to advance $25,000 - for this purpose. Under existing circumstances my charities, - including those to relatives who require assistance, are - extensive, and the world is greatly mistaken as to the amount of - my fortune. Besides, if I should hereafter conclude to endow a - Professorship, whilst I highly approve the theological doctrines - of the Methodist Episcopal Church, I could not prefer a college - under its direction to a college of the Presbyterian Church, in - which I was born and educated, or to the German Reformed College, - in my immediate vicinity, in which I have taken a deep interest - ever since its origin at Mercersburg, near the place of my - nativity. - - I might add that Dickinson College, when I was a student, was not - conducted in such a manner as to inspire me with any high degree - of gratitude for the education I received from my “_Alma Mater_.” - This was after the death of Dr. Nesbit and before a new President - had been elected. I am truly happy to believe that it is now well - and ably conducted under the auspices of a Christian Church - founded by John Wesley, whose character I have ever held in - highest veneration, and whose sermons I have read over and over - again with great interest. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK EVENING POST.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, May 11, 1865. - - SIR:— - - In the New York _Tribune_ of yesterday I read, with no little - surprise, an extract from the _Evening Post_ (which I do not see), - stating in substance that the Cincinnati Democratic convention of - June, 1856 (not “May”), had come to “a dead lock” on the evening - before Mr. Buchanan’s nomination, and had adjourned until the next - morning, with a fair prospect that it would meet only to adjourn - _sine die_; but that in the meantime, arrangements were made to - secure his nomination as soon as the convention should reassemble, - in consequence of pledges given by his friends. The nature of - these pledges, according to the article in the _Post_, was openly - avowed by Judge Black on the floor of the convention immediately - after nomination had been made. According to it: “A silence ensued - for a few moments, as if the convention was anticipating something - prepared, when Judge Black, of Pennsylvania (afterwards Attorney - General under Buchanan), rose in his place and made a set speech, - in which he proceded to denounce ‘Abolitionism’ and ‘Black - Republicanism’ very freely, and to argue that the States - possessed, under the Constitution, the right of secession. He went - further, and told the convention that if the nominee was elected, - and a Black Republican should be elected as his successor, he [Mr. - Buchanan] would do nothing to interfere with the exercise of it. - This pledge was ample, and was accepted by the Southern leaders.” - - You will doubtless be astonished to learn that Judge Black, - afterwards Mr. Buchanan’s Attorney General, by whom this pledge is - alleged to have been made, and through whom the evident purpose - now is to fasten it upon Mr. Buchanan, _was not a delegate to the - Cincinnati convention, nor was he within five hundred miles of - Cincinnati during its session_. _Instead of this, he was at_ _the - very time performing his high official duties as a Judge of the - Supreme Court of Pennsylvania._ - - It may be added, that from the date of General Jackson’s message - of January, 1833, against South Carolina nullification and - secession, until that of his own message of December, 1860, and - indeed since, no public man has more steadfastly and uniformly - opposed these dangerous and suicidal heresies than Mr. Buchanan. - Had any person, in or out of the convention, dared to make a - pledge in his behalf on this or any other subject, such an act - would have been condemned a few days thereafter by the terms of - his letter accepting the nomination. In this, after expressing his - thanks for the honor conferred, he says that: “Deeply sensible of - the vast and varied responsibility attached to the station, - especially at the present crisis in our affairs, _I have carefully - refrained from seeking the nomination, either by word or deed_;” - and this statement is emphatically true. - - A few words in regard to the alleged “dead lock” in the Cincinnati - convention, at the time of its adjournment on the evening of the - 5th June, after fourteen ballots had been taken for a candidate. - It appears from its proceedings, as officially published, that on - each of these ballotings Mr. Buchanan received a plurality, and on - the sixth, attained a majority of all the votes of the convention, - but not the required two-thirds. On the fourteenth and last ballot - on that evening, the vote stood 152½ for Mr. Buchanan, 75 for - Pierce, 63 for Douglas, and 5½ for Cass. This being the state of - the case, when the convention assembled the next morning the New - Hampshire delegation withdrew the name of General Pierce, and the - Illinois delegation withdrew that of Judge Douglas, in obedience - to instructions from him by telegraph, on the day before the - ballotings had commenced. After this, the nomination of Mr. - Buchanan seemed to be a matter of course. He had never heard of “a - dead lock” in the convention, or anything like it, until he read - the article in the _Post_. - - It may be proper to state that Colonel Samuel W. Black, of - Pittsburg, was a delegate to the Cincinnati convention from - Pennsylvania, and being well known as a ready and eloquent - speaker, “shouts were raised” in the convention for a speech from - him immediately after the nomination was announced. To these he - briefly responded in an able and enthusiastic manner. From the - identity of their surnames, had this response, reported with the - proceedings, contained the infamous pledge attributed to Judge - Black, or anything like it, we might in charity have inferred that - the author of the article had merely mistaken the one name for the - other. But there is nothing in what Colonel Black said which - affords the least color for any such mistake. - - Colonel Black afterwards sealed his hostility to secession with - his blood. At an early stage of the war, he fell mortally wounded - on the field of battle, whilst gallantly leading on his regiment - against the rebels. - - I doubt not you will cheerfully do me justice by publishing this - letter, and I would thank you for a copy of the paper. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. NAHUM CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, May 13, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your note of the 11th, with the slip from the - Boston paper not named. The astounding answer to it is, that Judge - Black was not a delegate to the Cincinnati Convention, was not - within five hundred miles of Cincinnati during its session, but - was at the time performing his duties on the Bench, as Judge of - the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania. Although convinced that he was - not present, in order to make assurance doubly sure, I sent him a - telegram on the subject. His answer is as follows: “I was _not_ at - Cincinnati in 1856, or at any other time in my life. I was not a - member of, or an attendant upon the Democratic Convention.” This - is a clincher. - - When I saw the article from the New York _Evening Post_ in the New - York _Tribune_, I addressed a letter to the editor, and fearing he - might be unwilling to publish such a damning condemnation of his - article, _a la mode_ —— of Boston, I sent a duplicate to the - _Tribune_. - - I forwarded your note with the enclosure to Judge Black, but, like - Gallio, he cares for none of these matters. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [TO HORACE GREELEY, ESQ., EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK “TRIBUNE.”] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, May 23, 1865. - - SIR:— - - In courtesy I ought to thank you, as I do sincerely, for your - offered use of the _Tribune_ for “any explanation, comment or - disclaimer” of the acts of my administration during the last six - months of its existence. This kind offer should be cordially - accepted, but, admonished by advancing years, of which you give me - warning, I some time since compiled a history of it during this - period, chiefly from the proceedings of Congress and other - official and reliable documents, too long for publication in the - _Tribune_. This has not been published hitherto, because of my - reluctance, for several reasons, to obtrude myself upon public - attention during the prosecution of the war, now happily - terminated, in the suppression of the rebellion. - - Though we have been “life-long” political opponents, as you truly - observe, I have for many years been a constant reader of the - _Tribune_. This I have done to obtain a knowledge of the - principles and policy of the Republican party, from their ablest - and most influential expounder; and one who, whilst contending - against political opponents, has had the courage and candor to - present to the public the Democratic propositions and principles - he assailed. I would, therefore, put it to yourself, whether it - was quite compatible with this character to assume that my - contradiction of an article in another journal, relating to - matters of fact, dating as far back as the Cincinnati Convention - of June, 1856, had been intended as a defence of the acts of an - administration which did not come into existence until nine months - afterward; and thereupon to pronounce the conclusion “that Mr. - Buchanan’s letter has not vindicated Mr. Buchanan’s career.” Mr. - Buchanan has carefully refrained, for four long years, from any - attempt to vindicate his “career” as President, except so far as - this was forced upon him in his controversy with General Scott, - and this course he shall still continue to pursue, until the - publication of his historical sketch. - - Indeed, his recent letter to the editor of the New York _Post_ - would never have been written had the editor republished from his - files the old article, as published nearly nine years before - (though never known to Mr. B. until a few days ago), with any - comments he might have thought proper. That of which Mr. Buchanan - now complains is that the new article, though ostensibly based - upon the old, presents a statement of facts essentially different, - in a most important particular, from the original; and this, too, - with the evident object of injuring his character. This change - consists in substituting for the name of Colonel Black, who _was_ - a delegate to the Cincinnati Convention, that of Judge Black, who - _was not_; and, at the same time, referring to the fact that “the - Judge was afterward Attorney General under Mr. Buchanan.” Whence - this radical change, if not to bring home to Mr. Buchanan a - complicity in the infamous pledge which the last article falsely, - but in express terms, attributes to Judge Black? Had the facts - stated in this article, on the authority of the editor of the - _Post_, remained without contradiction, they would have been taken - for granted by the public, to the lasting and serious injury to - the reputation both of Judge Black and Mr. Buchanan. - - It is but justice to the reputation of a brave and lamented - officer to repeat that, in his ardent and impassioned remarks - before the convention, evidently without previous preparation, - there is not the least color for attributing to Colonel Black a - pledge which would have been a serious imputation upon the fair - fame of a man who was without fear and without reproach. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [SECRETARY STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, June 16, 1865. - - DEAR SIR:— - - Your note of the 14th inst., enclosing Mr. Tate’s letter, has just - reached me, and I have ordered the immediate release of Lieutenant - Tate and his three friends, with transportation from Johnson’s - Island to Alabama. I hope that you are in the enjoyment of good - health, and beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane. - - Yours truly, - EDWIN M. STANTON. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO A FRIEND.] - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received yours of the 10th instant, and annex a receipt. I - had not thought of charging interest. - - Should you need one or two thousand dollars in the fall, I shall - be happy to accommodate you. Please to give me notice as long in - advance as may be convenient. - - My health is as usual. - - I begin to doubt seriously whether President Johnson will do, but - still hope for the best. - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.] - - WHEATLAND, June 19, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I was glad to perceive, from the _Jeffersonian_, that you were - well enough to preside and to speak at your late Democratic county - meeting. From the tenor of your last letter, I was fearful you - would not be able to perform this duty. I am truly thankful that I - was mistaken. Our thread of life is already so long that the Fates - cannot have much of it in reserve. May God grant that we shall - both be ready to welcome our Saviour at His coming, whensoever He - may arrive. - - Thank Heaven! we have lived to witness the return of peace. I do - not pretend to speculate on the future course of President - Johnson. Of the past there can be no doubt. Until the close of my - administration, no man had a better Democratic record, unless we - may except his effort to give away the public lands to actual - settlers. With this exception, I received his uniform support. - - My health is wonderfully good, considering my age. It has been so - for the last six months, but I make no calculation for the future. - - I am happy to perceive that you are living over your life in your - grandchildren. This is a source of enjoyment which I do not - possess, yet I congratulate you upon it with all my heart. May - they all be as prosperous and happy as your heart can desire! - - Miss Lane desires me to present her affectionate regards to you. - - From your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. TOUCEY.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, August 3, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 29th ultimo, with the - accompanying communication. It is too late to make use of them in - my book, the manuscript of which is now in the hands of the - Appletons, and I am from week to week receiving the proofs, but - not in such quantities as I could desire. They publish it at their - own risk, and are stereotyping it. From present appearances, it - will not be published for a month or six weeks. Still, when I - wrote it, your testimony before the committee was in my - possession, and I think you will say I have made good use of it. - - I have heard that the legislature of Connecticut have restored - your portrait, and that of Governor Seymour, to their appropriate - places among the Governors. Is this true? It was a shameful act to - have removed them. - - Judge Black was here a few days ago. He informs me that Mr. and - Mrs. [Jacob] Thompson left Halifax for France on the steamer some - weeks ago, and that the money deposited by him in Canada belonged - to himself. It is well for him he has made his escape...... - - My health is very good, considering my age. I lead a tranquil and - contented life, free from self-reproach for any of the acts of my - administration. How much I wish to see Mrs. Toucey and yourself! - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to both. Please to - present my warmest regards to her, and remember me kindly to - Governor Seymour. - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. TOUCEY TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - HARTFORD, September 18, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your letter inquiring who persuaded General Scott - to take the “Star of the West” instead of the “Brooklyn,” to send - reinforcements and provisions to Fort Sumter in 1861. I am not - able to answer the question, except by saying that I did not. Who - did persuade him to make the change is entirely unknown to me. I - always supposed that he was induced to send the “Star of the West” - by advisers outside of the administration. Of course I cannot - answer for Mr. Holt, but I never suspected that he was the author - of that measure. - - If you can do it without any inconvenience, I should be glad to - receive from you a copy of the joint order of Mr. Holt and myself - to the Military and Naval Forces at Pensacola, which we issued - during the session of the Peace Convention. You may remember that - I applied for a copy to Mr. Welles, and he declined to give it. I - may have occasion to make some use of it. - - Mrs. Toucey unites with me in most respectful and kindest regards - to yourself and Miss Lane. - - Very truly yours, with the highest respect, - ISAAC TOUCEY. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO THE HON. C. J. FAULKNER.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, October 21, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have this moment received your favor of the 19th inst. Whilst - attributing to me patriotic motives for my official acts when - President, you express the opinion that I had erred in some of my - recommendations and measures of policy. To this, as a reasonable - man, I can have no objection, for I may have committed many - errors. But when you add that I would probably myself admit such - to be the fact, I must say that you are mistaken. I pursued a - settled consistent line of policy from the beginning to the end, - and, on reviewing my past conduct, I do not recollect a single - important measure which I should desire to recall, even if this - were in my power. Under this conviction I have enjoyed a tranquil - and cheerful mind, notwithstanding the abuse I have received, in - full confidence that my countrymen would eventually do justice. I - am happy to know that you still continue to be my friend, and I - cordially reciprocate your kindly sentiments, wishing that you may - long live in health and prosperity. - - I thank you for the slip from the _National Intelligencer_, which - I have no doubt contains a correct representation of your conduct - whilst Minister in France. I learned from Mr. Magraw the cause of - your arrest soon after you had been discharged. I am happy to say - that through God’s mercy I enjoy unusual health for a man now in - his seventy-fifth year. - - Miss Lane is not at home or she would certainly return you her - kind remembrances. - - Very respectfully your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MANTON MARBLE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, November 4, 1865. - - DEAR SIR:— - - I have received, through your favor of the 29th ultimo, the - invitation of the Managing Committee to become an honorary member - of the Manhattan Club, and I cheerfully and gratefully accept this - token of their regard. - - It is proper I should thank the Committee for their kind - recognition of my long services in the cause of Democracy. - Convinced that its principles spring from the very essence of the - Constitution, I know they can never die whilst this shall survive. - All that is required to render them again triumphant, as they were - in the days of Jefferson and Jackson, is that the party, without - concealment or reserve, shall, as then, with unity of spirit, - persistently present and uphold them before the American people in - their native truth, simplicity and grandeur. I am too old to take - part in this glorious task, but, were I twenty years younger, I - should once more devote myself to its accomplishment, firmly - believing that this would be the triumph of law, liberty and - order, and would best secure every interest—material, social and - political—of all classes of my countrymen. - - Yours very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, November 25, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - You will have seen ere this that my little book has been launched - on a stormy ocean. I thank God that I have lived to perform this - duty. It will be severely criticised, but the facts and - authorities cited cannot be demolished. - - . . . . . . . - - Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [REV. DR. NEVIN TO MR. BUCHANAN.] - - November 30, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Please accept my sincere thanks for the copy of your new work just - placed in my hands. I shall hold it in high value for what I - conceive to be its intrinsic historical importance, and also as a - cherished monument of your personal friendship and favor. It gives - me pleasure to find that it is in the way of gaining wide - attention in the country, and I look upon it as a significant - tribute to its power that so little effort has been made thus far - (so far as I know), in quarters where it might have been expected, - to meet it in the way of earnest controversy and contradiction. - For the case is not one in which people of sense can persuade - themselves that the argument is to be disposed of finally, either - by blind general abuse, or by any affectation of silent - indifference and contempt. That your last days may be your best - days, and that they may be followed by a brighter happiness in - heaven, is the prayer of - - Your affectionate friend, - J. W. NEVIN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. BAKER.] - - WHEATLAND, December 25, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your kind favor of the 21st, and also the grand - Christmas turkey, of which I entertain the warmest anticipations. - Although we Presbyterians make no fuss over Christmas, yet we do - not altogether despise the good things which it brings in its - train as kept by the outside barbarians...... - - I heartily rejoice with you that you have completed the barn. - - With my warmest wishes that you and yours may enjoy many a merry - Christmas and many a happy New Year, I remain as ever your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO A FRIEND.] - - WHEATLAND, December 30, 1865. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of yesterday, and cannot consent that - you shall be put to any inconvenience, or be obliged to sell your - railroad shares at so low a price for the want of $1,000. I shall, - therefore, send you a check for that amount on the 2d January, and - send a check to our friend for $800, with a positive promise to - send him the remaining $1,000 on the 1st February. - - I shall be very happy to see Mr. Phillips and yourself on any day - next week; but on the week following a great event is to take - place, at which, I hope, you may be present, though it will be - almost strictly private. If Mr. Phillips cannot come on the week - commencing on New Year’s day, then we must postpone his visit - until the week commencing on the 15th January. - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—I send a pair of canvas-backs. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. FLINN.] - - (Without date.) - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received the book, and am indebted to you for having - procured it for me. - - I am glad to learn that you soon propose to write me a longer - letter. - - The rebels, when at Wrightsville, were within eleven miles of us. - No Democrat, within my knowledge was, in the least degree, alarmed - for his personal safety. Not one of my personal or political - friends, male or female, thought of leaving Lancaster. Miss Lane - entertained no fears. I doubt not, however, that they have made - sad havoc among the horses of my tenant in Franklin county. I - trust that General Lee may speedily be driven across the Potomac. - He would never have been here had not —— been such a poor devil. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. JOHNSTON.] - - WHEATLAND, January 18, 1866. - - MY DEAR MRS. JOHNSTON:— - - I have received your kind letter, but not until Tuesday, when I - thought it uncertain whether an answer would reach you at Boston. - - I am much gratified with its tone, and think you have embarked on - the sea of matrimony with a fair prospect that the voyage may be - happy. This will, in a great measure, as I have often told you, - depend upon yourself. I hope you may perform your domestic duties - with as much dignity and propriety as you have manifested in your - _quasi_ public life. I long to see you an affectionate wife and an - exemplary matron. You are now .... and have experienced enough of - the life of the world to conclude that most of it is vanity and - vexation of spirit. I trust you have heart and sense enough to be - happy in your new condition. You will find it far better, to a - well-balanced mind, than the flash and excitement produced by the - admiration and flattery of the world. I expect great things from - you, and trust I may not be disappointed. - - The girls are still here, and render themselves quite agreeable. - - I think the wedding went off properly and prosperously. Every - guest was pleased. I almost lost my heart to Emily and Bessy. I - liked them very much, and I think your association with them will - prove highly agreeable. I have but little news to communicate. The - Misses Steenman and Mr. and Mrs. Brinton have been here since you - left, making anxious inquiries concerning you, which I was able to - answer in a manner highly pleasing to myself. Mr. and Mrs. Swarr - are about to attend the funeral of Mr. Mellon, their relative, in - Philadelphia. - - I am rejoiced that Mr. Johnston and Mr. Schell get along so well - together. There is not now, and never has been, any reason why - they should not. Mr. Schell is certainly one of the excellent of - the earth, and there is no man living whom I esteem more highly. - - I return you Sir Henry Holland’s letter, and I am almost tempted - to send him a copy of my book, on your account, as he desires. - Still, my opinion of his conduct, on his last visit to the United - States, has not changed. Perhaps it was too much to expect from a - London Doctor, that he would forego the honor of reviewing the - army of the Potomac, or the society of Thurlow Weed, Miss Rebecca - Smith and Mr. Everett, for the sake of visiting an old man at - Wheatland, who was proscribed by the grand dignitaries of the - empire. - - We have good sleighing here, and have been enjoying it moderately. - - With my kindest regards to Mr. Johnston, I remain, - - Yours ever affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, January 19, 1866. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 16th instant, and am happy to - learn that no “fair one” has come athwart your regard for your old - friends. I know that your heart is so expanded, that love and - friendship will both find suitable quarters in it. - - I shall deliver your very kind message to Mrs. Johnston, but do - not expect to see her for a considerable time. She left here with - Mr. Johnston on the day of the wedding, and is now, I believe, in - New York. When they will go to Baltimore I do not know, but - believe that soon after they intend to visit Cuba. I know that - Mrs. Johnston would be delighted to receive your felicitations - under your own hand. Her address will be Mrs. Henry E. Johnston, - No. 79 Monument Street, Baltimore. I thank you for the offer to - send me Mr. De Leon’s review, but I do not wish to have it. If - there is anything disagreeable in it, _as is doubtless the case_, - some person will be sure to send it to me. There is a violent and - brutal attack on the book and on me in Beecher’s _Independent_, - and I know not the number of extracts from the paper containing - it, which I have received anonymously. The book is quietly making - its own way, under the disadvantage of a very high price. Several - thousands have been already sold, and the Appletons inform me the - demand is still increasing. - - I am truly happy to learn that my good old friend Dr. Jones is so - well pleased with the book. Please to present him my very kindest - regards. - - Thank you for delivering my message to Mrs. Clay. She is charming, - and has behaved beautifully in her trying situation. - - When the opportunity offers, please to return my very kindest - regards to Mrs. Dr. Houston. She is, indeed, an excellent woman, - and I owe her many obligations. - - I ought to thank you for the reports “of the condition of the - _National_ Metropolitan Bank.” In these I observe you have - blended specie with other lawful money, but the amount of each - you have not designated. These reports have led to a train of - reminiscences. The Democratic party, under the lead of General - Jackson, put down _one_ national bank as both unconstitutional - and inexpedient. There are now more than sixteen hundred such - banks. All over the country, on account of their enormous - profits, these have enlisted great numbers of Democrats as - stockholders, and they will constitute the most formidable - obstacle to the triumph of the Democratic party. But this event - must come sooner or later. I presume our friend Carlisle did not - receive the book I sent him. - - ——, I perceive, has returned to Washington. Of all the absurd - things I have encountered in my life, the cause of his enmity to - me is the most absurd. I did him the greatest kindness which I - could do to a father or a friend, by causing the lover of his - daughter, to whom I was warmly attached, to be sent away quietly, - instead of making the case a subject of diplomatic correspondence - with the —— government. - - I sat down to write you a few lines, and I have now written an - unconscionably long letter. - - From your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS HENRIETTA BUCHANAN.] - - WHEATLAND, March 20, 1866. - - MY DEAR HENRIETTA:— - - I have recently had a photograph taken of myself, and as in duty - bound I enclose you one of the first copies. They say it is a good - likeness, and it certainly resembles the original, so far as old - age and wrinkles are concerned. - - I hope Annie and Harriet do not persecute you since their return - home. I hope you have as kind a friend to take your part against - them as you found at Wheatland. - - We are living along here very quietly, but servants are our great - trouble. We have no boy at present, our chambermaid is about to - get married, and the cook is going to housekeeping with her - husband. On the first of April, for any thing I know at present, - we shall be left in the vocative...... - - I have not heard from Mrs. Johnston since she left New York, but - the papers inform us that she and Mr. Johnston have arrived at the - Havana..... - - I received a letter two or three days ago from your brother James, - who is evidently far behind the time. He expresses the hope that - Mr. and Mrs. Johnston are now living comfortably at Baltimore. I - fear that the five Miss Buchanans do not keep their brother well - posted in regard to current events. - - Please to give my kind love to all, not excepting Annie and - Harriet, if they have treated you with proper respect, and believe - me to be ever - - Yours very affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. JOHNSTON.] - - WHEATLAND, July 18th, 1866. - - MY DEAR NIECE:— - - I have received yours of the 12th, and desire to express my - sympathy for your sufferings from the extreme heat of the weather. - I have received a letter from Annie giving me an agreeable account - of her visit to you, and stating what good a housekeeper you are, - and how happy you are in your domestic relations. God grant this - may ever continue! She says Mr. Johnston and yourself are looking - forward to your paying me a visit in August, and that he is very - anxious you should go to the country for a while. You know that my - house is ever open to you, and you shall always receive a cordial - welcome. The same, I am certain, will be extended to you whether I - am at home or not. I feared, from your former life, that you might - be inclined to leave home too often, and, therefore, I guarded you - against such an inclination, but whenever you come here, you know - how much pleasure your society would afford me, and this would be - increased by that of Mr. Johnston. - - I enclose you the last letter of Mrs. ——, and I confess I am - disappointed that your name is not mentioned in it. Please to - return it to me. I had only thought of going to Saratoga to meet - her, and when informed she would not be there, I determined to go - to Bedford, because I really require the use of the water. I - intend to take Thomas with me, who has behaved very well since his - last escapade. I do not anticipate a pleasant visit. The place - will swarm with Republican intriguers. —— and —— have gone there - in advance of the main column. The latter, though professing - Democracy, will take part in all their intrigues on the Senator - and other questions...... - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. JOHNSTON.] - - BEDFORD SPRINGS, July 30th, 1866. - - MY DEAR NIECE:— - - I have received your favor of the 25th, and would answer it at - greater length, but this will be delivered to you by Miss Goughey - Carroll who can tell you all the news. My time passes pleasantly - enough, and everybody is kind. I shall leave here with Mr. North - on Monday, the 6th August, unless some friend should arrive in the - meantime with whom I can travel home at a later period. Thomas is - useless, and worse than useless. I shall send him home to-day or - to-morrow. - - You inquire, is there any possibility of Clymer’s election? If I - am to believe the shrewdest calculators in the State—I don’t - pretend to give my own opinion—he will certainly be elected. Such - is Governor Porter’s opinion, though he thinks that on joint - ballot there will be a majority in the legislature against us. If - so, a Republican will be elected Senator, and among the list of - candidates,—_such candidates_, there is very little choice. - Cameron’s chance is, I think, the best. You have doubtless - observed that Thaddeus Stevens has made the _amende honorable_ for - having charged us with spending more than the $20,000 - appropriated.[184]..... - - With my kind regards to Mr. Johnston, I remain - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—If you so desire, you might come to Wheatland by the 8th - August, whether I am at home or not. - -Footnote 184: - - For furnishing the White House. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, August 10, 1866. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I returned the day before yesterday from a visit to the Bedford - Springs, from which I derived much benefit. Indeed my health is - now quite as good as I can reasonably expect, considering my age. - - You ask my opinion as to the course which the approaching - convention ought to pursue. Whilst I do not feel myself competent - to state in detail what ought to be their proceedings, yet one - thing is certain; they ought, neither directly nor indirectly, to - break up the organization of the old Democratic party by forming - anything like a new party. Leaving this as it is, and must ever - remain, they ought to confine themselves pretty much to the - question of reconstruction, and to the admission of Senators and - Representatives from the Southern States. - - Our most prudent and far-seeing politicians, as they inform me, - believe that Mr. Clymer will be elected governor, and this would - be the beginning of the end. But drop the principles and the name - of Democracy, and our case would be hopeless. In regard to what - your history should contain, I have nothing to say. Of this you - are unquestionably the best judge. It possibly might appear to be - an anachronism to introduce the events of the late war. But you - know best.[185] - - From your friend very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - -Footnote 185: - - This refers to Mr. Capen’s great work, “The History of Democracy; - or, Political Progress Historically Illustrated,” by Nahum Capen, - LL.D. The first volume was published in 1875. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS JANE BUCHANAN.] - - WHEATLAND, August 10, 1866. - - MY DEAR JANE:— - - Your letter of the 19th July was duly received, and would have - been sooner acknowledged, but for my engagements at Bedford. I - returned home on Tuesday afternoon, after a very agreeable visit, - and one, I think, beneficial to my health. As in duty bound, I - called to see the Nevins yesterday, and had the pleasure of - meeting the bishop in embryo, and Cecil, as well as Doctor and - Mrs. Nevin, and Blanche. I find that during my absence, all the - younger branches of the family have been diligently employed in - croquet. They won a match to which they were challenged by the - townspeople, which gives them great satisfaction, and they are - eager to enter the lists with Jennie Roland. Has it never occurred - to a lady of your sedate character, that croquet, like dancing or - any other innocent and healthful amusement, may be carried to - excess?...... Your future uncle, Rev. Dr. Alfred Nevin, has, I - fear, sustained a damaging defeat in his controversy with Judge - Black on the subject of political preaching. Can you not persuade - your father to come to the rescue...... The little house at the - entrance of the park looks rather shabby, but I have promised you - to put it in order, and on this you may rely. - - You seem to have suffered much from the heat. Philosophers have - calculated how many thousand years would be required to cool a - ball of iron as large as the earth, but as your body is not very - large, I trust that ere this you have become cool, and been - relieved from the headache. I trust that Lois is also learning to - live like other people. - - —— was expected to return from Cape May last evening, where she - had been for some time with her brother ——. I think she manifested - a want of taste in not cultivating the “three rowdies.” Certain it - is, sinner as I am, I found them very agreeable. I think she - should marry, and to this I would have no objection, if her - yoke-fellow should be a proper person. - - I expect Mrs. Johnston here from the 15th to the 20th. I shall, - indeed, be very glad to see her. The Baltimoreans whom I met at - Bedford say she never looked better, and that she appears to be - very happy. God grant that her marriage may prove prosperous, and - that she may not neglect the things which belong to her - everlasting peace! - - Miss Hetty is as busy as ever, and although we now have a good - waiter and cook and two good girls, yet her employment is - incessant. She could not live without work. I have never known her - to take so much to any of our visitors as she did to the three - croquet players. - - I have now nearly filled my sheet with a grave letter, and hope - you will ponder over its contents. - - Give my kindest love to your father and mother, as well as the - rest, especially to Lois, for whom this letter is partly intended. - Never again call her Lodi. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, October 2, 1866. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I was greatly amused and pleased with the graphic description of - your dream which placed me in the pulpit. We have sore need of - such preachers as you saw in your vision. I fear that infidelity - and indifference to religion are making rapid advances in our - country. Away with political preachers! - - I rejoice to learn your advancement in the very important history, - and earnestly desire that the blessing of Heaven may rest upon - your labors. - - In answer to your inquiry about the probable result of our - governor’s election, I can say but little of my own knowledge. Our - most discreet friends, however, calculate with considerable - confidence on the election of Clymer. The President’s pilgrimage - to the tomb of Senator Douglas has done the cause no good. It - would have been better had he rested on the issue as it was made - by the Philadelphia Convention. - - Mrs. Johnston returned to Baltimore a fortnight since in good - health and spirits. I intend to pay her a visit soon after the - election. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO CHARLES GRAFFEN.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December 22, 1866. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I regret deeply that I did not see the Philadelphia firemen at - Wheatland on their recent visit to Lancaster. A visit from them - would have been a gratification and an honor which I should have - highly prized. Unfortunately, I did not receive Mr. Howell’s note - of the 18th, appointing the time at half-past nine o’clock of the - next morning for the purpose, until the afternoon of the 19th at - five o’clock. Instead of this being sent to me by messenger, it - was deposited in the post office, and thus it did not come to hand - more than seven hours after the time appointed for the visit. I - would thank you to explain the circumstances to any of the firemen - whom you may happen to meet, should you deem this necessary. I - should be deeply mortified could any of them suppose I had been - wanting in the high respect to them so eminently their due. - - From your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MESSRS. OSBORN AND BALDWIN.] - - (Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, December - 26, 1866. - - GENTLEMEN:— - - I received, on last evening, the New Haven _Daily Register_, - containing an extract from Abbott’s Lives of the Presidents. This - is a repetition and concentration of all the slanders which were - in circulation against myself during the first years of the war, - notwithstanding their falsehood has been since established by - clear and conclusive official evidence. For your very able and - searching reply to Mr. Abbott’s statements, please to accept my - most cordial thanks. As the work purports to be history, I may - possibly notice it in the only manner which would make its author - feel how much injustice he has done me. I remain, very - respectfully and gratefully, - - Yours, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO THE REV. E. Y. BUCHANAN.] - - WHEATLAND, December 29, 1866. - - MY DEAR EDWARD:— I have received your favor of the 26th, and am - truly happy to learn that you and yours are in the enjoyment of - good health, and that you have received so many substantial tokens - of regard from your parishioners. May it be ever thus! My own - health, thank God! is as good as it was when we parted in - Philadelphia. Your kind wish that the good Lord may spare me to - see many Christmases will scarcely be realized. This, at my - advanced age, I cannot expect. May He enable me to be always - prepared for my latter end! - - . . . . . . . . - - . . . . . . . . - - . . . . . . . . - - Mr. and Mrs. Shunk passed the evening at ——’s a few days ago, and - I was sorry to learn that a principal portion of the entertainment - was spirit-rapping and communications from the spirits. - - . . . . . . . . - - . . . . . . . . - - My dinner at Judge Cadwalader’s was more than usually agreeable. - With my best love to your lady and family, I remain, as ever, - - Your affectionate brother, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. JOHNSTON.] - - WHEATLAND, February 12, 1867. - - MY DEAR NIECE:— - - I was glad to receive your favor of the 6th, after so long an - interval. Poor Mrs. Jenkins was buried yesterday, and Miss Old and - myself were invited as mourners. Her death made a deep impression - upon me. I have been intimately acquainted with her ever since I - first came to Lancaster, and was groomsman at her wedding. Her - life is all before me, and, with some slight failings, it is a - beautiful picture. Her social and domestic character were nearly - all that could have been desired. Whether in prosperous or adverse - fortunes, she was ever the same kind wife, mother and friend. I - was always attached to her. - - My own health is now pretty much as usual, though after my dinner - in Philadelphia, which was all I could have desired, I had a - pretty sharp attack of rheumatism, which confined me to Wheatland - for a week, but thank God! it has passed away. Like Achilles, I - was wounded in the heel, and, funny enough, it passed out at the - little toe...... - - I knew that Henrietta Jane would render herself agreeable wherever - she went, and am not at all surprised that the Carrolls are - unwilling to part from her. This shows they are sensible - people...... - - I have not seen Mrs. Franklin since the receipt of your letter. - When I do I shall not fail to inform her how much gratified you - were with the present...... - - I regret to say that the slippers are much too large for me, and, - therefore, I have not worn them; but, as a token of your regard, I - value them as highly as if they were a good fit. - - We have no local news of much importance, except that everybody is - to be married. The engagement of young Mr. —— to Miss ——, so soon - after the death of ——, is thought by some to be strange. - - On Thursday last, Jane Slaymaker, Harriet Old and Mrs. Lane passed - the day with me on their own invitation, and it was a most - agreeable day. Mrs. Jenkins was not considered at all dangerously - ill on that day, though she died on the next. Mrs. Shunk was not - with us, having gone over to York to look after her house. She is - now here, as agreeable as ever, though Mr. Shunk has gone to - Philadelphia for a few days. I see the Nevins as often as usual. - The Doctor and Mrs. Nevin, Blanche and Wilberforce, were all at - the funeral, though the Bishop in embryo was not present. I - presume he has returned to his studies, as his mother said nothing - about him, and I forgot to ask her for him...... - - With my kind regards to Mr. Johnston, I remain, - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. SHUNK.] - - WHEATLAND, March 7th, 1867. - - MY DEAR MADAM:— - - On this auspicious anniversary of your birth, permit me to present - my cordial wishes that you may enjoy many, very many, returns of - it in peace, prosperity and happiness. - - Please to accept the enclosed trifle as a birthday token of my - affection and esteem for one whose society, during the last few - months, has imparted a charm to my old age, the memory of which - shall never be effaced from my heart. Deeply regretting that you - must so soon leave me, I am, and ever shall remain, - - Your much attached friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. NAHUM CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, April 29th, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your favor of the 14th instant, and have perused, - with much interest, your letter to the Rev. Mr. Blagden. The - subject of it, which you treat so ably, has attracted but little - attention in this part of the country; still, some symptoms are - apparent that the Republicans in this State intend to make capital - out of it. In this, I think, they will entirely fail. Lager beer, - especially among the Germans, and old rye will be too strong for - them. Still, intemperance is a great curse to our people, but it - will never be put down by laws prohibiting the sale of all - intoxicating liquors...... - - Mrs. Shunk left me more than a month ago, and is now at her - father’s, in Washington, with her husband. They will all return to - York on the adjournment of the Supreme Court. She is one of the - most charming persons I have ever known. I ought to add that Mr. - Shunk’s health is far from being good. - - I have been endeavoring for the last two days to prepare an index - for my book, but find great difficulty in the task. - - The result of the spring election throughout our State has been - favorable to the Democratic party; but we have of late years been - so accustomed to defeat, that I shall not, too sanguinely, - calculate on success in October. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. NAHUM CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, June 11, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Your kind letter of the 30th April would long ere this have been - answered, but for an _intensely painful_ attack of rheumatic gout, - several weeks ago, from the effects of which I am now slowly - recovering. The index was, of course, abandoned, probably forever. - I cannot think for a moment of imposing the task upon you, by - accepting your friendly offer. I am now in my seventy-seventh - year, an age when my mind should be disembarrassed, as much as - possible, from all worldly affairs. - - I trust, for your sake, that the “Grand Hotel” may be a great - success, and may fill your pockets with stores of gold. - - I am glad that the Radical postmaster of Boston has been directed - by the Department to apply to you for advice respecting the postal - service. “Better late than never” to recognize the value of your - improvements and your wise policy in removing the post office. - - I no longer give any minute attention to passing political events; - but I confess I entertain much apprehension from the efforts now - being made to indoctrinate the negroes of the South with the - belief that they are entitled to a portion of their old masters’ - real estate. When will Massachusetts stay her hand? - - What is to become of the Supreme Court of the United States—the - conservative branch of the Government? When I recall the names of - the pure, able and venerable men who have filled the office of - Chief Justice, from John Jay to Roger B. Taney, and witness the - efforts of the present Chief Justice to drag the judicial ermine - through the dirt to propitiate radicals, I cannot help thinking we - have fallen upon evil times. But I am now an old fogy. - - Should Judge Sharswod be nominated for Judge of our Supreme Court - by the Judicial Convention this day, I venture the prediction that - the Democratic party will triumph in his election in October. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. BAKER.] - - WHEATLAND, July 16, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Shortly after your last letter to me, several weeks ago, I wrote - to Mr. Reed and invited him to Wheatland in the most cordial - manner. I have received no answer from him, and think it probable - he may have never received my letter; and yet, none of my letters - between this and Philadelphia has ever miscarried. When you see - him, I would thank you to ascertain how the matter is. I do not - like to write myself under the circumstances. - - Mr. and Mrs. Johnston will leave here on Thursday for Bedford, but - I shall not accompany them. I am literally weak in the knees. Do - you go anywhere this summer? I have some idea of visiting Long - Branch or Cape May, for a few days, for sea bathing, but am - reluctant to leave home. - - I suppose you are now in the midst of your harvest, enjoying the - delights of a country life and enacting the character of Farmer - Baker. May your barn overflow with plenty! - - With my kindest regards to Mrs. Baker, Miss Emily and all, I - remain, - - Very respectfully, your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. JOHNSTON.] - - CAPE ISLAND, NEW JERSEY, August 14, 1867. - - MY DEAR NIECE:— - - I have received your favor of the 12th, and am rejoiced to learn - that you are now at Wheatland, where I hope you may remain until - the change of the season. You say nothing of the health of - baby;[186] but from your silence I infer this to be good. I do not - know exactly when I shall leave this place, but I think early next - week. I have been much pleased with my visit here, and have, I - think, been strengthened, but much more by the sea air than the - bathing. I am not quite certain that the latter agrees with me. We - have had a great crowd all the time; but the weather has been - charming and the company agreeable. - - Mr. Bullitt of Philadelphia gave me a dinner the other day, which - I only mention from the awkward situation in which I was placed by - not being able to drink a drop of wine. - - I am very well, thank God! Mr. Reed is expected this afternoon, - and Judge Black to-morrow. - - With my kindest regards to Mr. Johnston and Miss Hetty, I remain - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P.S.—I ought not to omit to mention the obligations I am under to - Mr. Baker for his kindness and attention. - -Footnote 186: - - This child, James Buchanan Johnston, an object of the fondest - interest to his great-uncle, grew to be a fine and very promising - youth of fifteen, of great loveliness of character and marked - intellectual powers. He died in Baltimore on the 25th of March, - 1881. His younger brother, Henry, the only remaining child of Mr. - and Mrs. Johnston, was taken by his parents to Europe in the - autumn of 1881. He died at Nice on the 30th of October, 1882. Dark - clouds have gathered over lives that were once full of happiness - and hope. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. SHUNK.] - - WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, September 2, 1867. - - MY DEAR MRS. SHUNK:— - - I know you will be glad to learn that I have so far recovered as - to be able to sit up and write to you my first letter since the - commencement of my very dangerous illness. Thank God! the doctor - gives me reason to believe I am now out of danger, and it has been - His holy will to spare me a little longer. - - Next to heaven, my thoughts have been fixed upon a preparation of - my biography, as an act of justice to myself and the great men - with whom I have been associated. This work shall be immediately - prosecuted. I was rejoiced to learn from your favor of the 5th - ultimo that Mr. Shunk will give me the notes and the review. - Indeed, without the notes I know not how I could get along in - regard to my earlier life. I hope he will send me all, as all will - be useful. The slightest note will revive my memory...... - - I shall ever remember with heartfelt gratification the period - during which I enjoyed your charming society at Wheatland. I trust - you may visit me again before Mrs. Johnston leaves for Baltimore, - which will be on the first proximo. - - With kind love to your mother, Mary and Jane, and my regards for - Mr. Shunk, I remain faithfully and affectionately your friend, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - P. S.—You will please to deliver the notes and review to the - bearer hereof, your old friend, James B. Henry, who will await - your convenience. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO J. BUCHANAN HENRY.] - - WHEATLAND, September 23, 1867. - - MY DEAR JAMES:— - - I regret to say that I have not received Benton’s “Thirty Years,” - which you sent me by express some ten days ago. It has certainly - not reached the office at Lancaster. Will you look after it, and, - if not found, send me the receipt? I now need it. - - The baby has been very sick, but probably not more so than what - often happens to children in their teething. Harriet became - alarmed and sent for Mr. Johnston, who is now here, but will leave - this morning. The child is greatly better, but has yet got no - tooth. He proposes to return and take his wife home the beginning - of next week...... - - My health and strength are improving daily, but, in opposition to - the doctor, I do not think the obstruction is entirely removed. - - Yours affectionately, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, November 2, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Since the receipt of your favor of the 17th ultimo, I have had - another attack of my old enemy, the gout, in a severe form, from - which I am just now recovering. This is the only reason why I have - not sooner answered your letter and thanked you for your delicious - pears. I shall use them as time mellows them. Please to present my - grateful acknowledgments to Mrs. Raney for her contribution to the - delicious fruit which has afforded so much pleasure to her - father’s old friend. - - I hear perhaps once a week from Mr. and Mrs. Johnston. Both, as - well as the little baby, are well. - - I reciprocate your congratulations on the result of the late - elections, and I do not doubt that New York, New Jersey and - Connecticut will do their duty to the country. Still, it may be - too late to restore material prosperity to the Southern States. - The establishment of negro suffrage throughout their limits, as - well as negro government, will nearly destroy the production of - the articles which rendered both them and New England so - prosperous. I have always been very much of an optimist, but I - confess I have now greater fears for the future than I had during - the war. Should New England teaching in the South produce a war of - races, commenced by the negroes for rights in the soil of their - masters, which they claim under the teachings of Sumner, Stevens, - and other self-styled philanthropists, the result would be too - horrible for contemplation. But enough. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, October 19, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received your congratulations on the result of the late - elections with heartfelt pleasure. For this we are mainly indebted - to the attempts on the part of Congress to grant suffrage to the - negroes, although there are many other good causes for the - reaction in the popular mind. Negro emancipation is a fixed fact, - and so let it remain forever; but the high privilege of voting can - only be constitutionally granted by the Legislatures of the - respective States. - - I am happy to inform you that, under the blessing of Providence, - my health has been restored to its former condition. Indeed, I - believe I am better than I was before my attack. - - I have no news which would interest you except the old declaration - that I am now, and always shall be, - - Sincerely your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. BAKER.] - - WHEATLAND, October 31, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have just received a letter from Sample, who expresses a strong - desire to remain on the farm, and says that the impression he - intended to leave must have arisen from the fact that he has been - looking out for a farm for his brother. I shall not remove him. - - The sting of the poisonous insect, whatever it may have been, is - now converted into a painful attack of gout in my left hand and - wrist. I have not been able to attend to the biography, or prepare - for Mr. Reed. I presume, however, that the trial of Jeff. Davis - will occupy all his thoughts until after it shall be over. - - With my kindest regards to Mrs. Baker and my love to Emily, - - I remain, always your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. SCHELL.] - - WHEATLAND, November 9, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I have received a proxy, to be signed by me, from Robert L. Banks - to H. Henry Baxter, to vote my shares in the New York Central Road - Company, at the approaching election for directors. Before filling - it up, I desire to know whether it is in accordance with your - wishes. I desire to vote according to your wishes. - - You have done nobly in New York at the recent election, and your - Democracy have earned the gratitude of the whole country. _The - opposition to Negro Suffrage in the South_, as well as in the - North, has been the principal cause of our triumph everywhere. - Abandon this, and we are gone. The Constitution, as expounded by - the Democratic fathers, ought to be our watch-word. It is long - enough and wide enough to cover all our interests, and needs not - to be enlarged to suit our present size, as recommended by the - _World_. Emancipation is now a constitutional fact, but to - prescribe the right and privilege of suffrage belongs exclusively - to the States. This principle the Democracy must uphold in - opposition to the Reconstruction Acts. - - I am getting along as usual, and have had much company of late. - The Misses Pleasonton have been with me for some weeks, and I find - their society very agreeable. I am sorry to say they will leave in - a few days. - - Your friend, as ever, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. JOHNSTON.] - - WHEATLAND, November 14, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - . . . . . . . - . - . . . . . . . - . - - I know how cordially welcome I would be at your house, but I fear - I shall not be able to pay you a visit for months to come. Like - all old men, I feel a very strong reluctance to leave home. The - idea of becoming dangerously ill away from home deters me from - going abroad. Although relieved from acute pain in my left hand - and arm, yet my hand is still so weak and swollen that I cannot - carve, and it is but a few days since I ceased to have the meat on - my own plate cut up for me. And to add to all this, my left eye is - now as black as if I had been fighting with shillelahs at - Donnybrook Fair. On Saturday last, supposing that I was at the - head of the steps on the front porch, I took a step forward as if - on the level, and fell with my whole weight on the floor, striking - my head against one of the posts. Thanks to the thickness and - strength of my skull, it was not broken, and the only bad - consequence from it is a very black eye. How soon this will - disappear I know not. I sincerely and devoutly thank God it is no - worse. During all this time, the Misses Pleasonton have been a - great comfort to me, and I am truly sorry they will leave me on - Tuesday next. I do not fear, however, that I shall be miserable - without them. I have had a good deal of transient company this - fall. But what a long rigmarole I have written. - - . . . . . . . - . - . . . . . . . - . - . . . . . . . - . - - I rejoice to learn that the baby is thriving so finely. Please to - remember me kindly to Miss Snyder, and with my best love to - Harriet, - - I remain, your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. JOHNSTON.] - - WHEATLAND, December 9, 1867. - - MY DEAR NIECE:— - - I have received yours of the 3d instant, and am happy to learn - that baby has recovered from the effects of his trip to New York. - You need not be sorry to hear that James left me as soon as I gave - him notice that I would not want him after the 1st January. I have - obtained a much better man, a Frenchman, for the month of - December. Indeed, he is so good, I shall be sorry to part from - him. - - I was truly sorry to hear of the death of my kinsman, Mr. Russell. - He was an able and excellent man. It appears that he died a Roman - Catholic, which, doubtless, gratified his wife and family. I wrote - to her the day after I received the paper from you. - - I perceive, by a cable despatch, that Mrs. Eustis is dead. I - sincerely sympathize with her father, although he behaved badly to - me, notwithstanding I rendered both her and him the greatest - service in my power. I always liked her very much...... - - I wrote a few days ago for Henrietta Jane, with a request that - either Harriet or Lois might accompany her. Edward’s answer, - without mentioning the name of Harriet, informed me that Lois - would follow Henrietta in two or three weeks. Thereupon, I wrote - to Henrietta, giving Harriet a kind and pressing invitation to - come in the meantime. It is doubtful whether she will accept it. - Henrietta is to be here on Wednesday, as well as Emily Baker, so - that I may expect a gay house...... - - I have no local news to give you beyond what you see in the - _Intelligencer_. The Nevins are as kind as usual. Blanche is an - excellent reader. The Doctor passed an evening with me a few days - ago. Robert has undoubtedly received great attentions from the - clergy in England, and has preached there once, if not oftener. I - was sorry to learn he was obliged to go to France on account of - his health. - - I hardly know what to say in regard to my own health, though it - has been pretty good for the last two or three days. Even had Mr. - Reed been able to come here, I felt so dull and listless as to be - almost incapable of mental exertion. Writing was a great labor to - me. I have felt bright for a few days. - - I fully realize the truth of the Psalmist’s expression, that “The - days of our years are three score and ten, and if, by reason of - strength, they be four score years, yet is their strength labor - and sorrow, for it is soon cut off, and we fly away.” - Nevertheless, I am neither dejected nor sorrowful, but preserve a - calm and tranquil spirit, thank God! My left hand is still feeble, - but is gradually growing stronger. - - It is quite impossible that I should pay you a visit during the - holidays, though you must know I would be very happy to see you. - With my kind regards to Mr. Johnston, I remain, as ever, yours - affectionately, - - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.] - - WHEATLAND, December 25, 1867. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - I owe you many thanks for your biographical sketch of Mr. Jones. I - have perused it with great interest and pleasure. It is a worthy - tribute to an excellent man. At the request of the first Mrs. - Webster and Mrs. George Blake, I accompanied them to the house of - Mrs. Mattingly, a few days after the alleged miracle had been - performed, and heard her own relation of all the circumstances - attending it from her own lips. - - I have, also, to thank you for the report of the Secretary of the - Treasury. - - Thank God! my own health is now pretty good—quite as good as a man - of my age has any reason to expect. - - I have been cheered by the company of the Misses Pleasanton, and - after their departure by that of two of my nieces, the daughters - of my brother, and Miss Baker, who are still with me. They have - made the house gay and agreeable. - - I have no local news to communicate which would be of any interest - to you. - - I saw a telegram, some weeks ago, announcing the death of Mrs. - Eustis, and sincerely sympathize with her father on account of his - sad bereavement. - - I presume the interest due on the Virginia bonds, on the 1st - January next, will not be paid. Should I be mistaken, please to - inform me of it, so that I may send you a draft on John B. Martin, - Cashier, for $220, as I did before. - - Wishing you, with all my heart, long life, health and prosperity, - I remain, ever very respectfully, - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MRS. JOHNSTON.] - - WHEATLAND, January 1st, 1868. - - MY DEAR NIECE:— - - I have received yours of the 27th ultimo, and am rejoiced to know - that your health is good as well as that of baby. I sincerely and - ardently pray for your boy long life, happiness and prosperity, - and that he may become a wise and a useful man, under the blessing - of Providence, in his day and generation. Much will depend on his - early and Christian training. Be not too indulgent, nor make him - too much of an idol. - - . . . . . . . - . - . . . . . . . - . - . . . . . . . - . - - Miss Emily’s party passed off very well. She is gay, sprightly and - agreeable, and has much more information than I had supposed. Her - father is my best and most useful friend, who is always ready to - serve me, and I wished to treat his daughter kindly. - - Harriet and Henrietta are still with me, but the former, I regret - to say, will leave some time next week...... - - We have no local news of interest. The Nevins and myself get along - kindly, as usual. - - With my kindest regards to Mr. Johnston, I remain, - - Yours, with great affection, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS BAKER.] - - WHEATLAND, January 1, 1868. - - MY DEAR EMILY:— - - I have received your kind note of the 29th, and can assure you we - all missed you very much, and I was almost broken-hearted at your - departure. Still, I think I shall survive in the hope that you may - visit us again during the winter. I thank you for the _Church - Journal_. It must be a paper according to your own heart. I think - I can see you standing gracefully on the highest pinnacle of - Ritualism, and taking your flight over to Romanism. You will not - have a difficult passage to the dome of St. Peter’s. - - John Strube has, I believe, got a place for the winter, but, I - have no doubt, he will gladly go to your father as a gardener in - the spring. - - The two girls and Miss Hetty send their kindest love to you. - - With my very best wishes for your health, prosperity and - happiness, I remain, respectfully and affectionately - - Your friend, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - [MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. NAHUM CAPEN.] - - WHEATLAND, January 11, 1868. - - MY DEAR SIR:— - - Many thanks for your kind New Year’s greeting! The friendship and - good wishes which you express for me are cordially reciprocated. - May you live many years in health, peace and prosperity, and may - your great work prove to be a triumph for yourself and a lasting - benefit for your country! I think you were right in not turning - away from it to write a volume of four hundred pages, as a - political hand-book for the next Presidential campaign. Such a - volume would be highly useful and important, but it may well be - prepared by Messrs. Burke and Gillet. Should they undertake the - task, I would suggest that you recommend to them a careful perusal - of the debates and proceedings of Congress during the extra - session, after the election of General Harrison (first Session of - 27th Congress, 1841). Mr. Burke was then a member of the House. - - Thank God! I now enjoy reasonably good health. - - Your friend, very respectfully, - JAMES BUCHANAN. - - - - - CHAPTER XXX. - 1868. - -DEATH OF MR. BUCHANAN—HIS CHARACTER AS A STATESMAN, A MAN AND A - CHRISTIAN. - -Notwithstanding the prospect of longer life with which the year 1868 -began for Mr. Buchanan, the end was drawing near. The world and the -world’s interests faded away, the unknown future opened before him, -and naught earthly remained for the strong old man, bound down by -the infirmities of age, but the tender care of those who had -assembled to soothe and cheer him. - -When in health, he was very fond of having bright and cultivated -women about him, and in sickness he was peculiarly dependent on -their ministrations. For him, there had never been wife or child. -But he was specially blest by female kindred, who never failed or -faltered in their devotion to him. There were present at Wheatland, -during his last illness, his brother, the Rev. Dr. Buchanan; Miss -Henrietta Buchanan, daughter of that gentleman; Mr. and Mrs. -Johnston; Mr. Henry, and the ever faithful “Miss Hetty.” Kind -neighbors were at hand, among whom his friend, the Rev. Dr. Nevin, -was one of the most assiduous. Doctor Buchanan was obliged to return -to his home, near Philadelphia, two days before the death occurred, -at which time the event was apparently not very near. Miss Henrietta -Buchanan, whose absence from her uncle’s room, even for a short -time, made him impatient, as well as Mrs. Johnston and Miss Parker, -watched him with the utmost tenderness to the last. So did the -others whom I have named. His death, the immediate cause of which -was rheumatic gout, occurred on the morning of June 1st, 1868, in -his 78th year. His last hours were free from suffering, and his mind -was clear. Miss Annie Buchanan says, in a communication addressed to -me:— - - In his last year he began to feel that he was very old, and looked - forward to death, and spoke as if he expected it constantly. Not - that his health was such as to create this expectation, for it was - as good as persons of his age usually enjoy. He had a very severe - illness soon after his return from Washington. - - He had, previous to that illness, been unusually strong and well, - but afterwards I do not think he was quite so much so. He had - attacks of gout, more or less severe, at intervals, up to the time - of his death. He had, besides, an illness which came upon him - during a short visit which he paid to Cape May, which prostrated - him so much that it was necessary to take him home as a sick man. - - Each one of these illnesses made him realize more clearly that his - hold on life was very weak, that the “silver cord would soon be - loosed,” and he devoted himself to making all necessary - preparations for that great event. His affairs were all arranged - with exactness, so as to cause as little confusion as possible - after his death. He chose the exact spot for his last resting - place, saying, either as expressing a desire or as predicting a - fact, that he would lie alone. Having carefully arranged all his - plans, he waited, with faith and hope, for the final change which - would open to him the real and satisfying life. When the dreaded - messenger came, those who loved him knew that rest had come to him - at last, and that his “faith had changed to glad fruition.” - -The funeral obsequies of the late President took place at Lancaster, -on the 4th of June, with every imposing demonstration that was -consistent with a proper respect for his unostentatious character. I -need not describe the scene, or recapitulate the ceremonies by which -the event of his death was marked throughout the country. They may -be read in the public journals of the time. But from the funeral -sermon, preached over his remains by the Rev. John W. Nevin, D.D., -President of Franklin and Marshall College, an extract must be -permanently recorded in these pages, at the close of the present -chapter. - -It is unnecessary for me to undertake a formal and elaborate -portrayal of Mr. Buchanan’s character as an American statesman. It -has been exhibited in the foregoing pages, and the reader does not -need to be farther assisted by me in his estimate of the public -character of the man. But there are some observations which should -be made by the author of this work, before citing the testimony of -those who stood to him in the relations of near kindred, or of -personal friendship. - -There may be persons who will be disposed to think that he should -not have allowed himself, in his old age, to be disturbed by the -attacks that were made upon him by the press after his retirement -from public life. But such persons should remember that he had to -administer the Executive Government at a very trying period, and -that many of the charges that were subsequently made against him -involved his integrity as a statesman, and the oath of office which -every President must take to preserve, protect and defend the -Constitution of the United States. Moreover, I cannot, for one, -subscribe to the philosophy which assumes that a statesman should be -indifferent to what is said of him by his contemporaries, or to what -is made to pass into the materials of history, if it be not -corrected. It must be admitted that in all free countries there is -prurient appetite for detraction, and our American world is -certainly not free from it. A considerable part of the public, in a -certain sense, enjoys disparagement of the characters of very -eminent public men. If this were not so, the press would at least be -more careful and more conscientious than it often is. The -absolute freedom of the press is of the utmost consequence. Its -licentiousness is best restrained by the moral sense of the -community, in the case of the higher statesmen; and to the extent to -which this restraint does not operate, vast mischief may be done. It -is impossible for posterity to know how to estimate any man who has -filled a conspicuous place in history, if the materials for a sober -judgment are to be looked for only in the criticisms or laudations -of the contemporary press; nor is it generally in the power of -posterity to determine what deduction is to be made from the -assertions or opinions of contemporaries, on account of the rancor -of party or the malice of individuals. If Mr. Buchanan had not taken -the pains, which he did take, to collect and preserve the most ample -proof of his acts, his purposes, and his efforts as President of the -United States, he would have gone down to future ages in a light -utterly false, simply because he happened to be the object of -enormous misrepresentations from motives of party policy or personal -ill-will, without the protection which the community should have -thrown around him at the time. That this protection was to a great -degree wanting, is doubtless due to the existence of public danger, -and to the passions which may find their excuse in the fact that in -many minds they had their origin in patriotism, whilst in many the -origin was of the basest description. That he, who was the object of -all this misconception and misrepresentation, forbore, as long as -there was serious danger to the institutions of the country, to -demand the public attention as he might have demanded it, and calmly -relied on the judgments of the future, is to be accounted to him for -a praise and a public spirit of no ordinary kind. No man was ever -treated with greater injustice than he was during the last seven -years of his life by a large part of the public, and yet he bore it -with dignity and with an unchanged love of country. - -In regard to his moral and religious character and his personal -virtues, I should not feel that I had done my duty if I did not here -say what has impressed me in my study of the man. - -His strong family affections, his engaging social qualities, his -fidelity to friends, and his forgiving temper towards those who had -injured him, or from whom he had once been estranged, are well -known. To those who stood in the relation of friends, he was ever a -most generous benefactor. Many a man received from him pecuniary aid -which prevented disaster and ruin, and which could not be repaid by -political service, for in many cases the individual never had it in -his power to repay in anything but the simple discharge of the -pecuniary obligation. This had been his habit all his life, as I -learn from a full examination of his private papers, and he did not -cease from it when political service was no longer needed. His -tender of such aid often came without solicitation. He would not -allow a friend whom he valued to incur serious loss, when he knew of -the danger, and could supply the means of averting it. For what was -justly his due, he expected and required performance; but he was -always a forbearing and considerate creditor. For the poor, he ever -had a tender and thoughtful feeling. The city of Lancaster holds in -perpetual trust, under his will, a benefaction of a peculiar kind, -which marks the nature of his charities, and was large for one of -his means. - -That he did not enrich himself out of the public, or receive gifts, -or accumulate money by means of the opportunities afforded by his -public positions, or give way to the weakness of nepotism, should, -perhaps, not be mentioned to his praise, if it were not that his -example in these respects has become conspicuous by contrast. - -No charge against his moral character or personal virtue has ever -been made to my knowledge. It was doubtless his early Presbyterian -training by religious parents that saved him, amid all the -temptations of a long and varied life and the widest social -experience, from any deviation from the path of virtue. The tongue -of scandal, the prying curiosity of the censorious, or of those who -are always ready to drag down others to their own level, never could -fasten upon his intercourse with the other sex any cause for -suspicion, nor could the wiles of the impure ever ensnare him. It is -believed by those who knew him best that his life was in this -respect absolutely without stain, as his conversation although very -often gay and festive, is known to have always been free from any -taint of impurity. He was a man of too much refinement to be guilty -of indelicacy in anecdote or illustration, or to allow of it in his -presence. - -The reader who has perused what I have written and quoted must have -seen that there are scattered all through his life traces of a -strong religious tendency and religious habits, a deep sense of -religious obligation, a belief in the existence and government of -God, and a full faith that this world is not the only sphere of -man’s existence. That he had a habit of daily prayer, according to -the injunction which said, “Enter into thy closet,” is perfectly -well authenticated. - -There may be men of the world who will smile when they read of a -statesman, in a grave juncture of public affairs in which he had to -deal with the passions and ambitions of individuals and with the -conflicting feelings and interests of great communities, seeking -guidance from his Maker. Prayer in the midst of party politics and -the business of official life may possibly provoke the cold derision -of some part of mankind. Whether it is or is not efficacious in -human affairs—whether a resort to it is a sign of weakness or of -strength, is just as men think and feel. Be it one way or the other, -I did not dare to withhold this trait of character, which was -revealed in the simplest manner in a confidential letter, in which -he said of himself that he weighed well and prayerfully the course -that he ought to adopt, at a time most critical for his country and -for himself. I leave it for such estimate as the religious or the -irreligious world may form, according to their respective -tendencies, adding, however, that what he said of himself on that -special occasion appears, on the testimony of those who knew him -best, to have been in accordance with the habit of his life. - -There was, in truth, no fanaticism in this man’s nature, no cant in -his speech or writing, whatever of either there may have been in -those stern Puritans of an earlier age, in whom policy and valor and -worldly wisdom and statecraft were strangely mixed with a religious -enthusiasm which made them feel that they were the chosen of the -Lord. The blood that he drew from a remote ancestry of pious -Scotchmen had been tempered by the practical sense of our American -life, and yet it had not lost the conviction of man’s relation to -his God. - -When he was about to embark on the mission to Russia a female friend -of his in Lancaster, Mrs. E. J. Reigart, presented him with a copy -of the book called “Jay’s Exercises.” This was a book of short -sermons, or lessons, for every day in the year, each on some -appropriate text of Scripture, and was much in use among -Presbyterians. The style was quaint, and the comments on the various -texts were marked by a good deal of excellent sense and much -religious feeling. Mr. Buchanan made daily use of it through the -remainder of his life, wherever he was. On its margin he noted the -dates of his embarkation for Liverpool, of his arrival there, and at -London, Hamburg and Lubeck. The text and lesson for the day on which -he arrived at Lubeck, on his way to St. Petersburg, read somewhat -oddly: - -“May 26th. _Ask of me, and I will give thee the heathen for thine -inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy -possession._ Psalm ii. 8.—The heathen—the uttermost parts of the -earth—viewed in the representations of Scripture and the reports of -historians, travellers and missionaries, seem a very unenviable -acquisition. If it is true that the whole world lieth in wickedness, -it seems fitter to be the inheritance and possession of Satan than -the Son of God. But two things are to be taken into the account. -Notwithstanding the present condition of the estate it contains very -_valuable_ and _convertible_ materials.” - -That he did not make what is called a public profession of religion -until a late period of his life is accounted for in an interesting -paper which I have received from the Rev. William M. Paxton, D.D., -pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, in the City of New York. -Dr. Paxton, in answer to my inquiry, kindly wrote to me on the 11th -of April, 1883, as follows: - - In the month of August, in the year 1860, Mr. Buchanan, then - President of the United States, visited the Bedford Springs, in - the State of Pennsylvania. I happened to be present when the stage - arrived, and having had a previous personal acquaintance with him, - was one of the first to bid him welcome. - - A day or two afterwards, as he passed me in the hall, he stopped - and said, “May I take the liberty of sending for you to come to my - room, when I can find leisure for a conversation?” To this I - replied that it would give me great pleasure to obey such a call. - The next day the invitation came, through his private secretary, - and when we were seated alone, he turned to me and said, “I sent - for you to request that you will favor me with a conversation upon - the subject of religion. I knew your father and mother in early - life, and, as you have some knowledge of my family, you are aware - that I was religiously educated. But for some years I have been - much more thoughtful than formerly upon religious subjects. I - think I may say that for twelve years I have been in the habit of - reading the Bible and praying daily. I have never had any one with - whom I have felt disposed to converse, but now that I find you - here, I have thought that you would understand my feelings, and - that I would venture to open my mind to you upon this important - subject, and ask for an explanation of some things that I do not - clearly understand.” When I had assured him that I would be - gratified to have such a conversation, he began immediately by - asking, “Will you be good enough to explain to me what an - experience of religion is?” In answer, I opened to him the Bible - account of our sinful estate, and of the necessity of regeneration - by the Spirit of God, and of atonement through the sacrifice of - our Lord Jesus Christ. He then began to question me, as closely as - a lawyer would question a witness, upon all the points connected - with regeneration, atonement, repentance and faith. What surprised - me was that his questions were not so much of a doctrinal as of an - experimental character. He seemed anxious to understand how a man - might know that he was a Christian, and what conscious experiences - entered into the exercises of repentance and faith. It is needless - for me to detail the particulars of the conversation. It gave me - an opportunity of speaking to him in the most simple and familiar - way. When I related the experience of some eminent Christian, or - used a simple illustration, such as I have employed in Sabbath - school addresses, he seemed much gratified, and proceeded to put - his questions to draw out still more definite explanations. He - particularly was anxious to understand how faith receives and - appropriates the Lord Jesus Christ, and how a man may know that he - believes. He put himself in the position of a little child, and - asked questions in the simplest manner. Sometimes he asked me to - go over an explanation a second time, as if he wished to fix it - upon his memory. His manner was so earnest, and his mind was - evidently so deeply engaged, that I was strongly impressed with - the conviction of his entire sincerity. - - After the more experimental points had been disposed of, he asked - a few purely doctrinal questions, the answers to which he received - without any disposition to enter upon a discussion. At the close - of the conversation, he asked particularly what were the - conditions of membership in the Presbyterian Church, and what were - the points upon which an applicant for admission would be - examined. The conversation lasted, probably, from two to three - hours. After sitting quiet for a few minutes, he said, “Well, sir, - I thank you. My mind is now made up. I hope that I am a Christian. - I think I have much of the experience which you describe, and, as - soon as I retire from my office as President, I will unite with - the Presbyterian Church.” To this, I replied, “Why not _now_, Mr. - President? God’s invitation is _now_, and you should not say - _to-morrow_.” To this he answered, with deep feeling, and with a - strong gesture, “I must delay, for the _honor of religion_. If I - were to unite with the Church _now_, they would say hypocrite from - Maine to Georgia.” I felt the truth of his answer, and did not - continue my urgency. - - This closed our conversation, but, as Mr. Buchanan remained at the - Springs for some time, he seemed to seize every opportunity, when - he met me in the hall or in the parlor, to ask some question which - he had been pondering, or to repeat some passage of Scripture upon - which his mind had been dwelling, and ask how I understood it. For - example, meeting me in the passage, he asked me the meaning of the - verse, “The bruised reed he will not break: the smoking flax he - will not quench;” and when I explained the figures, and showed how - beautifully they expressed the tenderness of our Lord, he seemed - to exhibit the most simple-hearted gratification. - - I take pleasure in giving these recollections for record, because - I have never entertained a doubt of the entire honesty of Mr. - Buchanan’s religious impressions. I did not agree with him in - politics, or feel any sympathy with his public career; but I think - that he is entitled to this testimony from one who was placed in - circumstances to judge fairly of the reality of his religious - convictions. The purpose which President Buchanan expressed to me - of uniting with the Church was fulfilled. He connected himself - with the Presbyterian Church in Lancaster, Pa., immediately after - his retirement from the Presidential chair. - -Mr. J. Buchanan Henry concludes his communication to me, from which -I have already quoted, as follows: - - In personal appearance Mr. Buchanan was tall—over six feet, broad - shouldered, and had a portly and dignified bearing. He wore no - beard; his complexion was clear and very fair; his forehead was - massive, white and smooth; his features strong and well marked, - and his white hair was abundant and silky in texture; his eyes - were blue, intelligent and kindly, with the peculiarity that one - was far and the other near sighted, which resulted in a slight - habitual inclination of the head to one side—a peculiarity that - will be remembered by those who knew him well. He dressed with - great care, in black, wearing always a full white cravat, which - did not, however, impart to him anything of a clerical aspect. He - was, on the whole, a distinguished looking and handsome man, and - his size and fine proportions gave a dignity and commanding air to - his personal presence. His manner and bearing had much of the - old-fashioned courtly school about it.[187] - -Footnote 187: - - The frontispiece of the first volume of this work is from a - portrait painted by Eicholtz for Mr. Buchanan’s sister, Mrs. - Lane, just before he went to Russia. It was engraved for this - work by Sartain, of Philadelphia. The frontispiece of the second - volume is a full length, by J. C. Buttre, of New York, engraved - for this work, in a reduced size, from a larger plate by the - same artist. - - I do not think he was a very easy or fluent public speaker, but - what he had to say always commanded attention, even among his - great compeers in the Senate. - - Mr. Buchanan’s parents were Presbyterians, and he always evinced a - preference for that form of worship. He was a regular attendant - upon church services, both at Washington and in Lancaster, being a - pew holder and an always generous contributor to both the building - and maintenance of Christian worship. I have known him to give a - thousand dollars at a time in aid of building funds for churches - of all denominations, and many of his most faithful friends were - members of the Roman Catholic communion. He was, to my knowledge, - always a sincere believer in all the cardinal doctrines of - Christianity, had no eccentricities of religious belief, but - accepted Christianity as a divine revelation and a simple rule for - the conduct of human life, and relied upon it for the guidance of - his own life. He certainly always pressed their force upon my - cousin and myself, in our family intercourse under his roof, as - his wards. I remember that she and I always hid away our secular - newspaper or novel on Sunday if we heard him approaching, as we - were otherwise pretty sure to get a mild rebuke for not better - employing our time on Sunday, either in good works, or at least in - better reading. - - The candid student of history, intent only on getting at the very - truth without fear, favor or prejudice, after the perusal of - President Buchanan’s plain exposition of the threatenings of the - impending rebellion, as set forth in his message of December, - 1860, and the message of January 8, 1861, must ask the question, - why did not the Congress, sole constitutional depositary of the - power to raise armies or to call out the militia, then and there, - by proper legislation, authorize the President to stamp out the - incipient revolt by voting the money for and the authority to - employ any necessary military force to accomplish the legitimate - end? I have reason to know that the President would not have - hesitated to faithfully execute any law which Congress might then - have enacted. Why, then, did Congress, from December to March, - with the plain facts fully brought to their attention by President - Buchanan, and in the face of such imminent public peril, neglect - to perform its constitutional function, or to vote either supplies - or men? What more could President Buchanan have legally done? - Should he have become an usurper, and declared himself Dictator, - after the fashion of South America? The conclusion must be, that - Congress, from some inexplicable reason, saw fit to abdicate its - functions, leaving its powers dormant at the most critical period. - Can it have been from any unworthy partisan motive? It could not - have been from doubt of its possessing the authority. Whilst - President Buchanan held, and rightly held, that he could find no - authority in the Constitution to coerce the States, _as States_, - or mere legal entities, he clearly enunciated the true doctrine of - the constitutional power of the National Government to fully - enforce its laws, by acting coercively upon the persons of all - citizens when in revolt or resistance to its authority, wherever - they might be, and whether as individuals or massed together in - armies. That doctrine then set forth by Mr. Buchanan was - unpopular, but it stands to-day confessed to be the only true - construction of the Constitution. After the flames of a four - years’ civil conflagration had beaten against the text, no - important writer on the organic law held any other construction to - be tenable. Its present universal acceptance proves the sagacity - and correctness of Mr. Buchanan’s views at that early date. - - If there was any more marked political bias of Mr. Buchanan’s - mind than any other it was that of an almost idolatrous respect - and reverence for the Constitution. He had been educated and - lived in the old constitutional school of statesmanship, and - wholly believed in the wisdom and perfection of that great - organic law devised by the founders and builders of our - Government. He fully and ardently believed in its sufficiency - for all purposes, whether of peace or war. Perhaps such a faith - as was entertained by that race of statesmen would be considered - by the present lax school as savoring of political fetichism. - Certainly there were many who so regarded it, and who rather - contemptuously avowed in Congress that their views and measures - were, in many instances, extra-constitutional. To me, at least, - this knowledge of Mr. Buchanan’s political religion, so to - speak, explains why he did not for an instant contemplate the - usurpation—for usurpation it would have been, pure and simple—of - the constitutional prerogatives of Congress to declare war, or, - at least, to precipitate war: or by seizing the persons of the - Southern members of Congress and of the State authorities who - were working to secure the secession of their several States. - Congress was in session, and it was, that being the case, only - for the President to lay the facts before that body and obey - their behest, whether for peace or war. No belief that the - American people would have condoned his usurpation, if made, or - have upheld his extra-constitutional act, such as calling for - volunteers, or declaring war, or making an aggressive war, would - have justified him in assuming the prerogatives of Congress, - then actually in session. Although such an act might have made - him the most popular idol in American history, I do not think he - could have been tempted to break his solemn oath to support the - Constitution, by ignoring its plainest provisions. “Nothing - succeeds like success.” I am sometimes asked why Mr. Buchanan - did not “take the responsibility?” Such a course would have - remained impossible to him, with his views of his duty, and I - think that in time he will be applauded, not blamed, for his - self-sacrificing devotion to what he regarded as the right, - rather than seeking his own personal popularity by illegal - means. - - I cannot close without a few words upon my uncle’s views upon - slavery. He simply tolerated it as a legal fact under our - Constitution. He had no admiration for it whatever. I know of a - number of instances in which he purchased the freedom of slaves in - Washington, and brought them to Pennsylvania with him, leaving it - to them to repay him if they could out of their wages. His - constant recognition of the legal existence of slavery in the - South, and its right to protection so long as it legally existed - there, rendered him liable to misrepresentation at the North and - to misconception at the South; the one regarding him as an - apologist of slavery, and the other as its open friend, whereas he - was neither. He was only desirous to see the Constitution and laws - obeyed, and did, emphatically, not believe in the so-called - “Higher Law.” In fact I cannot but regard Mr. Buchanan as having - been cruelly misrepresented at the North and betrayed by the - South, which began its unjustifiable secession when quite safe - from any invasion of its Constitutional rights. The Southern - leaders did not hesitate to precipitate what they knew would be - disastrous to his benign administration, if it did not actually - terminate it in blood. It was, too, the grossest ingratitude to - the Democratic party, which had always stood like a wall of fire - between the South and its assailants in the North. - - Mr. Buchanan, to the day of his death, expressed to me his abiding - conviction that the American people would, in due time, come to - regard his course as the only one which at that time promised any - hope of saving the nation from a bloody and devastating war, and - would recognize the integrity and wisdom of his course in - administering the Government for the good of the whole people, - whether North or South. His conviction on this point was so - genuine that he looked forward serenely to the future, and never - seemed to entertain a misgiving or a doubt. - - The day is now not very far off when the American people will - appreciate his faithful services to the Republic, his stainless - character and his exalted patriotism. - -The remainder of Miss Annie Buchanan’s very interesting paper is as -follows: - - The society in Lancaster, at the time of my uncle’s early - residence there, must have been quite above the average in - intellectual culture and in social qualities. He was very fond, in - the latter part of his life, of conversing about those times, and - told a great many anecdotes of them and of the people who - flourished in them. Unfortunately, they have gone from our memory, - only leaving behind faint outlines of their former interest. - - My uncle had the most delightful way of throwing himself back into - the past scenes of his life, and, as it were, living them over - again. He would tell you the whole position of affairs, make you - understand the point of the story thoroughly, and then laugh in a - most infectious way. When he was in a vein of conversation, and - felt in the humor for going back into the past, a whole room full - of people would sit all the evening, listening with delight, no - one daring to interrupt, except in order, by some leading question - or remark, to draw him out to talk more freely. - - After his return from Washington, it was his constant habit to - come into the parlor after tea, and there to spend the evening, - with whatever members of the family might be staying with him. - After listening, as he often did, to reading for an hour, he would - begin to converse, and it was a rare treat to be a sharer in these - conversations. I knew it to be a great privilege, thoroughly - appreciated it at the time, but now that those evenings are - forever gone, with what mingled feelings of delight and regret I - look back upon them! They always ended at ten o’clock, and he very - seldom sat up much after that hour, even when he had guests in the - house who did not care to retire so early. “The time for all good - Christians to be in bed,” he would say, and, bidding good-night, - would leave us to remain as long as we saw fit. - - Of course my uncle was not always in the vein of talking in the - way I have described, and sometimes much preferred having others - to talk to him. I have often been struck with the easy grace with - which he, who had been so much a man of the world, and had - associated with men and women of the highest culture, could take - and show the greatest interest in the rather uninteresting details - given by some humble neighbor about the sayings and doings of his - family and establishment. My uncle was a Democrat, not only in - political principle, but in the large and true democratic sense. - He looked upon his neighbors, even those who were plain and - uneducated, as his fellow-men, and treated them accordingly. - - I remember his talking to me very earnestly about visiting and - relieving the sick and the poor, and trying to make me realize - that Christianity which could lack this fruit must be worthless. - - On one occasion, when I was quite a child and on a visit to - Wheatland, I saw him go anxiously to the window and look upon the - night, which was cold and stormy, with sleet and snow, and I heard - him say, “God help the poor to-night!” I mention this because very - soon after, I think the next day, he sent some money, quite a - large sum, to the mayor of Lancaster, to buy fuel for the poor. - The same idea he carried out, when he made a provision in his last - will for this very purpose. - - My uncle was very generous to those who were in need, and very - many were the persons whom he helped by gifts and loans, who would - otherwise have been in great straits. He was not lavish in his - expenditures. He knew exactly what he was spending, spent nothing - foolishly, was careful of what money he had, and was anxious to - invest what he had in such a way as that it should be - remunerative, so that when he gave, he did it from principle, - because he wished to do a kindness, or because he thought it was - right to do it. His heart made him always anxious to ameliorate - the miseries of those around him. - - He was very much interested in his family and their welfare, and - to him it was that each and all looked for advice or assistance. - While he did not hesitate to speak sternly when he thought duty - required it—sometimes even more so than was necessary—he was - always ready, even at the same time, to lend a helping hand. He - was the oldest child of my grandfather who lived to grow up, and - this fact, together with his eminent uprightness and wisdom, made - him to be looked upon by all the different branches of the family - as their head. Our particular family have great reason to remember - his kindness, and we look back with great pleasure to the many - visits of months at a time which we paid him, at his request, both - at Wheatland and in Washington. After his death, we felt that we - had lost the friend who, next to our own father, cared most for - us, and one on whose sympathy and kindness we could most depend. - - The accompanying qualities in my uncle’s character to his kindness - were his justice and integrity. No debt of his was ever knowingly - left unpaid. Even the return he made for his taxes was often - larger than that of most of his neighbors, because he scrupulously - returned an accurate account of his possessions to the assessors. - He would not have retained in his possession the smallest sum - which he thought to justly belong to another. - - And this honesty showed itself quite as much in relation to public - affairs as to his own. He was honest even about his time. While he - was President, his time was given most scrupulously to his work. - He entered his office at nine o’clock in the morning and remained - there until four o’clock, when he would take a walk before dinner, - which was at five o’clock. After dinner he generally spent a large - part of the evening attending to business; and this was the case - not for some months of the year only, but for the _whole_ year. - Except while he was making a short trip into North Carolina and - during a visit of about two weeks each year at Bedford Springs, - which was necessary to his health, he remained at his post for the - four entire years. I remember hearing some members of his cabinet - say that he loved work for work’s sake. I do not know whether this - was the case or not, but certain it is that he did a great deal of - work. He always went over carefully, himself, every matter - presented to him by his cabinet officers, and tried to possess - himself with all the ins and outs of what was going on under his - administration. - - It surprises me very much to read insinuations to the effect that - he was not _the_ President. I knew quite intimately nearly all the - members of his cabinet, and heard a good deal of their - conversation, and I know with what respect they spoke of him, and - that the whole tone of their conversation was that he was the - master. - - There was a peculiarity of his mind which may possibly account to - some extent for this mistaken impression. It very often happened - that when some new idea or proposition was suggested to him, he - would, at the first blush, entirely disapprove of it, so that any - one not well acquainted with him, might think the case was - hopeless. When he had time, however, to think about it, and if - some one would quietly give him the points of the case, and draw - his attention more particularly to it, he would sometimes make up - his mind in quite an opposite way from that which he had at first - intended. After, however, he had once definitely and positively - come to a decision, he was unchangeable. What he considered to be - right he did, and no fear of consequences could alter his purpose. - And the value of this quality to him will be understood when we - remember that after his return home from Washington he did not - seem to regret his course while there. I never heard him say that - he wished he had acted differently in the troublous times through - which he had passed. He knew that the steps he had taken had been - with the single earnest aim and desire of preserving the country - from disunion and war; and that being the case, his having failed - in his endeavor did not trouble his conscience at all. “I acted - for some time as a breakwater,” he said, “between the North and - the South, both surging with all their force against me.” - - I say did not touch his _conscience_. His _heart_ was greatly - distressed. I remember the morning on which the news came of the - ships being sent to the relief of Fort Sumter. “I fear Governor - Chase is bringing war upon his country,” was his sad exclamation, - and from that time until peace was declared, his true and loyal - heart grieved over the distress and misery of his country. - - I remember an incident early in his administration, which shows - his integrity in the matter of his duty. A young man was sentenced - to be hung in Washington for murder, who had, for some reason, - enlisted great interest for himself among members of his church - (Roman Catholic), and not only the mother of the condemned man, - but several clergymen and Sisters of Charity, also, waited upon my - uncle to importune him for a pardon. My uncle’s feelings were - greatly enlisted, and I heard him say that he had gone over the - case three times, in order that, if possible, he might find some - reason that would make it right to grant a pardon. But finding, as - he did at last, that there absolutely was no such reason, he said - the law must have its way, and the young man was executed. - - Another great characteristic of my uncle was his independence of - spirit. He would not be under obligation, for gifts, to any one - while he was in office, and in fact he did not like to be so at - any time. I remember the ——’s were very anxious to present a grand - piano to my cousin, soon after she went to Washington, but my - uncle positively declined allowing her to accept it. When the - Japanese commissioners came, bringing with them curious and costly - gifts, some of which were intended for the President, he sent them - all to the Patent Office, as the property of the country. He even - went so far as to insist, at all times, upon paying his fare - whenever he travelled, never receiving a pass, even when he was - out of office. He would have been horrified at the idea of - travelling free while he was President. I have often heard him - say, “I will pay my way while I can afford it. When I cannot - afford to pay I will stay at home.” The salary of the President - during my uncle’s administration was $25,000. So far from being - made any richer by his office, he was obliged to supplement some - of his own private means each year, in order that the becoming - hospitality and mode of living might be kept up at the White - House. - - As long as I can remember my uncle, he was a religious man, - becoming more and more so as his life drew near its close. His - knowledge of the scriptures was very thorough, and whatever doubts - he may have had in his earlier life, had been dissipated by the - rays of the Sun of Righteousness. He was, certainly, during the - latter years of his life, a strong and firm believer in Jesus - Christ as his Saviour. It was his constant habit, after his return - from Washington, to read daily in the New Testament, and a large - part of Sunday he spent in studying that and books founded upon - its teachings. A devotional book, Jay’s Morning and Evening - Exercises, was his constant companion, and he read a great deal in - the sermons of the great French preacher, Massillon, a French copy - of which he had and often quoted. He conversed much about the - Gospel and its teachings, and one could easily tell that he was - deeply interested in the subject. - - It was his practice, during all his life, to attend church on - Sunday morning, and some effect of his early teaching, which very - strongly inculcated the hallowing of the Lord’s day, was shown - when he was in St. Petersburg. It was the custom there for even - the most devout, after they had attended service through the day, - to go to balls and festivities in the evening of Sunday. My uncle - thought that he could not be excused from attending the Emperor’s - balls, but made it a rule never to dance on Sunday evening, and so - caused great surprise to some of his friends there, especially - when he explained to them that in America the manner prevalent in - Russia of spending Sunday evening would be thought quite shocking. - - To show how my uncle respected the religious sense of the - community, I will mention, that when the Prince of Wales was - visiting him in Washington, and when a large company had been - invited to do the Prince honor, my uncle would not consent to - having any dancing at it. He took this position, not that he - disapproved himself of dancing, but he thought that it would cause - scandal to the religious people of the country if there were to be - a dance there in the White House. “I am the servant of the - people,” was his motto, and with this feeling in his mind he - toiled, he lived and acted, always trying to prevent anything from - being done which would give offence to that people. - - I remember dining with him, in company with a lady who seemed to - be a thoroughly worldly woman, one whose life had been spent in - public and among worldly people. I do not remember the whole - conversation, or how my uncle came to say it, but I remember his - remark, “I say my prayers every day of my life.” The lady looked - up at him in surprise, and questioned, thinking he was jesting. - “No,” said my uncle, “I am not jesting, I have always said my - prayers.” I will only add, while on this subject, that not only - did my uncle attend church constantly on Sundays, but he was very - particular to omit his ordinary avocations, and to make it a day - of rest, through all his life. - - There was one thing very noticeable in my uncle’s conversation - during those years which he spent at Wheatland, after his return - from Washington. He conversed very little on the political matters - of the day, and, particularly, he showed remarkably little - bitterness towards those whose indifference and even hatred - towards himself showed themselves so strongly when power and - influence had passed out of his hands. Occasionally, certainly, he - could not help speaking his mind about one or two particularly - flagrant cases, but as a general thing he passed over their - conduct in silence. He was not fond of picking people to pieces, - and his inclination was rather to speak and think kindly of his - neighbors. - - My uncle was quite stout, although not at all overgrown, and you - could not see him without observing that he was a person of - distinction. Although he was of so stout a build his foot was - rather small, and I often noticed how lightly and quickly he - walked. He was very quick of apprehension, and there was very - little going on around that he did not know and understand. He has - told me that when he was in his prime his hearing was so acute - that he could often hear whispering in the adjoining room, and he - very often heard things not intended for him to hear. - - Owing to a difference which there was between his eyes, one being - near and the other far-sighted, he held his head to one side, - particularly when looking at any person or thing. When listening - to any one he would hold his head in this way, close one eye and - gaze very steadily, and so conveyed the impression that he was - looking the speaker through and through. I have heard him say that - he did not know until he was forty or fifty years of age the cause - of this habit. Some friend walking with him suggested to him to - try his eyes and see if he could not see better, at a distance, - with one than with the other, when, to his surprise, he discovered - that with one eye he could not distinguish the landscape at all, - while with the other he could see very far. Whether this - peculiarity was the cause of his long continued sight I do not - know, but the fact is that up to the time of his death he was able - to read everything without the aid of glasses. He found, however, - during the last year of his life, or perhaps a little longer, that - when he read fine print at night, which he often wished to do, it - strained his eyes, and for these occasions he procured a pair of - spectacles, but he never used them at any other time. - - He had a very peculiar way of reading at night. No matter how many - lights might be in the room he always had a candlestick and - candle, which he held before his eyes, and by that means read his - paper or book. As he grew older we often felt quite anxious for - fear his paper might take fire, and, occasionally, on the next - morning a hole would be found burnt in it, but, as far as I can - recollect, nothing more serious ever came of his reading in this - way. - - My uncle was an extensive reader and had a good memory for what he - had read. His reading embraced all classes of literature, and he - conversed intelligently on all subjects. He continued to read a - great deal after his return to Wheatland, and enjoyed being read - to. Near the end of his life, however, he remarked to me one day, - “I am tired of reading; I don’t seem to care about it any more,” - and, as if that were the case, he might at that time be often seen - sitting without either book or paper, whereas formerly, when not - conversing, he was almost always reading. - - My uncle’s political life had been an unusually long one, and, in - consequence, his remembrance of the sayings and doings of the - great people of his time was very interesting. I have heard him - say that the first President whom he had met was President Monroe, - “a gentlemanly man, wearing a blue coat and metal buttons,” and - after him he had more or less acquaintance with all the - Presidents. It was, in great part, on account of this wonderful - fund of personal knowledge which he possessed, that his friends - urged him to have a book written which should contain, not only - the facts of his own life, but also the reminiscences which he was - fond of narrating. - - He was very fond of ladies’ society, and was all his life in the - habit of entertaining them at his house. During his different - residences in Washington, while in London and St. Petersburg, as - well as in Lancaster, he was very hospitable, and greatly enjoyed - the society of his friends in his own house. When he finally - returned to Wheatland, he saw much less of society than he had - ever done before, and, I have no doubt, his life must have seemed - very monotonous to him, but he never complained at all, and was - remarkably cheerful and happy. - - I have written these pages at the request of my father, hoping - that some things in them may be of service to Mr. Curtis, in - forming an estimate of the character of my uncle. They have no - claim whatever to any literary merit, and are only an effort to do - some honor to one so truly loved and so deeply mourned. To me, - though it would be a great joy to know that men recognized the - wisdom and greatness of his actions, it would be of far greater - account to have them realize his goodness, nobility, honor, - self-sacrifice, courage and honesty. There may, and must, always - be a difference of opinion about questions of polity and - administration, but the true elements of greatness lie in the soul - of man, and are of far higher value than praise and popular - estimation, often attained through a turn of Fortune’s wheel. - -I close this memorial chapter with some extracts from the sermon -preached by Dr. Nevin at the funeral of Mr. Buchanan. Dr. Nevin -chose for his text the words: “I would not have you to be ignorant, -brethren, concerning them which are asleep, that ye sorrow not, even -as others which have no hope. For if we believe that Jesus died and -rose again, even so them also which sleep in Jesus will God bring -with Him.” - - ...... In connection with this momentous subject, the occasion on - which we are now met together is full of more than ordinary - interest and significance, such as may well invest it with the - most profound solemnity for all who are here present. - - We have before us, and will be called soon to follow to the grave, - the mortal remains of James Buchanan, the fifteenth President of - the United States; who, after taking an active part in the - politics of this great nation for half a century, having filled - the highest places of honor and trust in the gift of his country, - and having represented her for a long time with prominent - distinction in the diplomacy of the civilized world, has now, at - the advanced age of almost four score years, been gathered to his - fathers, and enrolled on the catalogue of the great and - illustrious dead. His name has been famous, not simply through his - own merits, but through association, also, with the leading - political characters and the leading political interests of the - times in which he lived. - - He belonged to a generation of eminent statesmen, giants in their - day, whose names were once household words in the land, but who, - in him as their representative, we can all feel have passed away - forever from the drama of our national life. There is something - peculiarly affecting in this thought. He was the last link that - held us in communication with that buried age; and in parting with - Mr. Buchanan, it is as though we were called to part again with - Clay, and Webster, and Benton, and Calhoun, and Jackson, and Cass, - and the whole political world to which they belonged. Now, more - than ever, their age has become to us, in view especially of the - late war, like the years before the flood. Then the occasions with - which he has been intimately connected, especially in the latter - part of his public life, have been of the most momentous, as well - as the most difficult and trying character, involving in the end a - crisis which amounted to a full revolution for our own country, - while it made itself felt, also, as of truly world-historical - importance for the age at large. - - This is not the place nor the time, of course, to enter into any - consideration of Mr. Buchanan’s public career, or to pronounce any - judgment in particular on the policy of his administration as - President of the United States. The time, indeed, has not yet come - for a fair and competent historical verdict on this subject, in - any quarter. We stand too near the vast and mighty struggle - through which we have just passed, and from whose surging billows - we have not yet fully escaped, to understand it properly, or to - estimate fairly its moral and political merits. - - Only this much, in justice to the dead, I may be permitted to say, - in the form of two general observations: - - In the first place, we have no right to judge Mr. Buchanan’s - conduct at the beginning of our late civil troubles by the course - of events subsequently, when the contingent became actual, and the - problematical certain, in many ways, which only the eye of - Omniscience could previously foresee. How far this ex post facto - judgment (cruel and wrongful in history, full as much as ex post - facto statutes in legislation), has been carried in the case - before us, all who care to look into the matter can easily see and - know. Every man, every public man especially, has a right to - demand that his opinions and actions should be measured by the - circumstances and conditions of his own time, and not by the - circumstances and conditions of another and, it may be, a wholly - different time. Any other mode of judgment is at once grossly - unhistorical, grossly unphilosophical, and I will also add, - grossly unchristian. - - My other observation is, that whatever may be thought by others, - now or hereafter, of Mr. Buchanan’s Presidential administration on - the eve of the rebellion, he himself never changed his mind in - regard to the righteousness or wisdom of the course which he saw - proper to pursue. That his own policy was thwarted and overwhelmed - by another policy, altogether different, never led him to believe - that, in the circumstances of the country, as they then were, his - own policy was not right. “Had I to pass through the same state of - things again,” he would say, calmly but firmly, “I do not see, - before God, how I could act otherwise than as I did act.” - - This, of course, does not prove that his course was the wisest and - best for the exigencies of that fearfully volcanic time, as they - came to view afterwards in the lava flames of our civil war; but - no one who was intimately familiar, as I have been, with the last - years of Mr. Buchanan’s life, could doubt, at all events, the - sincerity of his own convictions, thus expressed in regard to the - closing portions of his political career.[188] Whether absolutely - wise or not in all his counsels, he was, in this time that tried - men’s souls, honest, at least, conscientious and patriotically - true to what he conceived to be the highest interests of his - country. - -Footnote 188: - - Only a few days before his death, in a conversation with - Mr. Swarr, when the hope was expressed that he might still - live to see his public life vindicated, he spoke on this - subject as follows: “My dear friend, I have no fear of the - future. Posterity will do me justice. I have always felt, - and still feel, that I discharged every duty imposed on me - conscientiously. I have no regret for any public act of my - life; and history will vindicate my memory from every - unjust aspersion.” - - But these political surroundings of the present solemnity, however - they must unavoidably crowd upon our thoughts while we are engaged - in it, form not, by any means, what we should all feel to be, for - us now, its main interest. The relations of time, however - otherwise vast and momentous, are here to-day, swallowed up and - made small by the relations of eternity. Mr. Buchanan has passed - away, not simply as a politician and a statesman, but as a - Christian; and this it is we now feel, standing by his coffin and - his grave, to be a distinction of infinitely higher account than - all the honors and dignities of his life, under any other form. - - These, at best, are but of ephemeral significance and worth. One - generation of politicians passeth away and another generation - cometh. Where are the voices that, thirty or forty years ago, - filled our Congressional halls and electrified the land with their - eloquent words? Kings and Presidents, the princes of the - earth—terrestrial gods, as they are sometimes called—die like - other men. “All flesh is as grass, and all the glory of man as the - flower of grass; the grass withereth, and the flower thereof - falleth away, but the word of the Lord endureth forever.” And - where do we find this enduring word of the Lord in full presence - and power, save in the Logos Incarnate, our Lord Jesus Christ, who - is the Alpha and Omega of the whole creation, the same yesterday, - to-day and forever? - - Happily, the venerable sage of Wheatland, as he has sometimes been - called, sought and found here what he himself was ready to - acknowledge as something better than all the greatness of the - world; an humble but strong trust in the atoning righteousness of - Christ, which brightened the whole evening of his life, which - proved to be the strength of his spirit, when heart and flesh - began to fail, and which now makes his death but the quiet sleep - that precedes the morning of the resurrection. He died in the - Lord; this is our great comfort in following him to the grave. We - sorrow not as those who have no hope. “For if we believe that - Jesus died and rose again, even so them also which sleep in Jesus - will God bring with him.” - - In some sense, Mr. Buchanan was a religious man, we may say, all - his life. Brought into the Presbyterian church by baptism in his - infancy, he enjoyed at the same time the unspeakable advantage of - an early Christian training, which made itself felt more or less - sensibly on all his character and conduct in later years. In - serious conversation with me on this subject less than a year ago, - he referred, with moistened eyes and faltering voice, to the - lessons that had been instilled into him as a boy, especially by - his pious mother. She had taught him to pray; and her presence, as - an invisible ministering spirit, seemed to hold him to the duty, - as it were in spite of himself, through the whole of his - subsequent public life. Whatever of worldliness there might be in - his thoughts and ways otherwise, his conscience would not allow - him to give up the outward exercise, at least, of some private as - well as public, forms of devotion. He made it a point to read the - bible, honored the Sabbath, and observed more or less faithfully - stated times for secret prayer. - - His general character, at the same time, was always good. Those - who stood nearest to him in his public life, and who knew him - best, have ever united in bearing the most favorable testimony to - what he was in this view. He has been known and spoken of on all - sides as a true gentleman of the old school, distinguished for his - personal integrity, a man of honorable spirit, upright in his - deportment, and beyond the common measure virtuous in his manners. - He was unquestionably one of the purest in mind, and most - exemplary in life, belonging to the generation of public men, - which has now come to a close in his death. It is, indeed, - something wonderful, that in his peculiar circumstances he should - have been able to pass through such a long life of exposure to all - forms of corruption and sin, so generally unscathed as he seems to - have been by the fiery ordeal. In this respect, he is worthy of - lasting admiration, and may well be held up as an example for the - study and imitation of younger candidates for political - distinction coming after his day. When will all our public men lay - to heart, as they ought, that true oracle of the olden time: “The - memory of the just is blessed; but the name of the wicked shall - rot?” - - All this, however, Mr. Buchanan himself very well knew, fell short - of what was required to make him a Christian in the full sense of - the term; and as he advanced in life accordingly, he seems to have - turned his mind more and more seriously to the necessity of - becoming a follower of the Saviour in a more inward and strict - way. This practical discipleship he believed himself to have - reached in some measure years before he withdrew from political - life. Yet, he made then no open profession of his faith, in the - way of what is commonly called joining the church, under the idea - that there was some reason for postponing it in the peculiar - circumstances in which he stood as a public man. That idea, of - course, was a serious mistake, as he himself acknowledged it to be - afterwards, when earnestly spoken with on the subject. He ought to - have joined the church sooner, he said, and especially before he - left Washington. As it was, he took this important step in due - course of time, subsequently, after full serious consideration, by - connecting himself in form with the Presbyterian church of - Lancaster, which had been his regular place of worship previously, - where he continued to worship afterwards, and in communion with - which he has now departed this life, “looking for the general - resurrection in the last day, and the life of the world to come.” - - It was my privilege to converse with him frequently on religious - subjects, during these his last years, and I can say his mind - seemed to be always clear and remarkably firm, as well as - consistent, in the apprehension of Christianity, under its - simplest and most commonly acknowledged evangelical form. He had - studied carefully, I may be allowed to state, the Heidelberg - Catechism (that most œcumenical, and in some respects most - genial of all the Reformed Protestant Confessions), and he was - accustomed to speak highly of it at all times, as being a summary - of religious truth, to which he could cordially subscribe as the - full expression of his theological faith.[189] - -Footnote 189: - - Conversing with his executor and friend, Mr. Swarr, in regard to - his decease, a short time before it took place, he took occasion - to say, in the way of dying testimony: “The principles of the - Christian religion were instilled into my mind in my youth; and - from all I have observed and experienced in the long life - Providence has vouchsafed to me, I have only become more - strengthened in the conviction of the Divine character of the - Saviour, and the power of atonement through His redeeming grace - and mercy.” - - More particularly, however, it was during the last summer, that I - had the opportunity of coming to the most intimate knowledge of - his Christian views and hopes, on the occasion of his returning - home from Cape May, under an attack of a strange sickness which - threatened at the time to carry him to the grave. The sickness was - attended with but little bodily pain, and it left his mind - perfectly clear and free, while yet it was of such a character as - to produce in his own mind the strong impression that it would end - in his death. In these solemn circumstances, I had interviews with - him day after day for some time, in which I talked with him, and - prayed with him, as a dying man; and in which he talked also most - freely himself with regard to his own condition, giving utterance - to his views and feelings in a way which furnished the most - satisfactory and pleasing evidence that religion had become with - him, indeed, a deeply-settled principle in the soul, and such a - conviction of faith as could not be shaken by the powers either of - earth or hell. Let it be sufficient here to say, that he was able - to resign himself with full filial confidence and trust into the - hands of God as a faithful Creator and Saviour, and that he found - Him an all sufficient help in his time of need. At the same time, - his faith was far more than a vague trust merely in God’s general - goodness and mercy. It was most explicitly the humble, penitent - reliance of one who knew himself to be a sinner, on the mercy of - God secured to men through His Son Jesus Christ. At this time, - especially, more than before, he was brought to see and feel the - importance of simply looking to Jesus (in the spirit of St. John’s - gospel and of the Apostle’s Creed), as being Himself the sum and - substance of the whole Christian salvation. His mind fastened with - peculiar interest on the text: “Lord to whom shall we go? Thou - hast the words of eternal life. And we believe and are sure that - Thou art that Christ the Son of the living God.”[190] - -Footnote 190: - - These pastoral conferences—_horæ vespertinæ_ they might be - called, held as they were mostly in the autumnal twilight, on - what seemed to be for us the utmost verge of time—were - peculiarly interesting and solemn to myself, as they were always - most cordially welcomed also by Mr. Buchanan. There was no - reserve or hesitation in his manner. His habitual diplomatic - caution was gone. At the same time there was no excitement or - agitation in his mind. He was perfectly calm, and had no fear of - death whatever. Still it was full before him, and he had no - disposition to hide from himself its awful presence. He wished - to be talked with as a man who felt himself to be on the borders - of the eternal world, and who was fully awake to the dread - issues of the life to come. But with all this, his spirit abode - in quiet confidence and peace, and the ground of his trust - throughout was the mercy of God through the righteousness of - Jesus Christ. There was nothing like enthusiasm, of course, in - his experience; the general nature of the man made that - impossible. His religion showed itself rather in the form of - fixed trust in God, thankfulness for His past mercy, and general - resignation to His holy will. In these twilight hours, thus - circumstanced, it could not be but that central regard was had - continually to the person of Jesus Christ, and the significance - of the Christian redemption as comprehended in the idea of His - coming in the flesh. This Christological way of looking at the - gospel was in some measure new to Mr. Buchanan, or at least it - had not taken hold of his mind, as he confessed, in the same - manner before. Now, however, it gave him great satisfaction, and - he considered it one special benefit of his sickness, that it - had taught him to see in the simple exercise of “looking to - Jesus” what he found to be, for himself, at least, the most - consoling and the most strengthening practice of Christian - faith. - - Altogether it was a death-bed experience, full of tranquil light - and peace, the calm evening sunset of a long life, which seemed to - be itself but the brightening promise of a new and far better life - beyond the grave. - - His late sickness, which has now terminated in his death, was more - prostrating for him throughout, both in body and in mind, than - that of which I have just spoken. Through it all, however, his - views and feelings in regard to religion he declared to be, in the - prospect of quitting the world, just what he had over and over - again witnessed them to be before. He bowed with entire submission - to his Heavenly Father’s will. His last intelligible word, indeed, - whispered in the ear of anxious affection bending over him, as he - was turned somewhat painfully upon his bed, and felt, no doubt, - that the end had come—after which he fell away into the gentle - sleep that some hours later closed the scene—was the short - Christian prayer: “O Lord, God Almighty, as Thou wilt!” Thus he - passed away. His trust was in Christ crucified and risen from the - dead, and in Christ alone. He died in the full faith of the - gospel, and in the joyful hope of having part at last in the - resurrection of the body and the life everlasting. - - He sleeps in Jesus. Be this his epitaph; the last and crowning - honor of his long, illustrious life; the richest ornament of his - public, no less than of his private memory and name. Be this also - the consolation of his sorrowful friends as they look upon that - venerable majestic form here lying in state before us, and are - called now to follow it in slow melancholy procession to the - grave. We sorrow not as others, which have no hope; for if Jesus - died and rose again, them also which sleep in Jesus will God bring - with Him. The aged statesman has been gathered to his fathers full - of years, like a shock of corn fully ripe and laden with fruit; he - has served his country well, and enjoyed its honors largely, in - his generation; he has left behind him a fair example of justice, - benevolence, integrity and truth, a bright record indeed, of - honorable and virtuous character in all respects. In all this we - find matter for thankful satisfaction, and occasion for bowing in - meek submission to the Divine will, which has now at last removed - him from our sight. But, through all this, at the same time, we - triumph and rejoice most of all, as Christians, in what we know to - have been his Christian death, and in the assurance that we have, - therefore, of his being still with us, and near to us, in Christ. - - To Whom, now let us offer our united and unfeigned thanks for that - victory over death and the grave, which he has obtained for us and - for all who sleep in Him; while we pray also for power to follow - the faith of those who have gone before us, “that we may enter at - death into their joy, and so abide with them in rest and peace, - till both they and we shall reach our common consummation of - redemption and bliss in the glorious resurrection of the last - day.” _Amen._ - -The remains of James Buchanan lie in a beautiful rural cemetery near -the city of Lancaster, beneath a simple monument, which records only -the date of his birth and of his death, and the fact that he was the -fifteenth President of the United States. It is well that the soil -of Pennsylvania holds his ashes, for he was the most eminent -statesman yet given by that great commonwealth to the service of the -country since the Constitution of the United States was established. - - - - - INDEX. - - - ABERDEEN, LORD, Course of, on Oregon question, i., 568; - Is informed by Mr. McLane of Mr. Buchanan’s despatch on Oregon - Question, 558; - Gives information that Oregon treaty is approved, 604. - - ABERDEEN LORD, Premier, ii., 104; - Ministry of, ii., 105, 107. - - ADAMS, CHAS. F., Nomination of, ii., 9. - - ADAMS, JAMES H., Commissioner from South Carolina, ii., 370. - - ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY, Candidate at popular election of 1824, i., - 38; - Received unanimous votes of what States, 39; - Election of, by House of Representatives, 44; - Opposition to, who composed, 57; - Administration, who were friends of, 58; - Minority of friends in Congress, 70; - Reference to election of, in 1825, 506; - Reference to administration of, 511, 394; - Referred to by Mr. R. P. Letcher, 514; - On secession, ii., 603. - - AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, i., #219#. - - ALABAMA, Secession of, ii., 42. - - ALBERT, PRINCE, of Prussia, i., 207. - - ALBERT, PRINCE, ii., 112. - - ALEXANDER, EMPEROR, of Russia, i., 155, 221. - - ALFONSKOI, Russian physician, i., 195, 196, 198. - - ALLEN, WILLIAM, U. S. Senator, reference to, on Texas question, i., - 519; ii., 195, note. - - AMERICA, CENTRAL, Negotiations with Lord Clarendon concerning, ii., - 126 et seq. - - AMERICAN INSTITUTE, i., 201. - - AMERICAN SYSTEM, Mr. Buchanan’s views of, i., 76. - - ANDERSON, MAJOR, Removal of, from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, - ii., 365, 370; - Temporary truce of, 449 et seq.; - Extraordinary despatches from, 497; - Letter of, to General Dix, 496, 518. - - ANNE, EMPRESS, of Russia, i., 204. - - ANNEXATION. (See Texas.) - - ANNUNCIATION, Cathedral of, i., 199. - - ANTI-MASONS, who were called, i., 231. - - ANTOINE, REV. FATHER, Abbot of monastery, i., 202. - - APPLETON, JOHN, of Maine, Mr. Buchanan’s Secretary of Legation in - London, ii., 179. - - APPROPRIATION, ANNUAL, Motion to strike out salary of minister to - Russia, i., 129. - - ARGYLE, DUKE of, Lord Privy Seal, ii., 105. - - ASHBURTON, LORD, i., 504. - - ASSUMPTION, Cathedral of, i., 199. - - ATHERTON, CHAS. G., i., 519. - - ARTHUR, PRINCE, Son of Princess Lieven, i., 217. - - AUTHOR, Refutation a duty of the, ii., 511, 517. - - BAKER, J. B., Letter to, ii., 622. - - BAKER, MRS. GEO. W., Niece of Mr. Buchanan, i., 531, note; - Death of, ii., 159. - - BALDWIN, MR. JUSTICE, Death of, i., 561, 26. - - BALTIMORE LADIES, Spirit of, in 1863, ii., 612. - - BANCROFT, GEO., Letter of, to Mr. Buchanan, i., 590; - Mission to England, 574, 575. - - BANK OF THE UNITED STATES, i., 184; - Mr. Buchanan an early opponent of, 15. - - BANK QUESTION, Retrospective view of, i., 411, 416. - - BANKRUPT ACT of 1841, Mr. Buchanan’s speech on, i., 461. - - BANKRUPTCY, Meaning of, under the constitution, i., 30. - - BANKRUPTCY BILL, Discussion on, in 1821-22, i., 31. - - BARBOUR, GOV. JAMES, of Virginia, i., 606. - - BARBOUR, PHILIP P., i., 26. - - BARGAIN AND CORRUPTION, i., 41, 56; - Unfounded charges of, 43; - Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to, 41, 56; - Revival of, i., 506. - - BARLOW, S. L. M., MR. (of New York), quoted, i., 22, note; - Account by, of proceedings of Cincinnati Convention, ii., 170 et - seq. - - BARNWELL, ROBERT W., Commissioner from South Carolina, ii., 370. - - BASHNIA, SOUCHAREVA, i., 196. - - BATES, JOSHUA, Partner of Baring Bros. & Co., i., 226, and - note. - - BEALE WILLIAM, State Senator, i., 10. - - BELL, MR., Senator from Tennessee, ii., 195, note. - - BENTON, THOMAS H., Opposed to administration of John Q. Adams, i., - 58; - Politics of, 232; - Resolutions of, on surplus money, 243; - Resolutions of, in relation to defence of U. S., in case of war - with France, 268; - Expunging resolution of, 291, 293, 294, 305, - 306; - Antipathy of, to paper currency, 496; - Subject of vituperation by his party, 510; - Hue and cry against, 512; - Pretensions of, to Presidency, 517; - References to, 519, 528; - Conduct and speech of, on Oregon question, 559; - Course of, on Oregon question, 570; - Reference to, 612. - - BERNARD, GENERAL, Reference to, as favoring General Jackson’s - election, i., 55. - - BERNSDOFF, COUNTESS, ii., 159. - - BERRIEN, J. MACPHERSON, Reference to, i., 545. - - BEVERLY, CARTER, Conversation of, with General Jackson on incidents - preceding the election of Mr. Adams, i., 49; - Visit of, to General Jackson, 49. - - BIGLER, MR., U. S. Senator, Note of, to President, ii., 465. - - BILLS IN CONGRESS, Conscription, 1815, i., 9; - Bill for relief of surviving officers of revolution, 58; - Panama appropriation, 67; - Alteration of tariff, 75; - Cumberland Road, 81; - To amend and extend judicial system, 95; - To repeal 25th section of judiciary act, 110; - Fortification Bill, 240; - Removal of executive officers, 281; - Removal of the public deposits from the Bank of the United - States, 291; - To restrain use of mails for the circulation of incendiary - publications, 338; - To accept services of volunteers for defence of frontiers, - 368; - To prevent interference of Federal officers with elections, - 378; - For the renewal of the charter of United States Bank, 413; - To rescind the Specie Circular, 417; - To authorize issue of Treasury notes, 422; - To prevent Pennsylvania Bank from reissuing and circulating notes - of old bank, 423; - For a bank with power to establish offices of discount, 459; - To create a Fiscal Corporation of the United States, 459; - Bankrupt Act, 461. - - BIRNEY, JAMES G., Anti-slavery candidate for Presidency, i., - 543. - - BLACK, JEREMIAH S., ATTORNEY GENERAL, ii., 194; - Letter of, 309; - Opinion of, 319; - Objects to the answer of President Buchanan to commissioners, - 379; - Fears of, in regard to inauguration of Lincoln, 491, 514; - Letter of, to Mr. Schell, 519; - Letter of, to Mr. Buchanan, 562. - - BLAKE, DR., Letters to, ii., 601, 614. - - BLAKE, JOHN B., Letters of, to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 524, 525. - - BLIGH, MR., British Minister at Russian court, i., 150; - Accompanies Mr. Buchanan as far as Cronstadt, 217. - - BONAPARTE, NAPOLEON, References to, i., 198, 222. - - BORGO, COUNT POZZO DI, Conversation with Mr. Buchanan, i., - 175; - Called on by Mr. Buchanan, 220; - Mr. Buchanan dines with, 222; - Reference to conversations with, by Mr. Buchanan, 234. - - BRANCH, MR., ii., 491. - - BRECKINRIDGE, MR., Candidate for Vice Presidency, ii., 177; - Nominated by Southern Democratic Convention, 288. - - BRIGHT, JESSE D., Senator from Indiana, ii., 360. - - BROGLIE, DUC DE, Visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 221; - Conversation of, with Mr. Buchanan in 1833, 234; - Reference to his note to Mr. Barton, 239; - His assurance to Mr. Livingston, 252; - Conduct of, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, 271; - Letter to, by Mr. Livingston, 273; - Famous letter of, to Chargé at Washington, 274; - Letter of, to M. Pageot, 279. - - BROWN, AARON V., Postmaster General, ii., 194. - - BROWN, JAMES, Senator in Congress from Louisiana when Mr. Buchanan - entered that body, i., 25. - - BROWN, SIR WILLIAM, Mr. Buchanan dines with, at his country house, - i., 137, 138 and note. - - BRUNNOW, BARON DE, Reference to request of, i., 167. - - BUCHANAN, Family of, Scotch-Irish, i., 1, 3. - - BUCHANAN, MISS ANNIE, On Mr. Buchanan’s character and last days, - ii., 674 et seq. - - BUCHANAN, GEO. W., Brother of the President, i., 3; - Letter of, to his brother James, 109. - - BUCHANAN, JOHN, Grandfather of the President, i., 3. - - BUCHANAN, MRS., Mother of the President, Letter of, to her son - James, i., 134; - Death of, 209, note. - - BUCHANAN, JAMES, Father of the President, i., 1; - Letters of, 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, - 14. - - BUCHANAN, JAMES, the President, His autobiographical sketch, i., - 1 et seq.; - Birth of, 4; - Education, 4; - College career, 4, 6; - Admitted to the bar, 7; - A Federalist in politics, 8; - Volunteers in the War of 1812, 8; - On defence of the country, 8, 10; - Oration of, on July 4th, 1815, 12; - Elected to the legislature, 8; - Re-elected to the legislature, 14; - Counsel for an impeached Judge, 16; - Rising to eminence as a lawyer, 17; - Suffers a great disappointment in love, 17 et seq.; - Elected to Congress, 23; - First debate of, relative to military establishment, 30; - Speech on tariff of, 1823-4, 36; - Professional income, 37; - Scandals as to supposed agency of, for Mr. Clay, 40; - Action of, in regard to, 41; - First acquaintance with General Jackson and Mr. Clay, 41; - Interview with General Jackson at Seven Buildings, 42; - Letter of, to General Jackson, 44; - Integrity of, 51; - Letters of, to Mr. Ingham, 51, 54; - Letter of, to General Jackson, 55; - Opposition of, to administration of John Q. Adams, 58; - Speech of, in support of bill for relief of officers of - Revolution, 59; - Speech of, on Panama Mission, 65; - Remarks on slavery, 68; - Opposes Mr. Chilton’s resolution on abolition of offices, - 71; - Replies to Mr. Everett, 72; - Powers as a debater, 74; - Views of, on tariff, 74; - Speech on tariff, 74; - Replies to Mr. Sprague on tariff, 75; - Views on subject of navy, 78; - Opposition of, to administration, how carried on, 80; - Speech of, on appropriation for surveys, 80; - Course of, on Cumberland Road, 81; - Speech on Cumberland Road, 82; - Speech of, against second election to Presidency, 92; - Action of, in election of General Jackson, 94; - Report of, on judicial system, 95; - Chairman of judiciary committee, 95; - Re-election of, to Congress in 1828, 95; - Speech of, on judiciary act, 95; - Supports bill on judiciary system, 99, 100; - Favors increase of Supreme Court Judges, 104; - Views on judicial appointments, 105; - Report of, on recommendation of judiciary committee, 107; - Trial of Judge Peck, 108; - Speech as a manager of the impeachment, 108; - Letter from his brother George, 109; - Remarks on twenty-fifth section of judiciary act, 113; - Spoken of as candidate for Vice Presidency, 122; - Letter of, to George Plitt, 122; - Qualifications of, for great success at bar, 123; - Letters from his brother George, 124, 125, 126; - Letters of, to Mr. Eaton, 130, 131; - Letter of, to General Jackson, 134; - Letter of, to his brother Edward, 138; - Diary of, on journey from Lancaster to Europe, 136; - From London to St. Petersburg, 140; - Letter of, to General Jackson, 142; - Letter of, to his brother Edward, 144; - Letter of, to John B. Sterigere, 146; - Letter of, to his brother Edward, 147; - Letter of, to General Jackson, 149; - Letter of, to his brother Edward, 152; - Letter of, to Mrs. Slaymaker, 154; - Letter from his mother, 158, note; - Letter of, to his brother Edward, 159; - Letter of, to General Jackson, 164; - Interview with Count Nesselrode, on commercial treaty, 165; - Despatch of, to Secretary of State at Washington, 167; - Commercial treaty, summary of, by, 168; - Letter of, to General Jackson, on maritime treaty, 174; - Failure of the latter, 174; - Despatch of, to Secretary of State, 176; - Letter of, to Secretary of State at Washington, 181; - Letter of, to Mr. Sterigere, 189; - Journey of, to Moscow, 192; - Arrives at home, 227; - Elected to the Senate, 228; - Senator’s duties, 230, note; - Remarks of, on relations with France, 236; - Reply of, to Mr. Clay, in relation to France, 238; - Remarks of, on President’s message in regard to France, 238; - Position of, in relation to France, 236; - Vindicates an amendment to fortification bill, 241; - Surplus revenue, remarks on resolution of Mr. Benton concerning, - 243; - Speech of, on power of removal by the President, 282; - Speech of, on expunging resolution, 293; - Views of, on censure of President by Senate, 292; - Course of, as to slavery, 315; - Remarks on slavery, 316; - Remarks on reception of Quaker memorial, 319 et seq.; - Presents a petition from Society of Friends, 337; - Remarks of, on bill to restrain circulation of incendiary - publications, 340 et seq.; - Remarks of, in favor of admission of Michigan, 358; - Remarks of, on bill for services of volunteers for defence of - frontiers, 368; - Speech of, on interference of Federal officers with elections, - 378 et seq.; - Speech of, in support of bill against Pennsylvania Bank, - 423; - Relations of, to political warfare on the currency question, - 449 et seq.; - Letters of, 452-457; - On the administration of President Tyler, 459; - Reply of, to Mr. Clay on veto power, 460, 472 et seq.; - Opposes bankrupt law of 1841, 461 et seq.; - Describes the Exchequer Board, 471; - Opposes ratification of treaty with England, 504; - Reference to conversation of, in 1825, 507; - Letters of, 509, 511; - Third election of, to the Senate, 515; - Proposed nomination of, for Presidency, 516; - Withdraws from canvass, 517; - Letters of, 518, 519, 523, 524 et seq.; - Domestic and social life of, 531; - Letters of, to Miss Lane, 533; - Domestic circle of, 534; - Private fortune of, 535, note; - Letters of, to Miss Lane, 536 et seq.; - Remarks of, on annexation of Texas, 545; - Becomes Secretary of State, 547; - Interviews with Mr. Pakenham at State Departments, 555; - Despatch of, to Mr. McLane, 558; - Letters of, 559, 574; - Despatch of, to Mr. King, on Texas question, 584; - Action of, in regard to Texas, 585, 586; - Despatch to Mr. Slidell on Mexican question, 595; - Further instructs Mr. Slidell, 596; - Position of, as to Presidency, ii., 8; - Reference to, 9; - Letters of, to his niece, 11 et seq.; - Supports compromise measures, 11; - Letter of, to Central Southern Rights Association of Virginia, - 23; - Letter of, to Shelton F. Leake and others, 24; - Letter of, to John Nelson, William F. Giles, etc., 26; - Address of, to citizens of Philadelphia, 28; - Candidate for nomination, 34; - Letters of, 39, 40, 41, 42; - Speech of, at Greensburgh, Penn., in 1852, 43 et seq.; - Offered mission to England by President Pierce, 76; - Conversation of, with Mr. Pierce on English mission, 76 et seq.; - Letters of, to President Pierce, 69, 83 et seq.; - Declines a farewell dinner in Lancaster, 93; - Letters to Miss Lane, 94 et seq.; - Arrives in Liverpool, 99; - Visits Lord Clarendon, 100; - Conversation of, with Sir Edward Cust, on court etiquette, 107 et - seq.; - Letters of, to Miss Lane, 109, 112 et seq.; - Attends the Queen’s first levee of the season, 112; - Dines with the Queen, 113; - Letters of, to Mr. Marcy, 117 et seq., 119, 121; - Letter of, to Mr. Capen, 120; - Letters of, to Gov. Bigler and Mr. Marcy, 122, 123; - Letter of, to his housekeeper, Miss Hetty Parker, 124; - Letter of, to his niece, Mrs. Baker, 124; - Social position of, in England, 142; - Letters of, to Mrs. Baker and Miss Lane, 148 et seq.; - Returns to United States, 169; - Nomination of, for the Presidency, 170; - Letters of, to Messrs. Wm. B. Reed, James C. Dobbin, Nahum Capen, - 178-181; - Letter of, on Pacific Railroad, 183; - Letter of, on Presidential election, 183; - Letter of, on subject of mission, 185; - Inauguration of, as President, 187; - Inaugural address of, 188 et seq.; - Cabinet of, 193; - Upholds the Territorial government in Kansas, 197; - Results of this action, 198; - Position of, as President, in regard to slavery, 202 et seq.; - Administration of, 211; - Foreign relations of United States during this period, 211 et - seq.; - Policy of, in regard to Mexico, 219; - Messages of, to Congress, Dec., 1859, 220, Dec., 1860, 221; - Complimentary gift to, from Prince Albert, 228; - Letters of, to Queen Victoria, 229, 231; - Letters of, to Miss Lane, 240 et seq.; - Protest against action of House of Representatives, 249 et seq.; - Letter of, to Mr. J. G. Bennett, 261; - Letter of, to Arnold Plumer on election, 286; - Letter of, to C. Comstock, 289; - Speech of, from White House, 290; - Soundness of views of, on anti-slavery, 295, 296; - Course of, in 1860, after Mr. Lincoln’s election, 304 et seq.; - Letter of, to editors of Lancaster _Intelligencer_, Oct., 1862, - 307; - Refuses to garrison Southern forts, 307; - Reasons of, for not acting upon General Scott’s views, 309 et - seq.; - Letter of, to Attorney General Black, 319; - History of annual message of Dec., 1860, 330 et seq.; - Message of Dec., 1860, 337 et seq.; - Reception of message in cabinet, Congress and country, 352; - Account by, of General Scott’s second recommendation, 367; - Letter of, to Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, 368; - Interview of, with South Carolina commissioners, 372, 377; - Result of the interview, 374; - Orders of, to Major Anderson, respecting the forts, 375; - Reference to conversation of, with General Jackson, 381; - Draft of proposed answer to commissioners, 384; - Modified by Judge Black, 386; - Letter of, to General Cass, 398; - Memorandum of, on resignation of General Cass, 399; - Action of Congress on annual message, 418 et seq.; - Letter of, to James Gordon Bennett, 431; - Special message of, to Congress, 433 et seq.; - Course of, reviewed, 444 et seq.; - Attacked by Jefferson Davis, 444; - Interview of, with Senator Clay, of Alabama, 452 et seq.; - Letters of, to Mr. Tyler, 466, 467; - His account of an interview with, 468; - Message of, of Jan. 28th, 1861, quoted, 473; - His action in regard to Fort Sumter 474; - Note of, to Mr. Holt, 474; - Conference of, with General Scott and Mr. Holt, 475; - His account of the neglects of Congress, 478; - No suggestion made by, to Mr. Davis, of Confederate - commissioners, 485 et seq.; - Special message of, 494; - Note of, to Mr. Tyler, 495; - Knowledge of, and reverence for, Constitution, 502; - His interview with Mr. Lincoln, 505; - Departure of, for Wheatland, 506; - Letter of, to Mr. Toucey, 514; - Letter of, to Miss Lane, 522; - Letter of, to Judge Black, 523; - Letter of, to John B. Blake, 524; - Noble conduct of, 526; - Letters of, to Messrs. Holt and Bennett, 530; - Letters of, to General Dix, 535; - Letters of, to Mr. J. B. Henry, 541, 548; - Letter of, to Mr. J. C. G. Kennedy, 546; - Letter of, to General Dix, 542, 544; - Letter of, to Mr. Stanton, 545; - Letter of, to Mr. Baker, 545; - Letter of, to Dr. John B. Blake, 562; - Letter of, to Mr. Hallock, 555; - Letter of, to Mr. King, 557; - Letters of, to Mr. Leiper, 559, 561; - Letters of, to Mr. King, 563, 567, 569, 579, 582, 636; - Letters of, to Mr. Bates, 565; - Letter of, to a committee of the citizens of Lancaster County, - etc., 565; - Letters of, to J. B. Henry, 566, 578, 598, 601, 657; - Letters of, to Miss Lane, 569, 571, 572, 576, 597, 605, 609, 612, - 623, 631, 632; - Letter of, to Mr. Cobden, 570; - Letters of, to Mr. Leiper, 572, 578, 588, 593, 604, 613, 615, - 622, 624, 627, 633, 641; - Letter of, to Charles Graffin, 651; - Letter of, to J. W. Wall, 635; - Letter of, to Messrs. Osborne and Baldwin, 652; - Letter of, to Rev. P. Coombe, 636; - Letter of, to Miss Jane Buchanan, 650; - Letters of, to Dr. Blake, 573, 580, 584, 587, 588, 591, 594, 595, - 598, 601, 605, 606, 609, 614, 615, 629, 646, 661; - Letter of, to Judge Woodward, 577; - Letters of, to J. Buchanan Henry, 578, 598, 625; - Letter of, to John A. Parker, 579; - Letter of, to Mrs. Boyd, 583; - Letter of, to Mr. Stanton, 583; - Letter of, to Judge Black, 585; - Letters of, to Isaac Toucey, 586, 599, 620, 641; - Letters of, to Wm. Flinn, 591, 634, 645; - Letter of, to Mr. Hughes, 595; - Letter of, to C. E. Bennett, 596; - Letters of, to Mr. Capen, 596, 599, 604, 607, 608, 609, 616, 617, - 618, 624, 626, 630, 639, 644, 649, 651, 654, 655, 657, 658, - 663; - Letters of, to Mr. Schell, 610, 617; - Letters of, to Mr. Hassard, 627; - Letter of, to Mrs. Viele, 619; - Letters of, to Mr. J. B. Baker, 611, 622, 633, 644, 655, 658; - Letter of, to James Buchanan, 623; - Letter of, to Mr. Johnston, 633, 659; - Letter of, to editor of _Evening Post_, 637; - Letter of, to Horace Greeley, 639; - Letter of, to a friend, 641, 645; - Letter of, to C. J. Faulkner, 643; - Letter of, to Manton Marble, 643; - Letters of, to Mrs. Johnston, 645, 648, 649, 653, 656, 660, 662; - Letter of, to Miss Henrietta Buchanan, 647; - Letter of, to Rev. Ed. Y. Buchanan, 652; - Letter of, to Mrs. Shunk, 654, 656; - Letter of, to Mr. Schell, 659; - Letter of, to Miss Baker, 662; - Death of, 664; - His character as a statesman, a man and a Christian, 664 et seq. - - BUCHANAN, WM. SPEER, Brother of the President, i., 3; - Death of, 158. - - BULOW, BARON, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224; - Dines at Lord Palmerston’s, 225. - - BURKE, EDMUND, Quoted, i., 302; - His use of word “expunge,” 310. - - BURNETT, MR., From Kentucky, ii., 491. - - BURR, AARON, Visits Talleyrand, i., 225. - - BUTLER, W. O., Nomination for Vice Presidency, ii., 8. - - BUTTRE, JOHN C., Engraver, Referred to, ii., 240. - - CABINET, CRISIS, ii., 383, 385; - Reconstruction of, 400; - Scene in, 518, 521; - Letter of Mr. Schell to Judge Black concerning, 518 et seq.; - Judge Black’s reply, 519, 520; - John B. Floyd, 518; - Pretended remarks of Messrs. Black, Holt, Stanton, Dix, etc., in - the cabinet, 519. - - CALDERON, MADAME, Wife of Spanish minister, letter to Mr. Buchanan, - i., 618. - - CALHOUN, JOHN C., Secretary of War under President Monroe, i., - 24; - Vice President, 94; - In the Senate, 232; - Remarks on relations with France, 239; - Illustration referred to, 288; - Position towards slavery in District of Columbia, 315; - Votes against memorials being received, 319; - References to, 322, 333, 341, 343; - Reference to a bill of, 345; - Report on defence of Western frontiers, 372 et seq.; - Secretary of State under President Tyler, 543; - Popularity on entering Senate, 559; - Political death referred to, 570; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 576; - Plan for bringing Texas into the Union, 581; - Reference to, ii., 9; - Death of, 10, note; - Correct conclusion from doctrines of, 315; - Senator from South Carolina, 361. - - CALIFORNIA, Demand to be admitted into the Union, ii., 9. - - CAMBRELENG, CHURCHILL C., Enters House of Representatives with Mr. - Buchanan, i., 25. - - CAMIDGE, REV. MATTHEW, Pastor of English chapel in Moscow, i., - 199; - Dines at Mr. Cavenaugh’s, 204. - - CAMPBELL, G. W., Memorial from bar of Nashville, in relation to - seventh circuit, i., 96. - - CAMPBELL, JUDGE, ii., 514. - - CANCRENE, COUNT, Minister of Finance at St. Petersburgh, opposition - to commercial treaties, i., 152, 162, 166, - 168. - - CANNING, SIR STRATFORD, Ambassador from England, refused by the - Emperor of Russia, i., 216. - - CARLISLE, ii., 607. - - CARLOS, DON, Possible succession to throne of Spain, i., 149. - - CAROLINA, SOUTH, Celebrated ordinance adopted by, in 1832, i., - 183; - Secession, ii., 316, 319; - Commissioners from, arrival in Washington, 367; - Ordinance of secession adopted by convention of, 370; - Attitude of, 369, 372; - Demands of her commissioners, 372, 375; - President Buchanan’s draft of answer to the commissioners of, - 385; - The reply which was sent, 386, 392. - - CASS, LEWIS, i., 559, 570; - Position in regard to Presidency, ii., 8; - Nomination for Presidency, 8; - Candidate for nomination, 34; - Influence of, 74; - Secretary of State, 193; - Letter of, 217, note; - Resignation of, 396; - Letter to President Buchanan, 397. - - CASTLEREAGH, LORD, i., 161. - - CATHARINE, EMPRESS of Russia, Character of, i., 154. - - CATHARINE SECOND, of Russia, i., 204. - - CATON, BETSY, Younger sister of Lady Stafford, ii., 102. - - CATRON, MR. JUSTICE, Conversation with President Jackson, i., 235, - note; - Reference to, 529, note. - - CAVENAUGH, MR., Dinner given by, i., 204. - - CHAMFORT, French writer, quoted, i., 38. - - CHANNING, REV. WM. E., Quoted, on anti-slavery, ii., 296, and note. - - CHANTRY, LADY, ii., 153. - - CHARLESTON, Democratic convention at, ii., 287. - - CHASE, ORMOND, Fate in Mexico, ii., 218. - - CHASE, WM. H., Commander of State troops in Pensacola, Florida, - ii., 461. - - CHATHAM, LORD, Reference to letters of, i., 533. - - CHEVES, LANGDON, i., 26. - - CHICAGO CONVENTION which nominated McClellan, ii., 624. - - CHILTON, MR., Resolutions on curtailing expenses of Government, i., - 70. - - CHINA, Relations of United States with, ii., 226; - Amendment of treaty with, ibid. - - CLARENDON, COUNTESS, Asks for autograph of Gen. Washington, ii., - 113. - - CLARENDON, LORD, Foreign Secretary, ii., 104, 116; - Action on Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 126, 133, 135, 184. - - CLARKE, JAMES, Candidate for election to Senate in 1834, i., - 228. - - CLAY, HENRY, Reference to, i., 26; - Candidate for the Presidency in 1824, 38; - Course in regard to, 39; - Reference to Mr. Buchanan in 1827, 53; - Views on subject of protection, 74; - Candidate of Whigs for the Presidency, 231; - Leader of Whig party in 1832, 231; - Reference to, 232; - Resolution on removal of deposits, 291; - References to, 295, 297, 301, 302; - Course on slavery, 333; - Reference to remarks of, 347; - References to, 496, 502, 503, 506; - Conversation in Jan., 1825, 507; - Secretary of State under J. Q. Adams, 511; - His meaning in “carrying the war into Africa,” 514; - Whig candidate for Presidency, 520; - His position in regard to annexation of Texas, 544. - - CLAY, Senator from Alabama, President Buchanan’s memorandum of - visit from, ii., 452, 454. - - CLAY, J. RANDOLPH, Reference to, i., 558; - Letter to, 560. - - CLAYTON-BULWER Treaty, ii., 82; - Negotiations with Lord Clarendon concerning, 126, 133; - Ambiguity of, 212. - - CLAY, HENRY, Compromise measures of, ii., 10, 47. - - CLAYTON, JOHN M., Senator from Delaware, references to, i., - 232, 263; - Secretary of State, ii., 9. - - CLAYTON, JOSHUA, ii., 195, note. - - CLINTON, DE WITT, ii., 49. - - COBB, HOWELL, Secretary of Treasury, ii., 193. - - COBDEN, HON. RICHARD, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 560. - - COCHRANE, JOHN, From New York, ii., 491. - - COLCOCK, WM. F., United States Collector at Custom House in - Charleston, resigns, ii., 483. - - COLEMAN, MISS ANNE C., Betrothed to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 17 et seq.; - Their engagement broken off, 17; - Sudden and melancholy death of, 17, 22; - Lasting sorrow produced by it, 21, 22. - - COLEMAN, ROBERT, Father of Miss Anne C. Coleman, i., 17, - 21. - - COLOGNE, Mr. Buchanan visits, i., 219. - - COMMERCIAL TREATY between United States and Russia, when and where - signed, i., 169, 170. - - COMPROMISE MEASURES, Supported by Messrs. Webster and Calhoun, ii., - 10; - Become a law, 11. - - COMPROMISE, The Crittenden, ii., 421. - - CONFEDERATE CONGRESS, First Assembly at Montgomery, ii., 476; - Of what States composed, ibid. - - CONFERENCE, OSTEND, ii., 136. - - CONGRESS, The fatal inaction of, ii., 420 et seq. - - CONNECTICUT, Memorial to President Buchanan; his reply, ii., 199 et - seq. - - CONRAD, CHAS. M., Secretary of War, ii., 11. - - CONSCRIPTION ACT, Constitutionally valid, ii., 610. - - CONSTANTINOPLE, i., 195. - - CONSTITUTION, Nature of the United States, as understood by Mr. - Buchanan, i., 283. - - CONVENTION between United States and France, i., 234. - - CONVENTION, The Peace, ii., 439, 445; - Mr. Buchanan’s account of, 439, 444. - - CORRUPT COALITION, Charge of, between Adams and Clay, i., 44. - - CORWIN, THOMAS, Secretary of Treasury, ii., 11. - - COURT COSTUMES, Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to, ii., 110, 116. - - COVE GAP, President Buchanan’s birthplace, i., 2. - - COVODE INVESTIGATION, Account of, ii., 246 et seq.; - Mr. Buchanan’s message on, 254, 260. - - CRAMPTON, MR., British minister, ii., 81; - Recall demanded by the United States, 134. - - CRANWORTH, LORD, Lord Chancellor, ii., 104. - - CRAWFORD, JOHN, Candidate at Presidential election in 1824, i., - 38, 45. - - CRAWFORD, MR., Commissioner from Confederate States, ii., 486; - Representations of Mr. Buchanan by, 487. - - CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE, History and rejection of, ii., 420 et seq. - - CRITTENDEN, JOHN J., Senator from Kentucky, i., 378, 379; - Attorney General, ii., 11. - - CRONSTADT, Mr. Buchanan visits, i., 217. - - CUMBERLAND ROAD, Bill for, discussion of, i., 32, 33; - Historical Sketch of, 82, 83. - - CUSHING, CALEB, ii., 78, 80; - Visit to Charleston, 368; - Letter delivered by, 368. - - CUST, SIR EDWARD, Interview with Mr. Buchanan, ii., 111. - - CUTHBERT, ALFRED, Senator from Georgia, i., 355, 357. - - DALGOROUSKI, PRINCESS, A friend of Mr. Buchanan, i., 155. - - DALLAS, GEO. M., Vice President, i., 528. - - DASCHKAW, COUNT, Grand Master of Ceremonies at St. Petersburg, i., - 206. - - DAVIDSON, DR., Principal of Dickinson College, i., 4. - - DAVIS, JEFFERSON, Secretary of War, Conversation in regard to - appointments, ii., 78, 81; - Theory of, on secession, 328, note; - Senator from Mississippi, 360; - Vote on Crittenden Compromise, 423; - Course on secession, 424 et seq.; - Assumes the Presidency of the Confederate States, 470, 484, note, - 485 et seq., 489. - - DAVIS, JOHN, Senator from Massachusetts, i., 345. - - DAVYDOFF, MR., Accompanies Mr. Buchanan to the American Institute, - i., 201. - - DAYTON, MR., Candidate for Vice Presidency, ii., 177. - - DEDAL, MR., Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224. - - DEMOCRATS, Who were, in 1828, i., 52; - Who were, in 1832, 231, 232. - - DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION, Course in 1860, ii., 287 et seq.; - Becomes divided, 288, note; - Factions of, 289. - - DEMOCRATIC PARTY, Platform of, ii., 8, note. - - DERRICK, A. H., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 591. - - DEVITCHER, Monastery of, i., 198. - - DIARIST, The anonymous, confuted, ii., 393, 395. - - DIARY of a public man, ii., 391, note. - - DICKERSON, MAHLON, Senator from New Jersey, i., 58. - - DICKINSON, DANIEL S., Candidate for nomination, ii., 34. - - DICKINSON COLLEGE, Mr. Buchanan a graduate of, i., 4-6. - - DINO, DUCHESSE DE, Wife of Prince Talleyrand’s nephew, Dines at - Prince Lieven’s, i., 224. - - DIPLOMATIC INTRIGUES, i., 167. - - DIX, JOHN A., Letter of, to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 288, note; - Secretary of Treasury, 401; - Letters of, 401, 495, 514; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 533, 537, 543, 551, 556, 568. - - DIXON, MR., Senator from Kentucky, ii., 194. - - DOUGLAS DEMOCRATS, ii., 603. - - DOUGLAS, MR., Candidate for nomination, ii., 34; - Author of Kansas-Nebraska Act, 195; - Discussion by, 195 et seq.; - Nomination of, 288, 360. - - DROGOMIROV, BARRIER DE, i., 198. - - DUANE, MR., Secretary of Treasury, i., 205, 297. - - DURHAM, LORD, How received at St. Petersburg, i., 150. - - EATON, JOHN H., Reference by General Jackson in 1827, i., 53; - Colleague and friend of General Jackson in Senate, 42; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 130, 131, 132. - - ELDON, LORD, Reference to letters of, i., 533. - - ELECTIONS, Interference of Federal officers with, i., 378; - Result of, in 1856, ii., 177; - Author’s comments upon, 177. - - ELIZABETH, EMPRESS of Russia, Reference to, i., 204. - - ELLMAKER, AMOS, Letter of, i., 19; - Candidate for election to the Senate in 1834, 231. - - ELLSWORTH, MR., Action in regard to impeachment of Judge Peck, i., - 108. - - EMINENT MEN in Congress, notices by Mr. Buchanan, i., 25-30. - - ENGLAND, Threatened war with, i., 553; - Relation of the United States towards, ii., 212; - Her protectorate over the Mosquito coast, 212. - - ESTCOURT, COLONEL BUCKNALL, British Commissioner to United States, - i., 604. - - ESTERHAZY, PRINCE, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224; - Dines at Lord Palmerston’s, 225. - - ETIQUETTE, A question of court, met by Mr. Buchanan, ii., 105 et - seq. - - EVERETT, EDWARD, Supports administration of John Q. Adams, i., - 58; - Peroration of, 63, note; - Action on impeachment of Judge Peck, 108; - Reference to, ii., 81; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 184. - - EWING, THOMAS, Senator from Ohio, i., 232; - Reference to, ii., 9. - - EXECUTIVE OFFICERS, Removal by President, i., 281; - President Jackson attacked for, 281. - - EXPUNGING RESOLUTION of Mr. Benton, i., 291. - - FAIRFIELD, JOHN, Reference to, i., 519. - - FARRAGUT, ADMIRAL, Victories of, ii., 626. - - FEDERAL EXECUTIVE, Power of, i., 405. - - FEDERAL OFFICERS, Interference of, i., 379, 398. - - FEDERALISM in 1820, i., 23. - - FEDERALISTS, Opposition to the War of 1812, i., 8; - A political sermon, 8, note. - - FERDINAND, KING of Spain, Reported death contradicted, i., - 149. - - FIGLEMONT, COUNT, Austrian Ambassador at Russian Court, i., - 143. - - FILLMORE, MILLARD, Accession to Presidency, ii., 10, 35, 45, 81. - - FLORIDA, Secession of, ii., 427. - - FLOYD, JOHN B., Secretary of War, ii., 193; - Resignation of, 406, 409 et seq.; - Supposed distribution of arms by, 411, 416. - - FORCE BILL, Introduction of, into the Senate, i., 183. - - FOREIGN RELATIONS during Mr. Buchanan’s administration, ii., 211, - 227. - - FORSYTH, JOHN, Minister to Mexico in 1856, quoted, ii., 215. - - FORTIFICATION BILL, Amendment of, i., 240; - Opposed by Mr. Webster and Mr. Clay, 240; - Vindication by Mr. Buchanan, 241; - Fails to become a law, 242. - - FOULKE, JOSEPH, Member of Society of Friends, ii., 181. - - FRANCE, Conduct of, i., 234 et seq.; - How viewed by Mr. Buchanan, 236; - Danger of war with, 237; - Recommendation by President of partial non-intercourse with, - 237; - Mr. Buchanan’s opinion of this measure, 238 et seq.; - Mediation of Great Britain, 280. - - FRANKING PRIVILEGE, ii., 610. - - FRANKLIN, WALTER, Judge, impeached, and defended by Mr. Buchanan, - i., 16. - - FRELINGHUYSEN, THEODORE, Senator from New Jersey, i., 232. - - FREMONT, GENERAL, Candidate for Presidency, ii., 177. - - FRIENDS, RELIGIOUS SOCIETY OF, Memorial of reception in Senate, i., - 319; - Mr. Buchanan’s views concerning, 320 et seq. - - “GALAXY”, Knot of young men from South Carolina, i., 26. - - GALITZIN, PRINCE, Dinner given by, i., 211. - - GALLATIN, ALBERT, Eligibility to Senate, i., 304; - Reference to, by Mr. Letcher in 1825, 508. - - GALLIARD, JOHN, Senator from Louisiana, i., 25. - - GEARY, Governor of Kansas, Resignation of, ii., 198. - - GEORGE IV., King of England, i., 217, note; - Friendship for Prince Esterhazy, i., 225. - - GEORGIA, Secession of, ii., 427. - - GERMAINS, LORD ST., Guest at White House, ii. 238. - - GEVERS, MR., Accompanies Mr. Buchanan as far as Cronstadt, i., - 217. - - GLADSTONE, HON. WM., Chancellor of Exchequer, ii., 104. - - GORHAM, BENJAMIN, Enters House of Representatives with Mr. - Buchanan, i., 25; - Opposes the new tariff, 36. - - GOVERNMENT, CONFEDERATE, Commissioners sent from, 485, 490. - - GOVERNMENT, Federal and State, i., 401; - Attitude left in by Mr. Buchanan, ii., 501, 506. - - GRAHAM, SIR JAMES, First Lord of the Admiralty, ii., 105. - - GRAHAM, WM. A., Secretary of Navy, ii., 11. - - GRANT, GENERAL, Rising reputation of, ii., 626. - - GRANVILLE, EARL, President of Council, ii., 104. - - GREELEY, HORACE, Action on secession, ii., 427 et seq.; - Opposition to coercion, 428. - - GREEN, DUFF, References to, i., 55; - Visits President elect, Mr. Lincoln, ii., 426; - Letter of, 426. - - GRETSCH, MR., Editor of the _Bee_, at St. Petersburg, i., 198; - Visits the cathedral with Mr. Buchanan, 199. - - GRIER, MR. JUSTICE, Successor of Mr. Justice Baldwin, i., 563, - note. - - GRIMES, MR., of Iowa, ii., 514. - - GROW, MR., of Pennsylvania, ii., 491. - - GRUNDY, FELIX, Senator from Tennessee, Reference to, as, i., - 96; - Reference to remarks of, 346. - - GUADALUPE-HIDALGO, Treaty of, signed i., 601. - - GUIZOT, M., Present at death-bed of Princess Lieven, i., 218, note; - Reference to, 568. - - HALE, JOHN P., Senator from New Hampshire, ii., 361. - - HALL, NATHAN K., Postmaster General, ii., 11. - - HAMILTON, ALEXANDER, Reference to, i., 225. - - HARRIS, MR., American chargé d’affaires in Paris, i., 219. - - HASTINGS, WARREN, Impeachment of, i., 302. - - HAYNE, J. W., Visits the President, ii., 452, 487. - - HAYNE, ROBERT G., Senator from South Carolina, i., 58; - Debate with Mr. Webster on nullification, i., 183; - Reference to, ii., 161. - - HENRY, J. BUCHANAN, Domestic circle of Mr. Buchanan described by, - i., 534; - Reference to, ii., 161; - Account of inauguration by, 187; - Account of incidents of administration, 235; - On Mr. Buchanan’s character, 671 et seq. - - HENSEL, W. U., Account of ex-President Buchanan’s journey from - Washington to Wheatland, ii., 507 et seq. - - HERALD, The New York, President Buchanan’s appeal to editor of, - ii., 431. - - HERBERT, SIDNEY, Secretary of War, ii., 104. - - HEYTESBURY, LORD, English ambassador at Russian court, i., - 143. - - HICKMAN, MR., of Pennsylvania, ii., 491. - - HOLLAND, LADY, Reference to, i., 218; - ii., 161. - - HOLLAND, SIR HENRY, Reference to, ii., 151; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 231; - Guest at White House, 238; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 592. - - HOLT, J., Secretary of War, Note to President concerning Fort - Pickens, ii., 462; - Letter to officers at Fort Pickens, 464 and note; - Answer to demand by Governor Pickens for surrender of Fort - Sumter, 457 et seq.; - Note to President on defence of Washington City, 492; - Memorandum of President on, 493; - Letter to President Lincoln, 498; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 531, 536, 550. - - HOPKINS, MR., of Lancaster, Mr. Buchanan studies law with, i., - 7. - - HOUSTON, GEN. SAMUEL, Conversations in 1824-5 on election of Gen. - Jackson, i., 514, note. - - HUGHES, BISHOP, Offered a mission to Mexico, ii., 627, 628. - - HUNTER, SENATOR, ii., 485. - - IMPEACHMENT of Judge Franklin, i., 16; - Ably defended by Mr. Buchanan, 17; - Of Judge James H. Peck, managers appointed to conduct the, on - part of House of Representatives, 108; - Article of, prepared by Mr. Buchanan, 108. - - INCENDIARY PUBLICATIONS, Bill to restrain use of mails for - circulation of, i., 338; - Mr. Webster’s remarks on, 339. - - INGERSOLL, MR., American Minister at London, ii., 100. - - INSTRUCTION, Doctrine of, i., 229, 230; - Mr. Webster’s views on, quoted, 230, note. - - INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, Meaning of, i., 35; - Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to, 79, 80 et seq. - - ISCHERMOFF, Reference to, i., 195. - - IVAN VELIKOI, Belfry of St. John’s Church, Moscow, i., 197. - - JACKSON, ANDREW, The President, Candidate for Presidency in 1824, - i., 38; - Receives unanimous vote of what States, 39; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 45, 47, 48, 49; - Wrong impressions concerning Mr. Buchanan’s conversation, 1824-5, - 50; - Integrity of, 51; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 52; - Increased popularity in 1826, 70; - Election of, to Presidency, 94; - Supposed illiteracy of, 129, note; - Letter to Mr. Eaton, 132; - Course in regard to Russian complaint of American press, - 176; - Proclamation against nullifiers, 183; - Views on nullification, 185; - Regard for Emperor of Russia, 213; - References to, 224, 228; - Second election of, 231; - Opposition in Senate to administration of, 231 and note; - Message in regard to France in 1834, 235, note; - Reception in Paris as a threat, 237; - Partial non-intercourse with France recommended by, 237; - Reference to action of, by Mr. Buchanan, 255; - Reference to, by Mr. Buchanan, 257, 258; - Reference to message of, 272; - Secretary of Treasury removed by, 281; - Attacked by opposition for removal, 281; - Speech of Mr. Buchanan on bill regulating removals, 281 et - seq.; - Second administration of, 315; - Special recommendation in Dec. 1835, 338; - Devotion of followers of, 407; - Reference to, ii., 47, 49; - Message of, 274, note; - Action of, against nullifiers, 302, 361; - Excitement on election of Mr. Adams in 1825, 506, 508, 514. - - JAMES, MR., Senator from Rhode Island, ii., 195, note. - - JAY, JOHN, Reference to, i., 506. - - JEFFERSON, THOMAS, Reference by Mr. Buchanan to administration of, - i., 263; - Reference to message of, to Congress, 265; - Reference to, by Mr. Letcher, 507; - References to, ii., 47, 212, 361. - - JOHN, THE THIRD, of Russia, Reference to marriage of, i., 198. - - JOHNSON, ANDREW, The President, ii., 362. - - JOHNSON, Governor of Pennsylvania, ii., 28 et seq. - - JOHNSON, REVERDY, Attorney General ii., 9., - - JUDGE, THOMAS J., Commissioner from Alabama, ii., 487. - - JUDICIARY ACT, Proposed repeal resisted by Mr. Buchanan, i., - 111; - Report on, 111; - Twenty-fifth section of, 114. - - JUDICIARY COMMITTEE, Views on extension of Circuit Courts, i., - 95. - - JUDICIAL SYSTEM, i., 95; - Mr. Buchanan’s views on, 95 et seq. - - KANSAS, Conflict of parties in, ii., 197; - Convention of anti-slavery party at Topeka in, 197; - Mr. Buchanan’s letter on, 199, 208. - - KANSAS-NEBRASKA Act, ii., 204. - - KARAMSEN, MR., Russian historian, i., 203. - - KENT, GOVERNOR, Reference to death of, i., 512. - - KENTUCKY, Resolution of legislature on election of 1824, i., - 39. - - KERN, COL. JACOB, Speaker of Senate of Pennsylvania, i., 228. - - KING, JOHN P., Senator, i., 324. - - KING, REV. DR. JOHN, Pastor in Mercersburg, i., 4, 5. - - KING, RUFUS, Senator, i., 25; - Remarks of, 304. - - KING, WM. R., Senator, elected to Vice Presidency, ii., 35, 40, 43, - 69. - - KREMER, GEORGE, Reference to, by General Jackson, i., 55. - - KRUDENER, BARON, Reference to, i., 152; - Russian minister at Washington, i., 162; - Action as minister, 175. - - LAFAYETTE, GENERAL, Visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 220; - Policy of, 221; - Loss of popularity in France, 221; - Loses confidence in Louis Philippe, 221; - Assists in regard to French treaty, 223; - References to, by Mr. Buchanan, 244. - - LANCASTER, City of, Alarm at, in 1863, ii., 609. - - LANE, ELLIOTT ESKRIDGE, Reference to, i., 531. - - LANE, JAMES B., Reference to, i., 531. - - LANE, MARY ELIZABETH SPEER, Sister of Miss Harriet, Reference to, - i., 531. - - LANE, MISS HARRIET, Niece of Mr. Buchanan, i., 22; - Is brought to Lancaster, 531; - Education conducted by Mr. Buchanan, 531; - Where finished, 532; - Becomes a member of Mr. Buchanan’s household, 534; - School-girl life, 535; - Social position in England, ii., 142; - Letters to Mrs. Baker, 142, 146, note, 147, note; - Accompanies Mr. Buchanan from Washington to Wheatland in 1861, - 506; - marriage of, 631, 632. - - LANE, MRS. ELLIOTT T., i., 531. - - LANSDOWN, MARQUIS OF, Reference to, ii., 104. - - LAVAL, COUNT, Chief censor of Russian Press, i., 150. - - LAWRENCE, HON. ABBOTT, ii., 151. - - LAW, SALIQUE, Abolition of, by Ferdinand of Spain, i., 149. - - LAZAREFF, MESSIEURS, Armenian noblemen, founders of Armenian - Institute, i., 201. - - LECOMPTON, Convention of slavery party at, ii., 198, 201, 202; - The constitution of, 206. - - LE FEVRE, DR., Physician of British embassy at Russian court, - Reference to, i., 148. - - LEIGH, BENJAMIN W., Senator from Virginia, Reference to, i., - 323; - Action on slavery, 335. - - LEIPER, MR., Letters to, ii., 604, 613, 622, 624. - - LETCHER, R. P., Conversation in Jan., 1825, ii., 507, 509; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 510, 512; - Reference to, 514. - - LIEVEN, PRINCESS, Reference to, i., 217; - Dinner at, 224, 225. - - LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, The President, Reference to, ii., 301, note; - Troops present at inauguration of, 301, note; - Election to Presidency, 315; - Policy shaped by Mr. Seward, 351, note; - President elect, journey to Washington, 477, 478; - Tenor of his public speeches on the way, 477, 478; - Action of, towards Montgomery commissioners, 484; - Inauguration of, 497; - Mr. Buchanan’s account of events on March 4th, 1861, 497; - Address “to whom it may concern,” 624. - - LIVINGSTON, EDWARD, Senator from Louisiana, Action on proposed - abolition of offices, i., 71; - Becomes Secretary of State, 132, note; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 132, 135. - - LOMONOSOFF, MR., Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224. - - LORD, REV. DR., On abolitionism, ii., 607. - - LOUIS PHILIPPE, KING, Course toward Russia, i., 149; - References to, 221, 223, 233; - Character of, 571. - - LOUISIANA, Secession of, ii., 427. - - LOWNDES, WILLIAM, Representative from South Carolina, Reference to, - i., 25; - Character described by Mr. Buchanan, 26, 27 et seq., - 29, #note:f9. - - LOWTHER, LORD, Reference to, i., 218. - - LYTTLETON, LADY, Reference to, i., 604. - - MACALESTER, LILY L., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 244; - Mr. Buchanan’s answer, 245. - - MACGREGOR, HON. JAMES, Letter on election, to Mr. Buchanan, ii., - 178. - - MACON, NATHANIEL, Senator from Georgia, Reference to, i., 25, - 58. - - MADISON, JAMES, The President, Reference to, on President’s power - to remove officers, i., 285; - Reference to, on sedition law, 390; - Reference to, as a member of Mr. Jefferson’s cabinet, 508; - References to, ii., 47, 161; - Opposed to use of force against a State, 327. - - MAILS. See Incendiary Publications. - - MALAHIDE, LADY TALBOT DE, Reference to, ii., 153. - - MANGUM, WILLIE P., Senator from North Carolina, Reference to, i., - 331. - - MARCY, WM. L., Candidate for nomination, ii., 34; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 35 et seq., 75, 80, 81, 90; - Secretary of State, 106; - Despatch to Mr. Buchanan, 111, 116; - Course of, 135. - - MARITIME TREATY, Report of Mr. Buchanan on, to Secretary of State, - i., 172. - - MARKLEY, PHILIP S., Advocate of Mr. Clay for Presidency in 1824, - i., 42; - Conversation with Mr. Buchanan in 1824, 51, 54. - - MARLY, PALACE OF, Reference to, i., 207. - - MARTIN, DR., Reference to, i., 518. - - MATUSCERVIE, COUNT, Resident at English palace at Peterhoff, - Reference to, i., 206. - - MAURY, MRS. SARAH M., Letters to Mr. Buchanan, i., 610, - 612, 613, 614, 615. - - MAXIMILIAN, EMPIRE OF, Reference to, ii., 222. - - MCCLELLAN, GEORGE B., Nomination for Presidency, ii., 624, 625; - His letter of acceptance commended, 626. - - MCCOOK, GEORGE W., Ohio, Reference to, ii., 520. - - MCDUFFIE, GEORGE, Opposes Mr. Chilton’s resolution of abolition of - offices, i., 71; - Manager on impeachment of Judge Peck, 108. - - MCINTIRE, PETER, Nominated by President as United States Collector - at Custom House in Charleston, ii., 483; - Senate refuses to act upon nomination, 483. - - MCLANE, LOUIS, Reference to, i., 26; - Opposed to administration of John Q. Adams, 58; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 191; - Becomes Secretary of State, 191, note; - Despatch to, by Mr. Buchanan, 212; - Reference to interview of M. Serrurier with, 254; - Reference to letter to M. Serrurier, the French minister, - 255; - Minister of United States at London, 553; - Letter from Mr. Buchanan, 558; - Reference to ability of, by Lord Lansdown, 569; - Recalled from London, 574. - - MCLANE, ROBERT M., Minister to Mexico, Reference to, ii., 218; - Treaty made by, 222. - - MERCERSBURG, Early residence at, by Mr. Buchanan’s father, i., - 2. - - MEREDITH, WM. M., Correspondence with Mr. Buchanan in regard to - Wheatland, ii., 2, 3 et seq.; - Secretary of Treasury, 9. - - MESSAGE, President’s annual, of Dec., 1858, Reference to, ii., 108; - Special, of Jan. 8th, 1861, Reference to, 433, 438. - - METTERNICH, PRINCE, Feeling towards American people, i., 225. - - MEXICO, Origin of war with, i., 579; - War declared, 599; - Consequences of war with, ii., 5; - Relations of United States with, 215; - Description of, by Mr. Buchanan, 215 et seq. - - MICHAEL, ST., THE ARCHANGEL, Cathedral, visited by Mr. Buchanan, - i., 199. - - MICHEL, GRAND DUKE, Reference to, i., 207. - - MICHIGAN, Admission into the Union, i., 358; - Speech by Mr. Buchanan in favor of admission, 358 et seq. - - MILITIA, In the service of the United States, i., 16. - - MINISTER, ENGLISH, Recall of the, ii., 135. - - MISSION TO ST. PETERSBURG, Correspondence with Mr. Buchanan as to, - i., 130, 131, 132. - - MISSISSIPPI, Secession of, ii., 427. - - MISSOURI COMPROMISE, The repeal of, ii., 194; - The effect, 185, 197. - - MISSOURI COMPROMISE LINE, Mr. Buchanan’s course on, i., 544. - - MOLESWORTH, SIR WM., First commissioner of public works, Reference - to, ii., 105. - - MONROE DOCTRINE, Characterized by Lord Clarendon, ii., 132. - - MONROE, JAMES, Administration of, i., 23-37; - First and second elections of, 23; - Cabinet of, 24; - Veto message on Cumberland Road bill, 35; - Speech of Mr. Buchanan on, 82 et seq.; - Message of, on Cumberland Road, 87. - - MONTGOMERY COMMISSIONERS, Appointment of, to Washington, ii., 477. - - MORAN, B., Secretary of American Legation, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, - ii., 234. - - MORE, HANNAH, Comment of, upon Pope, i., 574. - - MORTIER, MARSHAL, Duke of Treviso, French ambassador at Russian - court, i., 143; - Dinner given to, 149; - Called upon by Mr. Buchanan, 220. - - MOSCOW, Visit to, by Mr. Buchanan, i., 194; - Appearance described, 194 et seq. - - MUHLENBERG, PETER, Reference to, by Mr. Letcher, i., 513. - - MYER, DOCTOR, An agent from St. Petersburg, i., 197. - - NAPOLEON III., EMPEROR, Attempted assassination of, ii., 146; - Power of, 152; - Designs in regard to Mexico, 220; - Interference of, 222. - - NAVIGATION, Interests of, i., 78. - - NEGRO SUFFRAGE, Reference to, ii., 658, 659. - - NELSON, JOHN, of Maryland, Mr. Buchanan enters House of - Representatives with, i., 25. - - NEOPHYTE, Russian archimandrite, i., 204. - - NESSELRODE, COUNT, Return of, to the capital, i., 149; - Reference to, by Mr. Buchanan, 152; - Head of Russian chancery, 161; - Descent of, 161; - Feelings of, towards Mr. Buchanan, 162; - Undisposed towards commercial treaty, 162; - Interview with, described by Mr. Buchanan, 167; - Action on commercial treaty, 165 et seq.; - Freedom of American press not understood by, 180; - Interview with Mr. Buchanan, 207, 210; - Mr. Buchanan takes leave of, 215. - - NEUTRALS, Conduct of England towards, ii., 134. - - NEVIN, REV. DR., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 644; - His funeral sermon, preached at the obsequies of Mr. Buchanan, - 681. - - NEWCASTLE, DUKE OF, Secretary for the Colonies, ii., 104; - Guest at White House, 238. - - NICHOLAS, EMPEROR, of Russia, Reference to, i., 142; - Referred to, by Mr. Buchanan, 223. - - NICHOLAS, MR., Senator from Louisiana, i., 310. - - NIESCHOUCHIN, Garden of, i., 198. - - NILES, MR., American chargé d’affaires at Paris, i., 249. - - NOVASELSOFF, MADAME, Mr. Buchanan dines with, i., 195. - - NOVOGOROD, Mr. Buchanan visits, i., 193. - - NULLIFICATION, Debate on, in the Senate, i., 183; - Ordinance of, 185 and note. - - O’CONOR, CHARLES, Political opinions of, ii., 619. - - OFFICIAL ORGAN, Charges against, by Baron Krudener, Russian chargé - at Washington, i., 175; - Mr. Buchanan’s interview with Count Nesselrode on this subject, - 180 et seq. - - OMPTEDA, PRINCE, Dines with Lord Palmerston, i., 225. - - OREGON, Dispute between England and United States on title to - territory of, i., 551 et seq.; - Mr. Buchanan’s course as Secretary of State in regard to, - 552; - Cabinet consultation in regard to, 555; - Mr. Buchanan’s interview with Mr. Pakenham, British minister at - Washington, 555 et seq.; - Settlement of Oregon question, 560, 577. See note. - - ORLOFF, Aide de Camp of Emperor, Reference to, i., 195. - - ORR, JAMES L., Commissioner from South Carolina, Reference to, ii., - 377. - - OSTEND CIRCULAR, The, Reference to, ii., 136 et seq. - - OTHO, PRINCE, of Bavaria, Reference to, i., 248. - - OUROUSSOFF, PRINCE, Visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 196, - 202. - - OUSELEY, SIR WILLIAM AND LADY, Reference to, ii., 153, 160. - - OXFORD, Commemoration day at, ii., 147, note. - - PAGEOT, M., Reference to letter of Duke de Broglie to, i., - 259; - French chargé d’affaires at Washington, Action of, on French - treaty, 275. - - PAKENHAM, MR., British minister at Washington, Course on Oregon - question, i., 552, 553, 554 et seq. - - PALMERSTON, LORD, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224; - Referred to by Mr. King, 569; - Home Department, ii., 104, 109; - Premier, 118, 123, 184. - - PANAMA, President’s message on mission to, i., 64. - - PARAGUAY, Expedition to, ii., 224; - Account of, by Mr. Buchanan, 224 et seq. - - PAREDES, Declared President of Mexico, i., 593; - Refuses to receive Mr. Slidell, 599. - - PARIS, Mr. Buchanan arrives at, i., 219. - - PARKER, MISS HETTY, Mr. Buchanan’s housekeeper, i., 534. - - PARLIAMENT, Opening of, Mr. Buchanan’s absence from, ii., 110. - - PARTIES, State of, i., 57, 231. - - PASCHKOFF, MADAME, Party given by, i., 199. - - PAXTON, REV. WM. M., D.D., Conversation of, with Mr. Buchanan, on - religion, ii., 670 et seq. - - PEACE CONVENTION, Account of, by Mr. Buchanan, ii., 439 et seq. - - PECK, JAMES H., Impeachment of, course of Mr. Buchanan on, i., - 107, 109. - - PEDRO, DON, Reference to, i., 149. - - PEEL, SIR ROBERT, Timidity of, i., 218; - Course on Oregon, 566, 574. - - PENSACOLA, Harbor of, Reference to, ii., 461. - - PENNSYLVANIA, Invasion of, by the Confederates, ii., 609. - - PETERHOFF, Fete of, attended by Mr. Buchanan, i., 206. - - PETITION, The right of, Reference to, i., 323, 338. - - PICKENS, FORT, Charge of General Scott in regard to, ii., 461 et - seq., 465; - Qualified armistice respecting, 465. - - PICKENS, F. W., Governor of South Carolina, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, - i., 608; - Letter to the President, quoted, ii., 383; - Letter to President demanding surrender of Fort Sumter, 456; - His urgency to have Fort Sumter taken, 476. - - PIERCE, GEN. FRANKLIN, Nomination for Presidency, ii., 34; - Election of, 35, 40, 43; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 68, 74, 80; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan on English Mission, 86 et seq.; - The President, reception of, in Philadelphia, 91. - - PINCKNEY, WILLIAM, Action in Federal convention on word “expunge,” - i., 310. - - PLEASONTON, STEPHEN, Reference to, i., 538, note. - - POINSETT, JOEL R., Mr. Buchanan enters House of Representatives - with, i., 25. - - POLAND, Conduct of Russia in, i., 175, 179; - Debate in House of Commons on affairs of, 213. - - POLEVOY, MR., Editor of Moscow _Telegraph_, Reference to, i., - 202. - - POLIGNAC, PRINCE, Reference to, i., 218. - - POLK, JAMES K., The President, Opposes administration of John Q. - Adams, i., 58; - His chances of election in 1844, 511; - Election to Presidency, 520, 543; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 522; - Administration of, 579; - Attitude towards Texas, 582, note; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 589; - Administration of, ii., 81. - - POLYCARPE, an archimandrite, i., 204. - - PORTER, ALEXANDER, Senator, References to, i., 328, 333, - 335. - - PORTRAITS of Mr. Buchanan, ii., 672, note. - - POUSSIN, MAJOR GENERAL, Reference to, i., 220. - - PRESIDENT, Election in 1824, i., 38; - Election of, devolves upon House of Representatives, 39; - Ineligibility of, 92. - - PRESS, AMERICAN, Complaints about, i., 175; - Mr. Buchanan’s course in regard to, 175; - Baron Sacken’s imprudent note, 177; - Liberty of, 345. - - PRESTON, WM. C., Senator from South Carolina, Remarks on abolition - of slavery referred to, i., 321, 335; - Course on Texas, 370, 376. - - PRUSSIA, KING OF, Reference to, i., 219. - - PUBLIC DEPOSITS, Removal from Bank of United States, i., 291. - - QUAKER MEMORIAL, Reception in Senate, i., 319; - Mr. Buchanan’s remarks concerning, 319 et seq. - - “RADICALS” in 1820-21, Reference to, i., 24. - - RANDOLPH, JOHN, of Roanoke, Reference to, i., 26; - Character of, 29; - Opposes administration of John Q. Adams, 58; - Minister to Russia, 129; - Reference to, 189; - Death of, 205. - - RANLETT, CAPTAIN, Reference to, i., 207. - - RASOUMOFFSKY, COUNT, Russian nobleman, References to, i., 200. - - READ, JOHN M., Reference to, by Mr. Buchanan, i., 527. - - “REBEL RAID” into Pennsylvania, ii., 622. - - REPUBLICANS, NATIONAL, Who were called, in 1825, i., 57. - - REPUBLICAN PARTY comes into the field, ii., 174. - - RESIGNATION OF GEN. CASS, ii., 396, 401; - Of J. Thomson, 401, 405; - Of Philip F. Thomas, 404 et seq.; - John B. Floyd, 406, 410, 415. - - RESOLUTION offered in the Senate censuring Mr. Buchanan, ii., 600, - 601. - - RETRENCHMENT, Political cry of, i., 70; - Discussion of, 70; - Mr. Buchanan’s course on, 72. - - RIGNY, COUNT DE, Reference to note to, by Mr. Livingston, i., - 245; - Reference to, 257; - Mr. Livingston’s conference with, 269. - - RIVES, W. C., Senator from Virginia, Reference to, i., 379. - - ROGERS, HON. MOLTON C., Reference to, i., 41, note. - - ROMAN CATHOLIC PRIESTS sent to the army by President Polk, ii., - 627, 628. - - ROMANOFF, House of, i., 204. - - ROOSEVELT, MR. JAMES J., i., 518, note. - - ROOSEVELT, MRS. JAMES J., i., 518. - - ROWAN, JOHN, Senator from Kentucky, Reference to, i., 58. - - RURICK, Family of, Reference to, i., 203. - - RUSH, RICHARD, Reference to, i., 45; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 572, 573, 604, 605, - 607. - - RUSSELL, LORD JOHN, Reference to, i., 569; - Ministerial leader of House of Commons, ii., 104. - - RUSSIA, THE EMPRESS OF, Reference to, i., 143; - Despotism in, 187. - - SACKEN, BARON, Russian chargé at Washington, i., 175; - Reference to letter to Secretary of State, 175; - Course on subject of American press, 176. - - SERGEANT, JOHN, Representative from Pennsylvania, Reference to, i., - 26; - Character of, 29; - Candidate of Whigs for Vice Presidency, 231. - - SAULSBURY, SENATOR, Letter from, ii., 601. - - SAUVEUR, ST., Cathedral visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 198. - - SCHUYLER, GENERAL, Reference to, i., 225. - - SCOTT, DRED, Case of, ii., 205. - - SCOTT, GEN. WINFIELD, Placed in command of United States army, i., - 601; - His plan of campaign, 603; - Claim of, to the command, 605; - Nomination for Presidency, ii., 35; - Electoral votes obtained by, 35, 45, 47; - Civil qualifications for Presidency, 49; - Views of, 297, 314; - Mr. Buchanan’s reasons for not acting upon them, 309, 314; - Arrival in Washington, 365; - Interview with President Buchanan, 365; - Advises the President, 365, 368; - Blunder of, 416 et seq.; - Note to President, 445; - Action of, 445 et seq.; - Memorandum for Secretary of War, 448; - Charge against Mr. Buchanan, 462. - - SEARCH, RIGHT OF, How dealt with by President Buchanan, ii., 213 et - seq. - - SEATON, MISS JOSEPHINE, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 589. - - SEFTON, THE EARL AND COUNTESS OF, Reference to, i., 224. - - SENATE, The great leaders in the, i., 233. - - SERRURIER, MR., References to, by Mr. Buchanan, i., 257, - 260. - - SÉVIGNÉ, MADAME DE, Reference to letters of, i., 534. - - SEWARD, WM. H., Letter to C. F. Adams, ii., 351, note; - Action as Secretary of State towards Montgomery commissioners, - 484; - Charge against Mr. Buchanan concerning Federal marine, 513. - - SEYMOUR, HORATIO, as Governor, ii., 610. - - SHERMAN, GENERAL, Victories of, ii., 626. - - SIERGE, ST., Shrine of, i., 202. - - SILSBEE, NATHANIEL, Senator from Massachusetts, Reference to, i., - 58. - - SLAVERY, First introduction of subject in the Senate, i., 315; - Petitions for abolition of, 315; - Subject again discussed, 338; - Summary of the questions on, ii., 262, 285; - Under the Constitution, 263 et seq.; - Anti-, organization of Societies of, 273; - Attacks upon, 275 et seq.; - Emancipation in Virginia, 277 et seq. - - SLIDELL, JOHN, Mission to Mexico, i., 591, note; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 593, 601; - Letter to President Polk in regard to Mexico, 603; - Sketch by Mr. Barlow, ii., 173, note; - Note to Mr. Buchanan, 445, note; - Mr. Buchanan’s reply, 445, note. - - SLOAN, MR., Member of House from Ohio, i., 507. - - SMITH, GEO. PLUMER, Statement by, of origin of cabinet scene, ii., - 520 et seq. - - SMITH, MRS. CALEB B., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, ii., 602. - - SMITH, SAMUEL, Senator from Maryland, Reference to, i., 58. - - SMITH, WILLIAM, from South Carolina, Reference to, i., 25; - Senator, 58. - - SMOLENSKO, TOWN OF, Reference to, i., 198. - - SMYTH, MR., Senator from Virginia, Proposed amendment of - Constitution by, i., 92. - - SOCIETY OF FRIENDS, Petition to abolish slavery in District of - Columbia, i., 332. - - SOMERSET, DUCHESS OF, References to, ii., 114, 159. - - SOPHIA, ST., Church of, visited by Mr. Buchanan, i., 193; - Princess, married whom, 198; - Daughter of, 198. - - SOUTHARD, SAMUEL L., Secretary of Navy, Reference to, i., 24, note; - Senator from New Jersey, 232; - References to, by Mr. Buchanan, 244, 358, 361. - - SPAIN, Relations of the United States with, ii., 222; - Described by Mr. Buchanan, 222 et seq. - - SPARKS, JARED, Letter to Mr. Buchanan, i., 505. - - SPECIE PAYMENTS, Suspension of, during war of 1812, i., 14. - - SPEER, ELIZABETH, Mother of President Buchanan, Her marriage, i., - 3, 4. - - SPEER, JAMES, Grandfather of President Buchanan, and his wife, Mary - Patterson, i., 3. - - SPENCER, AMBROSE, Manager, on part of House, on impeachment of - Judge Peck, i., 108. - - SPRAGUE, PELEG, Speech on tariff, i., 74; - Motion of, 75. - - STACKELBERG, BARON, Visits Imperial House of Education with Mr. - Buchanan, i., 195. - - STAFFORD, LADY, Reference to, ii., 163. - - STANTON, EDWIN M., Reference to, ii., 514; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 528, 531, 533, 534, 535, 538, 539, 540, - 541, 547, 549, 552, 553, 554, 558, 559, 640. - - STAR OF THE WEST, Fired upon, ii., 447 et seq.; - Arrival off harbor of Charleston, 448. - - STATE RIGHTS, Virginia principles of, i., 24. - - STATUS QUO, Supposed pledge of, ii., 375, 382. - - STEIGLITZ, BARON, Conversation with Count Cancrene, i., 171. - - STEPHENS, ALEXANDER H., Vice President of the Southern Confederacy, - ii., 476. - - STERIGERE, JOHN B., Letter of Mr. Buchanan to, i., 524. - - STEUBEN, BARON, Reference to map obtained from library of, i., - 506. - - STEVENSON, ANDREW, Enters House of Representatives with Mr. - Buchanan, i., 25. - - STORRS, HENRY R., Manager, on part of House, on impeachment of - Judge Peck, i., 108; - Action of, 108. - - STUART, ALEXANDER H. H., Secretary of Interior, ii., 11. - - STURGIS, MRS. RUSSELL, ii., 152. - - SULLIVAN, JOHN, Reference to, i., 542, note; - Death of, ii., 609. - - SUMNER, SENATOR, Assault upon, ii., 175. - - SUMTER, FORT, Reference to, ii., 302, note, 445; - Governor Pickens’ demand for the surrender of, 456; - The President’s reply, 457, 460. - - SUTHERLAND, JOEL B., Candidate for election to Senate in 1834, i., - 228. - - TALLEYRAND, PRINCE, Reference to, i., 161; - Dines at Prince Lieven’s, 224. - - TANEY, ROGER B., Letter to Mr. Buchanan, i., 133; - References to, 175, 297. - - TAPPAN, BENJAMIN, U. S. Senator, Reference to, i., 519. - - TARIFF of 1823-4, Discussions on, i., 36, 74. - - TAYLOR, GEN. ZACHARY, Military movement of, in Texas, i., 596; - The President, Character of, ii., 6; - Nomination of, for Presidency, 7; - Election of, 8; - Administration of, 9 et seq.; - Death of, 10, 49. - - TCHENCHINE, MR., Principal Director of Alexander Institution, - Reference to, i., 201. - - TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH to Montgomery from Charleston via Augusta, - ii., 476. - - TENNYSON, The poet, Reference to, ii., 147, note. - - TEXAS, Independence of, i., 368; - Affairs of, 370; - Petition of Philadelphia citizens on, 370; - Annexation to the Union, 543, 562; - Negotiation with, 580; - Proposed admission into the Union, 580; - Secession of, ii., 427. - - THAL, MR., Accompanies Mr. Buchanan to the Barrier of Drogomirov, - i., 198. - - THOMPSON, JACOB, Secretary of Interior, ii., 194; - Resignation of, 401 et seq.; - Secretary of the Treasury, resignation of, 404. - - THOMPSON, MR. JUSTICE, Appointment to Supreme Court, i., 24, note. - - TICKNOR, GEORGE, Letter from Paris, quoted, i., 237. - - TIVER, a Russian town, Reference to, i., 193. - - TOD, MR. JOHN, Mr. Buchanan enters House of Representatives with, - i., 25. - - TOUCEY, ISAAC, Secretary of Navy, References to, ii., 193, 513; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 515, 620, 642. - - TRACY, ALBERT H., of Buffalo, Reference to, i., 26. - - TREATY between United States and England, Negotiation of, i., - 504. - - TREATY, COMMERCIAL, with Russia, i., 161. - - TRIBUNE, The New York, Strange course of, ii., 427, 430. - - TROOPS at the Capital, ii., 491, 492, 495, 506. - - TROSTZA, Monastery of, i., 202, 203. - - TRUCE, Temporary, of Major Anderson, ii., 449, 454. - - TSCHERBATOFF, PRINCESS, Reference to, i., 153. - - TSIDORE, Monk, Reference to, i., 204. - - TYLER, JOHN, President, References to, i., 495, 528, note; - Marriage of, 529, note; - Cabinet of, 543; - Attitude towards Texas, 581; - Letters of, to President Buchanan, ii., 466, 467, 469; - Commissioner, 472; - Interview with the President, 472; - Note of, 489. - - UNITED STATES. See Constitution. - - VAIL, AARON, American chargé in London, Reference to, i., 146; - Dines at Prince Lieven’s, 224. - - VAN BUREN, JOHN, Reference to, ii., 603. - - VAN BUREN, MARTIN, Senator from New York, Reference to, i., - 25, 58; - Secretary of State, 132, note; - Vice President, 231; - Democratic candidate for Presidency in 1837, 232; - Reference to, 394; - Pretensions to Presidency, 517; - Reference to, 519; - Conduct of, 524; - Relations to election of 1844, reference to, 550; - Attitude towards Texas, 581; - Nomination of, ii., 9. - - VERNON, MOUNT, Reference to, ii., 230. - - VETO POWER, Mr. Buchanan’s reply to Mr. Clay on, i., 472, - 504, 550. - - VICTORIA, QUEEN, Satisfaction in regard to Oregon settlement, i., - 604; - Cabinet of, ii., 104; - Ministry of, 105; - Accession of, 105; - Letters to Mr. Buchanan, 231, 233. - - VIRGINIA, Intervention to prevent war, ii., 471, 478; - President Buchanan’s message to Congress, 479, 484. - - VOLUNTEERS, President Buchanan’s reasons for not calling for, ii., - 501. - - WALES, PRINCE OF, Arrives in Washington, ii., 230; - Becomes a guest at the White House, 230; - Letter to Mr. Buchanan, 590. - - WALKER, ROBERT J., Secretary of Treasury under President Polk, i., - 540; - Territorial Governor of Kansas, ii., 198; - Instructions given to, by President, 198; - Attempted insurrection suppressed by, 201. - - WALL, GARRET D., Senator from New Jersey, Reference to, i., - 379. - - WALWORTH, REUBEN H., Enters House of Representatives with Mr. - Buchanan, i., 25. - - WARD, COMMANDER, Expedition organized for, ii., 621. - - WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT, Message in 1796, referred to, i., 364; - Reference to, ii., 47, 60. - - WEBSTER, DANIEL, Speech on the war of 1812, i., 13, note; - Supports administration of John Q. Adams, 58; - Becomes a Senator, 58, note; - Views on subject of protection, 74; - Debate in Senate on nullification, 183; - Views on question of instruction, 230, note; - Opposes administration of General Jackson, 232; - References to, 263, 267; - Construction of Constitution by, 284; - On expunging resolution, 292, 306; - Reference to, 328; - Opposes bill to restrain use of mails for incendiary - publications, 339, 344, 350, 351, - 353, 357; - Treaty negotiated by, in 1842, 504; - Retires from President Tyler’s cabinet, 543; - Attitude towards Texas, 581, note; - Opinion on Texas question, 582; - Secretary of State, ii., 11, 35; - Relations to question of right of search, 213, 361. - - WEED, THURLOW, Reference to, ii., 51. - - WELLESLEY, MARCHIONESS OF, Sister of Lady Stafford, ii., 102. - - WELLINGTON, DUKE OF, Described by Princess Lieven, i., 218; - Reference to ii., 105. - - WESSENBERG, BARON, Dines at Prince Lieven’s, i., 224; - Dines at Lord Palmerston’s, 225. - - WHARTON, WILLIAM, Reference to, ii., 181. - - WHEATLAND, Purchase of, by Mr. Buchanan, ii., 1, 3. - - WHEATON, HENRY, Author of Elements of International Law, i., 218, - note. - - WHIGS, Who were called, i., 231; - Rivalry among, 409. - - WHITE, HUGH L., Senator from Tennessee, i., 58; - References to, 290, 306. - - WICKLIFFE, CHARLES, Reference to, i., 108. - - WILCOX, MISS, Niece of Mr. Ingersoll, Reference to, ii., 100. - - WILLIAM IV., Reference to, ii., 104. - - WILMOT, PROVISO, Reference to, i., 544. - - WOOD, SIR CHARLES, President of the Board of Control, References - to, ii., 105, 121. - - WOODBURY, MR. JUSTICE, Reference to, i., 175. - - WRIGHT, Governor of Indiana, Reference to, ii., 182. - - WRIGHT, SILAS, JR., References to, i., 331, 332, - 366, 519, 522. - - YATES, JAMES BUCHANAN, Reference to, i., 536, note. - - ZAITSOVA, Inn at, i., 193. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - SOME IMPORTANT HISTORICAL WORKS. - - ------------------------------------ - - ☞HARPER & BROTHERS _will send any of the following works by mail, - postage prepaid, to any part of the United States, on receipt of the - price_. - - ☞ _For a full list of_ HISTORICAL WORKS _published by_ HARPER & - BROTHERS, _see their New and Enlarged Catalogue, which will be sent - to any address on receipt of nine cents._ - -CURTIS’S CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY. Constitutional History of the - United States, from their Declaration of Independence to the Close - of their Civil War. By GEORGE TICKNOR CURTIS. (_In Press._) - -MACAULAY’S ENGLAND. 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It is - presumed to have been intended to follow the closing paragraph. - - The use of quotation marks is sometimes ambiguous, where opening - or closing marks are missing. These have been rectified, where the - voice or context clearly indicates the correct reading. - - Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, - and are noted here. Since a large portion of the text is quoted - material, consideration was given to any apparent idiosyncrasies. - The references are to the page and line in the original. Those - references prefixed with ‘i’ refer to the page, column and line in - the Index. - - The following issues should be noted, along with the resolutions. - - 5.3 transferred his household go[o]ds to Added. - Wheatland - - 11.22 [“]WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER Added to balance - closing quote. - - 15.15 taken before the judge or Removed. - commiss[s]ioner - - 45.42 as well as others of a simil[i]ar Removed. - character - - 52.18 his views on “secret or oath-bound Removed. - societies.[’]” - - 54.43 I admit a respecta[c/b]le political Replaced. - - 61.7 This ‘American excellence’ never Removed. - belonged to him.[”] - - 123.1 the Se[c]retary of State Added. - - 131.14 dominion over Nicara[ug/gu]a Transposed. - - 145.1 would never hear of my taking such a Added. - journey[.] - - 254.5 and the procee[e]dings of the Covode Removed. - Committee - - 256.14 [“]The committee proceeded for months Added. - - 259.1 ‘removal from office,[”/’] Replaced. - - 276.17 derived from the incessant Replaced. - co[m/n]templation of one idea - - 308.67.88 J. S. BLACK[”]. Added. - - 311.38 Fort Morgan, below Mobile, without a Removed. - garr[r]ison - - 438.108.21 on an occasion so important.[”] Added. - - 457.1 [“]In the communication Added. - - 460.26 [‘/“]The character of this letter is Replaced. - such - - 473.23 Defence, and not aggress[s]ion Removed. - - 493.38 in response to the resolution.[”] Removed. - - 503.16 I know not [k]now what will become of Added. - it. - - 505.4 even Tennessee[e] and Missouri Removed. - - 506.38 Alca[n]traz Island _sic_ - - 509.11 Mr. Buchanan, in re[s]ponding to this Added. - speech - - 518.41 [“]MY DEAR SIR:— Removed. - - 521.36 which you sent me?[”] Added. - - 576.6 his fund of amusing as well [as Added. - ]important anecdotes, - - 614.8 the immediate interests of the Replaced. - Democratic party[,/.] - - 676.4 in such a way as that it should be Transposed. - re[num/mun]erative - - 683.5 [“]Happily, the venerable sage of Removed. - Wheatland - - i701.1.29 MONTGOMERY COMMIS[S]IONERS Added. - - i702.2.4 PASCHKOFF[S], MADAME Removed. - - i705.1.11 STACK[LE/EL]BERG, BARON Transposed. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Life of James Buchanan, v. 2 (of 2), by -George Tickner Curtis - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF JAMES BUCHANAN, V. 2 *** - -***** This file should be named 54503-0.txt or 54503-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/5/0/54503/ - -Produced by KD Weeks, David Edwards and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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