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diff --git a/old/54226-0.txt b/old/54226-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 273a3dd..0000000 --- a/old/54226-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16834 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Servetus and Calvin, by Robert Willis - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Servetus and Calvin - A Study of an Important Epoch in the Early History of the Reformation - - -Author: Robert Willis - - - -Release Date: February 23, 2017 [eBook #54226] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SERVETUS AND CALVIN*** - - -E-text prepared by Josep Cols Canals, Wayne Hammond, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 54226-h.htm or 54226-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54226/54226-h/54226-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54226/54226-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/servetuscalvinst00willrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - This project uses utf-8 encoded characters. If some characters - are not readable (e.g., empty squares), check your settings to - ensure you have a default font installed that can display utf-8 - characters. Or consult the html version or the original page - images noted above. - - - - - -SERVETUS AND CALVIN - - - * * * * * * - -_By the same Author._ - -BENEDICT D’ESPINOZA; his Life, Correspondence, and Ethics. - -G. E. LESSING’S NATHAN THE WISE. With an Introduction. - -THE SUDORIPAROUS AND LYMPHATIC GLANDULAR SYSTEMS; the Vital Nature -of their Functions, and the Effect of Implications of these on the -Diseases ascribed to Malaria. - - * * * * * * - - -[Illustration: MICHEL SERVETUS] - - -SERVETUS AND CALVIN - -A Study of an Important Epoch in the -Early History of the Reformation - -by - -R. WILLIS, M.D. - - - Περὶ τῆς τριάδος--scis me semper veritum fore. Bone Deus, quales - tragœdias excitabit ad posteros hæc questio: εἰ ἐστὶν ὑπόστασις ὁ λόγος; - εἰ ἐστὶν ὑπόστασις τὸ πνεῦμα? MELANCHTHON - - - - - - -Henry S. King & Co., Londo -1877 - - -Universal history is at bottom the history of the great men who have -lived and worked here. And truly the inexhaustible, the perennial Epic -is the story of man’s life from age to age. - - THOMAS CARLYLE - - -(The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved.) - - - - - TO - - HIS FRIENDS - - SAMUEL DAVIDSON, D.D. - - AND - - R. W. MACKAY, M.A. - - This Work is Dedicated - - WITH EVERY EXPRESSION OF AFFECTIONATE REGARD - - AND ESTEEM - - BY THE WRITER - - - - -PREFACE. - - -Some years ago I was led to make a study of the Life and Writings of -Spinoza, and took considerable pains to present the gifted Jew of -Amsterdam in such fulness to the English reader as might suffice to -convey a passable idea of what one of the great misunderstood and -misused among the sons of men was in himself, in his influence on his -more immediate friends and surroundings through his presence, and on -the world for all time through all his works. This study completed, -and leisure from the more active duties of professional life enlarging -with increasing years, I bethought me of some other among the sufferers -in the holy cause of human progress as means of occupation and -improvement. Spinoza led, I might say as matter of course, to Giordano -Bruno, with whose writings I was familiar, and who was Spinoza’s -master, if he ever had a master. But having, at a former period, -undertaken to edit the works of Harvey for the Sydenham Society, and -the discovery of the circulation of the blood having become renewed -matter of discussion with medical men and others, labourers in the -field of general literature, I was turned from Bruno to Servetus, as -the first who proclaimed the true way in which the blood from the right -reaches the left chambers of the heart by passing through the lungs, -and who even hinted at its further course by the arteries to the body -at large. - -Of Servetus at this time I knew little or nothing, save that he had -been burned as a heretic at Geneva by Calvin; and of his works I had -seen no more than the extract in which he describes the pulmonary -circulation. But meditating a revision and prospective publication -of the Life of Harvey, with which I had prefaced my edition of his -works, I went in search of further information concerning the ingenious -anatomist who had not only outstripped his contemporaries, but his -successors, by something like a century in making so important an -induction as the Pulmonary Circulation. Nor had I far to go. In the -ample stores of the British Museum Library I found a complete mine of -Servetus-literature, and with access to the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -as reproduced by a learned physician, Dr. De Murr, and other works of -the unfortunate Servetus, I encountered not only the physiologist -already known to me, but the philosopher and scholar, the practical -physician, freed from the fetters of mediæval routine, the geographer -and astronomer, the biblical critic, in days when criticism of the -kind, as we understand the term, was unimagined, and, alas for him! -the most advanced and tolerant of the Reformers,--that sacred band to -which Servetus by indefeasible right belongs. Luther, Calvin, and the -rest repudiated the discipline and most of the outward rites and shows -of the Roman Catholic Church; but they retained the most abstruse of -her creeds. Servetus went at least as far as they in the rejection -of externals; but, appealing to the scriptures of the New Testament, -he satisfied himself and dared to say to the world that some of the -fundamentals of Christianity as formulated by the Church of Rome, -and acquiesced in by the Reformers of Germany, had no warrant in the -teaching of the Prophet of Nazareth. Rejecting, as he did, the whole of -the post-apostolic dogmatic accretions of the Church of Rome, Servetus -is the source of the more ‘reasonable service’ we are now permitted to -render, and--strange conjunction!--through his disastrous intercourse -with Calvin, in no small measure the original of the free enquiry that -is leading on to conclusions yet uncontemplated as to man’s relations -to the Unseen and the Eternal. - -The life and labours of the man of whom so much may be said can never -be otherwise than interesting to the world. Nor is it in his life only -that Servetus has been influential. His death has, perhaps, been even -more influential than his life; for when his pyre began to blaze, -the beacon was lighted that first warned effectually from the shoals -of bigotry and intolerance on which religion misunderstood has made -shipwreck so long. The custom of consigning heretics, as dissidents in -their interpretation of the Jewish Scriptures were called, to death by -fire then began to fall into abeyance; princes and chief magistrates -ceased from assisting at autos-da-fé as edifying spectacles; and -persecution to less terrible conclusions--imprisonment, banishment, -fine, and social ostracism--has been coming gradually, however slowly, -to an end. - -We have more than one book in English purporting to give an account -of the life of Servetus, but none, I think, that is not either a -compilation at second hand, or a translation wholly or in principal -part from the French. No one among us appears to have referred to the -works of Servetus and his contemporaries for the information that would -have enabled him to give something like a true presentment of the man -as he lived and died. To do this--to make the English reader acquainted -with another of the great devoted men who have toiled on life’s -pilgrimage with bleeding feet, to smooth and make straight the way for -others, healers in the strife and in front of the battle, not to strike -but to staunch the wounds that men in their ignorance and madness make -on one another--such is the purpose of the work now presented to the -reader. - -In appealing mainly to the original sources of information on the life -of Servetus, I have still not failed to make myself master of what has -been done in later days by others in this direction. The references -that occur in the course of my book to the writings of La Roche, -Allwörden, Mosheim, D’Artigny, Trechsel, Rilliet, and, last but not -least, of Henry Tollin, make it unnecessary for me to do more in this -place than to acknowledge my obligations to them. - -One word on the portrait of Servetus. Of the original of this Mosheim -gives a particular account; but all Tollin’s enquiries, as well as -those I have made myself, lead to the belief that it is no longer in -existence. Doubt has even been expressed as to the authenticity of -this portrait of which we have indifferent engravings in Hornius’ -‘Kirchengeschichte,’ in Allwörden’s ‘Historia,’ and in Mosheim’s -‘Ketzergeschichte.’ After careful study of these, my daughter has done -her best to reproduce in the etching appended what must have been a -striking and is certainly a typical Spanish countenance. - -The etching of Calvin is after an engraving from one of the numerous -more or less authentic portraits of the Reformer that are extant. - -BARNES, SURREY: _Midsummer 1877_. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - _BOOK THE FIRST._ - - EARLY LIFE--WORKS--ARREST AND TRIAL AT VIENNE. - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. MICHAEL SERVETUS: HIS BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION 3 - - II. SERVICE WITH FRIAR JUAN QUINTANA, CONFESSOR OF THE EMPEROR - CHARLES V. 19 - - III. THE SERVICE WITH QUINTANA COMES TO AN END 29 - - IV. INTERCOURSE WITH THE SWISS REFORMERS 33 - - V. THE REFORMERS OF STRASBURG. PUBLICATION OF THE WORK ON - TRINITARIAN ERROR 37 - - VI. THE AUTHORITIES OF BASLE. THE TWO DIALOGUES ON THE TRINITY. - LEAVES SWITZERLAND 71 - - VII. PARIS. ASSUMPTION OF THE NAME OF VILLENEUVE OR VILLANOVANUS. - ACQUAINTANCE WITH CALVIN 79 - - VIII. LYONS. ENGAGEMENT AS READER FOR THE PRESS WITH THE - TRECHSELS. EDITS THE GEOGRAPHY OF PTOLEMY 86 - - IX. LYONS. DR. SYMPHORIEN CHAMPIER 99 - - X. RETURN TO PARIS. STUDIES THERE. JO. WINTER OF ANDERNACH; - ANDREA VESALIUS. DEGREES OF M.A. AND M.D. LECTURES ON - GEOGRAPHY AND ASTROLOGY 104 - - XI. THE TREATISE ON SYRUPS, AND THEIR USE IN MEDICINE 111 - - XII. THE MEDICAL FACULTY OF PARIS SUE SERVETUS FOR LECTURING - ON JUDICIAL ASTROLOGY 116 - - XIII. CHARLIEU. ATTAINMENT OF HIS THIRTIETH YEAR. VIEWS OF - BAPTISM 125 - - XIV. SETTLEMENT AT VIENNE UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE ARCHBISHOP. - RENEWAL OF INTERCOURSE WITH THE PUBLISHERS OF LYONS. - SECOND EDITION OF PTOLEMY 130 - - XV. EDITION OF SANTES PAGNINI’S LATIN BIBLE WITH COMMENTARY 139 - - XVI. ENGAGEMENT AS EDITOR BY JO. FRELON OF LYONS. CORRESPONDENCE - WITH CALVIN 157 - - XVII. ‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO,’ THE RESTORATION OF - CHRISTIANITY. DISCOVERY OF THE PULMONARY CIRCULATION 191 - - XVIII. CALVIN RECEIVES A COPY OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO’ 231 - - XIX. CALVIN DENOUNCES SERVETUS THROUGH WILLIAM TRIE TO THE - ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITIES OF LYONS 235 - - XX. ARREST OF SERVETUS AND ARNOULLET, THE PUBLISHER. THE TRIAL - FOR HERESY AT VIENNE. SERVETUS IS SUFFERED TO ESCAPE FROM - PRISON 252 - - XXI. DISCOVERY OF ARNOULLET’S PRIVATE PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT. - SEIZURE AND BURNING OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI - RESTITUTIO,’ ALONG WITH THE EFFIGY OF ITS AUTHOR 269 - - - _BOOK THE SECOND._ - - SERVETUS IN GENEVA, FACE TO FACE WITH CALVIN. - - I. SERVETUS REACHES GENEVA. DETAINED THERE, HE IS ARRESTED AT - THE INSTANCE OF CALVIN 281 - - II. GENEVA, AND THE STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE DATE OF - SERVETUS’ ARREST 287 - - III. SERVETUS IS ARRAIGNED ON THE CAPITAL CHARGE BY CALVIN 304 - - IV. THE TRIAL IN ITS FIRST PHASE 314 - - V. THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE, WITH THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL - OF GENEVA AS PROSECUTOR 333 - - VI. THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE, CONTINUED 351 - - VII. THE TRIAL CONTINUED. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL RECEIVES - FRESH INSTRUCTIONS FROM CALVIN 366 - - VIII. SERVETUS IS VISITED IN PRISON BY CALVIN AND THE - MINISTERS 386 - - IX. THE COURT DETERMINES TO CONSULT THE COUNCILS - AND CHURCHES OF THE FOUR PROTESTANT SWISS CANTONS 391 - - X. THE TRIAL IS INTERRUPTED THROUGH DIFFERENCES - BETWEEN CALVIN AND THE COUNCIL 393 - - XI. THE TRIAL IS RESUMED ON NEW ARTICLES SUPPLIED BY CALVIN 398 - - XII. THE TRIAL CONTINUED. SERVETUS ADDRESSES A - LETTER TO CALVIN AND PETITIONS HIS JUDGES 423 - - XIII. CALVIN ANTICIPATES THE JUDGES IN THEIR APPEAL - TO THE SWISS CHURCHES 428 - - XIV. SERVETUS SENDS A LETTER AND A SECOND REMONSTRANCE - AND PETITION TO HIS JUDGES 441 - - XV. THE SWISS COUNCILS AND CHURCHES ARE ADDRESSED - BY THE COUNCIL OF GENEVA 446 - - XVI. SERVETUS AGAIN ADDRESSES THE SYNDICS AND COUNCIL - OF GENEVA, AND ACCUSES CALVIN. THE - ANSWERS OF THE COUNCILS AND CHURCHES CONSULTED 450 - - XVII. THE ATTITUDE OF CALVIN. THE HOPES OF SERVETUS 474 - - XVIII. THE SENTENCE AND EXECUTION. VÆ VICTIS! 480 - - XIX. AFTER THE BATTLE. VÆ VICTORIBUS! 488 - - XX. CALVIN DEFENDS HIMSELF 498 - - XXI. CALVIN’S DEFENCE IS ATTACKED 517 - - XXII. CALVIN’S BIOGRAPHERS AND APOLOGISTS 528 - - APPENDIX 535 - - - - -BOOK I. - -EARLY LIFE--WORKS--ARREST AND TRIAL AT VIENNE - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -MICHAEL SERVETUS, HIS BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION. - - -Michael Serveto, or as we know him best by his name with the Latin -termination, Servetus, appears, from the most trustworthy information -we possess, to have been born either at Tudela, in the old Spanish -kingdom of Navarre, or at Villaneuva, in that of Aragon; but whether -here or there, and in the year 1509 or 1511, is an open question. In -the course of the Trial he stood at Vienne in Dauphiny, in the spring -of 1553, he says himself that he is a native of Tudela, and forty-two -years of age; which would make Navarre the country, and 1511 the year, -of his birth. But in the Geneva Trial, only four months later, he -declares that he is of Villanova, and forty-four years old; which would -give us Aragon as the land, and 1509 as the date, of his nativity. When -he spoke of himself as a Navarrese at Vienne, it may have been done -to conciliate his French judges, Navarre having once been a province -of France, and the natives of the two countries having still much -in common. It was at a moment, too, when he had paramount motives -for seeking to conceal his identity. When he said at Geneva that he -was ‘Espagnol Arragonois de Villeneuve’ and forty-four, he was face -to face with one who knew him well, and when he had neither motive -nor opportunity for concealment. Servetus’s subscription of himself -as ‘Michael Serveto, alias Revés, de Aragonia, Hispanus,’ on the -title-page of his first work; as ‘Michael Villanovanus,’ on the titles -of all the books he edited, and the name ‘Villeneuve’ by which alone -he was known through the whole of the years he lived in France, to say -nothing of the ‘M. S. V.,’ evidently Michael Servetus Villanovanus, -on the last leaf of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ the printing of -which led to his death, supply, as it seems, preponderating evidence -as to the place of his birth, though the year may still be left -uncertain. The _alias_ Revés which appears on the title of the book ‘De -Trinitatis Erroribus,’ the first-fruits of his genius, has hitherto -been a puzzle and subject of debate with his biographers, but can now -be satisfactorily interpreted. Servetus’s mother, it appears, was of -French extraction, of the Revés family, and her son took occasion in -his first work piously to preserve his mother’s family name beside his -proper patronymic.[1] Of the parents of Servetus, however, we in fact -know little more than that we have from himself when, on his trial at -Geneva, he informed the Court that they were _d’ancienne race, vivants -noblement_, of old families and independent, or in easy circumstances, -and that his father was a Notary by profession. Report adds that he was -of a family which had been jurists for generations, and that his father -was nearly related to Andrea Serveto d’Aninon, some time Professor -of Civil Law in the University of Bologna, subsequently member of -the Cortes of Aragon, and one of the Council of the Indies. So much -makes it clear that Michael Servetus was of gentle blood, of Christian -parentage, and neither of Jewish nor Moorish descent, as has been said -on no better ground apparently than that he shows he was acquainted -with Hebrew, had read the Koran, and in his writings is not intolerant -towards Jews and Mahomedans, like his countrymen. - -Neither have we any very precise information as regards Servetus’s -earlier years and education. Of somewhat slender build, and so of -presumably delicate constitution, though he showed no trace of this -in after life, he is said to have been destined by his parents to -the service of the Church; in which view, whilst yet a youth, he was -placed for nurture in one of the convents of his native town or its -neighbourhood. And this we should imagine must almost necessarily be -true; for the rudiments of the liberal education Servetus shows himself -to have received, could only have been obtained in the early part of -the sixteenth century in the quiet of the cloister, and under the -fostering care of some monk more learned than the general. - -The precocious ability and pious temperament with which we must credit -Servetus may have been a further motive for the line of life chalked -out for him by his parents. The Church was then, as it still continues -to be, the close through which an easy and a pious life can be best -secured where there is neither talent nor aspiration; as it is also -the highway to worldly wealth and power, where there is ambition and -ability to back what passes for piety. By mental and moral endowment -Servetus probably appeared to all about him a born churchman, with -the crosier, and even the cardinal’s hat, in perspective. But side -by side with so much that pointed in this direction, the reasoning, -sceptical, and self-sufficing nature of the man that led the opposite -way, as it had not yet appeared, so was it unsuspected. Servetus as -a youth unquestionably received the education that would have fitted -him for the Priesthood; and we think complacently of the solace and -relaxation from the monotony of monastic life, which the worthy brother -we evoke as his principal teacher found in imparting all he knew, and -pointing out the onward way to one both apt and eager to learn. Before -leaving the convent, or the convent school, where he doubtless remained -for several years, Servetus must have been not only a tolerable -Latin scholar, but, it may have been, also grounded in Greek and the -rudiments of Hebrew. - -At what age Servetus left his convent teachers we are not informed; -some time however, we should imagine, before definitive vows are -required of the youthful aspirant to the holy office, when aptitude for -the prospective vocation is made subject of particular inquiry. Now it -may have been that he was discovered to be indifferently qualified by -mental constitution to follow further the line of life intended for -him--a conclusion to which we are led from all we know of the man in -his works. He was pious enough and credulous enough through life; but -his religion must be of the kind he thought out for himself, and his -beliefs of his own fashioning, not such as could be presented to him -ready shaped for acceptance. The very air of Europe at the beginning of -the sixteenth century was alive with mutterings of the storm that had -long been gathering, and found vent at length through the manly voice -of Martin Luther; and when we find hints that fears of the Inquisition -had had something to do with Servetus’s subsequent movements, we are -disposed to imagine that the call to free thought which had sprung up -on the revival of letters and found out the northern Monk in his cell, -had also reached the Friar of the south, and from him flowed over upon -the receptive mind of his youthful scholar. - -Be this as it may, when twelve or fourteen years of age, Servetus -appears to have entered as a student at the University of Saragossa, -then the most celebrated in Spain; and if he had Peter Martyr de -Angleria among the number of his teachers, as we are assured he -had,[2] he was in the hands of one of the most accomplished as well -as liberal-minded men of his age. Angleria was in fact still more -distinguished as a scholar, diplomatist, teacher and writer, than as -a soldier. Having come to Spain in the suite of one of the Italian -embassies to Ferdinand and Isabella, he joined the army of the Catholic -king and queen as a volunteer, and having distinguished himself on more -than one occasion in the field, he was presented to the sovereigns -on the conclusion of hostilities, entered the service of Isabella, -in especial, and having taken orders--an indispensable condition to -acknowledgment as a teacher--he was engaged by the queen as tutor and -general supervisor of the education of the host of young noblemen and -gentlemen who thronged the Court. The influence exerted by such a man -in such a situation cannot be doubted; and it has been surmised that -more than one of the distinguished personages who appeared in Spain, -in the early part of the sixteenth century, owed not a little of all -that made them notable in after life to their teacher. Angleria was -in fact a man in advance of his age, morally, and, we must believe, -religiously also--although Spain was not always the devoted slave of -Rome we have been accustomed to think her in these our days. He had -seen enough in his campaigning and its consequences to disgust him -with conversions to Christianity at the point of the sword, and the -wholesale deportation from their native country of a great civilised -community because of their adhesion to the religion of their fathers. -An Italian by birth, it was no part of Angleria’s religion to hate Jews -and Saracens with such a hatred as made baptizing, banishing, torturing -and putting them to death the virtue it appeared in the eyes of the -Spaniards. - -At Saragossa Servetus may have remained four or five years, working -hard at all that qualified him to appear as he meets us in after -life--perfecting himself in classics, and introduced not only to the -Ethics of Aristotle and the scholastic philosophy, but also to the -more positive domains of human knowledge--the mathematics, astronomy -and geography--geography more especially, brought into vogue as it was -by the great discoveries of Columbus, Vasco de Gama, and the hardy -navigators and travellers who came after them, then made accessible to -the general reader by the works of Angleria, Grynæus and others. - -Having broken definitively with the idea of the Church as a calling, -Servetus must now have made up his mind to follow what might fairly -be spoken of as the hereditary vocation of his family--Law; and the -School of Toulouse being at this time the most celebrated in Europe, -to Toulouse he was sent as a student of Law by his father. Here he -seems to have remained for two or three years--short while enough in -which to fathom the intricacies of civil and canon law, to say nothing -of other studies that must have continued to engage some share of his -attention; but that the time given to the study of Law at Toulouse was -not misspent, is proclaimed by the occasional scraps of legal lore we -notice interspersed in his writings. In the covenant between God and -Abraham, to cite one among many instances, he observes that we have the -first case on record of one of the four forms of unindentured contract, -still spoken of as the form _Facio ut facias_. Elsewhere also, and at -other times, on his trial at Geneva in particular, he is credited by -his prosecutor with an adequate knowledge of the Pandects, although he -says himself that he had never done more than read Justinian in the -perfunctory manner usual with young men at college. On the occasion -referred to, nevertheless, we find him quoting the decisions of -jurisconsults in support of his conclusions. - -But Law, we believe, was never the subject that engrossed the thoughts -of Servetus. The natural bent of his mind, and the teaching he had -received during his earlier years, led him to Theology; and it was at -Toulouse, as he tells us himself, that he first made acquaintance with -the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. It is not difficult -to imagine the effect which the perusal of these writings must have -produced on the ardent religious temperament of Servetus. In his -earliest work he speaks of the Bible as a book come down from heaven, -the source of all his philosophy and of all his science--language, -however, that is to be seen as hyperbole to a great extent; for he -was already imbued with scholastic philosophy, and, we must presume, -with patristic theology also, before he had read a word of the Bible; -and in his published works we find him at various times subordinating -the teaching of the Scriptures to the conclusions of his reason. -Toulouse, indeed, in the early part of the sixteenth century, was -an unlikely school for religious study in any but the most rigidly -orthodox fashion; and how far Michael Servetus swerved from this--to -his sorrow--need not now be more particularly noticed. It was even the -boast of the Toulousans for long, that their city had not been infected -with what was spoken of as the poison of Lutheranism. So strict a watch -had been kept over them by their shepherds, the priests, that, whilst -in neighbouring and other more distant cities of France the Reformation -had many adherents, it had none--openly, at all events--in Toulouse. It -were needless to insist that training of a special kind, in addition to -originality and independence of mind, was required to lead to views and -conclusions such as those attained to by Servetus.[3] - -He had read the Bible, however, at Toulouse; and there, too, if it were -not at an earlier period, he must have met with some of the writings -of Luther, of which several had been translated into Spanish soon -after their publication.[4] But there is another book which enjoyed an -extensive reputation through the whole of the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries, and seems to supply the kind of aliment precisely of which -a mind constituted like that of Servetus must have felt the want. This -is the ‘Theologia Rationalis sive Liber de Creaturis’ of Raymund de -Sabunde, in which the Creator is reached by a gradual ascent from lower -to higher grades of created things. - -The ‘Rational Theology’ of Sabunde is indeed a most noteworthy book; -full of true piety, resting on the wider and surer grounds of nature at -large in harmony with human intelligence, than the dogmatic theologian -can show in the written text and unwritten traditions on which he -relies for his conclusions. Containing no word that is not thoroughly -orthodox, doctrine, nevertheless, is not that which it is the grand -object of the ‘Rational Theology’ of Sabunde to propound. Neither is -authority paraded, as it would have been had the book been written by -a professed theologian, instead of a pious naturalist; for Sabunde -was a physician, one of the guild whose destiny it is to lead the van -of progress. We cannot believe that the work, though often reprinted, -was ever heartily approved by the heads of the Church of Rome. Its -title went far to condemn it. The Roman Catholic Church requires faith, -submissiveness, subserviency, not reason, of its sons; and we are -not, therefore, surprised to find that though the ‘Rational Theology’ -of Sabunde, as a whole, long escaped being placed on the index of -prohibited books, the prologue with which we find one of the early -editions, if it be not the first (Argentorati, 1496), introduced, was -soon ordered to be expunged; nor, indeed, as culture extended and the -Reformation spread, with ever-increasing alarm to the dominant Church, -that the book itself was at length pointedly forbidden to be read by -the faithful. It was put upon the ‘Index’ by the Congregation of the -Council of Trent in 1595, the author ‘holding too much by Nature,’ -say the reverend councillors, ‘to give us a knowledge of God and his -providential dealing with the world, and making too little reference to -the Fathers and the authority of Holy Writ.’ - -The Prologue of Sabunde is in truth a very remarkable piece of writing, -the age considered in which it flowed from the pen. Beginning in -the accredited orthodox fashion: ‘Ad laudem et gloriam altissimæ et -gloriosissimæ Trinitatis,’ &c., the author proceeds to say that his -purpose is ‘to expose the errors, as well of the ancient philosophers -as of pagan and infidel writers, by the science he has to propound; -to set forth the catholic faith in its infallible truthfulness, and -to show every sect opposed thereunto in its necessary falsity and -erroneousness. Two books,’ he continues, ‘are given to us by God for -our guidance: one, the universal book of created things, or the book -of Nature; the other, the book of the sacred Scriptures. The first -was given to man from the beginning, when the world was made; the -second is to supplement and solve the difficulties met with in the -first. The book of the Creatures lies open to all; but the book of the -Scriptures can only be read aright by the clergy. The book of Nature -cannot be falsified, neither can it be readily interpreted amiss, even -by heretics; but the book of the Scriptures they can misconstrue and -falsify at their pleasure.’ The author’s design, therefore, is to write -a book which gentle and simple alike may read and understand without a -master; and he ends his prologue with a compliment and submission to -Holy Mother Church, which her hierarchs, however, have not accepted -either gratefully or graciously; for they did not of old, any more -than they do now, want books that would enable readers to go their own -way without the guiding hand of a master. Shall we wonder, therefore, -that this notable prologue was looked on at an early date as highly -objectionable, and is not to be found in any of the later editions of -the book?[5] - -Michel de Montaigne has given an interesting account of this ‘Rational -Theology’ of Sabunde. His father thought so highly of it that he set -his son, the immortal Essayist, to translate it into French: a task -which it were needless to say he performed in a very admirable manner, -though the sire did not live to see the work in type and in the hands -of the public he was anxious to reach through its means. The book, says -Montaigne, is composed by a Spaniard, in indifferent Latin--_basti -d’un Espagnol, baraguiné des terminaisons Latines_--but well adapted -to meet a want of the day. The novelties of Luther coming into vogue -and shaking old beliefs, Sabunde, as he thinks, ‘gives very good -advice against a disease that ever tends towards execrable atheism.’ -If Sabunde does give _tres bon advis_, his ‘Book of the Creatures’ -is nevertheless the text from which the most sceptical perhaps of -the whole series of the ‘Essays’ is written; and if the ‘Theologia -Rationalis’ fell into the hands of the youthful Michael Servetus, as -we believe it must almost necessarily have done, we have no difficulty -in imagining that it influenced him in a still greater degree, and -not much otherwise than it did young Michel de Montaigne. A rational -exposition of God’s revelation of himself in nature, we apprehend, must -have been a craving in the soul of the serious Spaniard still more than -in that of the lively Gascon.[6] - -But there is another writer whose influence on his age and the progress -of free thought it is impossible to estimate too highly, and from whose -teaching Servetus on his death-walk owned that he had had _something_. -This is Erasmus. What Servetus had he does not say. Whatever it may -have been, it was unaccompanied by the caution and cold discretion that -distinguished the great scholar of Rotterdam. In the Scholia which -Erasmus added to his Greek New Testament, however, we fancy we see -heralds of the far bolder and more original exegetical annotations with -which Servetus, under his assumed name of Villanovanus, accompanied his -reprint of the Pagnini Bible, which we shall have to speak of by and by. - -In addition to all he learned from his convent teachers, from the -professors of Saragossa and Toulouse, from Sabunde, Luther, Erasmus, -and others on the subject of theology, Servetus must further have been -well read in general history and the works of travellers in foreign -lands, as we shall find when we come to study his edition of Ptolemy’s -Geography, and refer particularly to his biblical criticisms, in days -when criticism of the kind he brought to bear on the text of the -Scriptures was unknown. It was only in the early part of the sixteenth -century that the Hebrew Bible and Greek Testament began to be appealed -to by the learned, and made the subject of critical study in a way -never thought of before. Long limited to the letter, the study was -widened in its scope by Servetus, and, embracing general history, made -to include a new and highly important element in its bearing on the -Religious Idea. If Servetus of himself arrived at the interpretation he -gives of the Psalms and Prophetical writings of Israel, he must indeed -have been possessed of no ordinary share of natural sagacity informed -by study, and of moral courage in addition; for it runs counter to -all that had been assumed from the date of the New Testament writings -almost to the present day. The free use he makes of his historical -reading in its application to David, Cyrus, and Hezekiah, may have -been that which led some of his biographers to imagine that he was of -Jewish descent, and to say that he had visited Africa, and had had -Mahomedan as well as Jewish teachers, from whom he imbibed his notions, -hostile to the common orthodox interpretation of the Prophets, and the -conception of a Triune God. - -It were absurd to suppose that Servetus’s early convent education and -subsequent studies at Saragossa and Toulouse had made him all he shows -himself to be in his works. He continued a student through the whole -of his life, and it is indeed among the privileges of the physician -that his education never ends; but it was certainly at an early period -of his career that he became possessed of the theological ideas which -he went on elaborating, even to the day when his ‘Restoration of -Christianity’ was in type and ready for the publication it did not -obtain. It is therefore of moment with us to seize and follow up every -incident in his life that induced or strengthened the bent of his mind -towards theological speculation; and the event which now befel, we must -presume, had no slight influence in this direction. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -SERVICE WITH FRIAR JUAN QUINTANA, CONFESSOR OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. - - -School and college days come naturally to an end, or are cut short -by one intervening incident or another; and the studies of Michael -Servetus at Toulouse were interrupted by an invitation to enter his -service from brother Juan Quintana, a Franciscan friar, confessor -to the Emperor Charles V., about to attend on his Sovereign to his -coronation in the imperial city of Bologna, and, of still greater -significance, to the Diet of Augsburg, which followed it closely. In -what capacity Servetus joined Quintana we are not informed; but if -father confessors ever engaged private secretaries, we can hardly doubt -that it must have been in the intimate relationship suggested, for -which the accomplishments of the younger man so obviously qualified -him. The invitation from Quintana is interesting on many accounts, -and was certainly an important element in the mental development -of Servetus. Though he may have quitted Spain hurriedly, perhaps -secretly--in fear of the Inquisition, as said--he could have left -nothing but a good name for conduct and accomplishment behind him, -otherwise he would never have been recommended as a fit and proper -person to act as secretary to the confessor of the great Emperor. Not -forgotten by his old masters of Saragossa, the clever student was -thought of by them when Quintana made known his want of a secretary, -and must have been recommended to him as in every way qualified to fill -a situation of the kind. - -Michael Servetus, as we apprehend him, was one of those sensitive -natures which, like the stainless plate of the photographer, retains -at once and reflects every object presented to it; his service with -Quintana, consequently, was one of the incidents that influenced the -whole of his after life. Up to the time of his engagement with the -confessor he had been but one among hundreds of other students, known -to his teachers as a young man of superior abilities, it may be, -but not an object of more particular attention to any one of them. -In the intimate relationship implied between the elderly principal -and the youthful underling matters were entirely changed; and recent -inquiries[7] lead to the conclusion that the hood of the barefooted -friar Juan Quintana covered the head of a man of superior powers, -cherishing larger, more liberal and more tolerant views than were -current in his age, more especially among the class to which he -belonged. - -Quintana appears to have attracted the notice of the Emperor so far -back as the date of the Diet of Worms, during the sittings of which he -had distinguished himself as a preacher and become generally known as a -theologian and man of learning. He had at the same time, however, and -in like measure, fallen out of favour with his party, opposed at every -point to the reform movement, in consequence of the moderation of his -views. Matters at Worms had gone in no wise to the satisfaction of the -Emperor, owing in no inconsiderable degree, as he must have believed, -to the intolerance and mismanagement of his clerical advisers. To give -the approaching Diet of Augsburg, of which Charles was thinking far -more seriously than of the pageant of Bologna when he made Quintana his -confessor, a chance of proving the bond of union he desired between the -two great religious parties which now divided his empire, he saw that -he must rid himself of the narrow-minded and utterly irreconcilable -Dominican Loaysa, whom he had had at Worms as his spiritual director. -From Loaysa he knew he had no prospect of receiving those counsels -of concession and compromise which, as a politician, he saw were -indispensable and to which he was himself at the moment by no means -disinclined. He must have another confessor of more liberal views, not -utterly opposed to the reformation of the Church in all its aspects -and to the whole body of the Reformers with whom, as heretics, it was -condescension on the part of a Roman Catholic dignitary to communicate, -and contamination, if it were not sin, to sympathise. The old director -had therefore to be got rid of, for a time at least; but he must -suffer no slight, be subjected to no show of mistrust, to no seeming -loss of confidence; he must not even be superseded in his office, but -only removed to a distance and so made innocuous. Charles therefore -discovered that a representative, who must be presumed to be familiar -with the most secret aspirations of his soul, would be required at -Rome as the medium of communication between himself and his holiness -the Pope, in connection with the important business in prospect -at Augsburg. Loaysa, accordingly--greatly to his disgust beyond -question--was dispatched with all the honours to Rome, whilst Juan -Quintana, summoned from the quiet of the cloister to the bustle of the -Court, found himself unexpectedly with a royal and imperial penitent at -his ear in the confessional, and an upper seat in the council chamber -pending the discussion of affairs of state. - -How should we imagine that an invitation to take service with a man -possessed of qualities that brought him into such relationships could -have been otherwise than instantly embraced by the youthful student of -Toulouse; or how doubt that intimate contact with so great a nature -as Quintana’s could fail to impress him deeply? Attached forthwith to -the service of the confessor and in the suite of the Emperor, not the -least observant among all who accompanied him of the pomp and pageantry -displayed at the coronation at Bologna, the open-eyed secretary was -witness of much besides that sank into his mind, gave matter for future -thought, and found free but needlessly offensive expression in his -writings. Here, at Bologna, it was in fact, and not at Rome as has been -said, that Servetus saw the Pope ‘borne aloft above the heads of the -people, the multitude kneeling in the dust, adoring him, and they among -them who could but kiss his slipper accounting themselves blessed.’ Nor -was it the ignorant multitude alone that showed such abject servility. -He saw in addition ‘the most powerful prince of his age, at the head of -twenty thousand veteran soldiers, kneeling and kissing the feet of the -Pope;’[8] an exhibition which appears to have been thought of as simply -degrading instead of edifying by the independent-minded secretary. - -So great an event as the coronation of the Emperor was too favourable -an occasion to be neglected for a stroke of business by the financiers -of the Romish Church: indulgences were in the market in plenty, and at -prices to suit all purchasers, immunity from the pains of purgatory -being to be obtained for terms in the ratio of the money paid. How -shall we imagine that so glaring an abuse could fail to touch Servetus, -in the state of mind to which he must already have attained, in the -same way as the proceedings of Tetzel and his coadjutors touched the -common sense and conscience of Luther? It was doubtless with all he -now observed before him that we, short while after, find him speaking -in such virulent terms of the Papacy and exclaiming: ‘O bestia -bestiarum, meretrix sceleratissima’--‘O beast most beastly, most -wicked of harlots!’[9] Some of Luther’s epithets, we might conclude, -had found their way into the vocabulary of Servetus; and it may be -that the violence of Luther’s invective, unchallenged by the rest of -the Reformers, led him to fancy that he too might indulge without -impropriety in language of an unseemly kind. - -When we think of the times in which Servetus lived, his early education -and subsequent surroundings, the violent hatred he seems already to -have conceived against the Papacy is not a little extraordinary. We -might be tempted to conclude that the free thought of Europe, of -which the Reformation was the outcome and expression, had found even -a more genial soil in the mind of this Spanish youth than in that of -Luther himself, or any of his accredited followers. They went little -way in freeing the religion of Jesus of Nazareth from the accretions -which metaphysical subtlety, superstition, and ignorance of the laws -of nature and the principles of things had gathered around it in the -course of ages. Their business, as they apprehended it, was to reform -the Church rather than the religion of which it was presumed to be the -exponent; the task that Servetus set himself in the end was to reform -religion, with little thought of a Church in any sense in which an -institution of the kind was conceived in his day, whether by Papist or -Protestant. - -From reading the Bible at Toulouse and contrasting the humble life -and simple theistic morality of the Prophet of Nazareth with the -metaphysical subtleties and dogmatic deductions of the schoolmen, -the pomp, the power, the tyranny and the greed of the priests so -conspicuously displayed at Bologna, we can readily imagine the -impression made on the independent spirit of Servetus--an impression -that found more seemly utterance anon than that we have already quoted, -and in words like these: ‘For my own part I neither agree nor disagree -in every particular with either Catholic or Reformer. Both of them -seem to me to have something of truth and something of error in their -views; and whilst each sees the other’s shortcomings, neither sees -his own. God in his goodness give us all to understand our errors and -incline us to put them away. It would be easy enough, indeed, to judge -dispassionately of everything, were we but suffered without molestation -by the Churches freely to speak our minds; the older exponents of -doctrine, in obedience to the recommendation of St. Paul, giving place -to younger men, and these in their turn making way for teachers of -the day who had aught to impart that had been revealed to them. But -our doctors now contend for nothing but power. The Lord confound all -tyrants of the Church! Amen.’--The voice of this nineteenth century -verging on its close, from the mouth of a man little more than of age, -living in the first half of the sixteenth![10] - -The business of the coronation at Bologna concluded, the Emperor betook -himself to Germany in view of the great Diet of Augsburg, formally -inaugurated in the summer of 1530, accompanied of course by his -confessor, as the confessor was attended by his youthful secretary. And -here it must have been that Servetus saw and may perchance have spoken -with Melanchthon and others of the leading Reformers, among the number -of whom, however, the greatest of them all did not appear. Luther’s -friends believed that the danger he must run by showing himself at -Augsburg was too great to be incurred. The brave man would himself have -faced the peril, but his princely protectors positively forbade the -exposure. They feared that at Augsburg the Emperor might be tempted to -violate the ‘safe conduct’ he had been reproached by his Papal advisers -with having so honourably observed at Worms; for there were still some -among the Roman Catholics, high in place, so ill-informed, so blind to -events, as to believe that were the head of the man who had inaugurated -the movement which compromised their power but off his shoulders, the -Reformation would collapse and die! Luther was therefore permitted by -his friends to approach the scene of action on this occasion no nearer -than Coburg. - -Neither at Augsburg any more than at Worms did matters proceed so -entirely to the satisfaction of the Emperor as he wished, and may -have anticipated. The Protestant princes, with little cohesion -among themselves, showed, nevertheless, that severally they were -more resolute than ever in their requirements touching religion, -less obsequious too to the advances of their suzerain than he found -agreeable. They felt themselves in fact, and in so far, masters of the -situation, and had mostly quitted Augsburg before the sittings of the -Diet came to a close, content to leave Melanchthon and his colleagues -to give final shape to the business for which the Diet had been mainly -convoked, and in the great RELIGIOUS CHARTER OF THE AGE--the Confession -of Augsburg--to establish Protestantism as an integral and recognised -element, not only in the religious, but in the political system of -Europe. - -During his attendance on his chief at Augsburg, Servetus, though -he saw and may have spoken with more than one of the distinguished -Reformers, could have been an object of particular attention to none -of them: his youth and subordinate position precluded the possibility -of this. That he may have been disappointed at not seeing the original -of the great movement which had brought together the august assembly -he looked on around him, we may well believe, but we find no evidence -in contemporary documents that would lead us to think he had ever come -into contact with Luther, as has been said.[11] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SERVICE WITH QUINTANA COMES TO AN END. - - -It is greatly to be regretted that we have nothing from Servetus on -the other impressions he received, during the term of his service with -Quintana, beside those connected with the pomp and power of the Papacy. -We do not even know precisely how long he continued with the confessor -of the Emperor, nor where, nor at what moment he left him. Neither -have we a word of his whereabouts and mode of life, after vacating his -office, until we meet him seeking an interview with Jehan Hausschein, -the individual, with his name turned into Greek, so familiar to the -world as Œcolampadius. From Servetus himself we have it that he quitted -the service of Quintana on his death, which, he says, occurred in -Germany. But the truth of this statement has been called in question -on very sufficient grounds, Quintana having been seen alive in the -flesh, and still in attendance on the Emperor, years after dates at -which we know positively that Servetus had been in Basle and Strasburg, -communicating with Œcolampadius, Bucer, and others of the Reformers. -More than this, he had come before the world as author of the book -entitled ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ a copy of which having been found -by Joannes Cochlæus, an ecclesiastic in the suite of the Emperor, in a -bookseller’s shop at Ratisbon, was by him shown to Quintana, who, we -are informed, expressed extreme disgust that a countryman of his own -and personally known to him--_quem de facie se nôsse dicebat_--should -have fallen so far into the slough of heresy as to write on the mystery -of the Trinity in the style of Michael Servetus, alias Revés.[12] Nor -indeed is this the last we hear of Quintana. After the settlement of -affairs at Ratisbon and Nürnberg, he attended the Emperor to Italy, and -thence to his native Spain, where we find him installed as Prior of -the Church of Monte Aragon and a member of the Cortes of the kingdom. -Quintana appears in fact to have lived for yet two years, actively -engaged in his duties, having only been gathered to his fathers towards -the end of the year 1534.[13] - -Servetus did not therefore leave the service of Quintana after, or -in consequence of, the death of the confessor. We find it difficult -indeed to think of one with the decidedly unorthodox opinions to which -Servetus had attained at an early period of his life, continuing on -terms of intimacy with a man of Quintana’s capacity, without showing -something of the leaven of unbelief that must have been already -fermenting in his mind. There is, it is true, commonly enough, so -much more of policy than of piety among hierarchs of the Church of -Rome, and indeed of any church largely possessed of wealth and culture, -that their real opinions and beliefs have often been made subject of -debate. But Quintana was a monk, although a liberal one, and he was -Charles V.’s confessor. Of the Emperor’s orthodoxy, bigotry, and hatred -of heresy, however, there can be no question; so that, though policy -moved him for a time to entertain as his spiritual adviser a man more -tolerant than the general, the occasion for this ceasing, Charles was -not likely to find himself altogether at his ease with one at his elbow -much more liberally disposed than himself. Quintana consequently on -the return to Spain, being absolved of his office of confessor, but -handsomely provided for in the Church, Charles recalled Loaysa, his -former director in matters of faith, from Rome, and lapsed into the -groove of intolerance from which considerations of state had for a -moment withdrawn him. - -From the false account Servetus gives of the cause of his quitting -Quintana, we therefore think it probable that soon after the settlement -of matters at Augsburg in the early autumn of 1530, he had incautiously -betrayed the state of his mind on some point of the religious question, -and been dismissed from his service by the confessor. Service of any -sort, indeed, from the estimate we are led to form of the mental -constitution of Michael Servetus, could only have been a bondage never -patiently to be endured, but to be shaken off at the earliest possible -opportunity. His was not a nature that could brook a master; and we -have the assurance of Œcolampadius that Michael Servetus was in Basle -and making himself obnoxious by his theological fancies previous to the -month of October 1530. The coronation at Bologna having taken place in -the autumn of 1529, and the Diet of Augsburg assembled at midsummer -1530, Servetus could not, thus, have been in the following of Quintana -for more than a year, or eighteen months--no long term if reckoned by -the lapse of time, but certainly covering a vast area in the sphere -of his mental development. He may have had little leisure for the -study of books, but he had his eyes open to the doings of men; and -his inner senses were awakened to truths, his reason to conclusions, -that influenced him through the rest of his life, and possibly had no -insignificant part in bringing him to his untimely end. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -INTERCOURSE WITH THE SWISS REFORMERS. - - -It would appear that Œcolampadius, Bucer, Bullinger, Zwingli and -others, their friends, had had a sort of ‘clerical meeting’ for talking -over the theological questions of the day at Basle in the autumn of -1530. On this occasion Œcolampadius informed his friends that he had -been troubled of late by a hot-headed Spaniard, Servetus by name, -overflowing with Arian heresies and other objectionable opinions, -maintaining particularly that Christ was not really and truly the -Eternal Son of God; but if not, then was he not, and could not be, the -Saviour--_were Christus nit rächter, warer, ewiger Gott, so were er -doch und könte nit seyn unser Heiland_. Waxing warm in his tale, and -fearing that such poison, as he conceived it, would not be poured into -his ears alone, but would reach those of others, he was minded that -measures should be taken against such a contingency. To this Zwingli, -addressing him as brother Œcolampady, replied, that ‘there did seem -good ground for them to be on their guard; for the false and wicked -doctrine of the troublesome Spaniard goes far to do away with the -whole of our Christian religion.’ ‘God preserve us,’ said he, ‘from the -coming in among us of any such wickedness. Do what you can, then, to -quit the man of his errors, and with good and wholesome argument win -him to the truth.’ ‘That have I already done,’ said Œcolampady; ‘but so -haughty, daring and contentious is he, that all I say goes for nothing -against him.’ ‘This is indeed a thing insufferable in the Church of -God,’ said Zwingli--_Ein unleydenliche Sach in der Kyrchen Gottes_. -Therefore do everything possible that such dreadful blasphemy get no -further wind to the detriment of Christianity.’[14] - -Besides the personal communication with Œcolampadius of which we -have this interesting notice, Servetus must have written him several -letters--unfortunately lost to us--about the same time, for we have two -from the Reformer to the Spaniard, which have happily been preserved. -In one of these (probably the second that was written), Servetus -having, as it seems, complained that he had been somewhat sharply -handled by his correspondent, Œcolampadius replies that he, for his -part, thinks that he himself has the greater reason to complain. ‘You -obtrude yourself on me,’ he says, ‘as if I had nothing else ado than -to answer you; asking me questions about all the foolish things the -Sorbonne has said of the Trinity, and even taking it amiss that I do -not criticise and in your way oppose myself to those distinguished -theologians, Athanasius and Nazianzenus. You contend that the Church -has been displaced from its true foundation of faith in Christ, and -feign that we speak of his filiation in a sense which detracts from -the honour that is due to him as the Son of God. But it is you who -speak blasphemously; for I now understand the diabolical subterfuges -you use. Forbearing enough in other respects, I own that I am not -possessed of that extreme amount of patience which would keep me silent -when I see Christ dishonoured.’ He then goes on to criticise and rebut -Servetus’s theological views--his denial of Two natures in the One -person of Christ, and his opinion that in the prophetical writings of -the Old Testament it is always a prospective or coming Son of God that -is indicated. ‘You,’ continues Œcolampadius, ‘do not admit that it was -the Son of God who was to come as man; but that it was the man who came -that was the Son of God; language which leads to the conclusion that -the Son of God existed not eternally before the incarnation.’ - -To satisfy the Reformer, or seeking to get upon a better footing with -him, Servetus appears now to have composed and sent him a Confession -of Faith, which has come down to us. On the face of this there was -such a semblance of orthodoxy that Œcolampadius found nothing at -first to object to in its statements; but having conversed with the -writer and heard his explanations, he had come to see it as utterly -fallacious, misleading, and inadmissible. He concludes by exhorting -his correspondent to ‘confess the Son to be consubstantial and -coeternal with the Father, in which case,’ he says, ‘we shall be able -to acknowledge you for a Christian.’[15] - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE REFORMERS OF STRASBURG--PUBLICATION OF THE WORK ON TRINITARIAN -ERROR. - - -The letter of Œcolampadius, as we have it, is without date, but must -have been written from Basle at the close of 1530, or the beginning of -1531, and so before the book on Trinitarian Error had been published, -as we find no mention made of the work. By this time, however, Servetus -must have had the treatise ready for press, for it was now that he -put it into the hands of Conrad Kœnig or Rous, a publisher, having -establishments both at Basle and Strasburg. Kœnig was not a printer -himself; but accepting the work for publication he sent it to Jo. -Secerius, of Hagenau, in Alsace, a well-known typographer of the day, -to be put into type. To Hagenau accordingly went the MS., followed -by the author to superintend the printing; intending from thence to -proceed to Strasburg, where he was anxious to have interviews with the -leading Reformers of that city, Martin Bucer and W. F. Capito, and -propound to them, as he had done to the Switzers, the new views of -Christian doctrine at which he had arrived. - -From what we know already we might conclude that he found little more -encouragement from the ministers of Strasburg than he had had from -those of Basle. Servetus himself, however, appears to have thought -otherwise, and left them with the impression that neither of the -Strasburgers was so wholly opposed to his views as Œcolampadius in -particular had shown himself at Basle. We find him, by and by, in fact, -speaking as if he even believed that in the first instance they were -alike disposed to abet rather than condemn his conclusions. And this, -from what came out subsequently, seems really to have been the case, in -so far, at least, as Capito stands concerned. Capito was, in fact, the -most advanced and truly tolerant of all the early Reformers, and if we -may rely on the report we have of his opinions from the author of the -‘Antitrinitarian Library,’[16] he was really not behind Servetus in his -rejection of the orthodox tripartite Deity. A kindly sympathy with a -young enthusiast, full of fancies on topics really beyond the reach of -demonstration, may have induced Bucer as well as his colleague, Capito, -to feel a certain interest in the subject of our study, and so led -them both to treat him otherwise than as the irreverent dreamer he had -appeared to Œcolampadius; to see him, in a word, as he was in truth--a -well-read and piously disposed, albeit in their opinion a more or less -mistaken, scholar. - -Servetus undoubtedly possessed the character of the enthusiast in -perfection, and by natural constitution was not only indisposed, but -to a certain extent incapable of seeing a question in any light save -that in which he set it himself. Bucer, although he became hostile to -Servetus in the end, must in fact have been not a little taken with him -on their earlier intercourse, when in a letter to a friend he speaks of -him as ‘his dear son’--‘filius meus dilectus.’ When not curtly met as -the rash innovator and heretic, Servetus was neither the proud nor the -impracticable man he appeared to Œcolampadius and Calvin. During his -visit to Strasburg, when he was doubtless busy with his ‘De Trinitatis -Erroribus’--revising, polishing, and seeing it through the press--in a -notable modification of the terms in which one of the cardinal points -of his doctrine is spoken of in an earlier and in a later passage of -the work, Bucer’s kindly counsel, it is presumed, may be detected. -Whilst in Book IV. we find these words, ‘The Word is never spoken of -in Scripture as the Son; the Word was the shadow only, Christ was the -substance,’ in Book VII. he says, ‘The Word is never spoken of in -Scripture as the Son; but to Christ himself there is ascribed a kind -of eternity of engenderment. The things that were under the _Law_ were -shadows of the body of Christ.’[17] - -Whatever the two distinguished Reformers of Strasburg may have said, -however--and we can hardly doubt of their having tried to win him to -the views that were commonly entertained--he was not stayed for a -moment in his purpose of getting into print. Nay--and we know not why -the right should be refused him--he seems to have thought himself -at as full liberty as the leaders of the great movement then afoot -to give his own interpretation of the kind of reform which not the -Church only, but its doctrine, required. For such an undertaking he -was as well qualified by culture as any of the Reformers--better -qualified, in fact, than many among them, as in genius we believe he -was surpassed, and in liberality and tolerance approached by none. -Servetus, in truth, had started in the reforming race unweighted, and -so, and in so far with a better chance of reaching the goal of simple -truth than either Luther or Calvin; for though he had received the -education of the cloister, he was neither professed monk nor priest; -and, without detriment to the piety of his spirit, or his belief in -what were held by the world as the oracles of God, he had freed himself -from the fetters of necessary assent to the interpretations put upon -these, formulated into dogmas, by the Church in which he had been born -and bred. Servetus seems never to have had any misgivings about his -title to show himself among the number of the Reformers. He was in -Germany, the land of free thought, as he imagined; among men who had -thought freely, and whom he had been used to hear spoken of by his -clerical surroundings, whilst in the suite of Quintana, as heretics and -blasphemers. These names he did not fear in such respectable company as -he found the Reformers of Switzerland and Germany to be; and though he -did not agree with them on some topics, he could bear with them as well -in that wherein he differed from them as in that wherein they differed -among themselves, and saw no reason why they should not in like manner -bear with him. He thought of nothing, therefore, but prospective fame -for himself in the publication he contemplated. The names of Luther, -Melanchthon, Calvin, and the rest, appeared on the title-pages of their -works: why, then, should his name be withheld from the world? On the -title-page of the ‘Seven Books on Mistaken Conceptions of the Trinity’ -accordingly, which now came forth from the press, we find not only his -family name, Servetus, but the alias, Revés, from his mother’s side of -the house, and the name of the country that called him son:-- - - ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus, Libri Septem. - Per Michaelem Serveto, alias Revés, - Ab Aragonia, Hispanum, - 1531.’ - -The publisher and printer, having an eye to business, not notoriety, -and suspicious in all probability of the reception the article in the -production of which they were aiding and abetting, might receive, -were more cautious than the author; for the name neither of printer, -publisher, nor place of publication, appears on the title-page. In the -month of July, 1531, however, the book was to be bought at once in -the cities of Strasburg, Frankfort, and Basle: but no one knew for -more than twenty years where it had been printed, nor who besides the -author--who had also vanished out of sight--had been accessory to its -publication. The truth only came out in the course of the author’s -trial at Geneva in the year 1553. Basle had the credit for a time of -having hatched the cockatrice; and that the charge was taken seriously -to heart appears from a letter of Œcolampadius to Bucer which has been -preserved. - -The Swiss churches, as is known, were not all at one with Luther -and his followers upon some of the transcendental topics of their -common faith; and Servetus in his book having attacked the Doctrine -of Justification by Faith--the leading feature in Luther’s theology, -in terms neither complimentary nor respectful, the Switzers were -anxious to have the great head of the Reform movement informed that -they had nothing in common with the Serveto, alias Revés, of the book -‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ and that it had not fallen from any of the -presses of their country. In his letter to Bucer dated from Basle, -August 5, 1531, Œcolampadius informs him that ‘several of their friends -had seen Servetus’s book and were beyond measure offended with it.’ ‘I -wish you would write to Luther,’ he continues, ‘and tell him it was -printed elsewhere than at Basle, and without any privity of ours. It is -surely a piece of consummate impudence in the writer to say that the -Lutherans are ignorant of what Justification really means. Passing -many things by, I fancy he must belong to the sect of the Photinians, -or to some other I know not what. Unless he be put down by the doctors -of our church, it will be the worse for us. I pray you of all others -to keep watch; and if you find no better or earlier opportunity, -be particular in your report to the Emperor in excusing us and our -churches from the breaking in among us of this wild beast. He indeed -abuses everything in his way of viewing it; and to such lengths does he -go that he disputes the coeternity and consubstantiality of the Father -and the Son--he would even have the man Christ to be the Son of God in -the usual natural way.’[18] - -Bucer having perused the ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus’ would seem to have -been excessively disturbed or scandalised by its contents. Known as -a man of a perfectly humane disposition in a general way, he is now -violent even to slaying. Denouncing its author from the pulpit, he is -said to have declared that the writer of such a book deserved to be -disembowelled and torn in pieces! Yet was not Martin Bützer always of -this savage way of thinking. In a Preface and Postscript to an early -work--a translation by a friend, of Augustin’s Treatise ‘on the Duty of -the Ruler in matters of Religion,’[19] he is as mercifully disposed -towards the erring as could be desired. They are to be prayed for, -instructed, and it may be punished, but it is to be mildly; they are -never to be put to death. He refers to his ‘Dialogues’ in which the -subject is treated at length. - -Luther, too, must have read the work, and it is not a little -interesting to us to be made aware from what he says himself that -he, like others of the Reformers, as well as Michael Servetus, had -been troubled with doubts about the conformity of the orthodox -Trinitarian dogma with the dictates of simple reason. In the -Table-Talk--Tisch-Reden--of 1532, he refers to what he characterises -as ‘a fearfully wicked book--ein greulich bös Buch--’ which had lately -come out against the doctrine of the holy Trinity. ‘Visionaries like -the writer,’ says Doctor Martin, ‘do not seem to fancy that other folks -as well as they may have had temptations on this subject. But the -sting did not hold; I set the word of God and the Holy Ghost against -my thoughts and got free.’ Luther as usual imagined that the doubts he -felt were inspired by the Devil, instead of by God, through the reason -given him for his guidance.[20] - -But of all his contemporaries Melanchthon appears to have been more -taken with the work on Trinitarian Error than any other of the leading -Reformers; and he is much more outspoken in expressing his opinion of -the incomprehensible and really unscriptural nature of the dogma which -it is the gist of Servetus’s book to impugn. To one of his friends he -begins his letter by telling him ‘that he has been reading Servetus -a great deal--_Servetum multum lego_--though I am well aware of the -fanatical nature of the man. In his derisive treatment of Justification -he sees nothing but the _quality_ of Augustin; and he plainly raves -when, misinterpreting the text of the Old and New Testament, he denies -to the Prophets the Holy Spirit. I also think he does injustice both -to Tertullian and Irenæus, when, treating of the Word, he makes them -question its being an hypostasis. But I have little doubt that great -controversies will one day arise on this subject, as well as on the -distinction of the two natures in Christ.’[21] - -To Camerarius, another friend, he writes: ‘You ask me what I think -of Servetus? I see him indeed sufficiently sharp and subtle in -disputation, but I do not give him credit for much depth. He is -possessed, as it seems to me, of confused imaginations, and his -thoughts are not well matured on the subjects he discusses. He -manifestly talks foolishness when he speaks of Justification. Περὶ -τῆς τρίαδος--on the subject of the Trinity--you know, I have always -feared that serious difficulties would one day arise. Good God! to what -tragedies will not these questions give occasion in times to come: εἴ -ἐστιν ὑπόστασις ὁ λὀγος--is the Logos an hypostasis? εἴ ἐστιν ὑπόστασις -τὸ πνεῦμα--is the Holy Ghost an hypostasis? For my own part I refer me -to those passages of Scripture that bid us call on Christ, which is to -ascribe divine honours to him, and find them full of consolation.’[22] - -This is surely very candid and beautiful. But the spirit of the -Prophet of Nazareth did not always find such a resting place as it -did in the heart and mind of Philip Schwarzerde, though he too could -forget himself and approve of violence, as we shall see, when certain -beliefs which he held sacred and thought it a public duty to profess -were assailed. At this time, however, on this occasion, he is in his -proper placable frame of mind and continues thus: ‘I find it after -all of little use to inquire too curiously into that which properly -constitutes the nature of a _Person_, and into that wherein and whereby -persons are distinguished from one another. It is very provoking that -in Epiphanius, except a few trifling passages, we have nothing from the -days when the same questions were agitated by Paul of Samosata--nothing -in fact whence we might know what was thought of Paul’s opinions at the -time, and of what mind were they who condemned him. I am even greatly -distressed when I think of such negligence on the part of the hierarchs -of the age of this Paul, as well as of times more near our own.’ When -writing thus Melanchthon plainly sympathised more with Paul of Samosata -and his opinions than he would have liked to acknowledge at a later -period of his life; for he, too, like so many who become narrow and -intolerant in age, was liberal enough when younger, and in the earlier -editions of his ‘Loci Theologici’ could speak of the Holy Spirit as -nothing more than an ‘Afflatus of Deity.’ - -The above extracts from confidential letters seem to show that -Melanchthon was not himself quite clear as to the sense in which a -Trinity of the Godhead was to be understood; a state of mind shared in, -unless we much mistake, by more than one among the most influential -men of the Swiss Churches, by none more certainly than by Calvin, -their great head, himself, as we shall show. Melanchthon indeed in -his next letter to the same friend, speaking of Servetus’s assumption -that Tertullian did not think the Logos an hypostasis--a distinct -substantial reality--proceeds:--‘To me Tertullian seems to think on -this subject as we do in public--_quod publice sentimus_, and not in -the way Servetus interprets him. But of these things more hereafter -when we meet.’ Melanchthon would not therefore trust in writing, even -to an intimate friend, all he thought on the subject of the Trinity; -and truly there is matter enough when critically scanned in the first -edition of his best-known work--‘The Loci Theologici’ of 1521--that -puts him out of the pale of orthodox Trinitarianism.[23] - -Neither was Joannes Œcolampadius without something of a fellow feeling -for Servetus, although he repudiated his conclusions. Writing to Martin -Bucer on July 18, 1531, shortly after the publication of the work on -Trinitarian misconception, he informs his friend that he had heard from -Capito of Strasburg, who tells him that the book is for sale among them -there, and has rejoiced some of the enemies of the Church, as it will -also afford matter of gratulation to the Papists of France when they -see that writings of the kind are suffered to be published in Germany. -‘Read the book,’ continues the writer, ‘and tell me what you think of -it. Were I not busy with my Job, I should be disposed to answer it -myself; but I must leave this duty to another with more leisure at -command. Our Senate have forbidden the Spaniard’s book to be sold here. -They have asked my opinion of its merits, and I have said that as the -writer does not acknowledge the coeternity of the Son, I can in no -wise approve of it as a whole, although it contains much else that is -good--_Etiamsi multa alia bona scribat_.’[24] - -In the days of Philip Melanchthon and Joannes Œcolampadius we therefore -see that men had _private_ opinions on subjects to which they were -committed by their subscriptions, which differed we know not how widely -from their public professions, precisely as among the ancients, and -ourselves at the present time: culture would still seem to make an -esoteric and an exoteric doctrine a necessity of existence. - -Made aware, as we are by these letters of the Reformers, that -Servetus’s book was causing a considerable stir both in Switzerland -and Germany, it seems, in so far as we have ascertained, to have -been entirely neglected by the Roman Catholics of these lands as -well as of France. We have searched in vain for any notice of it -in French theological writings of the period; neither have we been -able to discover, though condemned and ordered to be suppressed by -the Emperor Charles V. when brought under his notice by Cochlæus and -Quintana at Ratisbon, that it figures at any early date on the Roman -Index of prohibited books. There are good reasons for believing, -nevertheless, that Servetus’s book on Trinitarian Misconception had a -large amount of influence on Italian ground. It had been sent south -in numbers; and aware of this Melanchthon took it upon him by-and-by -to address the Senate of Venice on the subject, informing them that -a highly objectionable work was for sale among them, and suggesting -that measures should be taken for its suppression. The Sozzini, uncle -and nephew--Lælius and Faustus Socinus--and their followers, the -Unitarians, have consequently been seen as the disciples of Servetus, -though it may be that they were so only indirectly; for Servetus -himself, as we shall find, declares that he does not deny a kind of -trinity in the unity of God. But his trinity is _modal_ or _formal_, -not _real_ or _personal_ in the usual sense of the word. - -If overlooked by theologians of the Latin races, the work of our -author appears to have attracted all the more attention from the men -of Teutonic descent who had espoused the cause of the Reformation. -In their ranks in the early period of the sixteenth century the -intelligence of Europe, in so far as the religious question was -concerned, seems to have been concentrated. They took pains to inform -themselves generally on all that was going on in the republic of -letters, and in so much of it very particularly as bore on the subject -they had most at heart. It is among the Swiss and German Reformers -consequently that we find any particular notice taken of Servetus’s -book on Trinitarian Error. They alone show themselves scandalised by -the opinions of its author and his style of expressing them, jealous -too, it might seem, at the intrusion of a mere layman into their -domain--a phenomenon as yet perfectly unheard of, and startled further -by the advances they discovered in the book upon all that they, as -inheritors of apostolic traditions in common with their Roman Catholic -brethren (from whom in matters of Dogma they differed so little), -regarded as the truth. Paul of Tarsus preaching his own independent -gospel to the Gentiles, proclaiming the universality of the fatherhood -of God, the nothingness of Circumcision, and, in opposition to the -whole Levitical code, that all days were alike holy and that it was not -what went into the mouth of a man that defiled him, could scarcely -have been more ominous to the intolerant Nazarene Church of Jerusalem -than was the appearance of this daring innovator upon the religious -stage of Germany. His book, everywhere freely sold in the first -instance, must have been read by everyone of liberal education, though -it became so scarce ere long, denounced and decried as it must have -been universally by the ministers, that twenty years afterwards a copy, -most pressingly wanted, and eagerly sought after, was nowhere to be -found in Switzerland; so effectually had zealotry succeeded in having -it committed to the flames! - -Strasburg and Basle, however, must have been the emporiums whence -the supplies of the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis’ were sent forth; for -after its author’s visit to the capital of Elsass and his happy -delivery of this the first-born of his genius at Hagenau, we find -him again in Basle and making himself obnoxious to Œcolampadius as -before. Writing what we must presume to be a second or third letter -to the Reformer, and complimenting him on what he is pleased to -style his correspondent’s clear apprehension of Luther’s doctrine of -Justification, Servetus goes on to make a personal request. ‘Somewhat -fearful of writing to you again,’ he says, ‘lest I should molest you -still more than I have already done, I yet venture to ask of you not -to interfere with my sending the books to France which I have with -me here, the book-fair of Lyons drawing near; for you of all men -are better entitled than any one else to pronounce an opinion upon -things unheard of until now. If you think it better that I should not -remain here, I shall certainly take my leave; only, you are not to -think that I go as a fugitive. God knows I have been sincere in all I -have written, although my crude style perchance displeases you. I did -not imagine you would take offence at what I say of the Lutherans; -especially when from your own mouth I heard you declare you were of -opinion that Luther had treated Charity in too off-hand a style; -adding, as you did, that folks were charitable mostly when they had -nothing else to think of. Melanchthon, too, as you know, affirms that -God has no regard for charity. Such sayings, believe me, are more -hurtful to the soul than anything I have ever written. And this all the -more as I see that you are not agreed among yourselves on the subject -of faith; for with my own ears I have heard you say one thing, which -is otherwise declared by doctor Paulus, otherwise by Luther, and yet -otherwise by Melanchthon;[25] and of this I admonished you in your own -house; but you would not hear me. - -‘Your rule for proving the Spirit, I think, deceives you; for, if in -your own mind there be any fear, or doubt, or confusion, you cannot -judge truly of me; and this the more because, although you know me in -error in one thing, you ought not, therefore, to condemn me in others, -else there were none who should escape burning a thousand times over. -This truth is forced on us on all hands, most especially perhaps by the -example of the Apostles, who sometimes erred. And, then, you do not -condemn Luther in every particular, although you are well aware that -he is mistaken in some things. I have myself entreated you to instruct -me, which, however, you have not done. It is surely an infirmity of our -human nature that none of us see our own faults, and so commonly look -on those who differ from us as impious persons or impostors. I entreat -you, for God’s sake, to spare my name and reputation. I say nothing of -others who are not interested in the questions between us. You say that -I would have no one punished or put to death, though all were thieves -alike; but I call the omnipotent God to witness that this is not my -opinion; nay, I scout any such conclusion. If I have spoken at any -time on the subject (the punishment proper for heresy), it was because -I saw it as a most serious matter to put men to death on the ground -of mistake in interpreting the Scriptures; for do we not read that -even the elect may err? You know full well that I have not treated my -subject in so indifferent or indiscreet a manner as to deserve entire -rejection at your hands. You make little yourself of speaking of the -Holy Spirit as an angel, but think it a great crime in me when I say -that the Son of God was a man. - - ‘Farewell. - ‘MICHAEL SERVETO.’[26] - -This letter, so characteristic of the writer, is full of interest even -at the present hour. Servetus would have Œcolampadius instruct him; but -the invariable complaint of all with whom he came in contact was that -he could never be made to receive instruction; in other words, secure -in his own conclusions, he thought his would-be instructors mistaken in -theirs. And this, indeed, for good or ill, is characteristic of all who -impress their age, and show themselves leaders in art, in science, in -policy, or religion. Genius measures with its own rod, and is its own -guide on the way it goes. The world is not moved by men who have all -they own from teachers. - -But especially worthy of note is the remark our writer makes on the -serious responsibility men assume when they put each other to death -for mistaken interpretations of Scripture. Had no scholar in modern -times before Servetus come to so great and charitable a conclusion, -we should still have to hallow the memory of the man who, more than -three hundred years ago, had the head and the heart to proclaim so -great a principle, in the enforcement of which in all its aspects the -better spirits of the world still find such opposition; though it is -not now by the infliction of death that bigotry and intolerance revenge -themselves on their victims, the advocates of freethought and outspoken -religious criticism. - -A good deal has been said, by its author as well as others, of the -crude style of the book on Trinitarian Error. But this to us seems -the least of its faults--the language is generally simple enough, not -Ciceronian certainly, but the meaning, save where the writer probably -did not quite understand himself, is not doubtful. As a composition, -it is the arrangement that is most defective. The parts have so little -either of coherence or sequence, that of the seven books or chapters -into which it is divided, the last, as it seems, might advantageously -have been made the first. For there it is, and not until the -penultimate page of the entire treatise is attained, that the key to -the writer’s most important conclusions is discovered. ‘Two fundamental -rules or principles,’ he says, ‘are to be steadily kept in view:--1st, -That the nature of God cannot be conceived as divisible; and 2nd, That -that which is accidental to the nature of anything is disposition.’ The -corollary he would have to follow from these premisses or postulates -being, that the orthodox idea of a Trinity, _i.e._, of the existence -of three distinct persons or entities in the unity of the Godhead, is -an impossibility, and so a fundamental religious error. As Servetus -himself believed in God, and acknowledged a Son of God and a Holy -Spirit--finding mention of these in the Scriptures, no word of which -would he overlook, though putting his own interpretation on all they -say--he held that the Son and Holy Ghost, in consonance with his Second -Principle, must be what he calls _dispositions_, or _dispensations_ of -the one eternal indivisible Deity--in other words, manifestations of -God in the world. - -The ‘Idea of God’ to which Servetus had attained is unquestionably -grand. ‘God,’ he says, ‘is eternal, one and indivisible, and in himself -inscrutable, but making his being known in and through creation; so -that not only is every living, but every lifeless thing, an aspect of -the Deity. Before creation was, God was; but neither was he Light, -nor Word, nor Spirit, but some ineffable thing else--_sed quid aliud -ineffabile_--these, Light, Word, Spirit, being mere dispensations, -modes or expressions of pre-existing Deity. (‘Dial.’ i. 4.) God, he -says, has no proper nature; for this would imply a beginning; and -_before_ and _after_ are terms that have no significance when they are -referred to God. Though God knew what to man would be a future, his -own prescience was without respect to _time_, and involved no such -necessity as is implied in _choice_. God, he continues, can be defined -by nothing that pertains to body; he created the world of himself, of -his substance, and, as essence, he actuates--_essentiat_--all things. -(‘Dial.’ ii.) The Spirit of God is the universal agent; it is in the -air we breathe, and is the very breath of life; it moves the heavenly -bodies; sends out the winds from their quarters; takes up and stores -the water in the clouds, and pours it out as rain to fertilise the -earth. God is therefore ever distinct from the universe of things, and -when we speak of the Word, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, we but speak -of the presence and power of God projected into creation, animating and -actuating all that therein is, man more especially than aught else; -‘the Holy Spirit I always say is the motion of God in the soul of -man, and that out of man there cannot properly be said to be any Holy -Spirit.’ (‘De Trin. Err.’ f. 85, b, and ‘Dial.’ ii.) This is obviously -a statement of what may be called the Exo-pantheistic principle in very -broad terms, akin to what we find in the Grecian mythology and certain -schools of philosophy; other than the Endo-pantheistic conception of -later times--the Causa Principio et Uno of Giordano Bruno,[27] the -Substantia of Spinoza, the Universum or Kosmos of Goethe,[28] Hegel, -Humboldt, Schopenhauer, D. F. Strauss,[29] &c. It is the Principle -inseparable from the mighty All as from the individual Atom, or -Pantheism proper. - -We shall, by-and-by, find our author, on his Geneva trial, damaging his -case and exciting, we may imagine, the astonishment of the unlettered -among his judges, by the assertion of his pantheistic notions, -and arousing the needless, and it may even be, the assumed ire of -Calvin--for he was familiar with the idea, having said himself that he -only objected to call Nature, God, because it was a hard and improper -expression--_quia est dura et impropria loquutio_.[30] - -Criticising the first verse of the Fourth Gospel: ‘In the beginning -was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God,’ -Servetus maintains that the Greek λὀγος, translated Word with us, does -not designate an entity but utterance or speech, as appears by its -etymology, derived as it is from λἐγω, to speak, to discourse. Of the -Word of God, therefore, to make the Son of God is to do as did the -heathen, who turned ideas or abstractions into mythical beings--Echo -into a Nymph, Fortitude into Minerva, &c., and so to bring discord -and dissidence upon the truths of Scripture. (‘De Tr. Err.’ f. 47, -b.) The Word spoken by God in the beginning implies fore-thought, -fore-knowledge; whence it is characterised as Wisdom, ‘that was from -the beginning or ever the earth was. Under the mystery of the Word, the -older apostolic tradition understood a certain dispensation whereby -God willed to reveal himself to mankind. The Word of God therefore is -equivalent to the Act of God; and even as Light came of the spoken -word, so too came Creation, so too came Man.’ In this way, says our -author, do we readily comprehend the expression of John: ‘The Word was -made flesh,’ and learn in what sense Christ is truly the Word: ‘He is, -as it were, the voice of God enunciating to mankind the will of the -Universal Father.’ (Ib. f. 49 b.) The Word, consequently, is nothing -different from God, but is God himself evoking all things, Christ among -the number in the fulness of time. If a reasonable meaning is to be -attached to mystical language, it seems difficult to imagine any more -satisfactory interpretation than this of Servetus, with which we see -that of a distinguished liberal divine of our own day essentially to -agree, as he says: ‘The Logos of the New Testament means not only the -Word as translated, but Reason, Intelligence, communicating itself -in thought and speech. It is the divine wisdom which was from the -beginning in the mind of God made manifest in time.’[31] - -The title _Son of God_, again, Servetus maintains is nowhere to be -found in the Scriptures otherwise applied than to a man--to the man -Jesus in particular; and the word _Person_ he insists is always to be -understood in the sense of the Greek προσῶπον and the Latin _persona_, -a mask, an appearance, and not any _real_ or individual thing. With -this style of exposition the Reformers could of course by no means -agree. They had adopted all the symbols of their predecessors of -the Church of Rome; and it seems to have been Servetus’ insistance -on his own divergent interpretation of the language of John and the -creeds that more especially aroused the enmity of Œcolampadius, Bucer, -Calvin, and the rest, they holding that to be accounted a Christian -it was necessary not only to acknowledge Christ to be the Son of God, -which Servetus was quite ready to do, in the way he understood the -filiation, but to acknowledge him to be the Logos or Word of St. John, -consubstantial and coeternal with the Father--which, to Servetus, was -impossible. It is probable that the way and manner in which in any -conceivable fashion such coeternity and consubstantiality could be -apprehended was among the topics on which Servetus craved enlightenment -from Œcolampadius; and as he could obtain none, pique and personal -dislike, opposition and enmity, took the place of dispassionate and -friendly discussion; precisely as happened in later years and mainly on -the same subjects between our author and Calvin. - -In his attempt to develope and explain his own conception of the -mystery of the Trinity--for it is a mistake to suppose that Servetus -was opposed to something of the kind--he does not set out like the -writer of the Fourth Gospel from the transcendental Word, but starts -with the historical Jesus, the man, the reputed son of Joseph the -Carpenter, but verily or naturally, as he says, the Son of God. To -this son the name Jesus was given at the time of his circumcision, -the title Christ being conferred by his disciples; whilst it was only -at his baptism that he was designated Son of God. The Holy Spirit and -power of the Highest overshadowing the Virgin Mary, and acting in her -as generator or generative dew, Jesus the Son of God and her Son was -engendered. It is not the Word consequently, but Jesus the Son of Mary -who is a Son of God: ‘The holy thing that shall be born of thee,’ says -the angel addressing the Virgin, ‘shall be called a Son of God.’ ‘They -therefore plainly err,’ says Servetus, ‘who speak of the Word as the -Son of God: the man Jesus was the Son of God, not the Word; the man -Jesus engendered, as stated above, by God in the womb of the Virgin.’ -‘All the Trinitarian errors,’ he concludes, ‘have arisen from not -understanding the true nature of the Incarnation.’ - -When he comes to speak of the Holy Ghost, Servetus unhappily forgets -what is due to the discussion of a subject that has engaged the serious -thoughts of so many pious men. He would seem to have seen some portions -of the catholic Christian dogma as so unreasonable that they were even -open to ridicule; and this leads him to the use of improper language. -The Holy Ghost, he maintains, is never spoken of save confusedly in -the Scriptures, the term being applied variously now to an angel, now -to the soul of man, and again to nothing more than wind or breath -(Ib. f. 22, a.). The Hebrew word _Ruach_, of which spirit or wind is -a translation, has indeed a still greater variety of meanings. On a -subject so indefinite and undefined as the Holy Spirit, we cannot -wonder that Œcolampadius in one of his letters should declare he can -make nothing of what Servetus says on the matter--‘_dicit nescio -quid_--he says I know not what.’ This much, however, we do make out -as our author’s opinion, viz.: that the Holy Spirit is nowhere spoken -of in Scripture as a distinct and independent entity, but always as a -motion, an agency, an afflatus of God or the power of God,--a view in -which he certainly had Melanchthon as his predecessor: ‘_Nec aliud -spiritus sanctus est nisi viva Dei voluntas et agitatio._’ (‘Loci -Theol.’ p. 128, ed. 1521.) - -Referring to the dogma of the ‘Two Natures,’ Servetus holds that this, -too, is founded in error. ‘To speak of the _Nature_ of God,’ he says, -‘is absurd; for the word nature can only apply to something created, -something born (from the Latin _natus_). But God is from Eternity. For -my own part,’ he proceeds, ‘I never take nature to signify aught but -the thing to which the term is applied--the nature of a thing is the -thing itself. To use the word nature in connection with the name of God -is, therefore, to speak of God himself. And so of the Son of God: that -which was an idea, image, or type of the Son in the mind of God, when -the Word was made flesh, became or was Christ, Reality then superseding -Idea (‘De Tr. Er.’ f. 92). There was consequently no aggregate of two -natures or two different things in Christ; he was one entity or person, -in the usual sense of the word.’ Servetus very inconsistently, as it -seems at first sight, often speaks of the man Jesus as God. But he can -do so only on the same ground as Cyrus in the Bible, Augustus Cæesar, -and other rulers, are called _Dii_ or _Divi_--gods. The Son of God, -to Servetus, in conformity with the pantheistic idea, can only be an -aspect or _Mode_ of the One God. If this be not his meaning, I know not -what it is. - -We have said above that Servetus is not opposed to the idea of a -Trinity of dispositions, powers, or properties in the Deity, but only -denies such a trinity of persons or entities as is embodied in the -symbols of orthodox Christianity. It is not unimportant, therefore, to -learn what the precise idea was which he had of the threefold state -he acknowledged as extant in the essence of God. His words are these: -‘_Tres sunt admirandi Dei dispositiones in quarum qualibet divinitas -relucet, ex quo sanissime Trinitatem intelligere posses_, &c.--There -are three admirable dispositions in God, in each of which divinity -appears, and from which you may satisfactorily understand the Trinity. -For the Father is the one God, from whom proceed certain dispensations. -But these imply no distinction into separate entities. By the economy -of God--_Dei_ οἰκονομίαν--they are no more than so many forms or -aspects of Deity; for the divineness that is in the Father, the same is -in the Son, and in the Holy Ghost.’ - -In another passage, he asserts his belief in a Trinity still more -distinctly: ‘I concede one person of the Father, another person of the -Son, another person of the Holy Ghost: three persons in one God, and -this is the true Trinity.’ (Ib. f. 64, b.) Had we not our author’s -explanation of the way in which he understands the word _person_, this -would make his conception, in so far, not different from the orthodox -interpretation of the mystery. But his language here must be regretted, -for it is misleading, the word _person_ with Servetus not signifying, -as we have seen, any real or individual entity distinct from other -entities, but property, appearance, or outward manifestation. The -second and third persons, therefore, as understood by Servetus, are to -be thought of as dispositions or modes of God, the universal Father, -and not as individuals or persons in the usual acceptation of these -words, though of them it is that distinct personages have been made, -and spoken of as being at once God and other than God, as being three -and yet no more than one. - -In sequence to this, our author goes on to say that ‘he will not make -use of the word Trinity, which is not to be found in Scripture, and -only seems to perpetuate philosophical error. It were well, indeed,’ -he continues, ‘that all distinction of persons in the one God were -henceforth abandoned and rooted out of the minds of men’ (Ib. f. 64, -b.); words in which we see reason getting the better of subserviency to -the letter of Scripture, and putting an extinguisher, as it were, upon -his own as well as other vain attempts to give a rational explanation -of the mystical Neo-Platonic Logos-Doctrine of the Fourth Gospel, of -which the Trinitarian Church-Dogma is the outcome. Hampered, however, -by the idea that everything in the Bible is the word of God, Servetus -insists on trying to find, for himself and his readers, something like -an acceptable interpretation of the leading words of the Imaginative -Mystical Discourse entitled the Gospel according to John. In this he -fails, as might have been anticipated; and then, his eyes being opened -to the fact, he has nothing for it but to conclude that the orthodox -Trinitarian mystery were well discarded from the thoughts and the -beliefs of man. ‘To believe, however,’ he continues, ‘suffices, it is -said; but what folly to believe aught that cannot be understood, that -is impossible in the nature of things, and that may even be looked on -as blasphemous! Can it be that mere confusion of mind is to be assumed -as an adequate object of faith?’ (Ib. f. 33, b.) - -The Trinitarian doctrine of dogmatic Christianity Servetus held to -have been a great obstacle to the spread of the religion of Christ. -Opposed to the conception of the Oneness of Deity to which the Jews -had finally attained, the religious system in which it was made so -prominent an element, could not possibly be accepted by them; neither, -on the same ground, could it be received by Islam; for Mahomet, -whilst he acknowledged Jesus as a prophet and power in the world, -born of a Virgin, too, like other distinguished individuals, in some -incomprehensible manner, never for a moment thought of him as the Son -of God; for ‘God,’ says he, ‘as he is not engendered, so neither does -he engender.’ - -But it is not in connexion with the subject of the Trinity alone that -Servetus shows the advances he had made on his age in the sphere of -Biblical exposition. Commenting on the text, ‘No man hath ascended up -to heaven but he who came down from heaven’ (John iii. 13), he says: -‘It is the spiritual heaven that is here to be understood, and this -exists wherever Christ is; “to ascend to heaven” means no more than -to discourse of heavenly things. “He that hath seen me hath seen the -Father,” says the text (Ib. xiv. 9), i.e., says our expositor, ‘he who -appreciates the priceless treasures of Christ’s love easily attains to -a knowledge of God the Father. But how should an invisible, intangible -Word give us to know God?’ (‘De Tr. Err.’ f. 46 _et seq._) - -There are others among the accepted doctrines of the reformed -Churches which, as repudiated by Servetus and so arraying the whole -of their adherents against him and influencing his fate, require a -passing notice at our hands. Justification by Faith, for instance, he -maintains, comes not by belief in the merits or sufferings of Christ, -but by belief in his worth or dignity as Son of God. On this ground, -he says, the Lutherans do not understand what Justification really -is. It is by belief of the kind he specifies, however, that we show -our obedience to God, accept the new covenant instead of the old -law, become the children of our heavenly Father, and have the Holy -Spirit imparted to us. Such belief is, in fact, the very kernel of the -Christian dispensation, and that on which the new covenant of grace -reposes. It is the real rock on which Peter was to build the Church, -against which the gates of hell should not prevail. But as hell does -seem to have got the upper hand, he adds, we can only conclude that -neither the Church on the rock nor the true Faith is now to be found -among us. The Lutheran Justification by Faith, in a word, is mere -magical fascination and folly (f. 82-84, Conf. ‘Ep. ad Calvin.’ xiii.). - -But Faith, even the most fervent, is not yet sufficient for salvation. -The Justification thereby attained is still no more than negative -in kind; to become positive, it must be associated with Love, -i.e., with Charity in the widest sense of the word; with the Love, -that is the fulfilment of the law, whereby alone do we secure for -ourselves treasures in heaven. Faith is the entrance, Charity the -sanctuary--_Fides ostium, Charitas perfectio_; and there is a fine -passage in the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ (p. 349), comparable in some -sort to Paul’s eloquent outburst on the excellence of that much misused -sentiment. When Servetus speaks of Charity, therefore, it is not the -eleemosynary idea of his day that is meant, with its mendicant friars, -its convent doles, and its engendered sloth and beggary; neither is it -the mistaken view of later days, which gives indolence and improvidence -a legal claim on industry and thrift. It is of the nobler, truer kind -that, beside good works, gives man a right to think and to speak -unfettered, and forbids him to fancy that his brother is damned for -divergency in theological opinion. - -To the leading Calvinistic doctrines of Predestination and Election, -involving as they do fettered instead of free will, Servetus is still -more violently opposed than to the Lutheran Justification by Faith. -‘In your fatal, not to say fatuous, necessity of all things, or your -servile will,’ says he, at a later period in his life, ‘there is a -certain show of folly, seeing that you would have a man do that which -you must know he cannot do. You speak of free acts, yet tell us there -is no such thing as free action. And it is absurd in you to derive the -servile will you abet from this: that it is God who acts in us. Truly -God does act in us, and in such wise that we act freely. He acts in us -so that we understand and will and pursue. Even as all things consist -essentially in God, so do all acts proceed essentially from him. But -the power in us to do is one thing, the necessity of doing is another; -and though God may deal with us as the potter deals with his clay, it -does not follow that we are nothing more than clay, and have no power -of action in ourselves.’ (Ib f. 79, b, et ‘Epist. ad Calvinum,’ xxii.) - -Another of the most essential doctrines underlying Pauline -Christianity, original sin, is made little of by Servetus. Although -I spent much time in reading his books, I do not appear to have -made a note of more than one or two passages in which he refers to -that subject; and when he does, it is by the way rather than more -particularly. It is on the necessity of faith in Christ, as he -understands the Sonship, that he dwells continually, making of this -the prime factor in his scheme of restored Christianity. ‘This faith -it is,’ says he, ‘that first makes us aware of our poverty, of our -misery; for if we believe that Christ is the Son of God and the Saviour -of the world, we already assume that the world is sinful, and requires -saving’ (‘Chr. Rest.’ p. 349). He does not refer particularly to -what is called ‘the Fall,’ neither does he say very pointedly how the -world came into the sorry plight in which he admits that he finds -it. The reason usually assigned must have appeared unsatisfactory -to an understanding so clear as that of Servetus, when unclouded by -fancies of his own creating; but we can hardly think he mends matters -by ascribing the origin of sin to heaven and the rebellion of the -angels, as he does, instead of to the earth and Adam’s disobedience. -Far from maintaining that the heart of man is corrupt and evil by -nature, he holds that the cause of good works and well-doing is proper -and spontaneous to the individual, who is only answerable for his own -sin, not for the sin of another. Faith in Christ, therefore, as the -naturally-begotten Son of God; Charity, in which are comprised all the -virtues, and a good life, in so far as we can make it out, form the -backbone of Servetus’s Christianity, as it is unfolded in his earliest -work on ‘Current Misconceptions of the Trinity.’[32] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE AUTHORITIES OF BASLE TAKE NOTICE OF HIS BOOK. HE WRITES TWO -DIALOGUES BY WAY OF APPENDIX TO IT AND LEAVES SWITZERLAND. - - -Failing to make any impression on the Swiss and German Reformers whose -countenance he had been so anxious to gain, we have seen Servetus in -his letter to Œcolampadius declaring his readiness to quit Basle, to -which he must have returned, if it were only not said that he went as a -fugitive, and giving something like an engagement to his correspondent -to review and, reviewing, to modify or retract some things he had said -in his book. That some such engagement was given we conclude from the -letter of Œcolampadius to the magistrates of Basle, to which we shall -refer immediately, and from which it would seem that it was through -the forbearance, if not even the more friendly interference, of the -Reformer that our author escaped arrest and imprisonment at this time. -The seven books or chapters on erroneous ideas of the Trinity had not -fallen stillborn from the press; neither had the presence of the writer -in Basle passed unobserved. The book being seen as heretical in the -highest degree by the ministers, the presence of its writer among them -was felt as matter of grievance by both clergy and laity; so that the -Civic Council held it within the scope of their duties to take notice -of the innovator, of whom they heard so much that was discreditable, -and, by laying hands on him, either to make him pay in person then and -there, or to send him away, like an infected bale, to spread his poison -elsewhere. - -Previous to acting, however, they thought it would be well to have the -opinion of their chief Pastor, Œcolampadius, on what had best be done, -and so requested him to advise with them on the subject. He replied -by a long letter in which he recapitulates the chief topics discussed -by Servetus in his treatise. ‘He, Œcolampadius, will do what he can -to place the good man’s views before them,--if indeed he may venture -to speak of the writer as a good man; for it seems that he strives at -times as much to darken the light as to enlighten the darkness, mixing -up incongruities rashly and not seldom stopping short of contradicting -himself. He opposes the orthodox doctors continually, and uses certain -words in an arbitrary and unusual sense. He denies the coeternity of -the Father and the Son, a doctrine hitherto held sacred by all the -Christian churches; and only recognises the sonship from the moment of -the engenderment, or rather of the birth of Christ. He even derides the -idea of God having a son from eternity, and asks whence the heavenly -father had his wife, or whether he were of both sexes in himself? He -will only recognise the eternity of the Son as an _Idea_ in the divine -mind: the Son was to be, but was not yet, until he appeared in the -flesh. He will by no means concede that the Word of St. John was the -Christ; yet he speaks of three persons in the one God; but it is with -glozing and an arbitrary meaning attached to the word person, and -with reasonings which, if they sometimes make for his views, are at -other times opposed to them, he neither thinking nor speaking as do -the apostles, and wresting the words of the fathers--of Tertullian and -Irenæus especially--from the interpretation commonly put upon them. - -‘Along with all this and much more that is objectionable, there are -still some things in the book that are good; nevertheless as a whole -it could not but offend me. God grant that the writer acknowledge -the rashness which has led him to speak so unadvisedly as he has -done of matters which transcend our human intelligence, and that -he may live to amend what he has said. As to the book, it would be -well perhaps that it were either totally suppressed, or were read by -those only who are not likely to be hurt by objectionable writings. -The errors he has fallen into acknowledged, _he will retract_ in his -writings--_retractârit scriptis_. Perhaps he was not himself aware of -their extent, or they were not seen by him as of such importance as -they are in fact. But I leave all to your prudence and discretion, -humbly commending myself and my work to your favour.’[33] - -If we are to understand the _retractârit scriptis_ of the above as a -promise from Servetus to retract in a future work what he has said -in his first, he certainly did not keep his word in the ‘Dialogi de -Trinitate,’[34] which he published in the course of the following year. -In the Preface to these dialogues, it is true, he informs the candid -reader that he retracts all he had ‘lately written in the seven books -of erroneous conceptions concerning the Trinity, not because what I -say there is false, but because the work is imperfect and written as -it were by a child for children. I pray you nevertheless to hold by so -much as you find there that may help you to understand the subjects -discussed. All that is barbarous, confused and faulty, ascribe to my -inexperience and the carelessness of the printer. I would not that any -Christian were offended by what I say; for God is used sometimes to -make known his wisdom to the world by weak vessels. Look at the thing -itself, therefore, I pray you, and if you take good heed, my stammering -will prove no hindrance to you.’ - -The reputed printer of Servetus’s Treatise and Two Dialogues, Jo. -Secerius, has no particular name as a typographer. But these little -works are by no means incorrectly printed; they show few typographical -errors--so few that they must almost certainly have been read for press -by the writer himself. The printer therefore is not to be blamed for -any shortcomings of the kind referred to by the author--if there be -defect it is his own, and it was the matter not the manner that had -been found fault with. But the Preface is apologetic in directions -uncalled for, and is meaningless in fact. Servetus did not think -himself a weak vessel; neither did he look on his work as the work of -a child for children; and as for any retractation of his opinions, -nothing seems to have been further from his mind. On the contrary the -mysticism of the writer of the Fourth Gospel appears to have taken a -firmer hold of our author than it had done before, and to have acted as -fresh ferment to the mystical element so abundant in his proper nature. -There may be modification of some of the views already enunciated, but -from none of them is there recession. The opposition he met with from -the leading Reformers seems even to have added point and precision to -his writing. He is more outspoken than before, and is still less chary -in the kind of language he uses towards opponents. The usual conception -of a _partitioned_ Deity he declares to be simply blasphemous; they who -seriously entertain it are fools, and so blind that were Christ to come -among them now and declare he was the Son of God, they would crucify -him anew. The Dialogues, instead of any denial and retractation, -are a reiteration and defence of almost all he has said in his first -production; although, indeed, we do observe that where he can he -occasionally approximates somewhat to more orthodox views; in that -passage very notably where he speaks of the Son being of the same -essence (homousios), and even consubstantial with the Father. (‘Dial.’ -i., f. II, b.) But these are really no more than words set down under -the varying impulses of mind to which the writer gave way, and are -deprived of any meaning that might attach to them by something that has -either gone before or that comes immediately after. - -The discussion of Luther’s Justification by Faith, to which it must be -presumed his attention had been particularly called by Œcolampadius as -likely to be offensive to the Lutherans, is renewed in the Dialogues; -and the writer is so far carried away by his own exaggerated estimate -of the mental condition implied in faith or belief, that he seems even -to accept _in toto_ the principle he would controvert. Though he is -elsewhere and ever so emphatic in praise of good works or charity, -we here find him not sparing in condemnation of those who hope -through their doings of any kind to achieve salvation. Monks and nuns -accordingly, who sin more especially in this direction and who by the -assumption of peculiar habits and behaviour think to make themselves -agreeable to God, are an especial abomination to him. Man, he declares, -cannot be justified by the observance of vows or rules of any kind; -for these are not written in the law of God, and in themselves are -without significance. ‘A most pestilent thing it is, that Papal decrees -and monastic vows are assumed as means of salvation. When men bind -themselves by vows to particular observances, they virtually declare -that the salvation they have through Christ is insufficient, and lay -themselves fast in those bonds of the law from which Christ came to set -them free.’ - -In spite of frequently recurring contradictions and something that is -objectionable on the score of taste, we nevertheless think that no one, -however little disposed to abet Servetus’s general views, could peruse -these dialogues without coming to the conclusion that the writer was -a man of a sincerely pious nature, who had read much, and reflected -deeply, feeling it a necessity of his nature to expend himself in the -mystical verbiage in which religious enthusiasm loves to robe itself as -in a sufficient and seemly garment. - -The seven Books and two Dialogues on the Trinity of Servetus have been -spoken of as an attempt to hold a middle course between the Roman -Catholic and the Reformed churches; and there may be something to -warrant such a conclusion from what is said in the chapter ‘De Justitia -Regni Christi.’ But Servetus’s Trinity is of another kind from that -of either the older or the younger sister, and where not assimilable -to the Neoplatonic ideas of Philo, it followed from the Pantheistic -principles which, like deep thinkers in general, he had adopted. God to -Servetus was the ἓν καὶ πᾶν, the One and the All; and if at any time -he speaks of Christ as God, it is as a manifestation of the Divine -in human form--a _dispensation_ in his own phraseology, a _mode_ in -Spinozistic language. The Divine Unity, and its manifestation in the -world in infinite modes, may be said to be the fundamental idea in the -philosophical as well as the theological system of Servetus.[35] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -PARIS. ASSUMPTION OF THE NAME OF VILLENEUVE OR VILLANOVANUS. -ACQUAINTANCE WITH CALVIN. - - -His indifferent reception by the German and Swiss Reformers must have -satisfied Servetus that there was no abiding place for him among them. -He was doubtless disappointed and not a little disconcerted by the -treatment he met with at their hands. He had come as a light-bringer, -as a fellow striver for the Truth through independent reading of the -Scriptures. Studious and learned; smitten with divine philosophy; -emancipated from the fetters of the church of Rome; tolerant and -charitable, he doubtless thought that the liberal studies in Humanity -and the Greek letters in which he knew the Reformers excelled, must as -a matter of course have imparted to them something of the liberality -and comprehensiveness he felt in himself. Face to face with their -leaders in Basle and Strasburg, however, he was undeceived; and when he -saw that his book on Trinitarian Error, instead of bringing him fame -and friends, earned him nothing but evil report and enemies, and might -even compromise his personal safety, there was nothing left for him -but to pack up and begone. - -He must have quitted Switzerland immediately after writing his letter -to Œcolampadius, and in all likelihood taken up his quarters at -Hagenau, where he lived quietly for some weeks or months engaged in -writing and supervising the printing of the ‘Two Dialogues,’ with which -and the concluding anathema against all tyrants of the church, as a -parting shot, he went on his way to France, reaching Paris towards -the end of 1532. He had in fact made the German-speaking parts of -Switzerland and Elsass where he was known, too hot for him, to use -a familiar phrase; and the parts where French was the mother tongue -had not yet taken up with Calvin or another great name opposed to -the Papacy, that might have led his thoughts towards them. He was -besides but indifferently acquainted with the German language; in -circumstances, too, we may presume, that made it impossible for him to -remain in any place where he had not remunerative occupation of some -sort; and this, with the whole world of the Reformation against him, he -saw he could not now obtain in quarters where he had once hoped to find -a welcome and a footing. He had therefore no choice left but retreat; -and Paris was the place where accomplishments of the kind he possessed -were most likely to find a market. - -With all his hardihood and self-confidence, Servetus was not without -so much prudence as assured him that a certain amount of caution -and reticence was required of everyone who would live at peace among -his fellow men. He doubtless imagined at one time, but had already -discovered his mistake, that among heretics, as he had been accustomed -to hear the Reformers designated, he might freely expend himself -in heresy. To the very end of his life, he seems to have had some -difficulty in divining why he had not been welcomed by them with open -arms as a brother. But he was well aware that Roman Catholic France had -yet less in common with Michael Serveto, alias Revés, author of the -Seven books and Two dialogues on Trinitarian Error, than Protestant -Switzerland and Germany. - -Servetus felt that the writer of these works could not safely show -himself in Paris under either his proper family or his maternal name, -and so fell readily upon one derived from the town of his nativity, -Villanueva. Servetus seems indeed at no time to have been very -particular as to his name and designation. On his trial at Vienne he is -of Tudela in Navarre, on that at Geneva, of Villanova in Aragon; and -Tollin finds him inscribed in the academic register of Paris (1536) and -in that of Montpellier, which he must have visited some time in 1540, -as neither of Tudela nor Villanova, but of Saragossa! During all the -years he lived in France, he was never known save as Monsieur Michel -Villeneuve, or, when he wrote in Latin, as Michael Villanovanus. Under -the name of Villeneuve he now announced himself, entered as student of -mathematics and physics at one of the colleges, and at a later period -took his degrees of M.A. and M.D. in the University of Paris. Under -the same name he subsequently wrote and edited various works at Lyons; -and it was as M. Villeneuve that he finally became known in the town -of Vienne in Dauphiny, where he lived for twelve years engaged in the -practice of medicine, and on terms of intimacy with the Archbishop and -all the notabilities of the place, both lay and clerical. - -As a man of scholarly acquirements Servetus in the first instance -probably found employment, and the means of living with some of the -typographers of Paris, as reader and corrector of the press, a line of -life which he certainly followed for the next three or four years, in -the course of which we find notices of him first at Orleans, then at -Avignon, and finally at Lyons, one of the chief centres of the printing -and publishing business that had been called into such vigorous life -by the revival of learning, the discovery of the art of printing with -moveable types, and finally and very essentially by the Reformation. - -It was during his first residence of about two years at Paris, -1532-1534, that he made the acquaintance of the man who became in -the end his most implacable enemy, and the immediate cause of his -untimely and cruel death. This was no other than the celebrated John -Calvin, then a young man and about the same age as himself. Partially -emancipated from the fetters of the faith in which he had been born -and bred, but not less firmly bound in others of his own fashioning, -Calvin had already attracted the notice of his friends and the public -by his natural abilities and his scholarly acquirements, and been -pointed out as likely to influence the progress of the Reformation in -his native France. Hearing of Calvin’s presence in Paris, Servetus as -Villeneuve must have sought him out, and, still full of the familiar -theological subject, have made an attempt upon him as he had already -done upon Œcolampadius and the others, for countenance and approval -in the discovery he had made of what he believed to be the true -saving Christian faith. But with no better success we must conclude; -for though the two young men met oftener than once in private, it -was without coming to any agreement. They had, therefore, actually -resolved on a public discussion, with a view to the voidance of their -theological differences. - -This, however, never came to pass. Such an exhibition, indeed, could -not have taken place at the time without danger to both. Calvin, in -his young zeal, and for what he held to be the honour of God, would -have faced the danger, but the individual known to his Parisian friends -and Calvin as Michel Villeneuve must have seen on afterthought that he -could make no public appearance as defender of the _outré_ opinions he -entertained, without betraying the Michael Serveto of the De Trinitatis -Erroribus and Dialogues who lay hidden behind the adopted name; and -this he knew would be not only to disconcert all his present plans, -but assuredly to compromise his life. Calvin, we must presume, had not -at this time heard of Servetus’s books; very certainly he had not read -them; for one so acute and well-informed on theological matters as he, -would not have been more than a few minutes face to face with their -author without detecting him. But we find no hint in Calvin’s writings -that he then surmised who Villeneuve, his Parisian acquaintance, really -was, and conclude that he lived for a dozen years or more without -suspecting that the individual he discovered as Michael Serveto of the -Book on Trinitarian Error in his correspondent of Vienne, of the year -1546, was the same Villeneuve he had known in Paris in 1534. - -Calvin then would have faced the danger of the public discussion, -though persecution was hot at the time against heresy, and he was not -unsuspected on this score. The danger to him, however, would have been -slight in comparison with that which Servetus must have incurred. -Calvin would not have stood forth on this occasion as the defender of -any heresy, but of the very fundamentals of the Christian faith as -embodied in its Creeds; to some of the most essential propositions in -which Servetus, on the contrary, must have shown himself diametrically -opposed. Servetus therefore, in this instance at least, saw perforce -that discretion was the better part of valour, and wisely stayed away. -He was in truth far too deeply compromised to venture on an appearance; -for if discovered to be Michael Serveto, nothing could have saved him -from the heretic’s death. He had nothing for it therefore but to -forfeit his engagement and lay himself open to Calvin’s reproachful -‘_vous avez fuy la luite_’--you fled the encounter--of a later and to -him more momentous epoch in their common lives. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -LYONS. ENGAGEMENT AS READER FOR THE PRESS WITH THE TRECHSELS. EDITS THE -GEOGRAPHY OF PTOLEMY. - - -Theology, however, after which we see Servetus still hankering--_hæret -lateri letalis arundo!_--and even the study of the mathematics on -which he was now engaged, had to be abandoned for present means of -subsistence; and as Lyons seemed even a better field for the scholar -than Paris, to Lyons, after a short stay at Avignon and Orleans, he -betook himself. There he appears immediately to have found employment -as reader and corrector of the press in the house of the distinguished -typographers, the Brothers Trechsel; and if the Age have its character -from the aggregate of its science and culture, and the Individual his -bent from his more immediate surroundings, we cannot but think of -Servetus’s connection with these light-spreaders as another among the -highly influential events in his life. - -Books in the early days of printing were much more generally written in -Latin than in the vernacular, and ever more and more with references to -Greek, lately brought greatly into vogue by Erasmus and the Reformers. -The reader for press in the best establishments was therefore, and -of necessity, a scholar and man of letters; and the opportunities -for improvement now put in the way of one like Servetus, even whilst -pursuing the mechanical part of his duties, have only to be hinted at -to be appreciated. The reading room of the distinguished typographers -of those days was, indeed in some sort, a continuation of school and -college to the competent corrector of the press. - -Servetus’s liberal elementary education, therefore, stood him in good -stead at this time; for the Trechsels ere long, instead of holding -him to the subordinate though still important duties of reader and -corrector, engaged him further as editor of various costly works that -issued from their press. Among the number of these a handsome edition -of the Geography of Ptolemy[36] deserves particular mention, both as -evincing the good repute in which he stood when we find him entrusted -with such a work, and also as showing the extent of his reading and -general knowledge--strangely enough, also, as influencing in some -remote degree the fate that finally befel him. - -Earlier editions of the Ptolemy were faulty in several ways, and -disfigured in different degrees by errors due, in part at least, to -indifferent editing. These, where literal, Villanovanus corrected in -the new issue; and where the sense was obscure through faulty wording, -he brought light by the better readings he supplied, having formed his -text, as he says, by collating all the editions he could lay his hands -on, and where these gave him no aid, by suggestions of his own. - -In his address to the reader, our editor, whom we shall often speak of -under his adopted name of Villanovanus, gives a short account of his -author, Claudius Ptolemæus, his birth-place, the Roman emperors under -whom he flourished, ‘his knowledge of philosophy and the mathematics, -and the more than Herculean glory he achieved by his successful but -peaceful invasion of so many lands. Nor indeed was this all, for he may -be said to have bound earth to heaven by assimilating the measurements -of the one to those of the other; and, coming after Strabo, Pliny, and -Pomponius Mela, he as far surpassed them, as they excelled all the -geographers who had gone before them.’ - -But Villanovanus did much more than edit and amend the text of Ptolemy. -‘We,’ he says, ‘have added scholia to the text, whereby the book is -made more interesting and more complete. Using our familiarity with -the historical, poetical, and miscellaneous writings of the Greeks and -Romans, in so far as they bear on our subject, we have given the names -by which the countries, mountains, rivers, and cities were known to -them; and, to aid the tyro, have further translated the ancient titles -of places into those by which they are now designated--into French -for France, Italian for Italy, German for Germany, &c., all of which -countries we have seen, besides having a knowledge of their languages.’ -Extending his vision beyond the mere physical features of the lands -he is passing under review, he might have added that he also gives -short, but graphic accounts of their inhabitants, the prominent traits -of their character, their manners, customs, &c., which are extremely -interesting. But Michael Villanovanus is not one of those who hide -themselves behind their good works, and so is he now careful to inform -his readers of the pains he has taken in their behalf. By them, he -says, he hopes his vigils will be properly appreciated, ‘for day and -night have I laboured assiduously at my task--_dies noctesque jugiter -laboravi_.’ He concludes his preliminary address in these words: ‘No -one, I imagine, will under-estimate the labour, though pleasant in -itself, that is implied in the collation of our text with that of other -earlier editions, unless it be some Zoilus of the contracted brow, who -cannot without envy look on the serious labours of others. But thou, -candid reader, whoever thou art, we trust wilt be well disposed, kindly -to receive and to approve our work. Farewell!’ - -Villanovanus’s edition of the Ptolemy is certainly an advance on that -of Bilibald Pirckheimer, which formed its groundwork; but it is not so -free from literal errors as the laudatory address of the editor might -lead us to expect. And it would have been better had he said that he -had enlarged and improved the short and meagre scholia of his editorial -predecessor than spoken as if he had supplied them wholly of himself. -Villanovanus’s improved comments, however, impress us very favourably -with a sense of the pains he must have bestowed on the work, and arouse -our respect for the extent and variety of the reading he had undertaken -to obtain the information he brings to bear on the physical aspects -and natural productions of the several countries described, as well -as of the customs, manners, and moral qualities of their inhabitants. -Now it was that the smattering of geographic and historic lore he -may have picked up as a student at Saragossa and elsewhere stood him -in good stead, enabling him, as it did, to advance and profit by -the ample stores of information of the kind which the city of Lyons -placed within his reach. Living immediately after the age of the great -navigators--Columbus, Vasco de Gama, Magellan, the Vespucii, and the -rest--and in the very days when the works of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, -Simon Grynæus, Sebastian Munster, and others enabled the educated to -acquire something like a true knowledge of the world they lived in, the -new edition of Ptolemy by Michael Villanovanus was a happy thought, and -contributed, we need not doubt, no less to his own development than -to the spread of useful and humanising information. Engaged on the -Ptolemy, the super-subtleties of scholasticism and theology seem to -have vanished before the light of the more positive kind of knowledge -that now broke around him. - -When we turn to the writings of the able individuals mentioned above, -we have no difficulty in discovering whence Servetus had most, -perhaps all, of his geographical and astronomical knowledge. The Opus -Epistolarum of Angleria, in particular, seems to have been the mine -from whence he made himself rich in mental wealth of many kinds. We -find him imitating, and even improving upon, the lines which head -Angleria’s _De Rebus Oceanicis_ and Grynæus’s _Typi Cosmographici_, -as the reader may see by comparing the verse below[37] with the one -he will find further on, which is prefixed to the 2nd edition of the -Ptolemy. - -Turning to the Scholia of Villanovanus, we find it not a little -interesting in these days to have a glimpse of ourselves in our sires, -and of our neighbours in theirs, from the pen of a man of genius -hard upon three centuries and a half ago; and as Michael Servetus is -really only known to us through his works and the judicial trials he -underwent, we make no apology for referring briefly to his additions to -the bald and matter-of-fact text of the original Ptolemy. - -The map of the first country in the series of fifty by which the -work is illustrated is that of Great Britain. The people of SCOTLAND, -Villanovanus informs his reader, are hot-tempered, prone to revenge, -and fierce in their anger; but valiant in war and patient beyond belief -of cold, hunger, and fatigue. They are handsome in person, and their -clothing and language are the same as those of the Irish, their tunics -being dyed yellow, their legs bare, and their feet protected by sandals -of undressed hide with the hair on. They live mainly on fish and flesh; -they have numerous flocks, mostly of sheep, for the country is free -from wolves; and they have milk and cheese in abundance. Their arms -are bows and arrows and broad swords--_lati gladii_. Instead of wood, -they have coal for fuel. Unlike the people of the last few generations, -he says the Scotch are not a particularly religious people. He ‘who -never feared the face of man,’ as the Earl of Morton said of Knox, -when looking down on his dead body, had not yet made himself felt in -the land of his birth; and the School-house had not yet risen as a -necessary complement to the Kirk and the Manse, to make the people of -Scotland what they have become since his day--among the very foremost -of the sons of men. - -ENGLAND, Villanovanus observes, is wonderfully well peopled, and -the inhabitants are long-lived. Tall in stature, they are fair in -complexion, and have blue eyes. They are brave in war, and admirable -bowmen. He has the familiar tale of the English children seen as -captives at Rome by the blessed Gregory, who said they were called -Angli, indeed; but in form and feature showed like Angeli. He must, as -it seems, have given some little attention to the English language, if -he did not study it more particularly. He says it is so difficult to -learn and to pronounce, because the people who speak it are a compound -of so many different races. - -Of IRELAND and the Irish our editor does not speak so favourably. The -country, he observes, is generally marshy, so that, unless the summers -are dry, the cattle are apt to get lost in the bogs. It is free from -noxious creatures of every kind, there being no reptiles, such as -snakes, toads, and frogs, and no insects, such as spiders and bees--a -state of things which, if it ever obtained, certainly does so no -longer. The climate is very temperate, and the soil of great fertility; -but the people are rude, inhospitable, barbarous, and cruel, more -given to hunting and idle play than to industry. Only three days’ sail -from Spain, the Irish, he says, have many customs in common with the -Spaniards. - -Of SPAIN, the account given is particularly full, but by no -means complimentary, and its people are contrasted--not to their -advantage--with their neighbours the French. The extreme dryness of -the climate is noticed, which tends to make the country less fertile -than France. Irrigation, however, being practised on an extensive -scale in many parts, tends to make up for the infrequency of rain, -the conduits being often carried to great distances from the rivers. -His description of the people is far from laudatory. ‘The Spaniard,’ -he says, ‘is of a restless disposition, apt enough of understanding, -but learning imperfectly or amiss, so that you shall find a learned -Spaniard almost anywhere sooner than in Spain. Half-informed, he thinks -himself brimful of information, and always pretends to more knowledge -than he has in fact. He is much given to vast projects, never realised; -and in conversation he delights in subtleties and sophistry. Teachers -commonly prefer to speak Spanish rather than Latin in the schools and -colleges of the country; but the people in general have little taste -for letters, and produce few books themselves, mostly procuring those -they want from France.’ The Spanish language, indeed, he speaks of as -defective in many respects, and does not fail to remark on the number -of Moorish words incorporated with it. The people, he says, ‘have many -barbarous notions and usages,’ derived by implication from their old -Moorish conquerors and fellow-denizens. ‘The women have a custom that -would be held barbarous in France, of piercing their ears and hanging -gold rings in them, often set with precious stones. They besmirch their -faces, too, with minium and ceruse--red and white lead--and walk about -on clogs a foot or a foot and a half high, so that they seem to walk -above rather than on the earth. The people are extremely temperate, and -the women never drink wine. Spaniards, he concludes, are notably the -most superstitious people in the world in their religious notions; but -they are brave in the field, of signal endurance under privation and -difficulty, and by their voyages of discovery have spread their name -over the face of the globe.’ - -Of FRANCE, M. Villeneuve has less to say than of Spain; but what -he tells us of the royal touch for the cure of scrofula is still -interesting in the annals of superstition. ‘I have myself seen the king -touching many labouring under this disease, but I did not see that they -were cured.’ - -Of GERMANY, and he uses the title in a very comprehensive sense--he -speaks at considerable length. Smarting under the rebuff he had -received at the hands of the Swiss and German Reformers, he is nowise -disposed to find the Teutons and their congeners or neighbours however -designated, an interesting people, or their territories as in any -way attractive. Referring to Tacitus’s account of Germany proper, as -overgrown by vast forests, and defaced by frightful swamps, its climate -he says is at once as insufferably hot in summer as it is bitterly -cold in winter. ‘Hungary,’ he observes, ‘is commonly said to produce -oxen, Bavaria swine, Franconia onions, turnips and liquorice, Swabia -harlots, Bohemia heretics, Switzerland butchers, Westphalia cheats, -and the whole country gluttons and drunkards. The Germans, however, -are a religious people; not easily turned from opinions they have once -espoused and not readily persuaded to concord in matters of schism, -everyone valiantly and obstinately defending the heresy he has himself -adopted;’ words in which we may presume Villanovanus sought to give -ease to the pent-up displeasure he felt against his repudiators, the -Reformers of Basle and Strasburg. - -Of ITALY and its people he has little to say; and that not good. The -natives readily enough pretend to forgive injuries, but, occasion -offering, none revenge themselves so savagely. They make use in their -everyday talk of the most horrid oaths and imprecations. Holding all -the rest of the world in contempt and calling them barbarians, they -themselves have nevertheless been alternately the prey of France, of -Spain, and of Germany. - -In his survey of BABYLONIA, he refers to a certain abominable custom -observed by young marriageable women, which is particularly mentioned -by Herodotus and also by the writers of the Bible, when read by -unsealed eyes, as obtaining among the Jews, and of the money, so -objectionably earned in our estimation, being devoted to the service of -the Temple. - -But the most interesting to us perhaps of all the commentaries attached -to the Ptolemy, inasmuch as it influenced the fate of Servetus on -his trial at Geneva, is the one appended to the map of PALESTINE or -the Holy Land. Demurring to much that is said in praise of JUDÆA in -the Bible and by Josephus, as a country specially blessed in various -ways, as being well-watered, fertile, &c., the commentator says, that -in so far as climate is concerned, it is a temperate land, obnoxious -to the extremes neither of heat nor of cold; a condition of things -that may have led the Israelites or Hebrews to imagine that it must -be the land that was promised to their forefathers Abraham, Isaac -and Jacob; a land metaphorically said to be flowing with milk and -honey. ‘The Israelites,’ it is said in continuation, ‘lived at length -under laws received from Moses, although they had gone on piously and -prosperously enough through countless ages, before his day, without -any written law, having had regard to the oracles of divine or natural -truth alone, gifted as they were with aptitude and greatness of mind. -Moses, however, that distinguished theologian, thinking that no state -could exist without a written code of law and equity, gave them one -reduced to ten principal heads, engraved on two tables of stone; with -the addition of a great number of minor commandments for the regulation -of their lives and dealings with one another. But any more particular -notice of these, they being so numerous--great birds not sitting in -little nests--must here be passed by. Know, however, most worthy -reader, that it is mere boasting and untruth when so much of excellence -is ascribed to this land; the experience of merchants and others, -travellers who have visited it, proving it to be inhospitable, barren, -and altogether without amenity. Wherefore you may say that the land -was _promised_, indeed, but is of _little promise_ when spoken of in -everyday terms.’ - -The Ptolemy of Villanovanus was well received, and though costly, a -second edition was by and by required. We find it much commended in -subsequent reprints by their publishers; and no wonder, for the Ptolemy -is really a sumptuous book, upon which a large sum of money must have -been spent, the typography being excellent and the text profusely -ornamented with woodcuts on the sides of the pages as well as at the -heads and tails of the chapters.[38] - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -LYONS. DOCTOR SYMPHORIEN CHAMPIER. - - -It was whilst engaged in the revision of such works as the Ptolemy and -others on the natural sciences, anatomy, medicine, pharmacy, &c., in -the service of the Trechsels, that Servetus may be said to have entered -on the second, if it were not rather the third, stage of his mental -development. The typographer’s reading-room had in truth proved the -means of his continued education; each new volume he read and corrected -being found a teacher not less influential than the Professor from his -chair. The Convent school, Toulouse, and his engagement with Quintana -had borne fruit of the kind we discover in the book on Trinitarian -error; it was the reading-room of the printers of Lyons that brought -him back from the empyrean of metaphysics to the earth, and put him -in the way of becoming the geographer, astrologian, biblical critic, -physiologist and physician we are made familiar with in his subsequent -life and writings. - -Among the learned works that flowed in a sort of ceaseless stream from -the presses of the Trechsels during Servetus’s tenure of his office -as reader with them, were several from the fertile pen of Doctor -Symphorien Champier, or, when he latinised his name, Campeggius, a -man of large and liberal culture, of a truly noble nature, an admirer -of learning and a patron of the learned; possessed moreover of that -restless vanity which made him feel it as much a matter of necessity -to live in the eye of the world as to breathe; the effect of which -was that he exerted the widest and most beneficent influence among -his fellow men. Indefatigable in his proper calling, there was yet -nothing which interested the citizens of Lyons that did not interest -him. Fearless in bringing help on the battle-field, to which he -accompanied his chief the Duke of Lorraine, he was no less ready to -brave pestilence in the city, and was as often to be seen in the hovels -of the poor as in the palaces of the great and wealthy--_inopibus et -infortunatis æque indiscriminatimque succurris opitularisve_, says his -biographer--a true physician, a great and good man.[39] - -Among Champier’s numerous works published about this time, we note -the PENTAPHARMACUM GALLICUM (Lyons, 1534), which Servetus we believe -read and corrected for press, the gist of the work being to show that -each country produces the medicines best adapted to cure the diseases -of its inhabitants, and that to them exotics are for the most part -not only useless, but injurious; an assumption in which he differs -notably from present experience and the great writer, his countryman, -who came after him, and said that ‘God had inflicted fever on Europe, -but put its remedy in America.’ Correcting the proofs of Champier’s -five-fold French Pharmacopœia, Servetus must have introduced himself -to, or become acquainted with, the author; and if we may credit Pastor -Henry Tollin, who will have everyone as truly interested in Servetus as -himself, Champier was so much taken by the accomplishments of the poor -scholar as even to make a home for him in Lyons. Be this as it may, -certain it seems that contact with Champier was that which led Servetus -to study medicine, of which he had not thought until now, for it was a -science much looked down on by Spaniards in general, its practice being -mostly in the hands of Jews and Moors, whom to contemn, where not to -oppress, was a religion with all who boasted of their blue blood. - -Another of Champier’s books printed by the Trechsels, which we need not -doubt Servetus had also read and put to use, was the ‘Hortus Gallicus’ -(Lyons 1533). But more influential on him still, though printed in -another establishment (that of Seb. Gryphius) during the time he lived -in Lyons, was the great Lyonnese Doctor’s CRIBRATIO MEDICAMENTORUM, -with the MEDULLA PHILOSOPHLE--the Marrow of Philosophy--appended. -In his chapter on the Vital, Animal, and Natural Spirits (p. 137), -Champier speaks of ‘spirit as a subtle, aerial, translucid substance -produced of the finest part of the blood, and carried by it from the -heart, as principal vital organ, to all parts of the body. Spoken of -as three,’ he continues, ‘there are in truth but two kinds of spirit, -the vital and the animal.’ The sameness of this to what we shall find -in the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ will be obvious to all. It strikes us -in fact that Villanovanus’s first medical production--the Treatise on -Syrups--was wholly inspired by this Marrow of Philosophy of Champier, -in which we discover much upon digestion and concoction, the maturation -and evacuation of the humours, etc., precisely as in the treatise ‘De -Syrupis.’ - -Nor did Champier’s influence on our scholar end here. One of the -Doctor’s treatises is entitled, ‘Prognosticon perpetuum Astrologorum, -Medicorum et Prophetarum--The guide of the Astrologer, Physician -and Prophet in their prognostications or forecasts.’ Like so many -in his age, Champier was a devoted astrologer; and it was he we may -conclude who made Servetus one too. Champier having been attacked on -the score of his astrology by Leonhard Fuchs, Professor of Medicine -in Heidelberg,[40] Michael Villanovanus, as grateful pupil, took up -the pen in defence of his master, and replied by a pamphlet entitled, -‘Defence of Symphorien Champier, addressed to Leonhard Fuchs,[41] and -an Apologetic Dissertation on Astrology.’[42] Villanovanus, it seems, -would not neglect what he must have thought a favourable opportunity -of showing himself to the world in company with so distinguished an -individual as the great Physician of Lyons, to whom he owns himself -much indebted--_cui multum debeo_, and ventilating a subject that -interested him, like so many of his age, only in a less degree than -theology itself. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -RETURN TO PARIS. STUDIES THERE. JO. WINTER OF ANDERNACH; ANDREA -VESALIUS. DEGREES OF M.A. AND M.D. LECTURES ON GEOGRAPHY AND ASTROLOGY. - - -Villeneuve, we must presume, had reached Lyons poor enough in pocket if -rich in lore; but so diligently had he laboured and so liberally had he -been paid by the princely publishers of the day, that within two years -he found himself in funds sufficient to authorise a return to Paris -with a view to the study of Medicine, which he had now resolved to -make his profession for life. The rebuff he had had from Œcolampadius, -Bucer, and the rest, had probably sickened him for a while with -theology and scholasticism, from which, however, we may presume he had -only been diverted by his failure to make an immediate impression on -the Reformers and the necessity of providing for his daily wants. But -‘the fresh fields and pastures new’ brought into sight by the study -of Ptolemy, and the healthy influence of Champier, the physician and -naturalist, gave another turn to his mind, and with the money he had -earned in his purse, but still comporting himself as the poor scholar, -he entered first the College of Calvi, and then that of the Lombards. -To these as a subject of the Holy Roman Empire he probably had ready -access, and in their quiet shades devoted himself to the new course of -study he had determined to pursue. - -His larger experience and intercourse with Champier must have -shown Servetus that medicine was a more assured means of earning a -subsistence than theology, and opened up a far wider field to his -ambition than continued service with the typographers. Without utterly -neglecting older studies, therefore, he now gave his chief attention to -the great and useful art and science of medicine; and we shall find as -we proceed that the lessons of such teachers as Joannes Guinterus (Jo. -Winter of Andernach), Jacobus Sylvius (J. du Bois), Joannes Fernelius, -and others of name and fame in their day, found congenial soil in the -receptive mind of the student. - -Servetus, indeed, would seem immediately to have made his presence -felt in the medical school of Paris; he was at once more than a -listener to the prelections of its professors. Associated with no less -distinguished an individual than Andrea Vesalius, he was one of Winter -of Andernach’s two prosectors, and prepared the subject for each day’s -demonstration. - -And let not the conjunction of talent that meets us here be overlooked. -Vesalius, repudiating the authority of Galen, became the restorer--the -_Creator_ of Modern Anatomy. Servetus, breaking with scholasticism -in theology, and freeing himself from the shackles of Greeks and -Arabians in practical medicine, inaugurated Rational Physiology when -he proclaimed the course of the blood from the right to the left -side of the heart through the lungs. Working together as friends and -fellow students for the Professor of Anatomy, Vesalius and Servetus, -through diversity of mental constitution, yet saw things diversely. -Vesalius, the observer, abiding by the _concrete_, described with rare -felicity and truthfulness what he witnessed; Servetus, gifted with -genius, aspiring to the _ideal_ and inferring consequences, deduced the -pulmonary circulation from the structure of the heart and lungs! - -Nor were the two men associates only in their studies; they were -fellows also in the untoward fate that befel them both in after life; -for both may be said to have fallen victims to their zeal. Somewhat -precipitate, we may presume, in his eagerness for information, the -heart of a young nobleman who had died under his care and whose body -Vesalius was inspecting, was either seen to palpitate, or was thought -to have palpitated, when touched by the knife of the anatomist. -Accused forthwith of murder, it was only by the interference of Philip -II. of Spain, whose physician Vesalius was, that a formal trial for -manslaughter was commuted for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem with confession -and absolution at the shrine of the Holy Sepulchre. The penance was -undergone, but the pilgrim, homeward bound, suffered shipwreck on the -island of Crete, and perished miserably there. Servetus again, as we -shall see, in his eagerness to proclaim what he believed to be the -truth, and given no chance for his life, had to abide the still more -cruel death of the faggot and stake. - -Joannes Guinterus, it is interesting to know, bears honourable -testimony to the merits of his two assistants. In the preface to -his ‘Anatomical Institutions’ he informs us that ‘he had been most -effectually aided in the preparation of the work, first by Andrea -Vesalius, a young man, by Hercules! singularly proficient in anatomy; -and after him by Michael Villanovanus, distinguished by his literary -acquirements of every kind, and scarcely second to any in his knowledge -of Galenical doctrine. Under the supervision and with the aid of these -two,’ he continues, ‘I have myself examined in the Subject and have -shown to the students the whole of the muscles, veins, arteries, and -nerves, both of the extremities and internal parts of the body.’[43] -From this we learn whence Servetus had the anatomical knowledge that -enabled him as inductive reasoner--true forerunner here of our own -immortal Harvey--to proclaim the pulmonary circulation. - -The practice of dissecting the human subject had therefore, by this -time, extended to France--the bodies of one or more malefactors being -now publicly anatomised in the course of each winter session.[44] Had -we no other evidence of the genius with which Michael Servetus was -endowed, beyond the use he made of what he saw in these anatomical -demonstrations, we should still feel entitled to speak of him as the -most far-sighted physiologist of his age; for he alone of all his -contemporaries, though fettered by the prevalent metaphysical theories -of life, the soul and the spirits, from which we ourselves have not -yet escaped, not only divined, but positively proclaimed the passage -of the blood, by way of the lungs, from the right to the left side of -the heart, and thence--but stopping short of the whole truth, first -proclaimed by Harvey--from the left ventricle of the heart to the body -at large. But the book in which his important Induction is contained, -though printed in his lifetime, _was never published_. Seen by none -but a few theologians, who took no note of its physiological contents, -it remained unknown to the world for nearly a century and a half, -after its author had fallen a victim to the hate of Calvin and the -intolerance of his age. - -With the stimulus of necessity upon him, for he was poor, and the -excitement of vanity, with which he was largely endowed, as he could -not live on the learning he imbibed from his teachers, Servetus -by-and-by appeared before the world as a teacher in his turn. Having -by diligence and superior natural capacity, in a singularly short space -of time, achieved the degrees of M.A. and M.D., which were required -before he could present himself either as Professor or Physician within -the domain of the University of Paris, Servetus now came forward as a -Lecturer on the Geography of Ptolemy and the science of Astrology--a -term which then included the true doctrine of the heavenly bodies as -well as the false doctrine of their presumed influence on the life -of man and the current of events in the world. In this bold step we -have another glimpse of the self-reliant, and it may be, somewhat -presumptuous, character of the man; for even as the emancipated novice -of the monk’s school and Saragossan professors, when little more than -of age, showed himself as Theologian in the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis,’ -so did the newly becapped Magister Artium now come forward as Lecturer -on Geography and Astrology, and the scarce fledged doctor in physic, as -a teacher of his fellows and the world at large, in the art and mystery -of treating Disease. - -The course of Lectures on Geography and Astrology was a happy -thought, and proved highly successful. It was delivered to a large -and distinguished audience, and besides supplying the professor with -funds for all his wants, became a means of introducing him to friends, -influential for good on his future life. Amongst the number of his -auditors there was a young ecclesiastic, a scholar and man of talent, -Pierre Paumier, who after employment in various offices of trust by -his king, Francis the First, was transferred to a position of no less -dignity and emolument than that of Archbishop of Vienne in Dauphiny. - -Under the auspices of the Archbishop, and as we believe on his -invitation, it was that Servetus found a final resting place by his -side. Fresh from editing Ptolemy, with the old stores of classic lore -he had at command, and of anecdote and general information he had -amassed in reading up for his editorial duties, aided by the natural -fluency with which we venture to credit him, it is easy to imagine -how interesting these Lectures must have been in days when the world -was eager for information on the discoveries of the great voyagers -and travellers of the age, and when books were still both scarce and -costly, and little read by the many. - -But Servetus was a Physician as well as Geographer and Astrologer, and -not the man to hide any light he had under a bushel. He must appear -in connection with his profession, as well as in the accessory field -of general knowledge, by writing a book upon some properly medical -subject, a business which he set about forthwith under the immediate -inspiration of all he had learned from Dr. Champier of Lyons, as well -as his professors of Paris. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE TREATISE ON SYRUPS AND THEIR USE IN MEDICINE.[45] - - -The medical world in the early part of the sixteenth century was -divided into two great hostile camps, respectively designated -Galenists, or followers of the Greeks, and Averrhoists, or disciples of -the Arabians; the former swearing by Hippocrates and Galen, the latter -by Averrhoes and Avicenna. Servetus’s initiator into matters medical, -Champier, was a fervent admirer of the Greeks; and his pupil, led by -his classical training as well as his master’s example, naturally -attached himself to the same school. Here, nevertheless, as ever, he -showed the independence of his nature by having open eyes for any truth -the Arabian writers might present; so that we find nothing of servility -or one-sidedness in what he has to say. - -The treatise in which Villanovanus came before the public in his -new capacity of physician was on the practical use of the class of -medicines known in those days by the title of Syrups--sweetened -decoctions or infusions of different kinds, still in vogue among the -French under the name of Tisanes. These syrups appear to have been one -of the bones of contention between the two parties, though neither was -perfectly agreed in itself as to the indications for their use or of -the principles on which they were to be prescribed. This question does -not interest us here, and so we leave it; but we turn to the work of -Michael Villanovanus for intimations in its style of the intellectual -and moral nature of its author. - -In his address to the reader he says, ‘I should not have proposed, most -learned reader, to take on my weak shoulders this weighty and so much -disputed province of the healing art, had I not felt me forced, against -my will as it were, to lend my aid in furthering medical studies by a -fair defence of Galenical doctrine, and more especially still by my -love of truth.... I think it will be found that I have conciliated -Galen so far with my own views as to dispel any doubts I may have -had of a favourable award, if I have only an equitable judge in my -reader. Of this, at all events, I feel well assured that no studious -person who carefully weighs what is here set forth will repent him of -his reading.’ This is not amiss from a Doctor of a year’s standing! -But it is in his Preface to the work that Michael Villanovanus, as we -apprehend him, comes still more particularly before us. Aware, as he -says, of the fate that so often befals the meddler in a quarrel not -his own, and displaying a commendable amount of caution, not without a -spice of mock modesty, our author is here considerate enough to tell us -that ‘he does not intend to offer himself as censor in the controversy, -between the Galenists and Averrhoists, and by finding something to -object to in the conclusions of each, to have them both fall foul of -him as an enemy;’ after which he proceeds, characteristically still, -to say, ‘but that I may not withhold from others that which I possess -myself and gratefully acknowledge, which may be of use to my fellow -men, I throw aside fear and proclaim what I believe to be the truth.’ - -The ‘Syruporum Universa Ratio,’ or general Rationale of Syrups, is in -truth a very learned little book, extremely well written; much of it, -as becomes the young practitioner, having reference to the writings of -predecessors of the highest authority in medical science. Hippocrates -and Galen, above all others, are freely quoted, and their views -discussed, for Servetus was ‘nothing if not critical,’ and a variorum -reading or two to show his scholarship is proposed. But he also refers -to Avicenna, not thinking it amiss to learn of the enemy, and to Paul -of Aegina, Monardus and others, by which he proclaims the extent of his -reading, and his readiness to imbibe knowledge at every source. - -I looked with interest for some physiological hint or statement in -this book, on Syrups or Diet drinks, that might have heralded the -brilliant exposition contained in the latest product of his genius--the -Christianismi Restitutio or Restoration of Christianity--concerning the -way in which the blood from the right reaches the left ventricle of the -heart through the lungs, but in vain. We must presume nevertheless that -he was already possessed of the anatomical facts on which his later -induction is founded. The only physiological reference I discovered -in the book on Syrups was to the Mesentery as giving origin to the -veins--a step in advance of his predecessors, with whom the liver was -the source as it was also the laboratory of the blood, as the veins -were the channels for its distribution to the body. - -It is not uninteresting, however, to observe the same tendency towards -unity or oneness here, in the domain of positive knowledge, which we -discover pervading Servetus’s other works that lose themselves in the -realm of metaphysical abstraction. He will not acknowledge two or any -greater number of concoctions or digestions, whether in health or -disease, such as were generally admitted in his day. The processes that -take place in disease he declares to be of the same nature, though they -are perverted, as those that occur in the healthy body. Diseases are -therefore nothing more than perversions of natural functions, not new -entities introduced into the body; a conclusion which, on physiological -grounds, he sums up in these words: ‘The rationale in the maturation of -disease and in the digestion of the food is one and the same.’[46] - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE MEDICAL FACULTY OF PARIS SUE VILLANOVANUS FOR LECTURING ON JUDICIAL -ASTROLOGY. - - -Servetus’s fate on starting in life was opposition; and how should it -have been otherwise?--he found himself through superior endowment and -higher culture antagonistic to almost all he saw around him in the -world. We have already had him met as a trespasser on their domain -by the Reformers of Basle and Strasburg, and we have now to find him -looked on as an intruder by the Medical Faculty of Paris. The lecturer -on Geography and Astrology had attracted a large amount of public -attention, and the author of the book on Syrups began to get into -vogue as a practitioner of medicine. The book had in fact been as well -received as the lectures; it was extensively read, much commended at -the time, and reprinted oftener than once in after years. No wonder, -therefore, that Michel Villeneuve M.D. had now as many eyes upon him in -Paris as Michael Servetus had had in other days in Switzerland. Before -he could well look about him, the whole faculty of Physicians and the -heads of the University of Paris were in array against him. - -It seems that he had gone out of his way in his lectures to say -something disrespectful of the doctors, his contemporaries, accusing -them of ignorance of many things necessary to the successful practice -of their profession, particularly of Astronomy, or more properly -Astrology, a science in which Villeneuve plumed himself as being a -master. The doctors naturally enough complained of such impropriety, -and had him cited before their council. There he was told that -something more of respectful bearing was due from him to men who -had been his masters; and above all that he was transgressing the -boundaries of true science and common sense in making so much of -Astrology. The Dean of the Faculty is even said to have had him several -times privately before him, and warned him of the difficulties he -would inevitably fall into, if he continued casting nativities and -prescribing for the ailments of his patients from the aspects of -the stars; for this, it appears, was the principal element in his -medical practice. Servetus, unhappily for himself, was not one of -those who could take even friendly advice in good part. As credulous -as he was sceptical, and believing implicitly in himself and in -stellar influences, he not only made no submission, but said that his -ill-wishers should rue their opposition. - -The doctors on their part not only gave no heed to his threats, but -publicly denounced him from their chairs as an impostor and wind-bag; -with the consequence of arousing him to self-defence, and with his -ready pen setting him to work upon a pamphlet, in which he did not fail -to lay bare some of the sore places in the persons of his adversaries, -characterising them as mannerless and unlettered, and even holding -them up in their ignorance as very pests of society. Once in the hands -of the printer, Villeneuve’s purpose to expose his detractors through -the dreaded press became known; and such alarm does his meditated -attack appear to have excited that the Faculty of Physicians, calling -the Senate of the University to their side, petitioned the Parliament -of Paris to forbid the publication of the pamphlet, as well as to -interdict its author from continuing to lecture on Astrology, which -they now characterised as Divination. - -The Parliament, with becoming judicial impartiality, would take no -step in the matter until they had heard Villeneuve in his defence and -had something tangible, such as the pamphlet which it was sought to -suppress, before them. Nothing more was done, consequently, than the -issuing of a summons to Villeneuve to appear at the bar of the house -on a certain day and give an account of himself. This gave him all he -required: time to have his pamphlet printed. Keeping the compositors -at work, with a promise of higher pay if they used despatch, it was -not only ready before the day of citation came round, but had been -distributed gratis in numbers to the public as well as to the members -of the medical profession. They reckoned without their host who -thought that Michel Villeneuve was to be cowed by opposition, however -imposingly headed. - -The doctors were naturally excessively wroth with this daring move -on the part of the man they desired to crush. He had not awaited -the decision of the Parliament; and neither now did they pause; for -believing they had a hold upon him on the score of heresy, implied -in the practice of judicial astrology or divination, they had him -summoned before the Inquisitor of the king as an enemy to the Church, -and contemner of its statutes. There was no regularly established -Inquisition at this time in France; but papal inquisitors, often -Italians by birth, were commonly enough found accredited by the Holy -See, with the sanction of the Sovereign, to the large towns of the -country. There they held courts before which cases of imputed heresy -were tried and adjudged--the decisions come to, however, being always -made subject to revision by the civil tribunals of the realm. Nay, -there was a right of demurrage to the jurisdiction of the inquisitor, -at the option of the party incriminated, were he minded to be tried by -the ordinary civil, rather than the extraordinary ecclesiastical, court. - -We might have imagined that Michael Servetus, with the experience he -had had of ecclesiastical incapacity to hear reason and ‘true judgment -give,’ as he interpreted it, would have paused before venturing to -appear before the inquisitor of the king; but so safe must Michel -Villeneuve have felt against a charge of heresy at this time, and so -secure in his new designation, that he did not hesitate to obey the -summons; although we learn that had he been so minded, he might as a -member of the Faculty of Physicians have even disregarded it entirely. -He appeared accordingly at the proper moment; and so well did he play -his part, so thoroughly did he satisfy the inquisitor of the king that -he was a good Christian, that he left the court with flying colours, -absolved of all suspicion of heresy, to the utter discomfiture of his -accusers, who had now nothing for it but patiently to wait the award of -the Parliament. - -Before this tribunal, acting it would seem as a court of justice, a -suit was regularly instituted, with the Rector of the University of -Paris and the Dean and Faculty of Physic of the same as pursuers, on -the one part, and Michael Villanovanus as defendant, on the other. For -the University and Faculty, it was alleged that judicial astrology, -otherwise to be styled divination, is forbidden by various statutes, -as well canonical and divine as civil, the penalty for practising the -same being death by fire, and that the defendant, a man of learning, -and so incapacitated from pleading ignorance of these statutes, had -notoriously lectured both in public and private on certain books of -divination, among others, on the works entitled ‘De Aleabiticis’ and -‘De Divificationibus,’ both of which are full of divination. - -It was alleged further, that he had been known to make forecasts for -various persons in respect of their fortunes from their nativities, -on the assumption that according to the day and the hour of a man’s -birth, and the aspect of the heavens at the time, would fortune of -a favourable or adverse kind befal him; all of which by the Faculty -of Theology is held highly reprehensible. That for his lectures and -lessons, moreover, he takes money and attracts numerous auditors, -who, seduced by the pleasantness of the poison he sells, have been -debauched and led to forsake the true philosophy of Pico de Mirandola, -who declares divination to be the most pestilent of frauds, degrading -philosophy, invalidating religion, strengthening superstition, -corrupting morals, and making men miserable slaves instead of free men. - -Not stopping short at such public and private misdeeds, continue the -pursuers, he has written and had printed a certain apology or defence -of divination,[47] with his name attached, which is of a highly -objectionable character in every respect; the Theological Faculty -declaring in addition that the concluding sentence of this apology has -an extremely suspicious appearance, couched as it is in these words: -‘On the following night Mars is eclipsed by the moon, near the star -called the King, in the constellation of Leo; whence I predict that in -the course of this year the hearts of the Lions, i.e. the princes, will -be greatly moved; that with Mars in the ascendant war will prevail, -and much havoc be done by fire and sword; that the Church will suffer -tribulation, several princes die, and pestilence and other evils -abound. To languish, to mourn, to die--all of good or ill that comes to -man proceeds from heaven.’ - -The petition of the pursuers on the above showing therefore is, that -the defendant, Villanovanus, be interdicted for the future from -professing and practising judicial astrology, whether in public or -private; that he be forbidden further to circulate his pamphlet against -the Faculty, and commanded to call in all unsold copies; that for what -has passed he own himself to blame, and be enjoined for the future to -bear himself respectfully towards the Faculty of Physic, to which he -belongs. - -In his address to the court on behalf of his client, Villanovanus’s -counsel opined that the Faculty of Physic had descended somewhat -from the dignity that became so great a body in taking steps against -one, a stranger, who had been attracted to Paris by the science that -distinguished it, of which he had heard so much. The cause of the -hostility of the Faculty against his client, he said, was owing to his -having insisted on the necessity of a knowledge of astronomy to the -Physician. This had been turned into a knowledge of judicial astrology -by his enemies; but there were many of his hearers who were ready to -testify that he had never even mentioned judicial astrology. As to the -paragraph about the Lions, he had only given it as illustrating the -rules of astrological science, and the knowledge he has of the possible -influence of the stars; but he would by no means insist that events -of the kind named must happen as matter of necessity. In all this, -however, he is ready to submit himself to the judgment of the court, -and on his words being pronounced objectionable, he is willing to be -set right. With regard to what he says in his apology about physicians -being the plagues of society, he of course only aims at the ignorant -and unskilful among them; the saying, indeed, is none of his, but -Galen’s, who speaks of the ignorant practitioners of medicine of his -day in precisely the same words. - -The judgment of the court is nearly in the terms of the counsel’s -address for the prosecution. His statements appear to have been -taken as trustworthy without further evidence adduced. Villanovanus -is ordered to call in his pamphlet and deposit the copies with the -proper officer of the court; to pay all honour and respect to the -Faculty of Physic in its collective and individual capacity, saying -and writing nothing unbecoming of it, but conducting himself at all -times peacefully and reverently towards its members; the doctors, on -their part, being enjoined to treat Villanovanus gently and amiably, as -parents treat their children. Villanovanus is then expressly inhibited -and forbidden to appear in public, or in any other way, as a professor -or practitioner of judicial astrology, otherwise called divination; he -is to confine himself in his discussions of astrological subjects to -the influence of the heavenly bodies on the course of the seasons and -other natural phenomena, and not to meddle with questions or judgments -of stellar influences on individuals or events, under pain of being -deprived of the privileges he enjoys as a graduate of the University of -Paris. - -Done this 18th of March, 1538. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CHARLIEU--ATTAINMENT OF HIS THIRTIETH YEAR--HIS VIEWS OF BAPTISM. - - -This decree and interdict of the Parliament of Paris could not have -been satisfactory to Servetus. We need not question his belief in the -reality of judicial astrology, nor doubt of the application of its -presumed principles having been found profitable by him; for a longing -to pry into futurity is among the infirmities of human nature, and a -belief in the influence of the stars on the fortunes of men was all -but universal in the age of Servetus. Nor is it even now entirely -extinct in the world; for the ‘Vox Stellarum’ is still regularly -printed in England, and finds a sale by thousands every year among -the superstitious and the ill-educated of our population. Hardly, -moreover, does a child come into the world among us now without a -great fuss being made as to the precise moment of the birth; though -the particulars obtained may never be thought of afterwards, nor the -end for which they were sought be even surmised. But when we look on -the cornelian and clay cylinders dug up in such numbers from the ruins -of Babylon and Nineveh, engraved with the accredited figures of the -Sun, Moon, and Stars, and the emblematical representations of the -constellations, such as Cassiopæia, Hercules Ingeniculus, Ursa Major, -Leo, Auriga, Cepheus, and others, still depicted on our celestial -globes, we learn how old was the belief that every man and woman who -came into the world was influenced in after life by the star under -which he or she was born.[48] - -Villeneuve might possibly have continued lecturing on astrology, -composing horoscopes, and casting nativities, as others did in his -day, had he but had the prudence to control his tongue, and not hold -up his brethren of the Faculty of Physic to contempt by proclaiming -their ignorance of a science in which he himself excelled and held -necessary to treat disease in the most effectual manner; but he had -been indiscreet, and they had won the day. He could no longer go on -making forecasts for a credulous public from the aspect of the heavens -at the moment of their birth, and he must show himself forward to call -in the unsold copies of his pamphlet which had been found so offensive, -perhaps because so well directed and so true. It would have interested -us in the present day to have known precisely wherein the sting of this -apology lay; but like others among the host of ephemeral publications, -hurriedly produced to serve a purpose of the hour, it has perished. -There were few collectors of ballads, broadsides, and tracts, three -hundred and fifty years ago; and all the searches for a copy of the -philippic against the Parisian Faculty have proved in vain.[49] - -From the estimate we are led to form of the self-sufficing and defiant -character of Michael Servetus, as displayed in his after life, we are -disposed to wonder that he did not continue to dispute the field of -Paris with his opponents. He had published his clever and scholarly -treatise on Syrups, and through it achieved a title to consideration -as a learned practitioner of medicine in the regular way. Such a man -as he would soon have lived down the stigma his fellows had fastened -upon him as a fortune-teller from the stars, and he must by and by have -taken his place in the front rank of his profession. But the physician -comes slowly into practice when public confidence is courted through -the gate of science. Horoscope-making was probably the main source of -Villeneuve’s income; and this forbidden, and the golden stream it fed, -arrested, the cold shoulder shown him by his professional brethren, and -the averted looks of the public at the man condemned by the Parliament -of Paris,--all was against him; his malignant star had culminated, and -he seems to have thought it best to yield to fate, and give way. - -It must have been immediately after the conclusion of the suit against -him that Servetus left Paris; for we have news of him in the course -of the same year (1538) as a practitioner of medicine in the town of -Charlieu, distant about twelve French miles from the city of Lyons. -He may have been led to this retreat through knowledge gained in the -course of his former residence in Lyons; but he did not continue long -there--certainly for not more than a year and a half, or so. Could -we trust the report of one who speaks of him as ‘a most arrogant and -insolent person,’ he must have embroiled himself with some of the more -influential people of Charlieu, who, as said, made his position so -uncomfortable that he was forced to quit and go farther afield.[50] But -Villeneuve had earned for himself an ill name by his dispute with the -University and Medical Faculty of Paris; and coming from the quarter -it does, we give no credit to the tale, led as we are by what we know -to find a much better reason for the remove than any fresh personal -dispute, though there does seem to have been something of the kind -complicating matters, as well as certain ‘love passages,’ which, as -they came to nothing, may have rendered longer residence in the place -unpleasant. - -The residence of Villeneuve in Charlieu, however, is not without -interest, as giving us a further insight into the character and -predominant pious nature of the man. In the course of the year 1539, -which he passed at Charlieu, Michael Servetus attained the thirtieth -year of his age, the year according to his religious tenets in which -only baptism could be rightly received. ‘He who would follow the -example of Christ,’ says he in his latest work, ‘ought now to betake -him to this Laver of Regeneration--_Lavacrum Regenerationis_;’ and -from the particular account he gives of the manner in which they who -think with him on the subject of baptism perform the rite, we can -scarcely doubt of his having found occasion to have himself privately -baptized by some Anabaptist acquaintance he had made. Servetus was -unquestionably a man of so pious a nature, so sincere a believer in -the divinity of Christ, according to his way of interpreting it, and -so firmly persuaded that the closest possible imitation of him was -necessary to salvation, that we may feel assured he found means to -have a rite he held so indispensable properly performed at the proper -moment. It must have been in the consciousness of having himself -done what he thought right in this particular, that we find him by -and by urgently exhorting Calvin, with whom he had entered into -correspondence, and probably knew to be of his own age, to have himself -baptized anew. ‘Christ,’ he says, ‘as an infant, was circumcised, but -not baptized; and this is a great mystery; in his thirtieth year, -however, he received baptism; thereby setting us the example, and -teaching us that before this age no one is a fit recipient of the rite -that gives the kingdom of heaven to man. It were fit and proper in you, -therefore, would you show true faith in Christ, to submit yourself to -baptism, and so receive the gift of the Holy Spirit promised through -this means.’ (Epist. xv. ad Jo. Calvinum, Christ. Restit., p. 615.) - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -SETTLEMENT AT VIENNE UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE ARCHBISHOP--RENEWAL OF -INTERCOURSE WITH THE PUBLISHERS OF LYONS--SECOND EDITION OF PTOLEMY. - - -It was while resident at Charlieu that Villeneuve again met with Pierre -Paumier, now Archbishop of Vienne, Dauphiny, whom he had known in -Paris, who indeed had been among the number of his auditors when he -lectured on geography and the science of the stars. Paumier had the -reputation, well deserved as it appears, of being a lover of learning -for its own sake, and fond of the society of men learned like himself. -Thinking, we may presume, that one with the accomplishments of his old -professor would be an addition to the society of the archiepiscopal -city of Vienne, when he heard of Villeneuve’s presence in Charlieu as -a practising physician, he sought him out, and pressed him to quit the -narrower for the wider field. This, under such auspices, we can well -imagine Doctor Villeneuve was nowise loth to do; so that we next hear -of him installed at Vienne, with apartments found him in the precincts -of the Palace, and so under the immediate patronage of the Archbishop. - -Not overburthened with professional work at first, Villeneuve appears -to have renewed, if he had not kept up, his connection with the -publishers of Lyons; and, as a means of income, continued his literary -labours in various directions for more than one of the fraternity. -Among other works, the edition of ‘Ptolemy’ he had supervised for the -Trechsels, when in their service in 1535, being exhausted, a second was -required; and their old editor having already proved himself abundantly -competent, overtures were made to him to undertake the work anew. A -proposal of the kind we need not doubt was gladly received, and the -Trechsels having set up a branch establishment at Vienne, and the -Archbishop consenting to accept the dedication of the new ‘Ptolemy,’ -our editor had an opportunity of saying something pleasant to his -patron, and of showing himself advantageously to the public around him -in connection with a handsome volume from a press of their own city. -The work accordingly was entered on with alacrity; and as the editor -was not only countenanced, but assisted by the Archbishop, himself no -mean geographer, the new edition made its appearance in the course of -1541, amended and improved.[51] - -If the first ‘Ptolemy’ of Michael Villanovanus had been seen as an -improvement on its predecessors, his second was a marked advance upon -it, and is interesting to us on many accounts. Though much lauded -and commercially successful, the first edition, in a literary point -of view, was still far from what it was capable of being made. The -ornamentation of the volume, though profuse, was not highly artistic, -and the wood-cuts had already done duty in various other publishing -ventures. There was ample room for improvement both in the direction -of greater accuracy of text and of better taste. In the re-issue, -consequently, we find various alterations, and two or three omissions -that are highly significant. It is printed on better paper, too, and -new maps are added; the coarse wood-cuts are left out, and the text -in various parts is amended. Altogether the volume is a very handsome -one, and was obviously produced with every care to secure accuracy and -elegance. - -In his Dedication to the Archbishop, we have an assurance that life -among the polished circles of Vienne had already had a mollifying -influence on the hot-headed Michel Villeneuve of Parisian days. The -polite terms in which, beside the Archbishop, all and sundry of mark -and name in the city are spoken of, are particularly notable. We know -how little there was of compliment in the words with which he took -leave of his Swiss opponents, and imagine the sting there must be in -the paper with which he bade the Parisian Faculty farewell. But now, -beneath the wing of the great church dignitary, and referring to the -time when as professor of geography and astrology he had had him among -the number of his auditors, Villanovanus tells us that he is especially -encouraged in his purpose to produce a more correct edition of the -great geographer’s work, by the permission he has received to dedicate -it to his patron, as well as by the assistance he has had from him in -the amendment of numerous faulty passages. - -‘For you,’ continues our Editor, addressing the Archbishop, ‘are the -one among our church dignitaries I have known who, loving letters and -favouring learned men, have given particular attention to geographical -science. I am also incited to my work by the many favours I have -received at your hand. Under what patronage but yours, indeed, could -this work, amended, and printed at Vienne, appear, student as you are -of ‘Ptolemy,’ and head of our Viennese society? Nor, sooth to say, -will our ‘Ptolemy’ want a welcome from others about us interested in -geography; among the foremost of whom I may name your relation John -Paumier, prior of St. Marcel, and Claude de Rochefort, your vicar, both -of them highly accomplished men, commended of all, and to whom I may -say that I myself owe as much in my sphere as students of geography -owe to ‘Ptolemy.’ I must do no more than mention Joannes Albus, prior -of St. Peter and St. Simeon; for I am forbidden to speak of his -virtues. Neither must I make other than a passing allusion to the noble -triad, your officials; for words would fail me to speak worthily of -their great qualities; and of Doctor John Perell, your physician, my -old fellow-student in Paris, so learned in philosophy and skilled in -the languages--I can only say that one more apt than I were required -fitly to speak his praise.’ - -From this we learn that Michael Villanovanus, all in laying on flattery -somewhat thickly, could still show himself the grateful man; as ready -to acknowledge kindness as we have known him apt to take fire at -opposition and ready to resent what he held to be unworthy usage. But -the matter is even more interesting to us, as giving us to know the -kind of society Servetus frequented in Vienne, and the consequent -esteem in which he must have been held. The ‘noble triad’ referred to, -we imagine, may have consisted of M. Maugiron, the Lieutenant-General -of Dauphiny; M. de la Cour, the Vibailly; and M. Arzelier, the -Vicar-General. - -Among the alterations and omissions to be observed in the new edition -of the ‘Ptolemy,’ the most notable occur under the heads of Germany, -France, and Judæa. The edition of 1535 was set about and produced -shortly after he had been so unhandsomely received, as he thought, -by the Swiss and German Reformers; and we are therefore sorry, though -not surprised, to find that disappointment and pique had left him -with little inclination to say much in praise either of themselves or -their respective countries. Hence the generally evil report he makes -of Germany, and the notice of Switzerland as remarkable for nothing -but the production of butchers! All this is either suppressed or toned -down in the edition of 1541. The editor had had time for reflection; -and under the soothing influences of the archiepiscopal city and -professional success, he now makes a more favourable report of the -countries and peoples he had formerly gone out of his way to decry -and defame. Instead of the forest-encumbered and swampy land with its -inclement sky of the former edition, Germany is now a _regio amœna_, -with a _cœlum satis clemens_--a pleasant country with quite a temperate -climate, and all the damaging statements in regard to its several -divisions and their peoples are omitted. - -The graphic account we had formerly of the boastful, ignorant, and -superstitious people of Spain is also left out in the reprint; but we -have an added notice of the people of France which shows us how little -nations change in the course of three hundred and fifty years. ‘Not -only in the cities and country places,’ says our editor, ‘but even in -single families, every Frenchman seems to think he has a right to rule -over everybody else. The assertion of individual superiority is so -universal that every one among them would have every one else to do -his bidding, he himself feeling bound to do the bidding of none.’ - -The Church and her favoured sons, the hierarchs thereof, having still -thriven in the shadow of the throne, as Villeneuve was now living amid -the clerical society of an archiepiscopal city, it was thought that the -few words in the former edition, which seemed to question the efficacy -of the ‘Royal Touch’ in curing scrofula, would be out of place. They -are, therefore, now found modified. For the ‘I did not see that any -were cured,’ we find ‘I have heard say that many were cured!’ The -new edition, moreover, being dedicated to the Archbishop of Vienne, -it was felt that any word in dispraise of the Holy Land would seem -disrespectful and improper. All that is said in connection with the -map of Palestine contradictory to the Bible account of Judæa as a land -flowing with milk and honey, or as of signal beauty and fertility, is -accordingly entirely expunged from the new impression. - -These changes have been said to be due to warnings given by friends -to Servetus, on the presumption, probably, that he could hardly have -been living on terms of intimacy with many persons of note, both lay -and clerical, without betraying something of the sceptical element -that distinguished him at the outset of his career, and that got the -mastery of him with such disastrous consequences at last. But we have -no positive intimation that Servetus ever failed to keep his counsel, -or that he was known to a soul in Vienne, save as M. Michel Villeneuve, -the physician. Calvin certainly knew him by no other name in Paris -when they met there in 1534, a date at which we have surmised he had -not yet read the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis,’ and so escaped having his -suspicions aroused through the sameness of the views propounded in that -work, and those expressed by his acquaintance, Villeneuve, that he had -its author, Michael Serveto, alias Revés, bodily before him. - -That this was really the case is confirmed by the statement which he -makes on his trial at Vienne, to the effect, that he had only been -challenged by Calvin in the course of their correspondence, begun -as many as fourteen years after the publication of his first book, -with being no other than Servetus. Having read the ‘De Erroribus’ -subsequently, Calvin did not fail to discover Michael Serveto under the -cloak of Michael Villanovanus, his correspondent of Vienne, and may -consequently, some time after the year 1546, have written to Cardinal -Tournon, as said by Bolsec,[52] or hinted to a friend in Lyons, that -they had an egregious heretic, the writer of the work on Trinitarian -Error, living among them under an assumed name. But of so much as this -we have no reliable assurance, and even if we had, it could have no -reference to the year 1541, the date of publication of the second -edition of Villanovanus’s ‘Ptolemy.’[53] - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -EDITION OF SANTES PAGNINI’S LATIN BIBLE, WITH COMMENTARY. - - -Servetus must have got through a very considerable amount of literary -work during the earlier years of his residence at Vienne. His time not -being then fully occupied by professional duties, he had leisure and -certainly no lack of inclination for other work, so that he seems to -have been kept well employed by the publishers of Lyons. Hardly had the -second ‘Ptolemy’ seen the light, than we find another handsome volume -in folio not only taking shape under his hands, but actually launched -in the course of the following year, 1542. This was a new and elegant -edition of the Latin Bible of the learned Santes Pagnini.[54] - -Appreciating the naturally pious bent of Servetus’s mind, as we do, -to edit the Bible, we imagine, must to him have been like rest to the -weary, and we think of the delight with which he received the proposal -of Hugo de la Porte, the publisher of Lyons, to undertake a task of the -kind. In his own earliest work we have seen him speaking of the Bible -as a ‘book fallen down from heaven, to be read a thousand times over, -the source of all his philosophy and of all his science.’ But this is -from the pen of the younger man; for study and after thought, with -the privilege he possessed through his self-reliant spirit of reading -without a foregone conclusion, enabled him by and by to discover that -the accredited traditional interpretation of holy writ could not at -all times be maintained without violence, not only to reason and -experience, but to history and the plain meaning of the text. He came -to the conclusion, in fact, that whilst the usual prophetical bearing -ascribed to the Old Testament was ever to be kept in view, the text had -a primary, literal, and immediate reference to the age in which it was -composed, and to the personages, the events, and the circumstances amid -which its writers lived. - -In the Preface to his edition, consequently, we see that, having -undertaken the responsible duty of editor, Villanovanus means to be no -mere follower in the beaten track, but to take an independent course of -his own. ‘They,’ he says, ‘who are ignorant of the Hebrew language and -history are only too apt to overlook the historical and literal sense -of the sacred Scriptures; the consequence of which is that they vainly -and foolishly expend themselves in hunting after recondite and mystical -meanings in the text where nothing of the kind exists.’ Before reading -the prophets, in particular, he would therefore ‘have every one make -himself acquainted not only with the Hebrew tongue, but with Hebrew -history; for the prophets, without exception, followed history to the -letter, although they also prefigured future events in their writings, -led as they were by inspiration to conclusions having reference to -the mystery of Christ. The power of the Scriptures, indeed, is of -a fertilizing or prolific kind. Under a waning literal sense, they -possess a vivifying spirit of renovation. It were, therefore, well -that their meaning, apprehended as pointing in one direction, should -not be overlooked as also pointing in another; and this the rather, -seeing that the historical sense comes out ever the more clearly when -the prospective bearing, which has Christ for its object, is kept in -view--veiled under types and figures, indeed, and so not seen of the -Jews, blinded by their prejudices, but now revealed to us in such wise -that we seem to see the very face of our God.’ - -‘In our Commentaries,’ concludes the Expositor, ‘it will consequently -be found that we have made it our particular study to elicit and -present the old historical, but hitherto neglected, sense of the -Scriptures. In this view, and to make available the author’s -annotations, of which he has left a great many, we have taken no small -amount of pains--_non parum est nobis desudatum_. Nor, indeed, had we -to do with his annotations only; for the text of the copy we followed -is corrected in numberless places by the hand of the author himself. -I may, therefore, venture to affirm that Pagnini’s translation, as it -now appears, approximates more closely to the meaning and spirit of the -Hebrew than any former version. But the Church, and those learned in -the Hebrew tongue, must be the judges here--any others are incompetent.’ - -From what he says, Villanovanus would therefore lead us to believe -that he had had the privilege of working from a copy corrected and -annotated by Pagnini himself, the author of the translation. But on a -somewhat careful collation of the Villanovanus edition of 1542 with -that of Lyons of 1527-28 (the _editio princeps_, we apprehend), and -the reprint from this by Melchior Novesianus of Cologne, of 1541, -we are forced on the conviction that Villanovanus followed no copy -corrected and annotated by Pagnini, but the fine edition of Novesianus, -admirably edited by the learned publisher himself. The text of this is -in fact identical with that of Villanovanus, and the headings to the -chapters and references to corresponding and corroborative texts are -all but uniformly alike in the two. There are no variorum readings, if -we recollect aright, in the Novesianus; but neither are there any of -the slightest significance in the Villanovanus--unless perchance the -reader should think that the text is improved by Noah being directed in -building the Ark to ‘pitch it with pitch’--_picabis eam pice_, instead -of bitumen--_bituminabis eam bitumine_! - -That Villanovanus followed Novesianus, and not any copy corrected -and annotated by Pagnini, is, as it were, demonstrated by this, that -each page of the Address to the Reader, with the single exception -of the first, begins and ends with the very same word in the two -editions--which could not have been accidental: the compositor followed -the copy he worked from page for page, line for line, word for word. -We are sorry, therefore, to find our editor taking credit to himself -in directions where none was due, and seeking, as it might seem, to -shelter himself under the pious cowl of the orthodox Pagnini for the -new and daring interpretation he himself puts upon so many passages of -the Psalms and Prophets. Pagnini, one of the most learned hebraists -and classical scholars of his country, was also a thoroughly orthodox -monk, and would assuredly have been not a little astonished, and hardly -pleased, we imagine, could he have seen himself in the guise in which -he is presented by Michael Villanovanus. Had we but a single note from -the hand of the learned Italian--and to the best of our belief we have -not one--it could not have failed to be of the most rigidly orthodox -kind, his own edition having the _imprimatur_ of no fewer than two -Popes, and a laudatory epistle from Jo. Franciscus Picus, nephew of -the celebrated Joannes Picus de Mirandola, distinguished alike as a -philosopher and theologian. - -Villanovanus’s procedure in respect of the Pagnini Bible, on the face -of the matter, is much to be regretted, and indeed is hardly to be -understood. He may possibly have had an annotated copy of his author -supplied him by his publisher; but if he had, in so far as we can -see, he has followed Novesianus to the letter in his text and has -given no comments but his own. The times in which Servetus lived, -though different from ours in so many respects, were, as it seems, -somewhat like them in so far as the _meum_ and _tuum_ in literature are -concerned. Did we judge from the instance before us, we should say that -they were still less respected three hundred years ago than they are -in the present day. Calvin refers to Villanovanus’s ‘Pagnini’ in the -course of the Geneva trial, and subsequently also in his ‘Déclaration -pour maintenir la vraye foye.’ But he seems not to have known of the -Novesianus edition, or he would certainly have challenged more than -the comments, and had better grounds possibly than any he adduces for -saying that the editor had dexterously filched--_avait grippé beau et -belle_--five hundred livres from the publisher for his labour. - -But all this, though illustrative of one element in the character -of the subject of our study, and not to be passed over by us, is of -less moment than the insight we gain through the comments--assuredly -referable to him alone--into the intellectual side of his nature. In -so far as we know, Servetus is nowhere even named as a biblical critic -and expositor; yet did he precede by more than a century Spinoza, -Astruc, Simon, Eichhorn, and others, founders of the modern school of -Scriptural exegesis. The Old Testament texts referred by the writers of -the New Testament to events still in the womb of time--to the coming -especially of a liberator from their misery for the people of Israel in -the shape of an anointed King, the conception of a late epoch in Jewish -history--Servetus maintained had individuals in view who were alive -and influential when the words were written, although he also admitted -that they had a further prophetical or prospective sense of the kind -commonly ascribed to them. - -But he who believed in judicial astrology was not likely to have freed -himself from that other still accredited form of superstitious belief -which leads mankind, without so much as the aspects of the heavens to -guide them, to fancy they can see into futurity. He had not divined, -as we have now come to know, that even the oldest portions of the -Hebrew Scriptures, in the shape in which they have reached us, date -from no more remote an age than that which followed the Babylonian -Captivity; that we have the work of two different writers under the -name of Isaiah, the second of whom lived during or after the reign of -Cyrus; and that the Apocalyptic Book of Daniel was written long after -the personages there darkly shadowed forth had lived and died, and the -events referred to had come and gone. - -The narratives of the Pentateuch appear to have been accepted as -properly historical by our editor. He did not, any more than the -commentators who came after him almost to our own day, see them as -mythical tales about individuals who lived, if they lived at all, -and events that occurred, if they ever did occur, thousands--tens of -thousands of years before any account of them could possibly have -assumed the shape of legend, much less have been committed to writing. -He has little, however, to say on the five books ascribed to Moses, -and those of the quasi-historical complexion that follow them. Still -his note on the words put into the mouth of Balaam, which tell of _a -star to come out of Jacob and a sceptre to arise out of Israel_, is -important. The prediction, as he interprets it, applies immediately to -King David, though it has a farther prospective reference to Christ, -with whose advent, as we know, it has long been all but exclusively -connected. Our editor, however, was not helped by his superior -knowledge of the stars to surmise that the writing was of a date long -posterior to the reputed days of Balaam, the soothsayer of Mesopotamia, -and Balak, king of Moab; that the predictions put into the mouth of -the seer were all made after the events they pretend to foretell, and -that King David had lived and died long before a word of the text was -written; neither did he see that the writer who had King David in his -eye could not have been thinking of an anointed king or captain who was -only to appear some six or seven hundred years after Israel’s second -sovereign had been gathered to his fathers. - -Villanovanus is much more copious when he comes to the Psalms. The -words in the second of our collection of these sacred lyrics, so much -made of in dogmatic lore, _Yet have I set my King upon my holy hill of -Zion.... Thou art my son; this day have I begotten thee_--he explains -thus: ‘On the day when David had escaped from his enemy (Saul) he said, -This day do I begin to live; at length I am king.’ - -The words in the fifth verse of that fine Psalm, the eighth, _For thou -hast made him a little lower than the angels, and hast crowned him with -honour and glory_, he also refers immediately to King David, who, in -times of persecution, abased himself; but, subsequently victorious, was -crowned at last. - -The passages, _In Jehovah I put my trust_, and _How say ye to my soul, -flee as a bird to your mountain_, of Psalm xi., he refers to the time -when David in fear of Saul escaped from the land of Judah. - -The comment on the sixteenth verse of Psalm xxii., _They pierced my -hands and my feet_, is again applied to David, when, flying from his -enemies, and scrambling like a four-footed beast over rugged and -thorny places, his hands and feet were lacerated--_fugiente David per -abrupta, instar quadrupedis, manus ejus et pedes lacerabantur_. - -_Sacrifice and offering thou didst not desire_--Psalm xl. 6, signifies, -says our commentator, that David, when a fugitive in the wilderness, -offered no sacrifices. - -In the verse, _Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever_, Psalm xlv. 6, -the word _God_, says our exponent, refers to Solomon, who, like Moses -and Cyrus, is here styled _Divus_--God. - -_They gave me gall for my meat, and in my thirst they gave me vinegar -as drink_, of Psalm xlix. 22, says Villanovanus, is a passage referring -to Nabal’s refusal and churlishness when David asked him for meat and -drink. - -_The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand until I make -thine enemies thy footstool_, Psalm cx. 1. ‘This refers to David and -Solomon, types alike of Christ, when David, having set his son on the -throne beside him, addressed him as My Lord, and styled him a priest -after the order of Melchizedek.’ - -Whilst thus in these and in many other instances referring the -statements met with in the Psalms to individuals living or dead at -the time they were written, and to events then in progress or past, -Villanovanus still imagines that everything said, besides its literal -and immediate signification, is also typical of personages and events -to come--a system of exposition that has been pushed beyond all -reasonable lengths by ignorance and superstition since his day. We may -indeed be well assured that the writers of the Hebrew Psalms knew no -more of what would happen five or six centuries after they were dust -than we know of what will be going on in the world five or six hundred -years after we are no more. Prophets, Seers, Diviners, Fortune-tellers -and the like are ignored by the science of our age, although under -the first of these designations they are still acknowledged by pious -persons in the history of the past, and in its bearing on the religion -of the present. The excuse for this is that the Prophets of Israel -were _inspired_, or exceptionally gifted, with the power of seeing -into futurity. But God, as we now conceive God, makes no exceptions to -his laws. As they are, so have they ever been, and so will they ever -continue to be. Said not Servetus himself aright when he declared that -out of man there was no Holy Spirit, or Spirit of Inspiration? - -But it is not on the Psalms that Villanovanus’s exposition, remarkable -as it is, appears the most noteworthy. It is when he comes to the -writings of the Prophets, as they are styled, that he puts forth his -strength and shows his learning. _And it shall come to pass in the -last days that Jehovah’s house shall be established on the top of the -mountain, and all nations shall flow unto it_, says Isaiah (ii. 2 _et -seq._). These words, according to our expositor, refer to the reign -of Hezekiah. Literally seen, they speak of the accession of Hezekiah, -and the return of the captive Israelites to Jerusalem, the Assyrians -having suffered a signal defeat without a battle fought. - -In like manner, commenting on the second verse of the fourth chapter -of Isaiah, where it is said, _In that day shall the branch of Jehovah -be beautiful and glorious_, he says it is still Hezekiah and events -transpiring in his reign that are alluded to, the king nevertheless -being to be seen as a type of Christ. - -The remarkable fourteenth verse of chapter vii. of the same writer, of -which so much has been made, Villanovanus refers immediately to the -times in which it was written. Syria and Ephraim confederate, under -their kings Rezin and Pekah, are at war with Judah and threatening -Jerusalem, whose king, Ahaz, the Prophet comforts with the assurance -that the invasion, however formidable it looks, will come to nothing, -and bids him ask for a sign from Jehovah that such will be the case. -But Ahaz declining to do so, the Prophet volunteers a forecast of what -he declares will come to pass, saying, _Behold, a virgin_ (Almah--a -young marriageable woman) _shall conceive and bear a son, and shall -call his name Immanuel; and before the child shall know good from -evil_ [arrive at years of discretion] _the land will be freed from its -enemies_. ‘The Aramæans,’ says Villanovanus, ‘have come up in battle -array against Jerusalem, and the prophet speaks of a young woman who -shall conceive and bear a son, the young woman being no other than -Abijah, about to become the mother of Hezekiah--strength or fortitude -of God--and Immanuel--God with us--before whose reign the two kings, -the enemies of Judah, will have been discomfited.’ - -The _For unto us a child is born_, &c., of chapter ix., he further -refers to Hezekiah, for it was in his reign that Sennacherib and -the Assyrians suffered such a signal defeat, the angel of Jehovah, -according to the account, having slain in one night an hundred and four -score and five thousand of them. - -_For they shall cry unto the Lord of Hosts in the land of Egypt, and he -will send them a Saviour and he shall deliver them_ (Ib. xix. 20). ‘The -Saviour,’ says Villanovanus, ‘is still no other than Hezekiah. Egypt as -well as Judah, oppressed by the Assyrians, is relieved when the great -army of Sennacherib is wrecked by the angel of Jehovah.’ - -_Then the eyes of the blind shall be opened, and the ears of the deaf -be unstopped_ (Ib. xxxv. 5), _i.e._ ‘Liberation from the yoke of the -Assyrians will do much towards giving the Jewish people clearer and -better ideas of God.’ - -_Comfort ye my people.... The voice of one crying in the wilderness, -Prepare ye the way of the Lord_, &c. (Ib. xl. 1-3). ‘These are words -addressed to Cyrus, praying him to open a way through the desert for -Israel, returning from the captivity of Babylon;’ and the ninth verse, -_O Zion, that bringest good tidings ... say unto the cities of Judah, -Behold your God_, he says, ‘refers literally to Cyrus, who is here -styled God; as does also the eighteenth verse, _To whom will ye liken -God_ (_i.e._ Cyrus), _or what likeness will ye compare unto him_? ‘In -many striking ways,’ adds our expositor, ‘the prophet would lead the -rude Jews, on their redemption from the Babylonian captivity, to cease -from idolatry and to believe in God, the Creator of the world.’ - -_He is despised and rejected of men, a man of sorrows and acquainted -with grief. Surely he hath borne our griefs ... he was wounded for -our transgressions_, &c. (Ib. liii.). ‘In these passages, which also -involve a great mystery referable to Christ,’ says Villanovanus, -‘the Prophet laments over Cyrus, slain, as it were, for the sins of -the people, who, however, will suffer still more under Cambyses, -his successor, when the building of the Temple, now begun, will be -interrupted.’ - -_Arise, shine, for thy light is come.... They from Sheba shall come, -and shall bring gold and incense_, &c., (Ib. lx.), _i.e._ ‘taken -literally, and as it stands, these words refer to the great days of the -Second Temple, when Jerusalem was again in its glory.’ - -_Who is this that cometh from Edom with dyed garments from Bozrah_ (Ib. -lxiii.), _i.e._ ‘Cyrus has inflicted severe chastisement on Edom, and -brought back those who had been carried thither from Jerusalem into -captivity, as we read in the fifteenth chapter, where it is said, _The -redeemed of the Lord shall return, and come with singing unto Zion._’ - -_Behold the days will come, saith the Lord, when I shall raise unto -David a righteous branch_ (Jerem. xxiii. 5). The individual here -referred to our exponent believes to be Zerubabel. - -_Know, therefore, that from the going forth of the commandment to -restore and to build Jerusalem unto the Messiah, the Prince, is seven -weeks, and three-score and two weeks ... and after three-score and two -weeks shall Messiah be cut off and be no more_ (Daniel, ix. 25). ‘The -times specified,’ says Villanovanus, ‘refer to those of the exile and -the return of the captives by favour of Cyrus, who is the Messiah or -Anointed One of God, that is here spoken of. Sixty-two weeks having -passed from the great event, Cyrus will have been cut off, and all have -gone to wreck again.’ - -_Then shall Judah and Israel be gathered together, and appoint -themselves one head_, &c., _i.e._ ‘Judah and Israel will have become -united for a season, as they were under Hezekiah.’ - -The words of the second verse of chapter vi., _After two days will -he revive us; in the third day he will raise us up_, ‘refer to the -extraordinary discomfiture of the Assyrians in the reign of Hezekiah.’ - -_For behold, in those days when I shall bring again the captivity of -Judah and Jerusalem, I will also gather all the nations_, &c. (Joel, -iii. 1). ‘These words have a literal application to the defeat of -the Assyrians and the glories of Hezekiah’s reign. Disasters many -have befallen the chosen seed; but their oppressors will in turn be -desolated, and Judah, restored, shall dwell for ever in Jerusalem.’ - -The texts in MICAH generally spoken of as exclusively prophetical -of Christ, our commentator thinks refer literally to Hezekiah -and times subsequent to the defeat of the Assyrians. _But thou, -Bethlehem-Ephratah, out of thee shall he come forth to be a ruler -in Israel_, viz., ‘Hezekiah, who will deliver the people from the -Assyrian.’ - -_Rejoice greatly, O Daughter of Zion; shout, O Daughter of Jerusalem; -behold, thy King cometh unto thee lowly, and riding upon an ass, even -on a colt, the foal of an ass._ This text, which is referred to Christ -in Matthew (chapter xxii.), is connected by Villanovanus with the -compassionate Zerubabel and his entrance into Jerusalem. - -No one will be surprised to learn that these comments of the learned -Villanovanus did not escape the notice of the great ecclesiastical -centres of his day. That of Lyons is by-and-by found condemning -outright both them and the book they pretend to illustrate. That of -Madrid is content to order by far the greater number of the glosses to -be expunged, but leaves the Bible itself available to the privileged; -whilst that of Rome, less tolerant, not only condemns the expositions, -but puts the book upon the _Index prohibitorius_. The perusal of such -comments, preparatory to drawing the pen through them, it was surmised -by the far-sighted ecclesiastics of Rome might lead to independent -thought, and this is precisely what the Church they represent would -have every man, woman, and child in the land most carefully to eschew. - -Calvin, we may imagine, was not likely to think any better of -Villanovanus’s annotations than the heads of the Church of Rome; on -the contrary, pinning his faith on its text as prophetical in the -very strictest sense of the word, any attack on its sufficiency as a -ground for dogmatic conclusion was felt by him to be a matter much -more serious than by the Church of Rome, which sets its own traditions -as equipollent to, where not even of higher authority than, that of -the Bible on all matters of faith. To see the Scriptures of the Jews -otherwise than as Calvin and the Reformers saw them was, in their eyes, -to question the infallible book they had substituted for the infallible -Pope so lately abandoned by them. We should therefore expect to meet -Calvin, with occasion serving, making a point against our expositor -on the ground of the Pagnini; and accordingly we find Servetus’s -comments brought up against him in the most marked manner during his -Geneva Trial, whilst in the Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foye, -and the Defensio orthodoxæ Fidei, they are spoken of as impertinences -and impieties, the Publisher being said at the same time to have been -nothing less than cheated out of the money he paid the editor for -his work. ‘Who,’ says Calvin, ‘shall venture to say that it was not -thievish in the editor when he took five hundred livres in payment for -the vain trifles and impious follies with which he encumbered almost -every page of the book?’ (‘Opusc. Theol. Om.’ p. 703). - -Notwithstanding the great Reformer’s denunciations, however, though we -may not agree with Villanovanus in all his conclusions, nor approve -of his passing without mention Melchior Novesianus, to whom he was -indebted for his text, when we look on the beautiful volume he aided -in producing, and think of him as the one man of his age who had -independent opinions on the real or possible meaning of the poetical -writings of the Hebrew people, consonant as these are in so many -respects with the views entertained by the most advanced biblical -critics of the present day, we are not disposed to think that he was -overpaid. Had the Church dignitaries of Vienne seen the Pagnini Bible -of Michael Villanovanus with the same eyes as the hierarchs of Rome, -Madrid, and Lyons, the matter he added must needs have seriously -compromised him with them. His numerous, excessively free, and highly -heterodox interpretations of the Psalms and Prophets, nevertheless, in -so far as we have been able to discover, appear to have lost Villeneuve -neither countenance nor favour at Vienne, which is not a little -extraordinary. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -ENGAGEMENT AS EDITOR BY JO. FRELON OF LYONS--CORRESPONDENCE WITH CALVIN. - - -The Pagnini Bible out of hand, Villanovanus’s time would seem not yet -to have been so fully occupied by his profession as to debar him from -continuing to engage in a good deal of miscellaneous literary work for -his friends the publishers of Lyons, among the number of whom we have -now particularly to notice John Frelon, a man of learning, like so many -of the old publishers, entertaining tolerant or more liberal views of -the religious question, inclined towards, if not openly professing, the -Reformed Faith, and the personal friend of Calvin. - -For Frelon Villeneuve edited a variety of works, mostly, as it seems, -of an educational kind, such as grammars, accidences, and the like; -translating several of these from Latin into Spanish, for the laity; -and, as the priesthood of the Peninsula appear not to have cultivated -the classical languages of Greece and Rome to the same extent as -those of France and Germany, also turning the _Summa Theologiæ_ of -St. Thomas Aquinas, a work entitled _Desiderius peregrinus_, and -another, the _Thesaurus animæ Christianæ_, into their vernacular for -them.[55] Brought into somewhat intimate relationship with Villeneuve, -whom Frelon at this time could not have known as Michael Servetus, -the Reformation, its principles, its objects, and the views of its -more distinguished leaders, would hardly fail to come up as topics -of conversation between him and his learned editor. Frelon must soon -have seen how much better than common Villeneuve was informed in this -direction; and it has been said, not without every show of truth, that -at his suggestion Servetus, under his assumed name of Villeneuve or -Villanovanus, was led to enter on the correspondence with Calvin which -we believe had so momentous an influence on his future fate. Frelon -saw Villeneuve full of unusual ideas on many of the accredited dogmas -of the Christian faith; and, not indisposed, though indifferently -prepared, to discuss these himself, he very probably suggested the -great Reformer of Geneva as the man of all others the most likely to -feel an interest in them, as well as the most competent to give an -opinion on their merits. Hence the correspondence which, begun in 1546, -went on into 1547, and may even have extended into the following year. - -That Frelon was the medium of communication between Villeneuve and -Calvin is satisfactorily shown by the publisher’s letter to the -Spaniard, inclosing one for him just received from the Reformer. The -correspondence, however, must have already been started and Villeneuve -been complaining to Frelon that he had been long without an answer to -the last of his letters. Frelon, in turn, would seem to have written to -Calvin, reminding him that his friend Villeneuve had for some time past -been expecting to hear from him. Writing at length under his well-known -pseudonym of Charles Despeville, in reply to Frelon, Calvin says:-- - - ‘Seigneur Jehan, Your last letter found me on the eve of my - departure from home, and I had not time then to reply to the - inclosure it contained. I take advantage of the first moment I - have to spare since my return, to comply with your wishes; not - indeed that I have any great hope of proving serviceable to - such a man, seeing him disposed as I do. But I will try once - more if there be any means left of bringing him to reason, and - this will happen when God shall have so worked in him that he - become altogether other than he is. I have been led to write - to him more sharply than is my wont, being minded to take him - down a little in his presumption; and I assure you there is no - lesson he needs so much to learn as humility. This may perhaps - come to him through the grace of God, not otherwise, as it - seems. But we too ought to lend a helping hand. If God give him - and us such grace as to have the letter I now forward turn to - profit, I shall have cause to rejoice. If he goes on writing - to me in the style he has hitherto seen fit to use, however, - you will only lose your time in soliciting me farther in his - behalf; for I have other business that concerns me more nearly, - and I shall make it matter of conscience to devote myself to - it, not doubting that he is a Satan who would divert me from - studies more profitable. Let me beg of you therefore to be - content with what I have already done, unless you see most - pressing occasion for acting differently. - - ‘Recommending myself to you and praying God to have you in his - keeping, I am your servant and friend-- - - ‘CHARLES DESPEVILLE. - - [Geneva] ‘this 13 of February, 1546.’ - -This is surely neither an indifferent nor an unreasonable letter; -yet does it give us to know that the epistle it enclosed, both in -manner and matter, was likely to give offence to one with the haughty -and self-sufficing nature of Michael Servetus. He had addressed the -Reformer on transcendental dogmatic subjects, and probably urged -his views with the warmth that strong conviction lends to language, -and without anything like the deferential tone to which Calvin was -accustomed. This proved particularly distasteful to the head of -the Church of Geneva, who had certainly thought as deeply, and may -even have entertained as serious misgivings, on some of the topics -propounded, as his correspondent. Hence the unwonted _sharpness_ of the -reply; hence, also, the fire which Villeneuve caught at being lectured -like a schoolboy; and hence, in fine, the irritating, disrespectful, -and regrettable character on either side of the correspondence that -followed. - -In transmitting Calvin’s letter to Villeneuve, Frelon addresses him -thus:-- - - ‘Dear Brother and Friend! You will see by the enclosed why you - had not sooner an answer to your letter. Had I had anything - to communicate at an earlier date, I should not have failed - to send to you immediately, as I promised. Be assured that I - wrote to the personage in question, and that there was no want - of punctuality on my part. I think, however, that with what - you have now, you will be as well content as if you had had it - sooner. I send my own man express with this, having no other - messenger at command. If I can be of use to you in anything - else, I beg to assure you, you will always find me ready to - serve you. Your good brother and friend, Jehan Frelon. - - ‘To my good brother and friend, master Michael Villanovanus, - Doctor in medicine, Vienne.’ - -It is matter of deep regret that with the exception of the first -communication of Calvin to Villeneuve, which is in the form of an essay -rather than a familiar epistle, and was written some time before the -stinging missive sent through Frelon, we have nothing from him that -would have enabled us to judge of the general style and character -of his letters, though of this we may form an estimate from his -subsequent writings. Calvin was far too much engaged to make copies -of his letters, and we may feel certain that Villeneuve, on the first -intimation of danger threatening him from the authorities of Vienne, -destroyed every scrap of writing he had ever had from the Reformer, -calculated as it was to compromise him in the eyes of Roman Catholics. -Forced, for the sake of his French correspondents, to resort to a -pseudonym, Calvin had probably addressed Villeneuve in his proper -name. The letter to Frelon and the one from Frelon to Villeneuve must -have been overlooked, or thought to contain nothing that could be -adversely interpreted, and so found their way to the Judicial Archives -of Vienne, whence they were recovered and published by Mosheim.[56] - -The letters of Villeneuve to Calvin, or a certain number of them, at -all events, have been transmitted to us by their writer in a section -of his work on the Restoration of Christianity; and we turned to them -with the interest of expectation, thinking we might there find a key -to the singular and persistent hostility with which Calvin shows -himself to have been animated towards his correspondent. Nor were we -disappointed. The style of address indulged in by Villeneuve, as the -correspondence proceeds, is as if purposely calculated to wound, if -not even to insult, a man in the position of John Calvin, conscious of -his own superiority, jealous of his authority, and become so sensitive -to everything like disrespectful bearing on the part of those who -approached him. But of deference or respect, save at the outset, there -is not a trace in any of the letters of Villeneuve. On the contrary, -they have often an air of something like familiarity that must have -been extremely disagreeable to Calvin. Add to this the unseemly and -disparaging epithets with which he pelts the irritable Reformer, and -we have warrant enough for our assumption that, mainly out of this -unfortunate epistolary encounter, was the enmity engendered which took -such hold of Calvin’s mind as led him to see in a mere theological -dissident a dangerous innovator and deadly personal foe. - -The correspondence at the outset, however, had nothing of the unseemly -character it acquired as it proceeded. Villeneuve approached the -Reformer at first as one seeking aid and information from another -presumed most capable of giving both; and this was precisely the style -of address that suited Calvin. The subjects on which he desired the -Reformer’s opinion were theological, of course, and of great gravity, -involving topics of no less moment than the sense in which the Divinity -and Sonship of Christ, the Doctrine of Regeneration, and the Sacraments -of Baptism and the Lord’s Supper, were to be understood. - -In a letter to a friend of a later date Calvin speaks as if he believed -that these questions had been proposed in mockery, or to get him -into difficulty; but this was an afterthought, and when he had come -to persuade himself that Servetus was a man devoid of all religious -principle. Nothing of any suspicion of the kind he hints at appears -in his reply to the first communication he received, for it is sober, -earnest, and to the point, each subject being taken up in succession -and discussed, now in conformity with his own particular views, and -then with the interpretation of the Churches. - -Servetus’s questions to Calvin, three in number, were propounded -categorically, and in the following order:-- - -1st.--Was the man Jesus, who was crucified, the Son of God; and what is -the rationale of the Sonship (filiatio)? - -2nd.--Is the Kingdom of heaven in man; when is it entered; and when is -regeneration effected? - -3rd.--Is Baptism to be received in faith, like the Supper; and in what -sense are these institutions to be held as the New Covenant? - -To the first, Calvin replies: ‘We believe and confess that Jesus -Christ, the man who was crucified, was the Son of God, and say that -the Wisdom of God, born of the Eternal Father before all time, having -become incarnate, was now manifested in the flesh. Therefore do we -acknowledge Christ to be the Son of God by his humanity; therefore, -also, do we say that he is God--_sed ideo quod Deus_. As by his human -nature, he is engendered of the seed of David, and so is said to be the -Son of David; by parity of reason, and because of his divine nature, is -he the Son of God. Christ, however, is One, not Two-fold; he is at once -the Son of God and the Son of Man. You own him as the Son of God, but -do not admit the oneness, save in a confused way. We, who say that the -Son of God is our Brother, as well as the true Immanuel, nevertheless -acknowledge in the One Christ the Majesty of God and the Humility of -man. But you, confounding these, destroy both; for, acknowledging God -manifest in the flesh, you say the divinity is the flesh itself, the -humanity God Himself.’ - -To the second he answers: ‘The Kingdom of God, we say, begins in men -when they are regenerated; and we are said to be regenerated when, -enlightened by faith in Christ, we yield entire obedience to God. I -deny, however, that regeneration takes place in a moment; it is enough -if progress be made therein even to the hour of death.’ - -To the third he says: ‘We do not deny that Baptism requires faith; but -not such as is required in the communion of the Supper; and in respect -of Baptism we see it as nugatory until the promise of God involved in -the rite is apprehended in faith.’ He concludes by assimilating the -sacraments of Baptism and the Lord’s Supper to the Circumcision and -Passover of the olden time. - -Calvin, we thus see, addressed himself not only to the questions sent, -but also in answer to the letter which doubtless accompanied them, in -which the writer must have given some intimation of his own views. - -That Calvin’s communication, couched in rigidly orthodox terms, though -unobjectionable in style, was not calculated to satisfy Villeneuve, we -cannot doubt. His mind was already as thoroughly made up--even more -thoroughly made up, we apprehend, on some of the points advanced--than -Calvin’s. We are not surprised, therefore, to find that the Genevese -Reformer’s expositions were repudiated as little satisfactory by the -physician of Vienne, or to discover that the correspondence on his part -was not suffered to drop. He appears to have replied immediately, and -must have written in sequence no fewer than thirty letters to Calvin -on his favourite theological subjects, so many being printed in the -‘Christianismi Restitutio.’ In answer to these Calvin must also have -sent him more than one or two, though certainly many fewer than thirty; -for by the letter to Frelon, written evidently at an early period of -the correspondence, we see him already weary of it. - -With his hands more than full in administering the affairs of the -Genevese Church, holding his political opponents the Libertines -in check at home, and corresponding with friends and the heads of -all the other Reformed Churches abroad, it is not wonderful that, -besides feeling disquieted by the matter and offended with the manner -of Villeneuve’s addresses, he had soon made up his mind to have -nothing more to do with the writer. He saw, moreover, that he made no -impression on him, each new epistle being, as he says to a friend, but -‘a wearisome iteration of the same cuckoo note.’ Calvin’s vocation, -however, was to be helpful in what he believed to be God’s work, and to -preach the Gospel as he apprehended it. True to his trust, therefore, -and by way of meeting his troublesome correspondent’s further -importunities,--as a balsam competent to heal the wounds and strengthen -the weak places in the soul of the distempered man, he seems to have -thought he might escape further molestation by referring him to his own -‘Institutions of the Christian Religion,’ his master work, the canon of -the Church of which he was the founder and acknowledged head. In this -view, as we venture to presume, Calvin sent Villeneuve a copy of his -‘Institutions,’ and referred him to its pages for satisfactory replies -to all his propositions. - -It is impossible to imagine that Servetus had continued until this time -unacquainted with Calvin’s writings; he had doubtless read them all; -but he may not have made the ‘INSTITUTIONES RELIGIONIS CHRISTIANÆ’ the -subject of the particular study on which he was now forced, as it were, -by its author, and with the result that might have been foreseen: there -was hardly a proposition in the text that was not taken to pieces by -him, and found untenable, on the ground both of Scripture and Patristic -authority. - -In the course of the correspondence hitherto, Calvin had stood on the -vantage ground, as critic of his correspondent’s views; but matters -were now reversed, for Villeneuve became the critic of the Reformer. He -by and by returned the copy of the ‘Institutions,’ copiously annotated -on the margins, not only in no terms of assent, but generally with the -unhappy freedom of expression in which he habitually indulged, and so -little complimentary to the author himself, as it seems, that Calvin, -in writing to a friend and in language not over-savoury, says:--‘There -is hardly a page that is not defiled by his vomit.’ The liberties -taken with the ‘Institutions,’ we may well imagine, were looked on as -a crowning personal insult by Calvin; and, reading the nature of the -man as we do, they may have been that, super-added to the letters, -which put such rancour into his soul as made him think of the life of -his critic, turned by him into his calumniator, as no more than a fair -forfeit for the offence done. - -It was at this time precisely, as it appears, that Calvin wrote that -terribly compromising letter to Farel, so long contested by his -apologists, but now admitted on all hands--as indeed how could it be -longer denied, seeing that it is still in existence?--in which he says: -‘Servetus wrote to me lately, and beside his letter sent me a great -volume full of his ravings, telling me with audacious arrogance that I -should there find things stupendous and unheard of until now. He offers -to come hither if I approve; but I will not pledge my faith to him; for -did he come, if I have any authority here, I should never suffer him to -go away alive.’[57] - -Nor is this the only letter written at this time by Calvin which -shows with what despite he regarded Servetus. Jerome Bolsec, a quondam -monk, now a physician, opposed to the Papacy and but little less -hostilely inclined to Calvin, speaking of the Reformer’s persecution -of Servetus--‘an arrogant and insolent man, forsooth,’--and of -Servetus having addressed a number of letters to him along with the -MS. of a work he had written, and a copy of the ‘Institutions of the -Christian Religion,’ full of annotations little complimentary to the -author,--goes on to say: ‘Since which time Calvin, greatly incensed, -conceived a mortal antipathy to the man, and meditated with himself -to have him put to death. This purpose he proclaimed in a letter to -Pierre Viret of Lausanne, dated the Ides of February (1546). Among -other things in this letter, he says: “Servetus desires to come hither, -on my invitation; but I will not plight my faith to him; for I have -determined, did he come, that I would never suffer him to go away -alive.” This letter of Calvin fell into my hands by the providence of -God, and I showed it to many worthy persons--I know, indeed, where -it is still to be found.’ Bolsec says further that Calvin wrote to -Cardinal Tournon denouncing Servetus of heresy, some time before making -use of William Trie in the same view to the authorities of Lyons and -Vienne, and that the Cardinal laughed heartily at the idea of one -heretic accusing another. ‘This letter of Calvin to Cardinal Tournon,’ -says Bolsec in continuation, ‘was shown to me by M. du Gabre, the -Cardinal’s secretary. William Trie also wrote several letters to Lyons -and Vienne at the instigation of Calvin, which led to the arrest of -Servetus; but he escaped from prison.’ - -These statements of Bolsec, like the letter to Farel, have been called -in question and their truth denied by Calvin’s apologists; but they -tally in every respect with what else we know, and explain some things -that would have remained obscure without them. If Calvin wrote to Farel -in the terms he certainly did, we have no difficulty in believing -that he addressed his _alter ego_, Viret, in the same way. What is -said of the letter to Cardinal Tournon, also, has every appearance of -truth. The Cardinal took no notice of the heresy proclaimed from such -a quarter as Geneva; or if he hinted at the matter to his friend the -Archbishop of Vienne, Paumier’s good report of Doctor Villeneuve put a -stop to further inquiry.[58] - -More has probably been made of the letter to Farel, by the enemies of -Calvin, than is altogether fair. Grotius, who was the first to notice -it, says: ‘It shows that Antichrist had not appeared by Tiber only, but -by Lake Leman also.’ When Calvin wrote to Farel, however, he did not -contemplate the likelihood of Servetus ever falling into his hands. -Neither, indeed, though grievously offending, had the Spaniard yet -shown himself utterly incorrigible, a lost creature, fore-ordained of -God, as it seemed, to perdition. At the time Calvin wrote the letter of -February, 1546, to Farel - - His murder yet was but fantastical, - -It was at a later period, when the guilt as he held it of the man he -persistently regarded as the enemy of God and all religion as well as -of himself, was full-blown, and the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ appeared -in print, that the threat of bygone years took the shape of present -stern resolve. - -Had we but Calvin’s letter to Villeneuve, ‘written more sharply -than was his wont,’ we should, beyond question, find matter little -calculated to flatter the somewhat presumptuous self-confident man, -and may be fully as certain that the terms in which any future missive -was couched, were not more soothing or conciliatory. But Servetus -had come to look on himself as commissioned in some sort by God to -proclaim a purer form of Christianity to the world; and any assumption -of superiority on the part of Calvin, was met by a four-fold show of -independence from himself. Yet does Servetus, once embarked in the -correspondence, satisfy us that he had fallen under the spell of the -great Reformer; fascinated as it seems by him and, far from being -repelled by either his coldness or his harshness, finding it impossible -to forbear making ever new attempts upon his patience for recognition, -were it even of a little complimentary kind. - -The ‘great volume full of ravings,’ spoken of in the letter to Farel, -must have been a MS. copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ already -written, but not perhaps finally revised. Upon this work it does -not appear that Calvin ever condescended to offer any strictures; -although it was doubtless accompanied by a letter--not printed among -the thirty--requesting an opinion on its merits. But even as he never -had anything of the kind, neither, although repeatedly asked for, both -directly and through others, as we learn, could Servetus ever get back -his manuscript. Whether retained in mere contempt, or as evidence -against the writer, with occasion presenting, as has been surmised, we -do not know; but certain it is that Calvin remained persistently deaf -to all the writer’s entreaties to have his work returned to him. If -not purposely retained in view of the contingency hinted at, it was -eventually used in such wise; for it was among the Documents furnished -by Calvin through Trie to the authorities of Vienne with the immediate -effect of bringing about the arrest of its writer and imperilling his -life. - -Turn we to the letters to Calvin, less in view of their theological -import--the point from which alone they have hitherto been regarded -by the biographers of Servetus--than as calculated to let us into -the secret of the misunderstanding and enmity that took such entire -possession of the mind of the Genevese Reformer. In Servetus’s style -of address, as we have said, we at once note an entire absence of the -obsequiousness to which Calvin was accustomed. Far from approaching -the Reformer as a Gamaliel at whose feet he was to kneel and take -lessons, Servetus assumes the part, not merely of the equal, but -often of the superior, and is by no means nice in the terms in which -he challenges the points he holds erroneous in the doctrines of the -great man he is addressing. In the very first of the thirty epistles -he wrote, whilst stating an opinion which he knew Calvin must think -heretical or even blasphemous, he ‘desires him to remember--_memineris -quæso_, &c.--that the Man, Jesus Christ, was truly begotten of the -substance of God;’ and in the second of the series informs him quite -bluntly that he is mistaken in his interpretation of Paul’s Epistle to -the Romans. He even attempts to fix him on the horns of a dilemma by -showing that Calvin’s view, if accepted, would lead to the assumption -not of one Son of God, but of three Sons of God. ‘But all such -tritheistic notions,’ he continues, ‘are illusions of Satan, and they -who acknowledge the Trinity of the Beast (i.e. of Papal Christianity) -are possessed by three spirits of demons. False are all the invisible -Gods of the Trinitarians, as false as the gods of the Babylonians. -Farewell!’ This at the outset is certainly not very respectful from the -physician of Vienne to the Spiritual Dictator of Geneva! - -The third epistle commences in the same easy style: ‘_Sæpius te -monui_--I have repeatedly admonished you.’ It is on the way in which -he imagines Christ to have been engendered by God, and so to be truly -and naturally His Son; adding that he has always taught the eternity -of the Divine Reason, styled The Word, as prefiguring Christ, in whose -face at the Incarnation, he says, Man first verily saw the face of -God. ‘You are offended with me,’ he proceeds, ‘for speaking as I do of -the human form of Christ; but have patience and I shall lead you up to -my conclusion--_te manducam_,’ etc. Fancy John Calvin feeling himself -taken in hand by Michael Servetus! - -The fourth, sixth, and seventh epistles are remarkable for their -pantheistic views. ‘God,’ says Servetus, ‘is only known through -manifestation, or communication, in one shape or another. In Creation -God opened the gates of His Treasury of Eternity,’ says he very -grandly. ‘Containing the Essence of the Universe in Himself, God is -everywhere, and in every thing, and in such wise that he shows himself -to us as fire, as a flower, as a stone.’ Existence, in a word, of -every kind is in, and of, God, and in itself is always good; it is -act or direction that at any time is bad. But evil as well as good he -thinks is also comprised in the essence of God. This is indicated, -he conceives, by the Hebrew word, ‘π’ (ihei); and he illustrates -his position by the text: ‘I form light and create darkness.’ All -accidents, further, are in God; whatever befals is not apart from God. -Without beginning and without end, God is always becoming--_Semper est -Deus in fieri_. - -In the eighth and ninth letters he informs Calvin that he ‘would have -him know how the _Logos_ and _Sapientia_, the Divine Word, the Divine -Reason, were to be understood, in order that he should not go on -abusing these sacred words;’ and it is here that we meet with various -expressions which only acquire significance when the pantheistic -ideas with which he is full are borne in mind. Here, too, we find the -reason why he would not concede that Calvin and the Reformers held the -true belief in Christ as the Son of God:--_Ille est vere filius Dei -quem in muliere genuit Deus, non ille quem tu somniasti!_ Neither did -the Reformers, in his eyes, rightly apprehend JUSTIFICATION, which, -according to him, only comes through belief in the Sonship of Christ as -he conceives it. - -In the eleventh epistle he says he thinks it will be labour well -spent if he exposes the error into which his correspondent falls in -his interpretation of the Doctrine of James. Calvin and his sect, we -know, set little store by works of charity and mercy. ‘All that men -do,’ proceeds our letter-writer, ‘you say is done in sin and is mixed -with dregs that stink before God, and merit nothing but eternal death. -But therein you blaspheme. Stripping us of all possible goodness you -do violence to the teaching of Christ and his Apostles, who ascribe -perfection or the power of being perfect to us: “Be ye therefore -perfect, even as your Father in heaven is perfect.” (Matt. v. 48.) -You scout this celestial perfection because you have never tasted -perfection of the kind yourself. In the works of the Saintly, I say, -there is nothing of the corruption you feign. The works of the Spirit -shine before God and before men, and in themselves are good and proper. -Thou reprobate and blasphemer, who calumniatest the works of the -Spirit--_Tu improbus et blasphemus qui opera Spiritus calumniaris!_’ - -Can we wonder at Calvin’s rage with the man who dared to address him in -such language as this? On his trial at Geneva Servetus tells his judges -that the correspondence between him and the Reformer degenerated by -degrees on both sides into mutual recrimination and abuse. In the above -objectionable passage we see, if not the beginning, yet a significant -sample of this unhappy style, which continues even to the end. Had we -Calvin’s letters, we should certainly find them not more guarded in -expression--for Calvin was a master of invective, with a superabundant -vocabulary of epithets at command, and never choice in the use of -those he applied to opponents--rascal, dog, ass, and swine being found -of constant occurrence among them--had there been any stronger than -scoundrel and blasphemer, they would assuredly have been hurled at -Servetus. - -Referring to the subject of Justification, Calvin, as we presume, must -have said, in one of his letters, that Justification is _imputed_ by -God, and that no change takes place in him who is justified. To this -Servetus, in his thirteenth epistle, exclaims: ‘What do I hear? The -spirit of man suffers no change through sin! But if sin cause change, -then must there also be change when sin is taken away. He, forsooth, -who sits in darkness differs in nothing from him who sits in light! -Your justification is Satanic merely if the conscience within you -remains as it was before, and your new life of faith differs in nothing -from the old death. God grant, O Calvin, that, ridding you of your -magical fascinations, you may abound to overflowing in all good things; -but Peter’s disputation against Simon Magus refutes you, teaching, as -it does, the excellence of works even in the heathen. The justification -you preach, therefore, is mere magical fascination and folly.’ - -In another of his letters Calvin must have asked Servetus where the -Apostle John teaches that we in this world are such as was Christ? -Which his correspondent answers by referring him to the fourth chapter -of the Epistle general, where he would find these words: ‘Because as -he is, so are we in this world.’ We can fancy how vexed Calvin must -have been with himself for the slip he had made, as well as angry with -the triumph of his opponent, who continues: ‘But you neither rightly -understand Faith in Christ, nor good works, nor the Celestial Kingdom. -In the New Covenant a new and living way was inaugurated; but you, true -Jew--_tu vero Judaico_--would shame me by a show of zeal and whelm me -with contumely because I say with Christ, “He who is least shall in -this Kingdom be greater than Abraham.”’ - -If Calvin neither understands the nature of Faith, nor of -Justification, we shall not wonder when we find that no more is he -credited with comprehending Regeneration, ‘You have not understood -true Regeneration, nor the Celestial Kingdom, whereof Faith is the -gate. Regeneration, I maintain, comes through baptism; you say that -Christ thought nothing of the water. But is it not written that we -are born anew by water? and is it not of water that Paul speaks when -he designates baptism the Laver of Regeneration, saying, “We are -cleansed from sin by washing with water?” Men, you say, are regenerate -when they are enlightened; you must therefore concede that they who -are baptized in their infancy, being without understanding and so -unenlightened, cannot be regenerated. Yet do you contend that they -are properly baptized. Dissevering regeneration from baptism you make -baptism a sign of adoption; but you deceive yourself in this, the -Scriptures declaring that adoption is effected when to the believer is -given the spirit of the divine Sonship--πνεύμα Ὑωοθεσίος. On your own -showing, then, infants, being unregenerate, can enter the Kingdom of -Heaven neither by faith nor by hope; and thou, thief and robber--_tu -Fur et Latro_(!)--keepest them from the gate. As a prelude to Baptism -Peter required repentance. Let your infants repent, then; and do you -yourself repent and come to baptism, having true faith in Jesus -Christ--_pœniteat te igitur, et vere Jesu Christi fide ad baptismum -accede_--to the end that you may receive the gift of the Holy Spirit -promised therein. But you satisfy yourself with illusions, and say that -the infants who die [unbaptized?] were predestined, impudently misusing -sacred speech as is your wont; for in the Scriptures predestination is -not spoken of save in connection with belief and believers. God, I say, -sees no one justified from eternity unless he believes.’ Let us think -of Calvin, spiritual dictator to one half of reformed Christendom, -schooled in this style by the poor body-curer of Vienne! called thief -and robber to his face, and all the more irate with his teacher from -feeling, as we fancy he must have felt, that he had not always the best -of the argument. Servetus’s dialectic is at least a match for his own. - -But our restorer of Christianity has not yet done with his -pædo-baptism: the subject is continued in the next letter, which closes -with a prayer in the very finest spirit of piety, but to Calvin may -possibly have seemed profane, he having made up his mind that Servetus -was not only without religion himself, but bent on effacing religion -from the heart of man. Here is the prayer:-- - -‘O thou, most merciful Jesus, who with such signs of love and blessing -didst take the little ones into thine arms, bless them now and ever, -and with Thy guiding hand so lead them that in faith they may become -partakers of Thy Heavenly Kingdom. Amen!’ - -Calvin, we believe, treats the ‘Descent into Hell’ as legendary. -Servetus thinks the Hebrew word _Scheol_ signifies the _grave_ as well -as the traditional _hell_, and seems to make it a kind of resting-place -for the unregenerate until the resurrection. Adam, he says, by his -transgression fell both soul and body into the power of the Serpent. -But where can the soul of him be after death who is the slave of such -a master? Are not the gates of Paradise closed against him?--is not -the whole man given over to the power of the mighty tyrant? ‘Who shall -set him free? No one, assuredly, but Christ’--and so on, in terms -entirely unobjectionable, and in complete conformity with accredited -opinion; but tending, we imagine, to what is called _Universalism_, -Servetus believing, as we read him, that all men would be saved in -the end, though ordinary sinners would have to wait until the day of -Judgment. He nowhere speaks of any lake of burning brimstone, fanned -by the Devil, in which the wicked are tortured throughout eternity. -Annihilation, with him, is the penalty of unpardonable sin. - -The Twentieth Epistle is especially interesting as showing us the -very heart of the writer; letting us into his secret, as it were, -and showing us the ideas that led him to his scheme of restoring the -lapsed faith of mankind in Christ as the naturally begotten Son of -God, and of reconstituting his Church, long vanished from the face of -the earth. The true Church, however, is not to be thought of as an -institution made by man, but as a foundation originated by Christ. -And the question as to where this true Church exists, is not difficult -of determination if the authority of the Scriptures be admitted as -paramount in matters of belief. But the authority of the Scriptures, -and of the true Church represented by those purified by the water of -baptism and governed by the Holy Spirit, he says, is equal ‘_The true -Church of Christ, indeed, is independent of the Scriptures. There was -a Church of Christ before there was any writing of the Apostles._ But -where is now the Church? Ever present in celestial spirits and the -souls of the blest, it fled from earth as many as 1260 years ago. It -is in heaven, and typified by the woman adorned with the sun and the -twelve stars (Revelation). Invisible among us now, it will again be -seen before long. We with ours, the congregation of Christ, will be -the Church. Towards the restoration of this Church it is that I labour -incessantly; and it is because I mix myself up with that battle of -Michael and the Angels, and seek to have all the pious on my side, -that you are displeased with me. As the good angels did battle in -heaven against the Dragon, so do other angels now contend against the -Papacy on earth. Do you not believe that the angels will prevail? But -as the Dragon could not, so neither can the Papacy, be worsted without -the angels. The celestial regeneration by baptism it is that makes us -equals of the angels in our war with spiritual iniquity. See you not, -then, that the question is the restoration of the Church driven from -among us? The words of John show us that a battle was in prospect: -seduction was to precede, the battle was to follow; and the time is now -at hand. Who, think you, are they who shall gain the victory over the -Beast? They, assuredly, who have not received his mark. Grant, O God, -to thy soldier that with thy might he may manfully bear him against the -Dragon, who gave such power to the Beast. Amen!’ - -In the above we have the whole mystical being of the man laid bare -before us, and the nature of the cause in which he was engaged made -known. Servetus certainly believed that he was an instrument in the -hand of God for proclaiming a better saving faith to the world. It was -by a certain Divine impulse, he says himself, that he was led to his -subject, and woe to him did he not evangelise! He seems even to have -thought that he had his vocation shadowed out to him in his name. The -angel Michael led the embattled hosts of heaven to war against the -Dragon; and he, Michael Servetus, had been chosen to lead the angels -on earth against Antichrist! The Roman interpretation of Christianity, -with its Pope and hierarchy, its assumed sovereignty, its pompous -ceremonial and ritualistic apparatus, had failed to make the world -either wiser or better; the entire system was rotten to the core; hence -the revolt of such scholarly monks as Erasmus and Luther, and of such -learned priests as Zwingli, Calvin, Melanchthon, Bullinger, Bucer, and -the rest. But they, too, still showed more or less of the ‘mark of the -Beast.’ They had rid themselves of the Mass and Transubstantiation, of -compromises for sin by payments in money, of monkeries, nunneries, the -invocation of saints, prayers to the Virgin, and so on; but they had -retained much that was objectionable--particularly a Trinity of persons -in the Godhead (tantamount, said Servetus, to the recognition of three -Gods instead of one God), and infant baptism. - -By their strenuous insistance on the effects of Adam’s transgression -as compromising mankind at large, and Abraham’s readiness to sacrifice -his only son, they had moreover interspersed the religion of Christ -with such an amount of Judaism that their Christianity was in many -respects a relapse into the bonds of the Law, from which Christ had set -us free. A reformation of the Church had been commenced, therefore, -but was by no means completed; much still remained to be done; the -world was waiting, in fact, for a better interpretation of Christ’s -life and doctrine as contained in the Gospels, and this the studies -and meditations of Michael Servetus, he believed, qualified him in no -mean measure to supply. Hence the books on Trinitarian Error and the -Restoration of Christianity; and hence, also, the hostility of Calvin -and his followers, who were minded that they had already reformed and -restored, and verily represented, or were in fact, the true Church. - -Like the leaders of other bands of enthusiasts of which the world -has seen so many, Servetus, relying on the New Testament record, -thought that the day was at hand when Christ should appear in the -clouds to judge the world and consummate all things. He overlooked -the fact that Paul, whom he resembled in so many respects, had had -the same fancy fifteen hundred years before him, and that matters had -nevertheless gone on much as they had always done, without the day of -judgment having dawned. Calvin with his educated understanding and -his experience of the world, ought to have seen Servetus as the pious -enthusiast he was in fact, and not as the enemy of God and Religion, -as well as of himself. Failing to cure him of his extravagant fancies, -he might safely have left him to indulge them, as being little likely -to compromise his own or any other system of Christianity, the Papacy -perhaps excepted, to which the would-be Restorer was truly much more -violently opposed than the Reformer. But hate had blinded Calvin; -considerations personal to himself had complicated and in some sort -superseded such as were associated with religion. - -On the subject of Faith, to which Calvin’s system gave much less free -play than Luther’s, we find Servetus siding with him of the North -rather than him of the South. Neither of them, however, as we have -seen, had any conception of faith in the way Servetus understood -it. Faith, says he, consists in a certain compliant state of mind, -proclaimed by unquestioning assent. This, the true saving faith, is -of the kind avowed by Peter when he declared Jesus to be the Christ, -the Son of the living God. Yet faith even of this kind, distinctly as -it has the lead in Servetus’s Christology, is not yet all in all: to -become efficient or saving, it must be conjoined with Charity. ‘If -faith be not clothed with charity,’ says he, ‘it dies in nakedness; -and as habit is strengthened by action, the body by exercise, and -the understanding by study, so is faith strengthened by good works.’ -The subject-will and fatalism, asserted by Calvin in his doctrine of -predestination and election, have therefore no real foundation in -Scripture; nay more, there is unreason in the assumption of such a -principle, and in the admonition given to mankind to do that which it -must be known beforehand they cannot do. ‘You speak,’ says our writer, -‘of free acts, yet really say that there is no such thing as free -action. But who so devoid of understanding as to prescribe free choice -to one incapable of choosing freely! It is mere fatuity besides to -derive subject-will from this: that it is God who acts in us. Truly God -does act in us; but in such wise that we act freely. He acts in us so -that we understand and will, choose, determine, and pursue. Even as all -things consist essentially in God, so do all things proceed essentially -from him. The Spirit of God is innate in man, and as the power to do is -one thing, so is the necessity to do another. Although God elects us as -the potter does his clay, it by no means follows that we are nothing -more than clay. Paul’s simile deceives you; it is not universally -applicable.’ - -The Law of Moses, Calvin has said, is still in force and to be observed -by us as truly as it was by the Jews; violating it, he says, we -violate the Law of God. Servetus’s reply to this is the burden of the -Twenty-third and three following Letters. ‘I fancy I hear some Jew or -Mussulman speaking here,’ says our respondent. ‘But to what is violence -done--is it to a stone, or to certain letters cut in a stone? Christ, -I say, accomplished the Law and then it was abrogated; in him we have -the New Covenant, the Old superseded; in him are we made free. The law -of Moses was unbearable; it slew the soul, it increased sin, it begat -anger; virtue itself through it became at times transgression, and -in compassion for our frailty it was annulled. You make God exercise -a rude and miserable people in a mill-round. What would you say were -some tyrant to require mountains of gold or the stars of heaven from -your Genevese, and threaten them with death for non-compliance with -his demands? But the Old Law bound men to impossibilities. Art thou -not then ashamed of slavery and tyrannical violence? Insisting on the -observance of this law, you yet go on dreaming with your Luther, and -saying that no one ever entirely fulfilled the commandment which says -“thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart and soul.” -David and others, then, who said that they sought God with all their -heart and strove with all their might to keep his commandments, -are but liars to you. _And what, after all, are the laws of Moses? -If conformable to Nature then are they the laws of God, the author -of Nature, older than Moses, and to be observed of Christians -independently of Moses._ But God never required obedience of the kind -you imagined; he but asks of each according to his strength. Cease -then, O Calvin, to torture us with the law of Moses, and to insist on -its observance. It looks as if you had a mind to be pitied of God in -your impotency--of God who may be said so often to have had to take -pity on the Jews when they were under the law.’ Who shall say that -Michael Servetus was not in advance of John Calvin? - -The twenty-seventh, eighth, and ninth epistles are only significant -as expositions of doctrinal views in their bearing on social life. -Is it lawful, he asks, for a Christian to assume the magistracy? to -administer the laws of the land and to take the lives of evil-doers? Of -course it is. The order of the world is maintained by law and justice. -But then to take life? Where there is hope of amendment, as in the case -of the woman taken in adultery, we see the penalty of death remitted: -Go, said Jesus to her, and sin no more. But even where there is malice -and unyielding obstinacy, recourse is to be had to chastisement of -other kinds than taking life. Among these, banishment, approved by -Christ, and excommunication, practised by the Church, are to be -commended. Schism and heresy were punished in this way whilst traces -of apostolic tradition remained. Criminals, in matters not pertaining -to the faith, are variously punished by the laws of every country; and -this is in conformity with natural law. They bear the sword aright and -lawfully who bear it in the cause of justice and to the repression of -crime; and it is not against gospel precepts that we serve as soldiers -in defence of our lives and possessions. - -Servetus, we find, accords rather extensive powers to Bishops, whom, -in opposition to Calvin, he recognises, and to Ministers of the Church -generally. Bishops, like good shepherds, are to know their flocks, and -to take care that no infection gets in among them; ministers again--he -does not use the word priests--are privileged to reconcile sinners to -God, and to punish unbelievers by excommunicating them and delivering -them over to Satan and spiritual death. Their authority, however, is -only to be exercised under the guidance of the Spirit--what spirit he -does not say. Confession, too, he approves of, but the minister is not -to be consulted save in case of some grave doubt or difficulty arising. - -Our writer is greatly displeased with Calvin’s interpretation of the -parable of the labourers in the vineyard, in which like wages are given -to those hired at every hour of the day; from which the Reformer infers -that there is no difference or distinction in glory, in faith, or in -works. ‘To you truly,’ says Servetus, ‘there needs no distinction as -to less or more; for with you these are all alike of non-avail, some -as you maintain being saved with, as some are saved without, merit of -their own. But it is faith that of the impious makes the pious, of the -dead the living. Ignorant of all gospel truth is he who does not attach -supreme significance to faith in Christ as the Son of God.’ - -The concluding epistle of the series must have given great offence to -Calvin, the writer reproaching him with setting the Christian on no -higher level than the vulgar Jew. ‘They are alike to you, indeed, alike -carnal, because to you are the benefits of Christ’s coming unknown; -to you who in the Supper partake of nothing more than a trope or -figure, and who treat baptism as the equivalent of a Levitical rite, -the sign of a thing that is not. But in the Supper we, nourished by -immortal food, for a terrestrial have a new celestial life imparted -to us, and how should he perish who has once partaken of Christ? May -God give you to receive all these things with a true understanding, -led by the spirit of truth, by Jesus Christ and the Father. Amen.’ -Scouting the Roman Catholic dogma of transubstantiation, as he did, we -here find Servetus speaking as if he believed that it was the body of -Christ indeed that was partaken of in the Supper! To understand this -in him his pantheistic notions must again be taken into account. But -pantheism, when not detached from the idea of _personality_, in the -usual acceptation of the word, leads inevitably to such absurdity. -Speaking as he does now, Servetus forgets his philosophy and yields -himself up to his mysticism. With as much justice might he have said -that Cannibals partake of God when they eat one another, as that the -Christian communicant partakes of Christ when he joins the simple, -solemn, commemorative feast. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO’--THE RESTORATION OF CHRISTIANITY--DISCOVERY -OF THE PULMONARY CIRCULATION. - - -We have seen that Servetus could never recover his MS. of the -Restoration of Christianity from the hands of Calvin. But he had not -sent his work for the review of the Reformer without retaining a copy -for himself, and this he determined now to have printed and sent -abroad into the world. With this view he forwarded the Manuscript to -a publisher of Basle, Marrinus by name, with whom--if we may infer so -much from the address of the publisher’s letter to him declining the -work--he must have been on terms of intimacy. Marrinus’s letter is -short, to the point, and in the following terms:-- - -‘Gratia et pax a Deo, Michael carissime!--the grace and peace of God be -with you, dearest Michael! I have received your letter and your book; -but I fancy that on reflection you will see why it cannot be published -at Basle at this present time. When I have perused it [more carefully] -I shall therefore return it to you by the accredited messenger you -may send for it. But I beg you not to question my friendly feelings -towards you. To what you say besides I shall reply at greater length -and more particularly on another occasion. Farewell! Thy - - MARRINUS. - - ‘Basle, April 9, 1552.’ - -The MS., even on a cursory perusal, had evidently frightened the worthy -publisher of Basle: he would have nothing to do with it; but this did -not put our author from his purpose of publication. Not going so far -afield as Basle, he took Balthasar Arnoullet, bookseller and publisher, -and William Geroult, manager of his printing establishment, both of -Vienne, into his confidence, giving them to understand that though the -book he wished to have printed was against the doctrines of Luther, -Calvin, Melanchthon, and other heretics, there were many reasons why -neither his name as the author, nor Vienne as the place of publication, -should appear on the title-page. - -Arnoullet, like Marrinus, must have had misgivings about the reception -the book was likely to meet with from the clergy of France, and, aware -of the danger he incurred who printed and published aught out of -conformity with the doctrines of the holy Roman Catholic and Apostolic -Church, he too must have declined in the first instance to undertake -the work. But Michel Villeneuve had been prosperous; he had money in -his purse, and engaging not only to take the whole of the expenses on -himself, but to add a gratuity of 100 crowns to the cost, Arnoullet -consented at last to run the risk of publication, meaning, however, -that the world at large should know nothing of him as instrumental in -the business. No one then knew that Secerius of Hagenau had printed -the ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ or that its author, Michael Servetus, -was Doctor Villeneuve. Why should it ever transpire that Balthasar -Arnoullet of Vienne had printed the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ or -that Monsieur Michel Villeneuve the physician was its writer? To keep -the secret within their own circle, therefore, the work must not -be composed in the usual place of business, and none but the most -indispensable hands be employed upon it. A small house, away from the -known printing establishment, was accordingly taken; type cases and -a press were there set up, and the work once entered on proceeded -regularly without interruption during a period of between three and -four months, when the impression, consisting of 1,000 copies, was -successfully worked off. - -Arnoullet, although we shall by and by find him declaring his entire -ignorance of the burden of the book, and charging his manager, Geroult, -with having deceived him on this head and by misrepresentations induced -him to meddle with the publication at all, must nevertheless have been -well aware of its nature. The measures taken to keep the outside world -in ignorance of what was going on, the arrangement with the author to -be his own reader for press, and the premium paid, give the lie to -all his asseverations. Servetus, too, in his determination to keep -his name from the title-page, and leave this blank of the place of -publication, shows that neither was he blind to the danger that waited -on the production of such a book as the Restoration of Christianity -in Roman Catholic France. The printing press, though eagerly welcomed -on all hands at first, soon fell out of favour with the Church of -Rome, and so continues with that conspiracy against the rights, the -liberties, and the progress of mankind. But Michael Servetus was too -vain, too thoroughly persuaded of his own apostolic mission to the -world, to leave his book, the crowning labour of his life, without some -sufficient mark of its paternity. On the last page, accordingly, we -find the initials of his name and designation in capital letters, thus, -M.S.V., immediately over the date MDLIII., the year of the intended -publication. But even so much was not wanted to proclaim the author. -Innocently or inadvertently he says in his Preface that he had formerly -treated briefly of the subjects he is now about to discuss at greater -length; and in the body of the work he may even be said to make his -appearance in person, and in his proper name; for we there have Michael -and Peter as interlocutors, precisely as in the old ‘Dialogi ij de -Trinitate’ of the year 1532. - -Printed with every precaution to secure secrecy, with nothing -intentionally about it to lead the uninitiated to suspect what was -meant by the M.S.V. at the end, or a hint, even had it been divined -that Michael Servetus Villanovanus was thereby indicated, to show that -he and Michel Villeneuve of Vienne were one and the same personage, it -is obvious that the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ was not intended for -publication or sale either in Vienne or France--probably not even in -Basle or Geneva, in the first instance. Villeneuve would keep the place -where he lived, and the country that sheltered him, as well as the -nearest neighbouring land, out of the storm which he plainly foresaw -would be raised by his daring innovations on accredited Christian -doctrine, and his more than Luther-like denunciations of the Papacy. -The whole impression was therefore made up into bales of 100 copies in -each, of which five were confided to the safe keeping of Pierre Merrin, -typefounder of Lyons--a brother in all likelihood of the Marrinus of -Basle, with whose name we are already acquainted--in view of their -being forwarded by water to Genoa and Venice. A bale or two we know -were sent by Arnoullet to his agent at Frankfort; and as Frelon was now -in the secret of Servetus, we can hardly doubt of his having taken some -share in the venture and despatched at least a bale to the same great -emporium of the book trade. It must have been from Frelon, indeed, that -Calvin by and by obtained the couple of copies of the ‘Restitutio’ he -required for the purposes of the prosecution he had instituted against -its author; and it is almost certainly to him, not to Robert Etienne, -the bookseller of Geneva, as has been said, that Calvin refers in -his letter to the Frankfort Clergy ‘as a well-disposed person who -will put no obstacle in the way of the seizure and destruction of the -obnoxious book which he has learned had been sent for exposition and -sale among them.’ The remainder of the impression--and there could now -have been little of it left on hand--for safe stowage away from the -Archiepiscopal city of Vienne, was confided by Arnoullet to the custody -of a friend, Bertet by name, resident at Chatillon.[59] - -The book on the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’[60] often spoken -of, though so rare as seldom to be seen, comprises a series of -disquisitions on the speculative and practical principles of -Christianity, as apprehended by the author; thirty letters to John -Calvin; a disquisition on as many as sixty signs of the reign of -Antichrist, and an apologetic address to Philip Melanchthon and his -followers. - -‘The task we have set ourselves here,’ says the Author in his Preface -or Introduction, ‘is truly sublime; for it is no less than to make -God known in his substantial manifestation by The Word and his divine -communication by the Spirit, both comprised in Christ, through whom -alone do we learn how the divineness of the Word and the Spirit may -be apprehended in Man. Hidden from human sight in former times, God -is now both manifested and communicated to the world, manifestation -taking place by the Word, communication by the Spirit, to the end -that we may see him face to face as it were in Creation, and feel him -intuitively but lucidly declared in ourselves. It is high time that -the door leading to knowledge of this kind were opened; for otherwise -no one can either know God truly, read the Scriptures aright, or be a -Christian.’ - -How much the writer is in earnest is farther proclaimed by the -Invocation to Christ and the Address to the Reader with which he -concludes his Introduction: ‘O Christ Jesus, Son of God, Thou Who -wast given to us from heaven, Thou Who in Thyself makest Deity -visibly manifest, I, Thy servant, now proclaim Thee, that so great a -manifestation may be made known to all. Grant then to Thy petitioner -Thy good Spirit and Thy effectual Speech; guide Thou his mind and his -pen that he may worthily declare the glory of Thy Divinity, and give -pious utterance to the true faith concerning Thee. The cause indeed is -Thine, for by a certain Divine impulse it is that I am led to speak of -Thy Glory from the Father. In former days did I begin to treat of this, -and again do I enter upon it; for now am I to be made known to all the -pious; now truly are the days complete, as appears from the certainty -of the thing itself and the visible signs of the times. The Light Thou -hast said is not to be hidden; so woe to me do I not evangelise! - -‘It rests with thee, then, O Reader, that thou show thyself well -disposed towards Christ, even to the End, and that thou hear our -subject discussed at length in words of truth without disguise.’ - -After a somewhat careful perusal of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -we know not how it could be better or more briefly characterised, -in its theoretical portion at least, than as a paraphrase and -new interpretation of the Gospel according to John, in which the -Neo-platonic doctrine of the Logos is particularly discussed, and -copiously interfused with pantheistic ideas, whilst the dogmatic -teaching of the Church of Rome and its practical application is -repudiated _in toto_, and the chief doctrines of Lutheran and -Calvinistic Christianity are controverted. - -Assuming the leading positions of the writer as guides, we should say -that in his philosophy he regards the world as a manifestation and -communication of God in time and space, manifestation taking place, -as he says, through the Word, communication through the agency called -Spirit. The first of things in which God showed Himself, he says, was -Light, which he speaks of as uncreated--_lux increata_, essence or -first principle of things--all existence, all generation being effected -by the energising power of light. In, and of, and first manifested -by light, God, however, is not identified therewith, any more than -with the things of creation, in all of which he is still held to be -immanent. God indeed in himself is supersensuous and incomprehensible, -for he transcends all things--mind as well as matter. When not sought -to be defined by negatives, God is to be thought of as Absolute Being, -and all existence, as deriving from him, is to be accounted divine, -although in diverse degrees. - -The manifold manifestations which God makes of himself in nature are -referred to a single dispensation or mode, the mode of the Plenitude of -Substance, which comprises all other modes or dispensations in their -endless diversity, patterns or types of all things that be having -been present in the mind of God before they were in themselves. An -architypal universe is therefore assumed as having existed before the -actual world came into being, and this, says Servetus, is the Logos -of Scripture and Philosophy--the Divine Reason, wherein reflected -all things showed themselves visibly. _Ea ipsa erat λὀγος erat ratio -mirifica in qua omnia visibiliter relucebat._ The Logos--Divine -Word, Divine Wisdom, God himself, in fact--it is that is revealed -or manifested in Creation, as in the fulness of time it also became -incarnate in Christ; for, even as before Creation the world existed -ideally in God, so before the incarnation was Christ potentially -present in the Divine mind as the Divine word, in the same way as the -future plant is extant in the seed. From the beginning, therefore, it -was a virtual or potential Son, not any actual co-eternal Son, who -existed beside the Father, the Son first acquiring form and substance -in the womb of the Virgin Mary, and being made participant of the -Holy Spirit at the moment of his birth when he began to breathe; for -Servetus assimilated the abstraction entitled Spirit to breath or wind: -God, say the Scriptures, breathed into the nostrils of man and he -became a living soul. - -Possessed, as he was, by the principles of the Neo-platonic and -other more ancient philosophies, Servetus assimilates Christ to -the Demiurgos, and makes of him the architect and fashioner of the -world--_ille mundi Architectus Christus_--Creator even of the elements -from which, intermingled, are educed the substantial forms of things. -How this was brought about if Christ only became a reality at his -birth, he does not say. But it is not a little interesting to note how -nearly our own Great King of transcendental song approaches some of -these fancies of our author, for Milton too speaks of Light as - - Offspring of heaven firstborn, - Or of the eternal coeternal beam; - Since God is light, - And never but in unapproached light, - Dwelt from eternity, dwelt then in thee, - Bright effluence of bright essence increate. - -A little further on he also has the Son as Agent in Creation:-- - - And thou, my Word, begotten Son, by thee - This I perform: speak thou and be it done. - -Creation ended, he continues:-- - - The filial Son arrived and sat him down - With his great Father! - -Into what labyrinths are men led when they give the rein to -imagination, and the demon of speculation divorced from science is -suffered to have his uncontrolled way! - - * * * * * - -Coming to a more particular analysis of the ‘Restitutio,’ we find the -first book treating of the man Jesus, in which he is shown to be, 1st, -Man; 2nd, Son of God; and 3rd, God. - -I. The name Jesus [Joshua, Hebraice], says Servetus, is the name of a -man and was given on the day of the Circumcision; the cognomen Christ -[Χρίστος, Græce, the anointed], was bestowed by the Disciples, but -never admitted by the Jews, who only knew Jesus as the son of Joseph. -There was indeed frequent discussion among the disciples themselves, -whether Jesus was the Messiah or not; and we know that kings, in virtue -of the anointing at their coronation, were entitled Christs--Cyrus, for -instance, is called Masach by the Prophet, the word Christ being no -more than the Hebrew title translated into Greek. - -II. It is as a Son of God,--υἵος Θεοῦ--that Jesus is spoken of in the -Scriptures. But if so, then is he to be thought of as engendered by -God as thou by thy father. God, it is true, is in a certain sense the -Father of all men as he is of Jesus; but we are his sons by adoption -as Jesus is his Son by nature. Jesus, indeed, was believed to be -the son of Joseph, but he was truly the Son of God, having, without -any sophistry, been engendered of his substance: the Word of God -overshadowed the Virgin like a cloud, and acted in her as generative -dew, comparable to the shower from heaven that causes the earth to -bring forth flowers and fruit. It follows, therefore, that the son of -the Virgin is also truly, naturally, the Son of God. - -III. Christ is God, and is so called because in him is God -substantially, corporeally present; for he is God by his geniture as -by his flesh he is man (p. 15), God and man being truly conjoined in -one substance and made one body, one new man. As the Father is true -God, so, in bestowing his divineness (_Deitas_) on his only Son, did he -cause it to be that the Son should be true God. - - * * * * * - -Having spoken of God and Christ, he treats next of the Trinity. In the -beginning, it is said, was the word, Ὁ λὀγος, an expression whereby -inward Reason and outward Speech are implied. Some, says the writer, -have held that God can be defined no otherwise than by negations: ears -have not heard God speak, save by the voice of man; hands have not -touched Him, for He is incorporeal; place holds Him not, for He cannot -be circumscribed; and time gives no measure of Him, for, infinite, He -is without beginning and without end. But all this only speaks of what -God is not; it does not teach what God is. Now, no one knows God who -is ignorant of the mode in which He has willed to manifest Himself to -us, plainly exposed though it be in the sacred oracles. These, however, -the Sophists do not believe, because they will not see God in Christ -(p. 111). In the Word made flesh, in the face of Jesus Christ it is -that we see the Light--God Himself--shining upon us. In thinking of the -engenderment of Christ, and his appearance on earth, the veil of any -intervening time is to be rejected; Christ being to be conceived of as -having been eternally engendered in the mind of God, but only begotten -of his substance in time in the womb of the Virgin Mary. The man Christ -is therefore, and because of this, fitly spoken of as the first-born -Son of God, begotten before all worlds (pp. 56, 57), substantially -visible before creation, and possessed of eternal substance--_visibilem -cum_ (_Christum_) _substantialiter ante omnia fuisse et substantiam -æternam habere_ (p. 57)--the meaning of which we imagine to be this: -that the idea of Christ, present in the mind of God from eternity, took -form by his immediate agency in the womb of Mary, the wife of Joseph, -whose son the man Jesus was believed by his contemporaries to be, -though he was indeed the Son of God. - -One of the items of transcendental belief, therefore, in which Servetus -differed wholly from the Reformers, had reference to the coeternity -of the Father and the Son. On this head he says particularly, ‘If -there were in eternity two incorporeal beings alike and equal, then -were these Twins rather than a Father and Son; and were a third Entity -added, like and equal to the other two, then were there a threefold -Geryon produced.’ These words, and others of corresponding import, were -found highly objectionable or blasphemous by the Reformers, as we have -already had occasion to say. - -In connection with this part of his subject the writer adds several of -the comments he had appended to the Pagnini Bible, particularly the one -in which he discusses the verse of Isaiah, beginning: ‘A virgin shall -conceive and bear a son,’ &c., in which he maintains that the Almah, -the marriageable woman mentioned, refers immediately to Abija, the -youthful wife of Ahaz, then pregnant with Hezekiah. - - * * * * * - -Thus far advanced, it is now that we find the pantheistic conceptions -of our author most fully enunciated. Referring to the words quoted by -St. Paul, ‘In God we live, and move, and have our being,’ Servetus -maintains that God is in all things, and all things are in God; in his -own words, ‘It is God who gives its ESSE or essential being to every -existing thing--to inanimate creation, to living creatures in general, -and to man in especial.’ - - * * * * * - -The fifth book treats of the Holy Spirit. ‘As the essence of God is -the Word,’ says our author, ‘in so far as manifestation is made in -the world, so, and in so far as communication is made, it is Spirit; -manifestation and communication, however, being ever co-ordinate and -conjoined. It is spirit that is the architype, eternally present in -God, from whom it proceeds’ (p. 163). And it is in this place that our -author explains or illustrates some of his metaphysical positions by -a reference to Anatomy, with which in various interesting particulars -he shows himself more satisfactorily intelligible than in his -transcendental speculations. - -‘There is commonly said to be a threefold spirit in the body of man, -derived from the substance of the three superior elements--a natural, -a vital, and an animal spirit; there are, however, not really three, -but only two distinct spirits. One of these, the first, characterised -as _natural_, is communicated from the arteries to the veins by -their anastomoses, and is primarily associated with the blood, the -proper seat or home of which is the liver and veins. The second is -the _vital_ spirit, whose seat or dwelling-place is the heart and -arteries. The third, the _animal_ spirit, comparable to a ray of light, -has its home in the brain and nerves. In each and all of these is the -force--_energeia_--of the one spirit and light of God comprised. Now, -that the natural spirit is imparted from the heart to the liver, and -not from the liver to the heart, is proclaimed by the formation of man -in the womb; for we see an artery associate with a vein sent from the -mother through the navel of the fœtus; and in the adult body we always -find an artery and a vein conjoined. But it was truly into the heart of -Adam that God breathed the breath of life or the soul. From the heart, -therefore, it is that life is communicated to the liver; for by the -breathing into the mouth and nostrils it was that the soul was first -truly imparted, the breath tending directly to the heart. - -‘The heart is the first organ that lives, and, situate in the middle of -the body, is the source of its heat. From the liver the heart receives -the liquor, the material as it were of life, and in turn gives life -to the source of the supply. The material of life is therefore derived -from the liver; but, elaborated as you shall hear, by a most admirable -process, it comes to pass that the life itself is in the blood--yea -that the blood is the life, as God himself declares (Genes. ix.; Levit. -xvii.; Deut. xii.). - -‘Rightly to understand the question here, the first thing to be -considered is the substantial generation of the vital spirit--a -compound of the inspired air with the most subtle portion of the blood. -The vital spirit has, therefore, its source in the left ventricle -of the heart, the lungs aiding most essentially in its production. -It is a fine attenuated spirit, elaborated by the power of heat, of -a crimson colour and fiery potency--the lucid vapour as it were of -the blood, substantially composed of water, air, and fire; for it is -engendered, as said, by the mingling of the inspired air with the -more subtle portion of the blood which the right ventricle of the -heart communicates to the left. This communication, however, does not -take place through the septum, partition or midwall of the heart, as -commonly believed, but by another admirable contrivance, the blood -being transmitted from the pulmonary artery to the pulmonary vein, by -a lengthened passage through the lungs, in the course of which it is -elaborated and becomes of a crimson colour. Mingled with the inspired -air in this passage, and freed from fuliginous vapours by the act of -expiration, the mixture being now complete in every respect, and the -blood become fit dwelling-place of the vital spirit, it is finally -attracted by the diastole, and reaches the left ventricle of the heart. - -‘Now that the communication and elaboration take place in the lungs -in the manner described, we are assured by the conjunctions and -communications of the pulmonary artery with the pulmonary vein. The -great size of the pulmonary artery seems of itself to declare how the -matter stands; for this vessel would neither have been of such a size -as it is, nor would such a force of the purest blood have been sent -through it to the lungs for their nutrition only; neither would the -heart have supplied the lungs in such fashion, seeing as we do that the -lungs in the fœtus are nourished from another source--those membranes -or valves of the heart not coming into play until the hour of birth, -as Galen teaches. The blood must consequently be poured in such large -measure at the moment of birth from the heart to the lungs for another -purpose than the nourishment of these organs. Moreover, it is not -simply air, but air mingled with blood that is returned from the lungs -to the heart by the pulmonary vein. - -‘It is in the lungs, consequently, that the mixture [of the inspired -air with the blood] takes place, and it is in the lungs also, not in -the heart, that the crimson colour of the blood is acquired. There -is not indeed capacity or room enough in the left ventricle of the -heart for so great and important an elaboration, neither does it -seem competent to produce the crimson colour. To conclude, the septum -or middle partition of the heart, seeing that it is without vessels -and special properties, is not fitted to permit and accomplish the -communication and elaboration in question, although it may be that some -transudation takes place through it. It is by a mechanism similar to -that by which the transfusion from the _vena portæ_ to the _vena cava_ -takes place in the liver, in respect of the blood, that the transfusion -from the pulmonary artery to the pulmonary vein takes place in the -lungs, in respect of the spirit. - -‘The vital spirit (elaborated in the manner described) is at length -transfused from the left ventricle of the heart to the arteries of the -body at large, and in such a way that the more attenuated portion tends -upwards, and undergoes further elaboration in the retiform plexus of -vessels situated at the base of the brain, in which the _vital_ begins -to be changed into the _animal_ spirit, reaching as it now does the -proper seat of the rational soul. Here, still further sublimated and -elaborated by the igneous power of the soul, the blood is distributed -to those extremely minute vessels or capillary arteries composing the -choroid plexus, which contain or are the seat of the soul itself. -The arterial plexus penetrates even the most intimate part of the -brain, its constituent vessels, interwoven in highly complex fashion, -being distributed over the ventricles, and sent to the origins of the -nerves which subserve the faculties of sensation and motion. Most -wonderfully and delicately interwoven, these vessels, although spoken -of as arteries, are really the terminations of arteries proceeding to -the origins of nerves in the meninges. They are in truth a new kind -of vessels; for, as in the transfusion from arteries to veins within -the lungs we find a new kind of vessels proceeding from the arteries -and veins, so, in the transfusion from arteries to nerves, is there a -new kind of vessels produced from the arterial coats and the cerebral -meninges.’ ‘Chr. Rest.’ p. 170. - -There can be no question as to the fact that, in the above quotation, -the passage of the blood from the right to the left side of the heart -through the lungs by the pulmonary artery and vein, is proclaimed, -and a farther transmission of its more subtle part at least from the -left ventricle of the heart to the arteries of the body is indicated. -After so much said, however, the account halts. There is no notice of -any transfusion from the arteries to the veins of the body, and so -of a _return_ of the blood by their means to the right side of the -heart--nor do we believe that anything of the kind was present to the -mind of the writer. The truth is that Servetus was not thinking of -a circulation of the blood in the sense in which we understand the -term, but of a means of engendering the vital and animal spirits. ‘The -blood,’ he says happily and well, ‘is not sent to the lungs in such -large quantity for their nourishment only. As in the fœtus, so in the -adult are they nourished from another quarter.’ To Servetus as to his -age the liver was the fountain of the blood, and the venous system -connected with it the channel by which materials for the growth and -nourishment of the body were supplied. The heart again was the source -of the heat of the body, and, with the concurrence of the lungs, the -elaboratory of the vital spirits; the arterial system in connexion with -it being the channel by which the spirit that gives life and special -endowment to the bodily organs is distributed. - -Though Servetus saw that the black blood which is attracted, as he -says, by the diastole of the heart from the vena cava acquires the -florid colour in its passage through the lungs, he never hints at -the black blood of the systemic veins having been the florid blood -of the arteries. We are not, however, to overlook his remark, though -it is only by the way, of ‘the natural spirits being communicated -from the arteries to the veins by their _anastomoses_.’ Servetus may -consequently have had an _intimation_ of the systemic circulation; but -he did not think out his thought. He does not speak of an intermediate -system of vessels between the arteries and veins of the body as of -certain other corresponding vessels of the lungs; and when we find -him making the arteries of the brain terminate in the nerves or -meninges--the source of the nerves to the old physiologists, we can -only conclude that he believed the arteries of the body to end in like -manner in the several tissues to which they are distributed. From what -he says further concerning the life of the fœtus in utero, we learn -positively that Servetus had not divined the systemic circulation. ‘The -embryo lives through the soul of the mother,’ says he, ‘it is as it -were a part of the mother, the vital spirit being communicated to it by -the umbilical arteries.’ Instead of _afferent_ canals of the blood from -the heart of the fœtus to the placenta of the mother, consequently, -Servetus believed the umbilical arteries to be _efferent_ channels of -the vital spirit of the mother to the heart of the fœtus. He at the -same time, doubtless, saw the umbilical veins as the channels by which -material for its growth and nutrition was brought from the mother to -be distributed by the venous system proceeding from the liver and vena -cava, in conformity with the physiological views of his age. Servetus -did not think of the fœtal heart save as the passive recipient of life. -He never heard its rapid tick tack, nor dreamt of it any more than he -did of the heart of the adult as the agent in the general distribution -of the blood in a great circle from arteries to veins, from veins to -arteries, unbroken in the embryo, but complicated when independent life -is assumed by the necessary passage through the lungs. - -Imperfectly, incompletely, therefore, as the great function of the -circulation is conceived by Servetus, his account of so much of it as -belongs to the pulmonary system is all his own and an immense advance -on aught that had been imagined before. Had his ‘Restoration of -Christianity’ been suffered to get abroad in the world and into the -hands of anatomists, we can hardly imagine that the immortality which -now attaches so truly and deservedly to the great name of Harvey would -have been reserved for him. But save to a few theologians, who gave -no heed to his physiological speculations, Servetus’s book remained -unknown in the republic of letters, for more than a century after it -had fallen from the press--no naturalist had seen it during all that -time. So effectually had it been hunted out and made away with, that -of the thousand copies printed, two only, as we have seen, are now -known to survive. The ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Michael Servetus, -consequently, never influenced either speculation or discovery in -connection with the circulation of the blood. But reading the book -as we are now suffered to do, let us not overlook in its author the -Physiological Genius of his age. Who shall say what amount of influence -the ‘Restoration of Christianity’ might have had upon both Science -and Religion had it been suffered to see the light! For it is not the -possession only, but the pursuit of truth that truly ennobles man; and -in Servetus’s incomplete induction in the sphere of physics we see -the path fairly entered on that has given to modern science all its -triumphs. Nor pause we here: in the domain of letters and criticism, -he is nowise less in advance of his age than in physiology. Who -among biblical scholars before Servetus had seen the applicability -of so much that is said in the Psalms and prophetical books of the -Jewish Scriptures to men and events contemporaneous with, when they -had not preceded, the times in which their authors lived? Servetus’s -contemporaries among the Reformers without exception set out from the -_letter_ of the New Testament as the source of their faith, the warrant -for the conclusions they built upon its text. But he declared that -_there was a Christian Doctrine before there was any New Testament_; -and we now know that this came not into existence until thirty, forty, -sixty, and in parts as many as 150, years had passed after the great -moral teacher of Nazareth had expiated his superiority to the shows and -superstitions and errors of his day by the cruel death of the cross. - -Had biblical criticism become a science a century sooner than it did, -the world might now by possibility be nearer the goal of truth as -regards the Religious Idea than it is, and grave doubts have sooner -arisen as to the competency of the barbarous Jews to solve the mystery -of the ‘Something not ourselves’ which we are led by our nature to -conceive and think of as _Cause_, and to imagine as over and above this -‘bank and shoal of Time,’ whereon we pass our lives. - -Quitting physiological discussion for his proper subject, our author -approaches the practical part of his theory of Christianity. Faith -is the first element, and is spoken of as an emotion rather than a -cognition--a spontaneous movement of the heart, not an act of the -understanding, its essence being belief in the man Jesus Christ as -the Son of God (pp. 297-300). The end and object of the whole New -Testament teaching, he says, is to lead men to a belief of this kind -(p. 293), whereby they are reconciled and made acceptable to God, -conceive a detestation for sin and become exemplars and exponents of -the Christian virtues--Love, Hope, and Charity. ‘Faith of this kind,’ -he continues, ‘makes us aware of our poverty, of our misery. For if we -believe that the man Jesus is the Son of God, the Saviour of the world, -we already admit that the world lies in sin and so needs saving.’ - -Unlike the other Reformers of the Church, Servetus, in this his latest -work as in his first, makes much less of the Fall of Man and the wrath -of God as consequences of Adam’s transgression. Original sin can hardly -be said to have a place in his system. Sin, he even says, was not -brought forth on earth, but arose in heaven, through a revolt of the -angels under Satan, who, utterly opposed to God in all things, seduced -man from his allegiance and so obtained the empire which it was the -purpose of Christ’s coming to regain. Instead of holding the heart of -man as utterly evil and corrupt, he says, ‘that good works are proper -and spontaneous to the individual. By the death of a sinless being on -whom, as sinless, Satan had no hold, he was thrown out of the law, -forfeited the rights he had acquired, through the disobedience of man, -and God recovered the empire he had lost.’ Satan, therefore, performs -a highly important part in the Christology of Servetus; but it differs -notably from that both of the Roman Catholic and Reformed Churches, in -this: that Christ does not suffer death to satisfy divine justice and -reconcile God to mankind, but to traverse the Devil in the rights he -had acquired by guile. But all such speculations belong to a former age -of the world. They are the fossils of the speculative stratum in the -nature of man, and only of interest now to reasonable people as records -of the chimæras and incongruities that are engendered by imagination -dissevered from science, when the understanding, instead of leading, is -led, and the unknowable is assumed as foundation adequate to support -conclusions affecting the lives of men in this world and their fate in -Eternity. - -Servetus then makes little or nothing of the ‘Corruption of human -nature’ as consequence of Adam’s transgression, so much insisted on by -the Reformed Clergy, and he entirely rejects their assumption of man’s -incompetence of himself to do anything good. Satan, however, is still -seen as the opponent of God in the Restored as in the Reformed system. -‘The Devil intruded himself into all flesh,’ says our ‘Restorer.’ -‘_Satan is Sin dwelling within us_, and to us is disease and death (p. -385); these being the consequences of Adam’s transgression (p. 358).’ -So much our author felt himself bound to accept in a literal sense, -for so he finds it written; but he proceeds forthwith to interpret -the text in his own way, and declares that _Adam’s transgression -brought no real guiltiness on mankind; for such can never be incurred -through another’s, but only through each man’s own deed_, a previous -knowledge of what is good and evil being the indispensable condition to -responsibility. But as a knowledge of good and evil is only attained -when men arrive at years of discretion, so did Servetus think that -mortal sin was not committed, nor even guilt incurred, before the -twentieth year (pp. 363 and 387). Though made subject to corporal death -and _scheol_ by Adam’s fault, men do not for this die spiritually; -they will be restored at the last day when Christ comes to judge the -world: ‘As in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all be made alive’ (1 -Corinth. xv.), say the Scriptures [of the apostle Paul]; and these -words, according to our author, mean that men will not be condemned to -the second or spiritual death because of Adam’s disobedience, but only -when, knowing good and evil, they have done much amiss of themselves. -Servetus, therefore, speaks of that as a punishment for sin to which -teeming nations of the East look forward as reward for the ills of -life--Nirwana, a state of unconscious, everlasting rest! Servetus -himself has no special place,--no hell either of temporary or eternal -torture for wrong-doing. - -We do not remember to have met with the word _atonement_ in Servetus’s -writings. He had evidently passed beyond the idea of the vengeful -Hebrew God and the shedding of blood as a propitiatory means believed -in by the Christians of his day, and still so commonly accepted in our -own; Servetus’s religion was as comprehensive as that of his great -Master. ‘Turks,’ says he, ‘pray aright when they address themselves -to God, though they neither know nor believe that God ever promised -anything to the patriarchs.’ - - * * * * * - -JUSTIFICATION is the dogma that is next entered on, and is said to be -by _grace_: ‘We are justified,’ says Servetus, following Paul, ‘when we -believe in Christ as the Son of God,’--in the way he apprehended the -sonship, being of course to be understood. But, escaping from leading -strings, we find him elsewhere declaring, and still in advance of his -day, that all who of their own natural motion lead good lives, be -they Jews or Pagans, are justified before God, and that the good life -suffices to have men resuscitated in glory. ‘God,’ says he, ‘does not -repute us just of his own good grace only, but also by the merits of -our works; in other words, of our lives.’ - - * * * * * - -In the book on the perdition of the world and its restoration -by Christ, which follows, our author has much on the subject of -baptism--the means or preliminary, in his eyes, to REGENERATION. He -will not, however, allow that unbaptized infants can possibly be -looked on as lost souls. ‘The little children whom Christ blessed,’ -says he, ‘were not baptized. How should the most clement and merciful -Lord condemn those who had never sinned? Did he ever say to the little -ones unbaptized: Go ye accursed into everlasting fire? How should -he curse those he blessed? They seem to me to attempt to befool me -who say that the salvation of an unconscious infant depends on my -will to baptize or to leave it unbaptized.’ Opposed to the baptism of -infants as a meaningless and inefficient ceremony, Servetus was all the -more emphatic in his insistence on the indispensableness of the rite -performed later in life. ‘Jesus was circumcised indeed as an infant,’ -says he, ‘but only baptized when he was thirty years of age. We ought -not, therefore, to approach the LAVER OF REGENERATION before this age -if we would imitate Christ.’ ‘Pædobaptism,’ says he, ‘is a detestable -abomination, an extinction of the Holy Spirit in the soul of man, a -dissolution of the Church of Christ, a confusion of the whole Christian -faith, an innovation whereby Christ is set aside and his kingdom -trodden under foot. Woe to you, ye baptizers of infancy, for ye close -the kingdom of heaven against mankind--the kingdom of heaven into which -ye neither enter yourselves, nor suffer others to enter--woe! woe!’ He -who is baptized in his infancy, consequently, who believes that he is -properly baptized and so neglects the regenerative rite in years of -discretion, according to Servetus, loses his chance of instant entrance -into Christ’s kingdom on his death. In his comprehensive charity, -however, we fancy Servetus must have a salvo for such neglect, though -we have missed it. If he has failed to set it forth in words, we feel -assured that it was nevertheless alive in his heart. - -In the book on the Power of Satan and Antichrist, Servetus attacks -the Papacy in terms of measureless reprobation, likening the Pope to -the Antichrist of the Apocalypse, calling him the son of perdition, -and speaking of his dominion as the reign of God’s opposite on earth -(p. 393). In exalting himself above his fellow-men and requiring them -to look on him as a god, the Pope has usurped the forbidden kingdom. -The imposition of a spiritual papacy, he maintains, has brought more -mischief on the spiritual world than the carnal Adam brought on the -world of flesh. For his sin was Adam condemned to the pain of corporeal -death, and for theirs are the beast and his ministers (the pope and his -council) doomed in the Apocalypse to the pains of everlasting fire (p. -394). - -Against monastic vows of all kinds, Servetus is here most vehemently -outspoken. According to him, they are mere sacrileges of tradition. -He does not object to the celibate life, however, which he says he -has chosen for himself; but Peter, he thinks, would be amazed did he -see the shaven, cowled, and bedizened priests engaged in their mimic -play, whereby they lead the people to the most open idolatry. But it -is the mendicant monk that he has in more especial abhorrence. Him he -compares to the locust, which, eating up everything it encounters, -leaves desolation behind. ‘The locust,’ he says, ‘has by nature a sort -of monk’s cowl; add to this a wallet, and you have a begging friar -complete; in other words, a hooded devil.’ - -In the book on the Lord’s Supper, our author speaks of course of the -papistical transubstantiation, the annihilation of the _bread_ as bread -and its transmutation into mere _whiteness_. ‘I rather wonder,’ says -he, ‘whether Satan was the circumcisor of common sense from the brains -of those who of _bread_ make _not-bread_, and in its stead produce a -vendible whiteness; for these puny sacrificators, for a mouthful of -whiteness given without wine, make us count out our money (p. 510). -To such degradation of mind are these men brought that they call that -the true body of Christ, which, in the whiteness they imagine, rats -and dogs might devour. Never was there any such blindness as this -among the Jews--blindness the more notable as the Papists say they are -infallible (p. 511). But as circumcision of the foreskin makes the Jew, -and circumcision of the heart the Christian, so does circumcision of -the scalp make the sham Jew, the papal sacrificial priest and slave of -Antichrist.’ - -He is scarcely more complimentary when he speaks of the views of -the Reformers on the subject of the Supper, styling the Lutherans -_Impanators_, and the Calvinists _Tropists_, the Roman Catholics being -of course _Transubstantiators_. If we understand him aright, he looks -on the Supper as something more than a simple commemorative feast, -to be first partaken of immediately after adult baptism, to which it -is the necessary complement; but we are startled after what, as we -interpret it, he has just said in this sense, when we by and by find -him speaking as if he believed that the body and blood of Christ were -really partaken of in the Christian Communion (p. 281 and Letter xxx. -to Calvin). The contradictory statements met with in the writings of -Servetus, however, as we have had occasion oftener than once already to -say, can only be harmonised by taking note of his pantheistic views. In -the instance before us, for example, on the pantheistic principle, as -God is in and of the substance of all things, so was He in Christ, or -Christ, in so far, was God. In consonance with the _letter_, therefore -the bread and wine of the solemn rite are flesh and blood. The language -of mysticism, however, is often little intelligible to the naturalist, -who in his incapacity here may be likened to those who, with ears -otherwise acute, cannot distinguish certain extremely acute or grave -sounds, or who, with eyes otherwise excellent, see no difference -between such opposite colours as red and green. Like the Reformers of -all denominations, Servetus maintained the CUP to be an indispensable -element in the celebration of the Supper. In the Papal Mass, he says, -there is no true Communion. The bread is not broken in common, and -the wine is appropriated by the Sacrificator, even as the Babylonian -Priests of old appropriated the oblations of the altar: ‘Quorban,’ says -the Popish Priest as he drinks, to the lookers on, ‘it will do you -good, too.’ (p. 522). - -Singularly enough, when we think of what he has to say in disparagement -of the Roman Catholic priesthood, we find him recognising in -_ministers_ a power to absolve men from their sins and reconcile them -to God--_potestas ministris est remittendi peccata et reconciliandi -homines Deo_ (p. 516). This, we can only conclude, is said because of -what he found in the Sacred Text;[61] no word of which, as we know, -would he gainsay. But that Michael Servetus, mystic though he was, -believed in his soul that one man can absolve another of his sin, we -do not think possible. He did not surmise that the fourth gospel was -only written a hundred and fifty years after the death of Jesus, and by -a Neo-platonic philosopher, presumably of Alexandria, fashioner, like -Paul of Tarsus, of a Christology and Christianity of his own. - -In illustration of the character of the man, the study of whose -life engages us, the prayer with which he concludes the book on the -‘Restoration of Christianity’--for here the work does end in fact, all -that follows being but by way of appendix--ought not to be overlooked. -It is in immediate sequence to a renewed phillipic against the -baptizers of infants, and to the following effect:-- - -‘Almighty Father! Father of all mercy, free us miserable men from -this darkness of death, for the sake of thy Son Jesus Christ Our -Lord. O Jesus Christ, thou Son of God, who died for us, help us, lest -we perish! We, thy suppliants, pray to thee as thou hast taught us, -saying, Hallowed be thy Name; thy kingdom come; and do thou, Lord, -come! thy bride the Church, praying in the Apocalypse, says, Come! The -spirits of thy children, praying here, say, Come! Let all who hear this -pray and cry aloud, and with John exclaim, Come! Thou Who hast said, I -come quickly (Apocalypse xxii.) wilt surely come, and with thy coming -put an end to Antichrist. So be it. Amen!’ - - * * * * * - -The first of the additions to the system of ‘Restored Christianity’ are -the thirty letters to Calvin, which we have already analysed, in what -seemed the appropriate place. - -The book or chapter on the ‘Sixty signs of the reign of Antichrist, and -of his presence among us,’ which follows, need not detain us. The signs -are for the most part arbitrarily assumed by the writer, on the ground -that his own views are the truth, those of the Papists and Reformers -mistaken, false, or short of the truth. Having shown to his own -satisfaction that every evil-doer, in the shape of an exalted personage -who has ever appeared in the world, even from Satan, Nimrod, and -Nebuchadnezzar, prefigured the Pope, and that the Pope is Antichrist, -he then very logically concludes that all the dogmas and doctrines -sanctioned by the Papacy are of the Devil. Under this category he -places the doctrine of the Trinity in the foremost rank, then the -Baptism of Infants, the Mass, Transubstantiation, all but everything, -in short, characteristic of Roman Catholic Christianity. As in so many -other places, he is here also ready with a prayer, which we quote as -ever-recurring testimony to the sincerely, but misunderstood, pious -nature of the man:-- - -‘O Christ Jesus, Son of God, most merciful Liberator, who hast so often -freed thy people from their straits, free us too from this Babylonian -Captivity of Antichrist, from his hypocrisy, his tyranny, his idolatry! -Amen.’ - -The concluding part of the ‘Restoration of Christianity’ is an address -to Melanchthon and his colleagues on the Mystery of the Trinity and -the discipline of the ancient Church. We have seen that Melanchthon -of all the Reformers was the one who seemed to be most taken by the -theological speculations of the seven books on Trinitarian error. ‘I -read Servetus a great deal,’ says he to his friend Camerarius; and -if he found the work objectionable in many respects, as he says, it -yet contained matter that would not be put aside, but that forced -itself on his attention, and may be presumed to have influenced his -final conclusions on some of the highest and most difficult doctrines -of orthodox Christianity. Certain it is that the first and earlier -editions of his highly popular work, the ‘Loci Theologici,’ differ -notably from those that appeared subsequently to the publication -of Servetus’s ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis.’ In the first and earlier -editions there is nothing said of God, whether as One or Triune, -of Creation, the Incarnation, and other purely speculative matters. -‘These subjects,’ he says, ‘are wholly incomprehensible, and we more -properly adore than attempt to investigate the mystery of Deity. What, -I ask you,’ he continues, ‘has been the outcome of the scholastic -and theological discussions that have gone on for all these ages?’ -But the metaphysics of Christianity were not passed over in any such -way by Servetus. His earliest work even meets us in some sort as a -complementary criticism of the ‘Loci’ of Melanchthon, and that it was -so held by the Reformer seems to be demonstrated by the many changes -and additions to be noticed in the revised edition of the work of the -year 1535, the first that was published after the appearance of the ‘De -Erroribus Trinitatis’ and ‘Dialogi duo de Trinitate.’[62] - -Finding himself very freely handled in the revised editions of the -‘Loci,’ his _errors_, as they are designated as matter of course, being -assimilated to those of Paul of Samosata and others, and his references -to Tertullian and the ante-Nicæan Fathers proclaimed irrelevant, -Servetus retorts, and, throwing moderation to the winds, proceeds -in the diatribe we have before us to pour out the vials of his -displeasure on the head of the great Wittemberg scholar and theologian. -Our Restorer of Christianity does, it is true, see Melanchthon as -somewhat nearer the mark than Luther, Calvin, and Œcolampadius; but the -references made to Athanasius, Augustin, and the Fathers who came after -the Council of Nicæa, are all put out of court--their conclusions are -of non-avail; for they had all bowed the knee to the Beast, and bore -his mark. The true Church of Christ had already forsaken the earth in -their day, and their teaching on the Trinity, Baptism, the Supper, &c., -was nought. Strange to say, as proceeding from a scholar, himself no -indifferent master of the Latin tongue, he reproaches Melanchthon with -the elegance of his Latinity. The Holy Ghost, says he, never spoke in -fine phrases! (P. 674.) - - * * * * * - -It is difficult to conceive a man not utterly bereft of reason and -common sense, living among Roman Catholics and in times of deadly -persecution for heresy, writing in the style of Servetus on the Papacy -and the most accredited tenets of Christianity. Yet is it impossible -to imagine that he was blind to the danger he incurred in doing so; -neither do we believe that he knowingly and advisedly staked his life -against the cause he certainly had so much at heart. He may have said, -indeed, that he believed he should die for his opinions; but we see him -taking what he must have meant as sufficient precautions against such -a contingency; and when first brought face to face with the prospect -of accomplishing the destiny he foreshadowed, we find him showing -anything but the recklessness of the true martyr. We presume that the -security in which he had dwelt so long under his assumed name, the -immunity from suspicion of heresy he had enjoyed since the publication -of his first work, and the latitude allowed him by his clerical friends -of Vienne in discussing the heresies of the Reformers--and it may be -also some of a minor sort of their own--misled him. His seven books on -erroneous conceptions of the Trinity appear to have been little, if at -all, known to the ecclesiastics of France; and he probably imagined -that in appealing to the press again and keeping his work from the -booksellers’ shops of the country of his adoption, he would continue -to be overlooked. Anything of a heretical nature he should publish now -might possibly be challenged by the German and Swiss Reformers; but -they were heretics in the eyes of the Viennese, and, provided he did -not openly proclaim himself the author, their ill report, if perchance -it ever reached France, would do the author of the ‘Restoration of -Christianity’ no harm, if it did not even tend to exalt him among -orthodox adherents of the Church of Rome. - -Every reasonable precaution therefore taken that the new book on the -Restoration of Christianity should not get abroad in France, Servetus -seems to have thought himself safe against detection and pursuit. He -was in fact altogether unknown, as we have said, in the place of his -residence as Michael Serveto, alias Revés, of Aragon, in Spain. He -was M. Michel Villeneuve, Physician of Vienne, and living under the -patronage of its Archbishop. There was, however, so strong a family -likeness between the ‘Seven Books and Two Dialogues on Trinitarian -Error’ and the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’ or the views therein -contained, that the most cursory comparison of the two works would -have disclosed their common parentage, even if the writer of the -‘Restoration’ had not himself hinted plainly enough at the fact. He -must have thought himself perfectly safe in his incognito at Vienne, -and seems not to have dreamt of danger from abroad. There could be no -reason, therefore, why Calvin, and through him the other Reformers -of Switzerland, should not be made aware of what he had been about. -He would in truth take his place beside or above them all as the -real Restorer of Christianity, proclaimer, as he believed himself to -be, of the true doctrine concerning Christ as the naturally begotten -Son of God; of the Salvation to be secured by faith in him as such; -of the Regeneration to be effected by baptism performed in years of -discretion, and of the absurdity implied in imagining division in the -essence of God, and instead of the One great Creator of heaven and -earth, having a Three-headed chimæra for a Deity! In this view, as we -conclude, he sent a copy of his book to Calvin; and with consequences -which it will now be our business to follow to their disastrous -conclusion; for all that remains of the life of Michael Servetus, cut -short in the flower of his age, is entirely subordinated to influences -brought to bear on it through the printing of this work and the -interference of the Reformer of Geneva.[63] - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -CALVIN RECEIVES A COPY OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO.’ - - -Frelon, the publisher of Lyons, whom we already know as the medium of -communication between Villeneuve and Calvin in their correspondence, -was probably by this time in the secret of the Spaniard. The friend of -Calvin as well as intimate with Villeneuve, had he not already been -confided in by the subject of our study, he must have been informed by -Calvin who Michel Villeneuve really was. The correspondence had long -ceased, but the intercourse between the Bookseller and the Reformer -continued, and the ‘monthly parcel’ was still the vehicle for new books -and literary gossip between Lyons and Geneva. By Frelon’s February -dispatch of the year 1553, we therefore conclude that there went a -copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ hot from the press, specially -addressed to Monsieur Jehann Calvin, Minister of Geneva. That it was -accompanied by a letter from Frelon we may also presume, giving in all -innocency and confidence--little recking what use would be made of the -information--those particulars connected with the printing of the work -which Frelon must have had from Villeneuve, and which Calvin by and by -imparted to the authorities of Lyons and Vienne. - -Frelon may be supposed not yet to have read the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio;’ but aware of Villeneuve’s appreciation of the Church -of Rome, and trusting to the author’s own account of his work as -especially hostile to the papacy, he may have thought that it would not -be otherwise than well received by Calvin. It is only with Frelon as -go-between that we can account for the book having reached Calvin at -the early date it did, and for the particular information he possessed -concerning Arnoullet as the printer, and the precautions that had been -taken to keep the world ignorant of what had been done. That there was -no intention of betraying trust on Frelon’s part, we need not doubt; -and still less, as we believe, need we question the fact that it was -not only with the author’s consent, but by his express desire, that the -first copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ sent abroad went to the -Reformer. - -Servetus himself could at this time have had as little idea, as Frelon, -of the deadly hate with which Calvin was animated towards him. They -had corresponded and differed, had quarrelled and called each other -opprobrious names; but controversialists did so habitually, when they -got heated; and the epithets then so freely bandied about were scarcely -seriously meant, and hardly ever seriously taken: they were but the -seasoning to the matter, nothing more. Servetus was in truth far too -vain, and at the same time too much under the spell of Calvin, to -leave him of all men else in ignorance of the important work of which -he had just been happily delivered. With the earliest opportunity -therefore that occurred, and before the book had been seen by another, -as we believe, he sent a copy to Calvin, meaning it doubtless as -a compliment--a return perhaps for the copy of the ‘Institutiones -Religionis Christianæ’ we credit him with having received from its -author. - -It is not difficult to imagine the alarm that must at once have taken -possession of Calvin’s mind when he saw the errors, the heresies, the -blasphemies, as he regarded them, which in bygone years he had vainly -sought to combat, now confided to the printed page and ready to be -thrown broadcast on the world. And more than this: if his ire had been -already roused by the strictly confidential correspondence to the -extent of leading him to threaten the life of the writer, did occasion -offer, what additional anger must now have entered into his heart, -when, besides the offensive heretical matter of the book, he found -himself taken to task, publicly schooled, declared to be in error, and -his most cherished doctrines not only controverted, but proclaimed -derogatory to God, and some of them even as barring the gates of heaven -against all who adopted them! What, too, on second thoughts, may have -been his exultation when, in perusing the book, he found his enemy -committing himself so egregiously in abusing the Papacy, and supplying -evidence that would convict him at once of blasphemy against God and -the Church, and, in sending him to the stake--as he foresaw it must in -a Roman Catholic country--would rid the world at once of an agent of -Satan, and a personal enemy! - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -CALVIN DENOUNCES SERVETUS THROUGH WILLIAM TRIE TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL -AUTHORITIES OF LYONS. - - -Calvin’s mind must have been immediately made up after perusing the -‘Restoration of Christianity.’ He would denounce its author as a -heretic and blasphemer to the ecclesiastical authorities of France, -and--_Deus ex machina_--an instrument was at hand to further his -purpose. There lived at this time in Geneva a certain William Trie, -a native of Lyons, a convert from the Romish to the Reformed faith, -and, as proselyte, well known to Calvin. Trie, it would appear, had -not been left altogether at peace in his new profession of faith. He -had a relation, Arneys by name, resident in Lyons, who did not cease -from reproaching him by letter as a renegade, and exhorting him to -think better of it, and return to the faith he had forsaken. Trie would -seem to have been in the habit of showing his letters to Calvin, and -of having aid and advice from him in answering them; Calvin, it was -said, upon occasion even dictating the epistles in reply. But now he -could use the neophyte in his own as well as the general behalf, and -set about the business forthwith under cover of a letter from the -convertite Trie to his relation Arneys:-- - - Monsieur mon Cousin,--I have to thank you much for your fine - remonstrances, and make no question of your friendly purpose - in seeking to bring me back to the point from which I started. - As I am not a man of letters like you, I do not enter on the - points and articles you bring up against me. Not, indeed, but - that with such knowledge as God has given me, I could find - plenty to say in the way of reply; for, God be praised, I am - not so ill-grounded as not to know that the true Church has - Jesus Christ for its head, from whom it cannot be dissevered, - and that there is neither life nor salvation apart from Holy - Scripture. All you say to me of the Church, I therefore hold - for phantasm, unless Christ, as having supreme authority, - presides therein, and the Word of God is made the foundation of - its teaching. Without this, all your formulas are nothing.... - As to what you say about there being so much more of freedom, - or latitude of opinion, with us here than with you, still we - should never suffer the name of God to be blasphemed, nor - evil doctrines and opinions to be spread abroad among us, - without let or hinderance. And I can give you an instance - which, I must say, I think tends to your confusion. It is - this: that a certain heretic is countenanced among you, who - ought to be burned alive, wherever he might be found. And - when I say a heretic, I refer to a man who deserves to be - as summarily condemned by the Papists, as he is by us. For - though differing in many things, we agree in believing that in - the sole essence of God there be three persons, and that his - Son, who is his Eternal Wisdom, was engendered by the Father - before all time, and has had [imparted to him] his Eternal - virtue, which is the Holy Spirit. But when a man appears who - calls the Trinity we all believe in, a Cerberus and Monster - of Hell, who disgorges all the villainies it is possible to - imagine, against everything Scripture teaches of the Eternal - generation of the Son of God, and mocks besides open-mouthed - at all that the ancient doctors of the Church have said--I ask - you in what regard you would have such a man?... I must speak - freely: What shame is it not that they are put to death among - you who say that one God only is to be invoked in the name - of Christ; that there is no service acceptable to God other - than that which He has approved by His word; and that all the - pictures and images which men make are but so many idols which - profane His majesty?... What shame, say I, is it not, that - such persons are not only put to death in no easy and simple - way, but are cruelly burned alive? Nevertheless, there is one - living among you who calls Jesus Christ an idol; who would - destroy the foundations of the faith; who condemns the baptism - of little children, and calls the rite a diabolical invention. - Where, I pray you, is the zeal to which you make pretence; - where are your guardians and that fine hierarchy of which you - boast so much? The man I refer to has been condemned in all - the Churches you hold in such dislike, but is suffered to live - unmolested among you, to the extent of even being permitted to - print books full of such blasphemies as I must not speak of - further. He is a Spanish-Portuguese, Michael Servetus by name, - though he now calls himself Villeneuve, and practises as a - physician. He lived for some time at Lyons, and now resides at - Vienne, where the book I speak of was printed by one Balthasar - Arnoullet. That you may not think I speak of mere hearsay I - send you the first few leaves as a sample, for your assurance. - You say that our books, which contain nothing but the purity - and simplicity of Holy Scripture, infect the world; yet you - brew poisons among you which go to destroy the Scriptures - and all you hold as Christianity. I have been longer than I - thought; but the enormity of the case causes me to exceed I - need not, I imagine, go into particulars; I only pray you to - put it somewhat seriously to your conscience, and conclude for - yourself, to the end that when you appear before the Great - Judge you may not be condemned. For, to say it in a word, we - have here no subject of difference or debate, and ask but this: - That God himself may be heard. Concluding for the present, I - pray that He may give you ears to hear, and a heart to obey, - having you at all times in His holy keeping. - - (Signed) GUILLAUME TRIE. - - Geneva, this 26th of February [1553]. - -This on the face of it is no letter from one young man to another. -It is the artful production of the zealot and bigot in one, well -informed of the antecedents of the man he is denouncing, and but poorly -disguised by the name under which he is writing. The letter from first -to last is Calvin’s, and was accompanied by the two first leaves of -the newly printed book, the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ containing the -title and table of contents, sufficient, as Calvin knew full well, to -alarm the hierarchs of Papal Christianity, which in their estimation -needed no restoration, and was indeed susceptible of none; whilst any -discussion of such transcendental topics as the Trinity, Faith in -Christ, Regeneration, Baptism, and the Reign of Antichrist, smacked at -best of schism when undertaken by a layman even of orthodox views, but -became flat blasphemy when treated by such a one in any adverse sense. - -Cardinal Tournon, at this time Archbishop of Lyons, was the implacable -enemy of all innovators, and in his zeal for what he believed to be -the truth well disposed to resort to the severest measures against -the spread of heresy, which to him and his co-religionists, then as -now, was most especially embodied in the principles of Luther and -Calvin’s Reformation. Exposed as were the south and east of France from -their contiguity with Switzerland to infection of the kind, Tournon -had not relied exclusively on himself and his own subordinate clergy -as watchers over the faith of the district under his charge. He had -further summoned to his aid one of the regularly trained inquisitors -from Rome, Matthew Ory by name, who designated himself: _Pénitencier du -Saint Siége Apostolique, et Inquisiteur général du Royaume de France et -dans toutes les Gaules_. This man, as we may imagine, had a real relish -for his calling and was watchfulness itself in ferreting out heresy, -as, with all of his kind, he was relentless in pursuing it to the death. - -The notable letter of Trie to Arneys was immediately brought under the -notice of the clergy of Lyons, as Calvin intended and foresaw that it -would be; and by one of them, was communicated to Ory, the Inquisitor, -and to Bautier, Vicar-General, and Canon of the Cathedral Church of -Lyons. Here was work of more than common interest to the Inquisitor, -who proceeded forthwith, under date of March 12, 1553, to write to -Villars, Auditor of Cardinal Tournon, absent at the moment from Lyons, -but no farther away than his Château of Roussillon, a few miles distant -from Vienne. - -The letter of Ory is highly characteristic of the jesuitical, stealthy, -and underhand style of dealing with all that belongs to free thought -and open speech. Premising a few sentences on indifferent and private -matters, he comes anon to the real gist of his letter and says: ‘I -would advise you in all secrecy of some books that are now being -imprinted at Vienne, containing execrable blasphemies against the -divinity of Jesus Christ and the Holy Trinity, the author and printer -of which are both living among you. The Vicar-General and I have seen -one of the chapters of this publication, and are of like mind about -the propriety of your taking an early opportunity of conferring with -Monseigneur (the Cardinal) and making him more particularly acquainted -with the business; so that on your return home the necessary orders may -be given by Monseigneur to M. Maugiron, the Vibailly of Vienne, and -the police. So much at this time M. the Vicar-General desires that you -should know through me; but you are to proceed so secretly that your -left hand shall not know what your right is about--_mais si secrètement -que vostre main senextre n’entend point ce que c’est_. Only whisper -in the ear of Monseigneur and inform us if he has any knowledge of a -certain Villeneufve, a physician, and one Arnoullet, a bookseller, both -of Vienne, for it is to them that I refer.’ - -On the following day the Vicar Bautier left Lyons for Roussillon and -saw the Cardinal, who immediately sent a letter to Louis Arzelier, -Grand Vicar of the See of Vienne, summoning him to Roussillon. -After a long conference, Arzelier was ordered to return to Vienne -and deliver an autograph letter from the Cardinal to M. de Maugiron, -Lieutenant-General of Dauphiny, in which however there is nothing -said of the affair he has at heart (for this he will only trust to be -communicated by word of mouth by M. the Vicar to M. the Lieutenant); -but appealing to the known zeal of his correspondent for the honour of -God and his church, and adding, in anticipation of what he knew would -follow, a request that he should immediately summon the Vibailly to his -assistance, in order that he, on his part, might undertake what M. the -Vicar might see necessary to be done. Two things only are especially -to be required of the Vibailly: the one that he use extreme dispatch, -the other that the business be kept as secret as possible. Roussillon, -March 15, 1553. - -Acting at once on the advice of the Cardinal, Maugiron sent to -the Vibailly, bidding him hold himself ready to act in a certain -unspecified contingency. Next day, March 16, the two Vicars in company -with the Vibailly proceeded to the office of the Sieur Peyrolles, Lay -official of the Primate, before whom Bautier, as the party immediately -interested in virtue of his office, made a deposition to the effect -that within the last few days letters had been received from Geneva -addressed to a personage resident in Lyons, in which great surprise -was expressed that a certain Michael Servetus, otherwise called -Villanovanus, should be then living unmolested at Vienne; that four -printed leaves of a book written by the said Villanovanus had also been -forwarded from Geneva and examined by brother Ory, Inquisitor of the -Faith, by whom they had been found heretical; and, to conclude, that -the Cardinal Archbishop, having been made acquainted with the matter, -had written to M. de Maugiron requesting him to take cognizance of the -business with all secrecy and dispatch. Bautier, at the same time, put -in the Geneva letter of Trie, and the four leaves of the printed book -entitled ‘_Christianismi Restitutio_,’ in support of his allegations; -the letter of the Inquisitor and that of the Cardinal to Maugiron being -added as further documents on which the Procurator of the King and the -Justiciary were to proceed. - -The judicial authorities of Vienne lost no time in obeying their -instructions. On the same day they met at the house of M. Maugiron, -and having consulted with him, they sent to M. Michel de Villeneuve, -desiring his presence and saying they had something to communicate to -him. Being from home when the message arrived, and not appearing for a -couple of hours, the authorities were fearful that he had been somehow -warned of the danger which threatened him and so had fled; but their -fears were unfounded: he came at length, and with a perfectly confident -air, it is said. The authorities informed him that they had certain -informations against him which would make it necessary for them to -visit and search his lodgings for books or papers of a heretical -tendency. Villeneuve replied that he had lived long at Vienne on good -terms with the clergy and professors of theology, and had never until -now been suspected of heresy; but he was quite ready to open his rooms -to them or those they might delegate, to make what search they pleased. - -The Grand Vicar and the Vibailly, accompanied by the Secretary of the -Cardinal Governor of Dauphiny, then proceeded with Villeneuve to his -apartments, which adjoined and were among the dependencies of the -archiepiscopal palace, and made a particular examination of his papers; -but they found nothing more compromising than a couple of copies of his -apology or pamphlet against the Parisian Doctors, of which they took -possession. - -Next day, the 17th, the Judges made a perquisition in the house of -Arnoullet, the publisher and printer, in his absence, he being away -at the time on business at Toulouse; and there also they had Geroult, -the superintendent of the printing establishment, brought before them. -After a lengthened interrogatory of the foreman, in which nothing was -elicited, they proceeded to search the house and printing office, -examining Arnoullet’s papers minutely, but without finding a word -to compromise him in any way. The workmen on the establishment were -then severally examined. They were shown the printed leaves of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio’ and asked if they knew anything of the -book of which the leaves were a part; or if they recognised the type, -or could give any information as to the books they had had a hand in -composing or printing during the last eighteen months or so. But they -all agreed in saying that the four leaves shown them had not been -printed in the office; and among all the books that had issued from -their presses during the last two years, a list of which was supplied, -there was not one in the octavo form. The search and inquiry over, the -officials had the entire staff of the printing establishment brought -into their presence, and cautioned them against saying a word of all -they had been asked about, on pain of being declared suspected or even -convicted of heresy and punished accordingly. - -On the 18th, Arnoullet, having but just returned from Toulouse, was -visited and examined; but all the papers about him being found in -order and his replies in complete conformity with those of his manager -Geroult, he too was dismissed. The authorities found themselves at -fault, but by no means satisfied that the information they had had -from Geneva was groundless. An adjournment was therefore resolved -on, an informal consultation being, however, held meantime at the -archiepiscopal palace of Vienne. And it is not perhaps without -significance that it is only now that we find the archbishop of -Vienne, Pierre Paumier, named in connection with the proceedings, and -his palace spoken of as the place of assembly. It was at this moment -in fact that Paumier had the first intimation of what was going -on. At the meeting it was decided that nothing had been discovered -sufficiently positive to warrant the arrest of anyone. - -The archbishop of Vienne, once made a party to the proceedings, appears -to have taken up the case warmly. The known protector and frequent -associate of Villeneuve the physician, he seems to have thought it -incumbent on him to show the world that he had no sympathy with heresy, -and nothing in common with a suspected heretic. He accordingly wrote -immediately to Brother Ory, the Inquisitor, begging him to come to -Vienne and have some conversation with him on matters touching the -Faith. In the course of the interview which followed, Ory suggested -that, in order to have further or more satisfactory information against -Villeneuve, Arneys should be made to write again to his relation Trie -at Geneva, and ask him to send the whole of the printed book from which -the leaves already forwarded had been cut. Returning to Lyons, Ory -himself, we must presume, dictated the letter which Arneys was required -to write to his cousin Trie. This epistle unhappily has not reached -us. It would have been both curious and interesting to have had the -Inquisitor of three centuries and a half ago brought so immediately -before us, as we should there have had him. But as Ory doubtless led -the pen at Lyons, so did Calvin assuredly guide it again at Geneva -in reply; and as his letter has been preserved, we come face to face -with one who is still more interesting to us than brother Matthew -Ory, Inquisitor of the kingdom of France and all the Gauls--with the -great head of the Reformed Churches of France and Switzerland, at the -zenith of his power, though not without misgivings as to its stability, -zealous as brother Ory could have been in upholding the Faith as he -apprehended it, and as ruthless as Cardinal Tournon in dealing with all -who called it in question. The letter is to the following effect:-- - - Monsieur mon Cousin!--When I wrote the letter you have thought - fit to impart to those who are taxed therein with indifference - and neglect, I thought not that the matter would be taken up - so seriously as it seems to be. My sole purpose was to show - you the fine zeal and devotion of those who call themselves - pillars of the Church, suffering as they do such disorder - among themselves, yet persecuting so cruelly poor Christians - who only desire to obey God in simplicity. As the instance was - so notable, however, and I was advised of it, an opportunity - presented itself, as I thought, of touching on it, the matter - falling, as it seemed, fairly within the scope of my writing. - But as you have shown to others the letter I meant for yourself - alone, God grant that it tend to purge Christianity of such - filth, of pestilence so mortal to man! If your people are - really so anxious to look into the matter as you say, there - will be no difficulty in furnishing you, besides the printed - book you ask for, with documents enough to carry conviction to - their minds. For I shall put into your hands some two dozen - pieces written by him who is in question, in which some of his - heresies are set prominently forth. Did you rely on the printed - book by itself, he might deny it as his; but this he could not - do if his own handwriting were brought against him. In this - way, the parties you speak of, having the thing completely - proven, will be without excuse if they hesitate further, or - put off taking the steps required. All the pieces I send you - now--the great volume as well as the letters in the handwriting - of the author--were produced before the printed work; but I - have to own to you that I had great difficulty in getting these - documents from Mons. Calvin. Not that he would not have such - execrable blasphemies put down; but that, as he does not wield - the sword of justice himself, he thinks it his duty rather to - repress heresy by sound teaching, than to pursue it by force. - I importuned him, however, so much, showing him the reproaches - I might incur did he not come to my aid, that he consented at - length to entrust me with the contents of my parcel to you. - For the rest, I hope, when the case shall have been somewhat - farther advanced, to obtain from him something like a whole - ream of paper, which the fine fellow--_le Galand_--has had - printed. At the moment, I fancy you are furnished with evidence - enough, and that there need be no more beating about the bush, - before seizing on his person and putting him on his trial. For - my own part, I pray God to open the eyes of those who speak of - us so evilly, to the end that they may more truly judge of the - motives by which we are actuated. - - As I learn by your letter that you will not trouble me further - with the old proposals, I, on my side, will do nothing to - displease you; hoping nevertheless, that God will lead you to - see that I have not, without due consideration, taken the step - you disapprove. Recommending myself to your favour, and praying - God to give you his, &c., I remain, - - (Signed) GUILLAUME TRIE. - - Geneva, this 26th of March. - -The art and purpose so plainly to be seen in the foregoing letter need -not be dwelt on. Anxious to escape appearing in the odious light of -informer, Calvin was still eager to furnish the zealots of the Church -he had quitted himself, and by the heads of which he was looked on -as standing in the foremost ranks of heresy, with evidence which he -believed would assuredly bring the man he held in despite to a cruel -death by fire. But Ory, whose special business was the prosecution -of heretics, and who knew much better than Calvin what constituted -evidence against them, was aware that the MS. book and the two dozen -pieces, written as said by Michael Servetus, were not adequate to -convict Michel Villeneuve of the charge against him. Handwriting, -it seems, could be put out of court as evidence in cases of heresy, -through simple denial on oath by the party accused. The point upon -which evidence was particularly required, by Ory and his coadjutors, -was in fact the _printing_ of the book entitled the ‘Restoration of -Christianity;’ and none of the pieces furnished gave any assurance -either that Michel Villeneuve was the writer, or Arnoullet and Geroult -the printers of this. Arneys must therefore be desired to write to -Cousin Trie once more, and ask him to do his best with M. Calvin to -furnish evidence of the kind required. So anxious indeed were Ory and -his friends for this, that they despatched this, the third letter of -Arneys to Trie, by a special messenger, who was ordered to wait and -bring back the answer with all speed. - -The answer came in due course, hardly, however, so soon as we can -fancy it was looked for, but to the following effect:-- - - Monsieur mon Cousin!--I had hoped I should satisfy your - demands, in essentials at least, by sending you, as I did, the - handwriting of the author of the book. With my last letter, - indeed, you will find an acknowledgement by the man himself - of his real name, which he had disguised, and the excuse he - makes for calling himself Villeneuve, when his proper name is - Servetus or Revés. For the rest, I promise you, God willing, - to furnish you, if need be, not only with the entire book he - has just had printed, but with another in his handwriting, in - addition to the letters [already forwarded]. I should indeed - have already sent the book [in MS.] which I refer to, had it - been in this city; but it has been at Lausanne these two years - past. Had M. Calvin kept it by him, I believe he would long - ago, for all it is worth, have returned it to the writer; but - having lent it for perusal to another, it was, as it seems, - retained by him. I have formerly heard Monsieur [Calvin] say - that, having given answers sufficient to satisfy any reasonable - man, to no purpose, he had at length left off reading more of - the babble and foolish reveries, of which he soon had had more - than enough, there being nothing but reiteration of the same - song over and over again. And that you may understand that - it is not of yesterday that this unhappy person persists in - troubling the Church, striving ever to lead the ignorant into - the same confusion as himself, it is now more than twenty-four - years since he was rejected and expelled by the chief Churches - of Germany; had he remained in that country, indeed, he would - never have left it alive. Among the letters of Œcolampadius, - you will see that the first and second are addressed to him - under his proper name and designation: _Serveto Hispano - neganti Christum esse Dei Filium, consubstantialem Patri_--To - Servetus the Spaniard, denying that Christ is the Son of God, - consubstantial with the Father. Melanchthon also speaks of - him in some passages of his writings. But methinks you have - really warrant enough in what is already sent you to dive - deeper into the matter, and to put him on his trial. As to the - printers of the book, I did not send you the table of contents - as any proof that Balthasar Arnoullet and William Geroult, his - brother-in-law, were the parties; but of the fact that they - were so we are well assured, nor indeed will it be possible for - them to deny it. The printing was probably done at the author’s - expense, and he may have taken the impression into his own - keeping; he must have done so, indeed, if you find it has left - the premises of the persons named. I rather think I omitted to - say that when you have done with the epistles, I beg you will - be good enough to return them to me. And now, commending myself - to your good grace, and praying God so to guide you that you - may do all that is agreeable in his sight, - - I am yours, &c., - - GUILLAUME TRIE. - - Geneva, this last day of March, 1553. - -It must still be needless to say that neither is this any letter of -young Trie. What could he have known of the printed works of Michael -Serveto, alias Revés, or of his being condemned by the Churches of -Germany--which by the way he never was--or of his expulsion from that -country--which is also against the fact? What intimation could he have -had that Œcolampadius had written to Servetus, the Spaniard, combating -his heresies and that Melanchthon had mentioned him in sundry passages -of his work, the ‘Loci communes’? Calvin, on the other hand, was not -only well informed of much that had happened to Michael Servetus from -the date of their meeting in Paris in 1534, even to the hour in which -he was now writing by the hand of William Trie, but was himself the -author of some of the statements put into the mouth of that worthy.[64] - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -ARREST OF SERVETUS AND ARNOULLET, THE PUBLISHER.--THE TRIAL FOR HERESY -AT VIENNE--SERVETUS IS SUFFERED TO ESCAPE FROM PRISON. - - -April 4. After the receipt of Trie’s third epistle, a solemn council -was convened within the Archiepiscopal Château of Roussillon, at which -were present the Cardinal Tournon, the Archbishop of Vienne, the two -Grand Vicars, the Inquisitor Ory, and many Ecclesiastics and Doctors -in Divinity. There and then the letters of Trie, the printed leaves of -the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ and more than twenty epistles addressed -to John Calvin, were examined with every care and attention, all being -reported the work of Michael Servetus, alias Revés, living at Vienne -under the assumed name of Michel Villeneuve. The documents being held -of the most seriously compromising character, the Cardinal Archbishop -of Lyons and the Archbishop of Vienne, with the concurrence of the -whole assembly, now gave orders for the arrest of Michel Villeneuve, -Physician, and Balthasar Arnoullet, bookseller, to answer for their -faith on certain charges and informations to be laid against them. - -The Archbishop of Vienne returned home in the afternoon in company -with his Grand Vicar, Arzelier, and having summoned the Vibailly de la -Cour to the Palace, informed him of the resolutions come to and the -pleasure of the Cardinal. In order that nothing might transpire, and no -understanding be come to between the parties incriminated, the Vicar -and Vibailly agreed so to arrange matters that Villeneuve and Arnoullet -should be arrested at the same moment, but imprisoned separately. The -Vibailly accordingly proceeded to the house of Arnoullet, and having -sent in a message desiring him to bring a copy of the New Testament -but just printed, Arnoullet was arrested on the spot, and carried off -to the Archiepiscopal prison. Proceeding next to the house of M. de -Maugiron, the Lieutenant-Governor of Dauphiny, then indisposed, and -on whom it was known that Doctor Villeneuve was in attendance, the -Vibailly informed the Doctor that there were several prisoners sick -and some wounded in the hospital of the royal prison who required -his services, as was indeed the case. Doctor Villeneuve replied that -independently of his profession making it imperative on him immediately -to obey such a summons, he still took pleasure in being so usefully -employed. He therefore went at once; and whilst engaged in his visit, -the Vibailly sent requesting the presence of the Grand Vicar. On his -arrival Villeneuve was informed that certain charges having been made -and informations laid against him, he must consent to hold himself a -prisoner until he had given satisfactory answers to the questions that -would be put to him. The gaoler, Anton Bonin, was then summoned and -enjoined to guard the prisoner strictly, but to treat him respectfully, -according to his quality. He was to be allowed his personal attendant -or valet, Benoît Perrin, a lad fifteen years of age, to wait on him; -and his friends were to have free access to him. - -April 5. Archbishop Paumier now hastened to inform Brother Ory, the -inquisitor, that they had Villeneuve in custody, and begged him to come -immediately to Vienne. Ory, like a vulture swooping on the carcass, -is said to have made such haste--_pressa tellement sa monture_--that -he arrived in an incredibly short space of time at Vienne. As it was -then about the hour of the midday meal, however, the Archbishop and -he, thinking it well to recruit the inward man before entering on -the serious business they had on hand, sate themselves quietly down -to table and dined. The cravings of nature satisfied, Arzelier the -Vicar-General, and De la Cour the Vibailly of Vienne, were summoned -to the Palace--the secular in aid of the spiritual arm--and the party -proceeded to the prison. - -Having had Michel Villeneuve, sworn physician, and now prisoner at -their instance, brought before them in the Criminal Court of the -Palace, they proceeded to question him on matters of which they at the -moment knew more than he, though we may well believe his fears pointed -in the true direction. Informing the prisoner, as a preliminary, that -he was bound to answer truthfully to the interrogatories put to him, -which he promised to do, he was then sworn on the Gospels and asked his -name, his age, his place of birth, and his profession. - -His name, he replied, was Michel Villeneuve, doctor in medicine, -forty-four years of age, and a native of Tudela, in the kingdom of -Navarre, residing for the present, as he had done during the last -twelve years or thereabouts, at Vienne. - -Asked where and in what places he had lived since he left his native -country; he said that some seven or eight and twenty years ago, before -the Emperor Charles V. left Spain for Italy, in view of his coronation, -he had entered the service of brother John Quintana, the Confessor of -the Emperor, being then no more than fifteen or sixteen years old; that -he had gone to Italy in the suite of the Emperor, and been present -at his coronation at Bologna. That he then accompanied Quintana to -Germany, in which country he resided for about a year, when his patron -died; since which time he had lived without a master, first at Paris, -having had lodgings in the Collége de Calvi, and then in the Collége -des Lombards, engaged in the study of Mathematics. From Paris he had -gone to Lyons, and spent some time between that city and Avignon, but -had finally settled at Charlieu, where, having lived practising his -profession, for about three years, he had finally been induced by -Messeigneurs the Archbishop of Vienne and the Archbishop of Maurice, -to quit Charlieu and establish himself at Vienne, in which city, as -said, he had lived since then to the present time. - -Asked whether he had not had several books printed for him? he replied -that at Paris he had a book printed, the title of which was: _Syruporum -universa ratio ad Galeni censuram disposita_--a treatise on Syrups -according to the principles of Galen; and a pamphlet entitled: _In -Leonartum Fussinum, Apologia pro Symphoriano Campeggio_--an apologetic -address to Leonard Fuchs for Symphorian Campeccius. He had further -edited and annotated the ‘Geography of Ptolemy.’ Other than these, -the works now named, he had written none, nor had he had any others -printed for him; but he admitted that he had corrected the text of many -more, without adding to them anything of his own, or taking from them -anything of their writers. - -Being now shown two sheets of paper, printed on both sides and having -marginal annotations in writing, and admonished that the matter of the -writing might bring him into trouble, he was informed, further, that -he, if he were the writer, might be able to explain or to say in what -sense he understood what was there set down. One of the propositions in -the writing was particularly pointed out to this effect: _Justificantur -ergo Parvuli sine Christi fide, prodigium, monstrum dæmonum!_--Infants -therefore are justified without faith in Christ, a prodigy, a portent -of devils! and he was informed that if he understood the words to -say that infants had not by their regeneration [through baptism, -understood] received the perfect grace of Christ and so were acquitted -of Adam’s sin, this would be to contemn Christ. He was therefore -required to declare how he understood the words. He replied that he -firmly believed that the grace of Christ, imparted by baptism, overcame -the sin of Adam, as St. Paul declares (Rom. v.): ‘Where sin abounds -there doth grace more abound;’ and that infants are saved without faith -acquired, but through faith then infused by the Holy Ghost. - -Having shown him how necessary it was that he should alter several -words in the written matter, he promised to do so, saying however that -he was not prepared at a moment’s notice to say whether the writing was -his or not. It was very long, indeed, since he had written anything. -On examining the character particularly, however, he now thinks it -must be his. In all that concerns the faith he yet begs to say that -he submits himself entirely to his holy mother the Church, from whose -teachings he has never wished to swerve. If there be some things in -the papers before the Court open to objection, he believes he must -have written them inconsiderately, or only advanced them as subjects -for discussion. He then goes on to say that, having now looked closely -at the writing on the two leaves, he acknowledges it as his, having -the opportunity at the same time of explaining the sense in which he -would have it understood. If there were anything else, he concluded, -that was found objectionable or that savoured of false doctrine, he -was ready on having it pointed out to him to alter and amend it. The -two leaves paged from 421 to 424, and treating of baptism,[65] were -then ordered to be marked by the clerk of the Court, and with the other -papers produced, to be taken under his charge; after which the sitting -was suspended. - -April 6. Sworn as before upon the Gospels to speak the truth (and from -what we know and have just seen feeling assured how indifferently he -had hitherto kept his word), Villeneuve was further interrogated as -follows: 1st. How he understands a proposition in an epistle numbered -xv., wherein the Living Faith and the Dead Faith are treated of in -terms that seem perfectly Catholic, and wholly opposed to the errors -of Geneva, the words being these, _Mori autem sensim dicitur in nobis -Fides quando tolluntur vestimenta_--now faith dies perceptibly in us -when its vestments are thrown off? To this he answered that he believed -the vestments of faith to be works of charity and mercy. 2nd. Shown -another epistle, numbered xvi., on Free will, in opposition to those -who hold that the will is not free, he is asked how he understands -what is there said? With tears in his eyes he replies, ‘Sirs, these -letters were written when I was in Germany, now some five and twenty -years ago, when there was printed in that country a book by a certain -Servetus, a Spaniard; but from what part of Spain I know not, neither -do I know in what part of Germany he dwelt, though I have heard say -that it was at Agnon (Hagenau in Elsass), four leagues from Strasburg, -that the book in question was printed. Having read it when I was very -young--not more than fifteen or sixteen--I thought that the writer said -many things that were good, that were better treated by him, indeed, -than by others.’ Quitting Germany for France, without taking any books -with him, Villeneuve went on to say, that he had gone to Paris with a -view to study mathematics and medicine, and had lived there, as already -said, for some years. Whilst residing there, having heard Monsieur -Calvin spoken of as a learned man, he had, out of curiosity, and -without knowing him personally, entered into correspondence with him, -but begged him to hold his letters as private and confidential--_sub -sigillo secreti_. ‘I, on my part,’ he proceeds, ‘seeking brotherly -correction, as it were, but saying that if he could not wean me from -my opinions or I wean him from his, I should not feel myself bound to -accept his conclusions. On which I proposed certain weighty questions -for discussion. He replied to me shortly after, and seeing that my -questions were to the same effect as those discussed by Servetus, -he said that I must myself be Servetus. To this I answered that, -though I was not Servetus, nevertheless, and that I might continue -the discussion, I was content for the time to personate Servetus, and -should reply, as I believed he would have done, not caring for what he -might please to think of me, but only that we might debate our views -and opinions with freedom. With this understanding we interchanged -many letters, but finally fell out, got angry, and began to abuse each -other. Matters having come to this pass, I ceased writing, and for ten -years or so I have neither heard from him nor he from me. And here, -gentlemen, I protest before God and before you all, that I had no -will to dogmatise, or to substitute aught of mine that might be found -adverse to the Church or the Christian Religion.’ - -The prisoner being shown a third epistle numbered xvii., on the Baptism -of Infants, in which he says, ‘_Parvuli carnis non sunt capaces doni -Spiritus_--Infants as mere carnal beings are incapable of receiving the -gift of the Spirit,’--was desired to say in what sense he meant these -words to be taken. He answered that he had formerly been of opinion -that infants were incompetent in the matter, as stated; but that he had -long given up such an opinion and now desired to range himself with the -teaching of the Church. Shown a fourth epistle, numbered xviii., its -heading or argument being, ‘Of the Trinity, and the Generation of the -Son of God, according to Servetus,’ he acknowledged it as having been -written by him in the course of his discussion with Calvin, when he was -assuming the part of Servetus; but as he had said of the former letter, -No. xvii., so he says of this, that he does not now believe what is -there set down, everything in the letter having only been propounded -to learn what Calvin might have to advance in opposition to the views -set forth. A fifth letter, the burden of which is, ‘Of the glorified -flesh of Christ absorbed in the Glory of the Deity more fully than it -was at the Transfiguration,’ being handed to him, he said that when he -addressed his correspondent on this subject, he felt at greater liberty -than usual to say all he thought of it individually, and was now ready -to answer any question put to him bearing upon it. None, however, were -asked. - -But the letters to Calvin were not yet done with. A whole bundle of -them, fourteen in number, was exhibited, and the prisoner informed -that the judges found much matter there for which very particular -answers would be required. Having looked at the letters, the prisoner -said he saw that they were all addressed to Calvin long ago, and with -a view to learn from him what he thought of the questions raised, as -already said. But he added that he was by no means now disposed to -abide by all he had written of old, save and except in respect of -such views as might be approved by the Church and his Judges. He was -therefore ready to answer to each particular head on which he might be -interrogated. This the Judges proposed to do at their next meeting, -and meantime having ordered a schedule of the principal points upon -which there appeared to be error against the faith to be drawn up from -the writings, all the documents being duly labelled and signed, the -session was suspended until the morrow. - -Immediately after the second interrogatory to which he was subjected, -Servetus on his return to prison sent his servant Perrin to the -Monastery of St. Pierre to ask the Grand Prior if he had received the -300 crowns owing to him--Villeneuve by M. St. André. The money having -been received, was remitted by the hands of Perrin to his master. Had -Servetus put off his message to the Prior but for an hour, he would -have lost his money, the Inquisitor Ory having given fresh orders to -the gaoler to guard M. Villeneuve very strictly, and to suffer him to -see and have speech of no one without his--the Inquisitor’s express -permission. Ory, we may presume, had not only no favour for Servetus, -but, with so much against him as already appeared, could have had -little doubt of bringing conviction home to him and so having him sent -in smoke as an acceptable sacrifice to heaven. But Villeneuve had -friends among his other judges who were every way disposed to aid him, -if it were possible. Matters certainly looked very black indeed: Michel -Villeneuve was plainly Michael Servetus of evil theological reputation; -flagrant heresy was already manifest in the documents produced, and -his answers to the interrogatories were so little satisfactory that -acquittal from the charges laid against him, even at the outset of -the process, seemed out of the question. The judges, however, were -not all Brother Orys nor Cardinal Tournons, though most of them -were churchmen, and, to their honour, both tolerant and merciful in -circumstances where their creed prescribed intolerance and deadening of -the heart to pity. Servetus had however to be sent back to his prison; -but the door of the cage might be left open and the bird allowed to -fly. And everything leads to the conclusion that this was exactly what -was done. - -Connected with the prison there was a garden having a raised terrace -looking on to the court of the palace of justice; and, abutting on the -garden wall, a shed, by the roof of which and a projecting buttress -on the other side a descent into the court-yard of the palace could -easily be made. The garden as a rule was kept shut, but prisoners -above the common in station were permitted to use it for exercise and -also for occasions of nature. Having enjoyed this privilege from the -first, Servetus appears to have scrutinised everything in the afternoon -of April 6, after the conclusion of his second examination. On the -morning of the seventh he rose at four o’clock and asked the gaoler, -whom he found afoot and going out to tend his vines, for the key of the -garden. The man, seeing his prisoner in velvet cap and dressing-gown, -not aware that he was completely dressed and had his hat under his -robe de chambre, gave him the key and went out shortly afterwards to -his work. Servetus, on his part, when he thought the coast must be -clear, left his black velvet cap and furred dressing-gown at the foot -of a tree, leaped from the terrace on to the roof of the outhouse and -from that, without breaking any bones, gained the open court of the -Palais de Justice Dauphinal. Thence he made for the gate of the Pont -du Rhône, which was at no great distance from the prison and passed -into the Lyonnais--these latter facts being by and by deposed to by a -peasant woman who had met him. Two hours or more elapsed before his -escape became known in the prison, the gaoler’s wife having been the -first to discover it. She in her zeal and alarm committed a hundred -extravagances; and in her vexation tore her hair, beat her children, -her servants, and some of the prisoners who chanced to come in her -way. Her rage that anyone should have had the audacity to break the -dauphinal prison of Vienne, of which her husband was custodier, was -such, that she even ran the risk of her life by clambering to the -roof of a neighbouring house, in her eagerness to find traces of the -fugitive. - -The authorities, informed of what had happened, did all that became -them, ordering the gates of the town to be shut and more carefully -guarded than usual through the next few days and nights. Proclamation -was made by sound of trumpet and beat of drum, and almost every house -not only of the town, but of the neighbouring villages, was visited. -The magistrates of Lyons and other towns, in which it was thought -probable their late prisoner might have taken refuge, were written to -by the Vienne authorities and inquiries made whether or not he had -money in the bank, or had drawn out any he might have had there. -His apartments were again visited, and all his papers, furniture and -effects inventoried and put under the seal of justice. - -In the town of Vienne it was generally thought that the Vibailly De la -Cour had been the active party in favouring the evasion of Villeneuve. -He was known to be intimate with the doctor, who had lately carried -his daughter successfully through a long and dangerous illness, and -had been loud in praise of the skill and devotion that had been shown -with so happy a result. Chorier,[66] the historian of Dauphiny, hints -guardedly at something of the kind when he speaks of the imprisonment -of M. Villeneuve on religious grounds. ‘It fell out,’ says Chorier, -‘that by his own ingenuity and the assistance of his friends, M. -Villeneuve escaped from confinement.’ - -In the record of proceedings after the flight the only thing mentioned -is the fact of the gaoler having given the prisoner the key of the -garden; on all else there is absolute silence; whence, as D’Artigny -says, we may infer that there is mystery of some sort connected with -the escape. We, for our part, should have no difficulty in finding a -key to the mystery, had there been fewer grounds for the presumption of -friendly connivance than there undoubtedly were in the business. John -Calvin, arch-heretic in the eyes of the Gallic Church and its heads, -could not, we must presume, have been held in the highest possible -esteem by the Cardinal Archbishop of Lyons, to say nothing of brother -Mathias Ory, Inquisitor of the king of France and all the Gauls. But -the arrest of Villeneuve and the proceedings against him thus far, had -depended entirely on information supplied by the Reformer of Geneva. - -The managers of the process against Servetus were men much too astute, -much too clear-sighted not to see that it was John Calvin who was -writing under the mask of William Trie; and one among them at least may -have known that the state of feeling between the Reformer of Geneva -and the Physician of Vienne had long been such that he of Geneva might -not be indisposed to make use of them to wreak his vengeance against a -personal enemy under the guise of a common heretic. The Judges indeed -must all have seen from the letters of Villeneuve to Calvin that the -two men were at daggers-drawn, and that the provocation on either part -was neither new nor slight, but of long standing, and, judging by his -present attitude, on Calvin’s side deadly. We can fancy brother Mathias -Ory chuckling over the sweet simplicity of the Viennese mediciner’s -sorry subterfuge in pretending to enact the part of ‘Servetus the -Spaniard, though he was no such personage, and knew nothing of the -place in Spain where he was born!’ - -The authorities of Vienne, however, had no desire to have their friend -Villeneuve burned alive for heresy on testimony gratuitously supplied -by the arch-heretic of Geneva, and thereby give him, whom they hated -and feared far more than a thousand lay schismatics, a triumph not only -over an enemy, but over themselves, for their lack of insight and zeal -as guardians of the only saving faith. And then, and in addition to all -this, there was Monseigneur Paumier to be considered--Paumier, under -whose patronage Villeneuve had settled at Vienne and lived so long in -the very shadow of the archiepiscopal palace, on terms of intimacy with -its distinguished occupant. How should the great man escape suspicion -of heresy himself if it were known that he had been living as a friend -with one who held all the most holy mysteries of the Roman Religion -as mere vanities or inventions of the Devil! The man had lived, it is -true, long and peaceably among them, respected in his life and trusted -in his calling; and if Calvin found heresy and to spare in his writings -against the tenets which he as well as they held in common, they -discovered outpourings enough there against Predestination and Election -by the Grace of God, Effectual calling, Justification by Faith, and the -rest, that formed the groundwork of the objectionable doctrines both of -Luther and Calvin. If M. the Vibailly De la Cour connived at the escape -of Villeneuve, and that he did there can hardly be a doubt, we may be -well assured that he acted with the concurrence of his more immediate -associates in the administration of justice--lay and clerical. The -Vibailly remained unchallenged in his office; the gaoler was not -dismissed, and Arnoullet the printer, for the present at least, was -set at liberty. Nothing of all this could have happened had Justice -not consented to be hoodwinked. The gaoler’s wife, in fact, seems to -have been the only person in downright earnest in the business of the -escape. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -DISCOVERY OF ARNOULLET’S PRIVATE PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT--SEIZURE AND -BURNING OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO’ ALONG WITH THE EFFIGY OF ITS -AUTHOR. - - -The remainder of the month of April was spent in making a renewed -and more particular examination of the books, papers, and letters of -Villeneuve, and in having copies made of the letters addressed to -Calvin, the originals of which were placed for safe custody under the -official seals. And here, if our surmises be well founded: that the -authorities of Vienne had really no wish, on testimony supplied by -Calvin, to convict of heresy a man who had always comported himself as -a good Catholic and still professed himself a true son of the Church, -every way disposed to receive instruction and bow to the decisions -of those who must know so much better than himself what was the true -saving faith--the matter would probably have ended, in so far as those -of Vienne were concerned. But Ory, the Inquisitor, nowise anxious -like the others to hush up so promising an affair, had by some means -been informed in the beginning of the month of May that there had -been a couple of presses kept at work away from the proper printing -establishment of Arnoullet. - -Of this significant fact, no mention had been made either by Villeneuve -or Arnoullet on their examination, and whence Ory had the intimation -we are left to conjecture. There seems hardly room for doubt, however, -that it reached him through the old channel, viz., Arneys; that Arneys -had the news he gave to Ory from Trie, and that Trie had the tale he -told from Calvin. Frelon, as we have seen, must have been in the secret -of Servetus, and Frelon was also the friend of Calvin; from Frelon -alone could Calvin have had the particular information he shows he -possessed concerning the terms on which the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ -was printed; and it was only from Calvin that Trie could have obtained -intelligence of the kind he communicates to his relative Arneys of -Lyons. The process against Servetus, as we know, began from Lyons; and -from Lyons was it now resuscitated. But who living there was so likely -to have heard of a printing press worked privately at Vienne, twelve -miles away, as he who had all he knew about the heretic Villeneuve from -Geneva, and had been the instrument in setting on foot the movement -that was now to proceed to more disastrous issues? - -With the new and important hint but just received, Ory sped off to -Vienne from Lyons, his head-quarters; and he may possibly have used -even greater diligence on this occasion than he did before when he is -said to have spurred his steed so vigorously. Summoning the Vibailly -and Grand Vicar to his side, the three proceeded immediately to the -premises that had been indicated as the private printing place of -the publisher Arnoullet; and entering, sure enough, they found three -compositors at work, Straton, Du Bois, and Papillon by name. It is -not difficult to imagine the terror of these men at the sight of -such visitors. Before proceeding to interrogate them severally, the -Inquisitor took care to address them generally on the enormity of the -crime of which he assumed they had been guilty, and to say that they -deserved the severest punishment for having withheld the important -information they could have supplied. When proceedings were commenced -against their master and M. Villeneuve, he said, they must be aware -that it had been specially enjoined upon all and sundry, under pain of -being dealt with as heretics, to communicate whatever they knew about -the book, which he declared they must have known to be written by -Villeneuve and printed by their master Arnoullet. Stretching a point, -as we may imagine, he told the men further, that he had proofs in his -hands that they were the very parties who had worked at the composition -and printing of the book in question. He now, therefore, exhorted them -to speak the truth and to ask pardon if they had been guilty or hoped -for favour, the authorities he added, indeed, intending correction, not -punishment. - -The workmen, terribly alarmed, fell as with one accord upon their -knees, and Straton, speaking for himself and the others, owned that -they had printed an octavo volume entitled ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -but were not aware that it contained heretical doctrines, being -ignorant of the Latin language in which it was written, and never -having heard that it did, until after the prosecution had been set on -foot. He informed his questioner further that he and his associates -had been steadily engaged on the book from the feast of St. Michael to -January 3 last--over three months--when the printing was completed; -yet more, that they had not dared to give information of their part -in the business for fear of being burned alive; and to conclude, they -now sought forgiveness, and threw themselves on the mercy of the -authorities. More particularly questioned, Straton said that Michel de -Villeneuve had had the book in question printed at his own expense, -and had corrected the proofs in person. To end the tale, and he may -have thought to make amends for his past silence, he said further that -on January 13 he had despatched five bales of the book to the care of -Pierre Merrin, typefounder, of Lyons. - -Delighted with the great discovery just made, inasmuch as they would -now have grounds of their own to proceed upon, the three associates -hastened to communicate the information they had acquired to the -Archbishop of Vienne, who in turn imparted it to Cardinal Tournon. -Next day the Inquisitor Ory and the Grand Vicar Arzelier set off for -Lyons. Proceeding at once to the establishment of Pierre Merrin, they -questioned him as to what he knew of the business, and particularly -about certain bales, five in number, that had lately come into his -possession and were believed to contain heretical books. Merrin, having -no motive for concealment, informed his visitors that about four months -back he had received by the canal boat of Vienne five bales with the -following address: From M. Michel de Villeneuve, doctor in medicine, -these five bales, to be delivered to Pierre Merrin, typefounder, near -Notre Dame de Confort, Lyons. On the day the bales were received, he -added, a priest of Vienne, Jacques Charmier by name, had come to him -and requested him to keep the bales until called for, saying that they -contained nothing but printing-paper. From the time named, however, he -had heard nothing from the sender, neither had anyone called to enquire -after the bales or to take them away; and for his part he knew not -whether they contained white paper for printing as said, or printed -books as now alleged. - -Having finished their interrogatory and seen the bales, the Inquisitor -and Vicar made no scruple about seizing them in the name of the public -authorities. Carrying them off at once, they were taken to Vienne and -deposited in a room of the Archiepiscopal palace. - -The priest Charmier was of course the next person visited and -questioned. He persistently denied all knowledge of the contents of the -bales which he, as he was proceeding to Lyons, recommended to the care -of Merrin, at the request of M. Villeneuve. The mere act of the poor -priest, however, and his known intimacy with Villeneuve, were held to -have compromised him to such an extent that he was put on his trial -some time afterwards, and sentenced to imprisonment for three years! - -The bales once safe in the Archiepiscopal palace of Vienne, were -speedily undone, and there, sure enough, as Straton had said, five -hundred copies of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ complete, were -displayed to the eager eyes of the lookers-on. A single copy was -abstracted and given to Ory, to enable him at his leisure to extract -and take exception to such passages as he might deem heretical; the -rest were left in safe custody under the palace roof. - -Every information up to June 17--for so long had it taken to get at -the facts as they have been stated--having now been acquired, and the -proofs in the process being held complete, the Vibailly of Vienne, in -a session of the Court duly summoned, and in the absence of Michel de -Villeneuve, proceeded to pass sentence on him, finding him attainted -and convicted of the crimes and misdemeanours laid to his charge, -viz., Scandalous Heresy and Dogmatisation; Invention of New Doctrines; -Writing heretical books; Disturbance of the public peace; Rebellion -against the King; Disobedience of the ordinances touching heresy, and -Breach of the Royal Prison of Vienne. ‘For reparation of the crimes -and misdeeds set forth,’ said the Judge, ‘we condemn him, and he is -hereby condemned, to pay a fine of 1000 livres Tournois to the King -of Dauphiny; and further, as soon as he can be apprehended, to be -taken, together with his books, on a tumbril or dust-cart to the place -of public execution, and there burned alive by a slow fire until his -body is reduced to ashes.’ The sentence now delivered, moreover, is -ordered to be carried out forthwith on an effigy of the incriminated -Villeneuve, which is to be publicly burned along with the five bales -of the book in question, the fugitive being further condemned to -pay the charges of justice, his goods and chattels being seized and -confiscated, to the advantage of anyone showing just claims to the -proceeds, the fine and expenses of the trial, as aforesaid, having been -first duly discharged. - -On the same day about noon the effigy of Villeneuve, made by the -executioner of the High Court of Justice, having been put upon a -tumbril along with the bales of the book, was paraded through the -streets of Vienne, brought to the place of public execution, hanged -upon a gibbet erected for the purpose, and finally set fire to, and -with the five bales burned to ashes. - -The matter, however, did not rest here; it was not yet concluded in -all its parts. The secular arm had done what was required of it, -having burned the criminal in effigy, failing his person, along with -his heretical book; but the ecclesiastical authorities must also -have their say in the case. When the utterance came, and it came not -until six months after the civil trial and sham execution, it was in -every particular confirmatory of the sentence already delivered, the -grounds of the decision however being gone into with greater minuteness -than before. Among other matters particularly mentioned now, are -the marginal notes in the handwriting of the culprit on two printed -leaves, cut out of a copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutions;’ Seventeen letters -addressed to John Calvin and acknowledged by Villeneuve to be from -him; his answers to the Inquisitor Ory, the Vibailly, and the rest, -and the minutes which had been made of his escape from the prison; -finally, his books, one entitled ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ and -another in two parts: ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus, Libri septem,’ and ‘De -Trinitate, Dialogi duo.’ ‘From all that has been brought to light,’ the -judgment proceeds, ‘it is made manifest that the said Villeneuve is a -most egregious heretic, and as such is hereby adjudged, convicted and -condemned, his body to be burned, and his goods to be confiscated, the -judicial expenses incurred and yet to be incurred to be defrayed out -of the proceeds of the sale.’ All the books written by Villeneuve are -further ordered to be diligently searched for, and wherever found, to -be seized and burned. - -It is not unimportant to notice that Arnoullet, the publisher and -printer, is associated with Servetus in this ecclesiastical judgment. -‘The said Villeneuve and Balthazar Arnoullet are attainted and to -be held conjoined in the sentence because of their complicity and -connection.’ Arnoullet however was more mercifully dealt with than -Villeneuve; he was not condemned to be burned alive; neither did he -suffer imprisonment for any great length of time, but was by and by -set at liberty on giving security for his good behaviour in future. If -Charmier, the priest, was sentenced to incarceration for three years, -having, as far as we know, done nothing more than deliver a message -from Villeneuve to Merrin the type-founder, we might have imagined that -Arnoullet would scarcely have escaped with so little scath; for to have -aided and abetted in the printing of such a book as that entitled the -‘Restoration of Christianity,’ which impugned the system that placed -the whole of his judges--Cardinal Tournon, Archbishop Paumier, Ory, -Arzelier, and the rest--in positions of affluence and influence, could -only have been looked upon as a crime little less heinous than that -of which the author of the book himself had been guilty. But Charmier -was known to have been on friendly terms with Villeneuve; and Paumier -may have guessed what that implied; for let us not forget that all -we speak of came to pass shortly after Giovanni de Medici, under the -title of Leo X., had been Pope; and that if the Reformation had more -well-wishers in France than dared to proclaim themselves, Scepticism -too, and of the deepest dye, was at the same time rife in high places. -The poor priest Charmier, however, being of the rank and file only, -must pay for having meddled; but let us hope that Archbishop Paumier -interfered in due season and succeeded in greatly abridging the term of -his imprisonment. - - - - -BOOK II. - -SERVETUS IN GENEVA, FACE TO FACE WITH CALVIN. - -[Illustration: Ioanis Calvinus] - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -SERVETUS REACHES GENEVA--DETAINED THERE, HE IS ARRESTED AT THE INSTANCE -OF CALVIN. - - -Escaped from the Dauphinal prison of Vienne, Servetus must, in all -likelihood, have found hiding at first with friends in Lyons. But -there, as indeed anywhere else in France, his life was in imminent -danger; so that for his own sake, as well as that of his friends, -terribly compromised by his presence, he had to seek safety at a -distance--even in another country. Nor was it present safety only that -was in question: the means of living in time to come had further to be -thought of. But master of a profession that is welcome everywhere, he -may have had little anxiety on that score; and he who had lived so long -unmolested as Villeneuve or Villanovanus, after compromising himself as -Serveto, alias Revés, would have been at no loss to find another name -to shield him from recognition. His first thoughts carried him in the -direction of Spain, but he found so many difficulties from the French -gendarmerie, that he turned back; believing then that the best course -he could follow would be to betake himself to Naples, where he knew -there was a large settled population of his own countrymen, among whom -he would find a sufficient field for the exercise of his calling. - -Calvin--erroneously beyond question--speaks of Servetus having wandered -for four months in Italy after his escape from the prison of Vienne. -Had he reached Italian ground at this time, he would not have returned -upon Geneva, and then--presuming that he escaped Calvin’s further -pursuit--he might have lived, usefully engaged, to a good old age, and -died quietly in his bed. Servetus arrived in Switzerland from the side -of France, and must have been in hiding in that country, or wandering -about in disguise from place to place between April 7, the date of his -evasion from Vienne, and the middle of July when he reached Geneva. The -hue and cry from Vienne was probably not of a kind to be heard afar; -they who left the prison door open may have seen to that--Servetus -indeed says himself that they did. It was not such, at all events, -as to prevent his baffling pursuit and escaping recognition: for he -entered Geneva in safety; and feeling the soil of a state beneath his -feet where other than Roman Catholic views of religion prevailed, he -could hardly have thought that he would suffer molestation did he but -keep quiet during the day or two he meant to remain in order to rest -and recruit. - -The experience Servetus had had so lately must have satisfied him -that he could hope for nothing from the forbearance of Calvin; but he -did not mean to put this to the test: his business was to make no -noise, and to be gone as quickly as possible. Though he had made the -latter part of his journey on horseback, the usual mode of locomotion -in those days, he even deemed it prudent, as less likely to attract -attention, to enter Geneva on foot. He therefore discharged his steed -at Louyset, a village a few miles distant, where he passed the night, -and reached the city in the early morning of some day after the middle -of July, 1553. Putting up at a small hostelry on the banks of the lake, -having the sign of the Rose, he appears to have lain there privily and -unchallenged for nearly a month. - -What could have induced Servetus to linger in a place where we see, -from the precautions he took both in arriving and subsequently, that he -could not have thought himself safe, long remained a mystery; but is -cleared up in a great measure by the information we obtain through the -particulars of the trial to which he was immediately subjected, and of -which it is only of late years that a full and entirely satisfactory -account has been obtained. We were disposed, at one time, to ascribe -the delay in setting out for Italy to the fascination which the strong -have over the weak, and to imagine that our wanderer was still anxious -for the personal interview with Calvin he had formerly sought, but -been forced to forego, in Paris, and for which, as we learn by the -letter of Calvin to his friend Farel, he had made fresh proposals at a -later date.[67] He was now aware, however, that it was by Calvin he -had been denounced to the authorities of Lyons and Vienne, arrested in -consequence, put upon his trial, and only saved his life by escaping -from prison. He could not possibly, therefore, have flattered himself -that the man who was so disposed towards him would receive him in any -friendly mood; though it probably never came into his mind to imagine -that the Reformer would be disposed to take the knife in hand himself. - -As we now read the tale, we perceive that Servetus’s presence in Geneva -could not have been unknown to all in the city, even from the day of -his arrival; and our persuasion is, that for some time at least he -was kept there against his will. On his trial we find him stating, -incidentally, that the windows of the room he occupied at the Rose _had -been nailed up!_ What interpretation can possibly be put on this? The -nailing up could not have been done to keep anyone _out_ of a place of -public entertainment. It was therefore to keep someone _in_. Servetus -must in fact have been anxious from the first to be gone; but he was -detained by certain parties in Geneva, not among the number of Calvin’s -friends, who thought to make political capital out of his presence -among them. - -Nor were it hard to imagine that he, smarting as he then was under the -sense of all that had but just befallen him through the interference of -the Reformer, and listening for the moment to the influential persons -who promised him support, and possibly redress, was not altogether -indisposed to pay his enemy back for the irreparable injury he had -suffered at his hands. But there is nothing in all we know of Michael -Servetus that leads us for a moment to think of him as a revengeful -man; and though he may have lent an ear for a while to the suggestions -of his new friends, he must soon have come to conceive misgivings as to -the real meaning of their attentions. - -Even whilst lying hidden in his inn he could hardly have failed, after -a while, to learn something of the state of political partisanship -prevalent in the theocratic republican city of Geneva, and so have been -more than ever anxious to be gone. Hence the nailing up of his chamber -windows. On Sunday, August 13, he had even spoken to the landlord of -the ‘Rose’ to procure him a boat for the morrow, to take him by the -Lake as far as possible on his way to Zürich. But his resolution to -delay his departure no longer was taken too late. Weary of confinement, -and always piously disposed, he ventured imprudently to show himself -at the evening service of a neighbouring church; and being there -recognised, intimation of his presence in Geneva was conveyed to -Calvin, who, without loss of a moment, and in spite of the sacredness -of the day, denounced him to one of the Syndics, and demanded his -immediate arrest. - -To effect this in the city of Geneva of the year of grace 1553 was no -matter of difficulty, little being made in those days of seizing on -the person, and not much of taking the life. The accredited officer, -armed with a warrant, found Servetus in his inn; informed him he was -to consider himself a prisoner; led him away, and threw him into the -common jail of the town. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -GENEVA AND THE STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE DATE OF SERVETUS’S -ARREST. - - -‘The year 1553,’ says Beza, in his life of Calvin, ‘by the impatience -and fury of the factious, was a year so full of trouble that not only -was the Church, but the Republic of Geneva, within a hair’s breadth -of being wrecked and lost; all power had fallen into the hands of the -wicked (i.e., the patriotic party of freethought, opposed to Calvin, -and designated the Libertines), that it seemed as though they were -on the point of attaining the ends for which they had so long been -striving.’ Eighteen years had then elapsed since the Reformation -first found footing in Geneva, and twelve since Calvin had resumed -his position--interrupted during a period of two years--as a sort of -spiritual dictator--‘the Lycurgus of a Christian Democracy’--not only -as Organiser of the Faith, and Minister in the Church, but as regulator -and supervisor of the morals and manners of the people. - -The Reformation, in so far as Geneva was concerned, seems to have been -hailed on political much more than on religious grounds. Emancipation -from the yoke of the Roman Catholic bishop, under which its citizens -had long fretted, meant escape from the political machinations, -through the Priest, of France on the one hand, of Savoy on the other. -The change from Romanism to Protestantism appears to have been due, -in fact, to no particular discontent of the Genevese with the old -Popish forms, or to any zeal for the new doctrines of Luther and his -followers, but to a cherished hope of being suffered to pass their -lives with as little control as might be from authority of any kind, -and that little imposed and administered by themselves. - -Moral discipline was notoriously lax over Europe in the early years of -the sixteenth century, nowhere perhaps more so than at Geneva; and the -liberty after which its people sighed was often understood as license -rather than as life within the limits of moral law. Accident, however, -having brought John Calvin, already a man of mark, to Geneva in the -course of the year 1536, he was seized upon by William Farel, then in -principal charge of the spiritual concerns of the city, and yielding -to his most urgent entreaties--conjured, indeed, in the name of God, -to remain and aid in the work of the Reformation--Calvin consented to -cast in his lot with the Genevese, still jubilant over their lately -recovered liberties and little amenable to discipline of any kind. - -A more unlikely conjunction of elements can hardly be conceived than -that of the ascetic, gloomy Calvin with the lively, self-indulgent -Genevese, to whom life meant present enjoyment, and religion a pleasant -addition to existence on festivals and Sundays, to be put off and on -with their holiday garments and less to be thought of than the next -excursion to the mountains in summer, or the approaching assembly for -merriment and the dance in winter. - -To Calvin life and its import wore a totally different aspect. To him -the present was but a prelude to the future, a discipline preparing for -eternity, and religion therefore the great end and aim of existence. -Anchorite himself in the truest sense of the word, he would possibly -have had herbs the food, the crystal spring the drink of the community. -Fatalist too to a great extent through his doctrine of election and -predestination, the joys of life--if life perchance had any joys--and -its trials--and they were many, were to be taken with like passiveness -and equanimity. Even the inclemencies of the seasons, as dispensations -of providence, were not to be over-anxiously guarded against: the -school-house windows, it is true, were to be glazed or protected in -some sort by diaphanous skins or horn; but this was to be no higher -than their lower halves; and in so much only that the snow-drift, the -wind and the rain might not interfere with the work of the scholars. - -Conscious himself, through natural endowment and added learning, of -superiority to all about him, Calvin had little or no sympathy with the -liberty the Genevese were so proud of having achieved. A despotism -was his ideal of civil government; and his proclaimed purpose from the -first in settling at Geneva was to make the city a stronghold of the -Gospel, its people subjects of the Lord, and their faith and morals a -model of all that had been proposed by the Reformation in the sense in -which he understood it. And how much he differed in this from Luther, -and Zwingli, need not be said. The - - Wer liebt nicht Weiber, Wein und Gesang - Ein Narr ist er und bleibts sein Lebenslang[68] - -of him of the Wartburg, must have sounded as simple profanity to Calvin. - -That Calvin’s heavy hand was borne with by the Genevese for two years, -in the first instance, with no small amount of discontent, indeed, but -with no outbreak of rebellion, must be set down, we imagine, to the -credit of human nature, which endures for a season the irksome and -even the ill, in hope of the good to follow; but when the pressure -is crushing, and there is no prospect of alleviation, resistance, -inevitably, follows in the end. - -Calvin and the special Court he had inaugurated under the title of -the Consistory, had been anxious to impose some new and still more -stringent ordinance on the city, but the Council, whose sanction was -required before any of the consistorial edicts could have way, refused -assent, and the citizens, emboldened by this, forthwith appeared in -open rebellion against what they rightly construed as the tyranny -and self-assertion of the clergy. So unpopular in fact did the whole -clerical party become at this time, that its leader and his colleague -Farel were formally banished from the city, and the subordinate -ministers had to shrink into something like obscurity if they would -escape the necessity of accompanying them. - -In sore displeasure with the ungrateful conduct of the people, as -he regarded it, Calvin sought shelter first in Basle and then in -Strasburg, where he was welcomed by his brother Reformers, and by and -by provided with honourable means of subsistence, by an appointment as -Professor of Theology in the University. - -But he was not destined long to enjoy the leisure of the Professor’s -chair. Before two years had elapsed, the more moderate, orderly, and -pious party had come again into power in Geneva, and he was waited on -by a deputation, headed by Amied Perrin, a man of the highest influence -among his fellow citizens, and entreated to return and save them from -themselves; orderly existence, not otherwise attainable as it seemed, -being seen after all to be not too dearly bought even by heavy payments -in the shape of subserviency to theocratic rule. - -Calvin returned to Geneva, then, and under circumstances that gave him -a great advantage over the difficulties he had formerly encountered -in carrying into effect the system of discipline he was bent on -introducing. Perrin’s appearance at the head of the deputation to -Strasburg, he had seen as an omen of the best augury; for Perrin’s -influence in the Civic Council was very great, and his approval of any -measure proposed, was taken as a sufficient guarantee by the citizens -at large, of its value. But Perrin was ambitious, and certainly -reckoned without his host when he hoped by patronising John Calvin to -make him in any way the instrument of his own selfish or party designs; - - Two stars keep not their orbit in one sphere; - -and if Perrin was bent on power, so was Calvin. - -Perrin, it may be, had never heartily sympathised with the Reformation -in its religious aspects; he certainly sympathised still less with -the Reformer. A man of pleasure at heart, he was perhaps somewhat -indifferent to religion. Ready enough to abet Calvin in his austerities -towards the many, he was minded to keep his own neck and the necks -of his friends out of the yoke. Calvin, however, had no idea of -anything of the kind: his law was of general application, or it had -no significance; his rule was _one_ and it was for all. No wonder, -therefore, that Perrin’s league with the Reformer came to an end ere -long; and that when it was not open dissidence between them, it was -always smouldering enmity. - -Calvin’s grand instrument in enforcing his discipline was the -Consistory, an assembly made up of the entire acting clergy of Geneva, -with a limited number--no more than twelve--of the laity added. This -body was entrusted with very extensive powers, which it may be imagined -were not suffered to lie idle, when we find it pretending to regulate -the head, and even the foot, gear of the women; intruding itself into -the dwellings of the people, too, and looking into their saucepans and -pint pots to see that there was no indulgence in the way of eating and -drinking! - -Supported by a certain number of the native Genevese, Calvin’s hands -were immensely strengthened by the crowd of refugees for conscience -sake who poured into Geneva from France and Italy, to escape the -persecution that had already begun to rage in these countries. Henry -II. of France, having presented his mistress, Diana of Poitiers, -with the proceeds of all confiscations for heresy, her agents were -indefatigable in hunting out converts to the doctrines of Luther and -bringing them to justice, as it was called: the greater the number of -heretics burned, the higher rose the fame for piety of the profligate -king, and in like measure the revenue of the heartless courtesan. - -The refugees as a rule, and almost as a matter of necessity, were -entirely devoted to the Reformer; and having been most liberally met -by the Genevese at first, and put on a footing of all but perfect -political equality, they made themselves felt, through their numbers, -in the frequently recurring elections that formed elements in the -Genevese Republican system. Favoured in all by Calvin, the strangers, -as they increased in numbers, came at length to be ever more and more -disliked and distrusted by the native population; so that Calvin may be -found using language such as this, when, speaking in the same breath of -the fugitives, his friends, and of the people who sheltered both him -and them within their walls:--‘They (the Genevese) are dissatisfied -with you (the Refugees), because you run not riot with them in their -disorderly and barren lives.’ The native population, in a word, found -themselves, ere long, controlled and overcrowed by a host of aliens, -led by a bigoted and intolerant ecclesiastic--a state of things never -to be patiently endured, but to be ended at the first favourable -moment; and it is to the culminating dissatisfaction of the Genevese -with clerical rule in 1553, much akin to that of the year 1538, when -Calvin had been forced to quit the field, that Beza refers in the -passage quoted above. - -So unpopular had Calvin again become in the year 1553, that, in -writing to one of his friends, he speaks of discontent and distrust -as universally prevalent, especially among the more youthful of the -population. ‘The accumulated rancour of their hearts,’ he says, ‘breaks -out from time to time; so that when I show myself in the street, the -curs are hounded on me: hiss! hiss! is shouted to them; and they snap -at my legs and tear my clothes.’ Calvin must in truth have had a trying -time of it during most of the years he lived among the Genevese; -his own bed could as little have been of roses without thorns, as he -suffered the beds of the citizens to be of down; for, save during -brief lulls, he and they seem to have passed their lives in a state of -covert, when it was not one of open, warfare. - -One of the earlier hostile moves of the civil Council in the present -crisis against the Reformer was the exclusion, from the Greater Council -of the State, of some members of the Minor Council, known to be among -the number of his adherents. More than this, his enemies having come -to outnumber his friends in the lately elected Council, he found -himself frequently outvoted in directions in which he had been used to -think of his wish or his will as already the law. Among those who had -now obtained a seat in the Supreme Council, was one whom he had put -under the consistorial ban for some infringement of discipline, and -forbidden, until he showed signs of amendment, to present his child -for baptism. To choose Councillors from among persons such as this, -however, was, in Calvin’s eyes, to fly in the face not only of all -authority, but of the Almighty himself. - -Another move against him was a resolution taken by the Council to -deprive the Refugees of the arms with which they, like the native -population, had been entrusted at an earlier period for the common -defence. This was taken greatly to heart by Calvin, who stigmatised it -as a ‘barbarous and brutal act, perpetrated by enemies of the Gospel -against exiles for Christ’s sake.’ But the Council did not stop here -in showing its hostile mood. The priests, in the olden time, had -been privileged like the rest of the Community to be present at the -deliberations of the Council, and the Ministers, their successors, -had never been challenged in their title to show themselves as -auditors in the same way. They were now, however, by a resolution of -the Council, declared incompetent to appear at its sittings without -special permission given. Of no great moment in itself or politically -considered, this interdict pointed with even needless significance -to mislike and mistrust of the clergy as a body, and of their -distinguished head in particular--the Council would neither have him -nor his followers immediately informed of all the business they had in -hand. - -How keenly all these proceedings were felt by Calvin is apparent from -the tone of the letters he wrote to more than one of his friends at -this time. To his friend Sulzer, of Basle, he says that for the last -two years they pass their lives at Geneva as if they were living amid -the declared enemies of the Gospel! and he complains bitterly of the -interference he suffers in the exercise of his multifarious functions. - -Among the particular incidents that tended to widen the breach between -Calvin with the ecclesiastical party behind him, and the civil -authorities backed by the more liberally disposed of the citizens, -was the case of Philibert Berthelier, one of the Councillors, a man -of note, respected and much looked up to by the Genevese; for he -was the son of that Philibert Berthelier who had nobly striven for -the liberties of the city, in former years, and gone to his death on -the scaffold in their assertion. Berthelier, some eighteen months -or so before, for an offence against one or other of the arbitrary -ordinances of the Consistory--for having gone to a ball with his wife -and daughter, we think, they having further exceeded in the matter -of dress--had fallen under the interdict of the Ministers, and been -forbidden to present himself at the celebration of the Lord’s supper, -until he had made submission and promised amendment. - -Now Berthelier was not only a man of weight in the Republic -politically, but in the opinion of his fellow citizens, of really -irreproachable life and conversation; and, his friends being then in -power, he took steps to have the interdict removed, which kept him from -gratifying his pious feelings by partaking of the commemorative feast. -To this end he presented a petition to the Council, setting forth the -grievance under which he laboured, and praying for relief; and they, -on their part, took it on them forthwith not only to absolve him of -the disability of which he complained, but, proceeding a step farther, -they declared the Consistory incompetent in time to come to pronounce -sentences of Excommunication at all; transferring the right to do so -from the Ecclesiastical Assembly to the Minor Council of the State. - -This was felt by Calvin as the heaviest blow that had yet been dealt -him. Of course he opposed the measure with all his might. Heard in -opposition to its adoption, he declared that if it were maintained -the very foundations of the Reformation, in so far as Religion -was concerned, would be compromised. But all his eloquence was -thrown away; after long and eager discussion the decree was finally -confirmed. Disgusted with the opposition he encountered at every point, -Calvin--though he soon shows that he is anxious to free himself from -any suspicion of the kind--appears at the time to have had serious -thoughts of throwing up his charge and abandoning the city of Geneva to -its own evil devices. It was probably the consciousness that if he left -Geneva he would seem to be turning his back on the whole of the Reform -movement, which kept him from taking the extreme step he may probably -have meditated. He had become accustomed, moreover, to play the despot, -and he who has once indulged in the bitter sweets of arbitrary power -scarcely retires otherwise than by compulsion into the shade of private -life. And then, whither was he to betake himself? Not to France, -though he still looked with longing eyes towards his native country; -for open heresy, such as he must have felt himself bound to profess, -there led inevitably to the stake; neither to Germany, where his own -peculiar views were not popular, and the several centres of the great -and glorious movement towards light and freedom, brought to a head by -Luther, were all adequately occupied. He must stay at Geneva, then, -his ‘coign of vantage;’ abide the storm of the present, and hope for -better days to come. But it was in bitterness of heart, waiting till -reaction had spent itself, and his voice could again be heard as the -voice of authority. - -It was at this moment precisely, whilst debate and dispute, -ecclesiastical and civil, were at their height, that Michael Servetus -reached Geneva, and altogether unwittingly and unwillingly on his part -became a subject of contention between the party of free thought, -now in open rebellion against Calvin and the more rigid of his blind -or compliant followers. And we shall possibly see reason to conclude -that Servetus, though tried for heresy and finally condemned and done -to death by slow fire for blasphemy against God, was in some measure -also the victim of the political situation--the scape-goat of the two -parties contending for supremacy in Geneva. Had there been less of -political rancour there in the year 1553, and Servetus been allowed -competent counsel to defend him, it seems to us, on the most careful -consideration of the whole subject, that the proceedings would not -have been suffered to take the turn they did, which led inevitably -to his condemnation to death, whilst the memory of Calvin would have -escaped the portentous blot that goes so far to obscure all the other -great qualities that attach to his name. The world might then have had -triumphs within the domain of physical science other than the discovery -of the lesser circulation of the blood, from the man of genius; -and the Reformation--type of the holy cause of human progress--have -advanced without the lamentable compromise of principle it suffered -when its leaders sent one of the very foremost men of his age to the -stake. - -In presence of the individual he had come to look on as his personal -enemy as well as the enemy of God, Calvin appears to have forgotten -all his earlier aspirations after toleration. He was not now thinking -of himself as editor of ‘Seneca on Clemency,’ when to the text of -his author enjoining self-control or moderation of mind--_animi -temperantia_--having the power to take vengeance, he adds: ‘It belongs -to the nature of the merciful man that he not only uses opportunities -of vengeance with moderation, but does not avail himself of even the -most tempting occasions to take revenge;’[69]--a noble sentence, but -written in days long past, when he saw persecution for conscience sake -inaugurated by Francis I. Neither had he himself as author of the -earlier editions of the ‘Institutions’ in his mind, where he is as -emphatic in denouncing the ‘Right of the Sword’ in dealing with heresy -as he was now, having become the spiritual dictator of Geneva, ready to -call it at all times into requisition. Calvin’s natural temperament, -in fact, disposed him to severity in furtherance of his purposes and -his will. We have seen him in his letter to Farel of February 1546, -threatening Servetus with death, did opportunity serve; and writing to -a French lady--Madame de Cany--about or a little before the time that -now engages us, in referring to some one who had behaved ungratefully -both to his correspondent and himself, he says: ‘I assure you, madam, -that had he not taken himself off so speedily, I should have held it my -duty, in so far as it lay with me, to have had him burned alive.’[70] - -But everything seemed to conspire against Servetus at the moment of his -reaching Geneva; for almost immediately after his arrival there, and -whilst his presence was still unknown to Calvin, the Reformer received -a letter from a correspondent, Paul Gaddi of Cremona by name, that -must have greatly strengthened his fears of Servetus’s objectionable -influence in the world, and, on theological grounds, confirmed him -in his purpose of pushing matters to extremities and silencing the -dangerous heretic for ever, did he but find the opportunity. Gaddi, -as it seems, had lately reached Zürich from the north of Italy. At -Ferrara, he informs his correspondent that he had had many long and -interesting conversations with the Duchess, who showed the very best -and most friendly dispositions towards the Reformed Faith. But she was -sorely in want of a competent person, ‘a faithful Minister of the word -of God,’ as a guide against those by whom she was surrounded. Gaddi, -therefore, at the desire of the Duchess requests Calvin to send her -some one who would give her true instruction, and free her from the -teaching ‘of the miserable Monk she has at her elbow, who seeks not -after what Christ requires, but after the things that be profitable to -himself.’ - - ‘Much have I seen in these [northern] Italian cities,’ - continues Gaddi, ‘and many have I met with who profess Christ; - but few and far between are those who faithfully serve the - Lord. Various, truly, are the heresies that there abound, so - that the land is, in truth, a very Babylon. This, you may be - sure, I have not beheld without extreme distress of mind and - tearful eyes; but the heresy that flourishes the most of all, - is the doctrine of the proud and Satanic Servetus, insomuch - that many of the faithful entreat you to come forward, and - controvert his writings; a task to which they think you are - the more bound to apply yourself, as he boasts that no one has - yet dared to write against him. I, too, if my entreaty may be - of any avail, beseech you to undertake the business. I know - the influence your writings have with all in Italy, who fear - God. If you deigned to take pen in hand against George [he had - published a tract against predestination], who was every way - unworthy of your notice, for he was plunged in the deepest - ignorance, how much rather ought you to come forward against - this diabolical spirit, who is looked on by so many as having - the highest authority in matters of doctrine. And truly his - teaching, though it be of the most impious and pestilent kind, - is calculated to impose on those whose eyes serve them not to - see far before them. Wherefore, I entreat you yet again, to - undertake the task I propose. Postpone, I pray you, for a few - days your other studies; betake you to this most necessary - work, and be the hammer that shall smite the enemy. - - Your most devoted, - - PAULUS GADIUS CREMONENSIS. - - Zürich, July 23rd, 1553.[71] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -SERVETUS IS ARRAIGNED ON THE CAPITAL CHARGE BY CALVIN. - - -In ordering the summary arrest of Servetus at the instance of Calvin, -as we have seen, the Syndic only conformed with usage. But by the law -of Geneva grounds for an arrest on a criminal charge must be delivered -to an officer styled _Le Lieutenant Criminel_, or the Lieutenant of -Criminal Process--a personage evidently holding a responsible position -in the city--within twenty-four hours thereafter, failing which -the party attached was set at liberty. To prepare the articles of -impeachment required, Calvin must have spent the greater part of the -night, turning over the leaves of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ for -the matter of his charges. These bear very obvious marks of the haste -in which they were put together, several of them being repetitions of -others that had gone before, and scarcely anything like order being -observed in the arrangement of the particulars adduced. Within the -legal time, however, the prosecutor was ready with his articles, no -fewer than thirty-eight in number, upon which, as a preliminary to -further proceedings, it was the duty of the ‘_Lieutenant Criminel_’ to -interrogate the prisoner, and from his replies to determine whether or -not there were grounds to found what we should call a True Bill against -him. - -Nor was this all. Criminal charges must be made at the instance of some -one who should avow himself aggrieved, and not only bind himself over -to prosecute the suit he sought to institute to a conclusion, but be -content to go to prison with the party he accused, and, in conformity -with the requirements of the Lex Talionis, or law of retaliation, -engage, in case his charges were not made good, to undergo the penalty -that would befall the incriminated party if they were substantiated. - -It would of course have been not only inconvenient, but unbecoming for -Calvin, the real prosecutor in the case, to go into durance vile, his -presence in the outer world being so much required. He had therefore to -procure a substitute; and we might have expected to find William Trie -again brought forward, and made to figure in setting on foot the trial -for life or death at Geneva, as he had already lent himself to figure -in that of Vienne. But Trie was not produced; it was a certain Nicolas -de la Fontaine, a French refugee in the service of Calvin, in what -capacity report speaks variously, some designating him cook, whilst -others, to enhance his dignity, call him the Reformer’s Secretary. -Calvin himself speaks of him familiarly as _Nicolaus meus_, my man -Nicolas. That Fontaine was really the Reformer’s cook seems now to have -been satisfactorily ascertained; but he may have been a man of parts -and education for all that; refugees for conscience sake could not -always choose their calling in their new abodes.[72] - -On the morning of August 14th, accordingly, Nicolas de la Fontaine -presented himself before the _Lieutenant Criminel_, Tissot, and the -prisoner having been produced, De la Fontaine declared himself formally -the Prosecutor of Michael Servetus of Villanova on certain criminal -charges, demanding at the same time that the prisoner should, under -penalties, be required to answer truthfully to each of the articles now -to be alleged against him. - -These articles, thirty-eight in number, are taken exclusively from -Servetus’s work entitled ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ which is assumed -as having been published and found detrimental to the public peace -(although it had as yet been seen by no one in Geneva but Calvin -himself), not any of them from the earlier work entitled ‘De Trinitatis -Erroribus,’ the printing of which and its presumed influence in -troubling the Churches of Germany, infecting the world with heresy and -causing many to lose their souls, being nevertheless, as we see, the -first item in the list of its author’s delinquencies. Calvin must have -seen the propriety of producing the treatise on Trinitarian Error, -published two and twenty years ago; but he had not a copy himself, -neither could he hear of one either in Geneva or Lausanne; for he had -written to his friend Viret for aid in the matter. But Viret could not -help him--he had no copy himself; his friend Sonnerius, however, he -thinks, has one; ‘were he at home he would not assuredly refuse us the -use of it.’ Obtaining it on Sonnerius’s return, he will send it with -the least possible delay to Geneva.[73] - -The articles of impeachment, classified and summarised, with the -answers of Servetus, are as follows: - -I. and II. That about twenty-four years ago he began to trouble the -Churches of Germany with his errors and heresies, and published an -execrably heretical book by which he infected many, and for which he -had been condemned and forced to fly the country that he might escape -punishment. - -To this Servetus replies: That he is not conscious of having troubled -any of the Churches of Germany; and though he owns that he had -published a little book at Hagenau, he is not aware that he had -infected anyone, and certainly was never either tried or condemned for -anything he had done in Germany, neither had he been forced to fly from -that country to escape punishment. - -III. and IV. Item: That he has not ceased since then from spreading -abroad his poison, in annotations to the Bible and to the Geography of -Ptolemy, and more recently in a second book, clandestinely printed, -containing an infinity of blasphemies, &c. - -Replies: That it is true he wrote notes to the Bible and to Ptolemy; -but thinks he said nothing in them that is not good; and in the book -lately printed, he does not believe that he blasphemes; but if it be -shown him that he says anything amiss he is ready to amend it. - -V. Item: That having been imprisoned at Vienne, when he saw that the -authorities there would not accept of his retractations, he had found -means to escape from prison. - -Replies: That he was indeed prisoner at Vienne, having been denounced -to the authorities there by Monsieur Calvin and Guillaume Trie, and had -made his escape from prison, because the Priests would have burned him -alive had he stayed; the prison, however, having been so kept that it -seemed as though the authorities meant him to save himself. - -VI., VII., VIII. Item: That he had written, published, and said that to -believe there were three distinct persons: Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, -in the single essence of God was to forge or feign so many phantoms; -to have a God parted into three, like the three-headed Cerberus of the -heathen poets; all this being said in the face of such doctors of the -Church as Ambrose, Augustin, Chrysostom, Athanasius, and the rest, as -well as of many holy men of the present day--Melanchthon among the -number, whom he had called a Belial and Satan. - -Replies: That in the book he wrote on the Trinity, he had followed -the teaching of the Doctors who lived immediately after Christ and -the Apostles; that he believes in a Trinity--Father, Son, and Holy -Ghost--but owns that he does not attach the same meaning to the word -_person_ as do modern writers; and though he admits that he spoke of -Melanchthon in the terms stated, it was not in any printed book or in -public, but in a private letter; whilst Melanchthon, on his part, and -in a printed book, had used language of the same kind towards him. - -IX. to XX. and XXVI. The whole of these articles, with wearisome -prolixity and iteration, refer to the transcendental theological dogmas -that touch on the way and manner in which Christ is to be regarded -as the Son of God; the relationship in which He stands to the ‘Word’ -of the Gospel according to John, and how the Word was made Flesh; in -what respect Christ is God, and in what respect he is Man, and how, -as the Son of God, he could have died like a man. To these recondite -propositions Servetus replies in a way that has a sufficient look of -orthodoxy, and was evidently intended by him so to appear. He avows his -belief in the items generally on which he is challenged with unbelief; -and it may be that he could do so with a clear conscience, he putting -his own interpretation on the language he used. Christ he acknowledged -as the Son of God, but this was because of his having been begotten in -some mysterious way by the Deity in the womb of the Virgin Mary, He -not having existed actually but only potentially in the mind of God -before the epoch of his incarnation. Christ, however, he says, was -_prefigured_ by the angels who make their appearance from time to time -in the Hebrew Scriptures. When _persons_ are spoken of, further, they -are to be thought of as _images_, _formalities_, not real entities or -individuals; so that the three persons he acknowledges in the Godhead -are but so many _dispensations_, _modes_, or _manifestations_ which the -Invisible God makes of himself in creation. - -XXIV., XXV. and XXXV. These articles bear upon Servetus’s conceptions -of the Deity, in whose Oneness of Being he declares that he yet -acknowledges not merely three _hypostases_, as generally said, but a -hundred thousand _dispositions_ or _dispensations_, so that God is part -of ourselves, we part of His Spirit; the _ideas_ or _patterns_ of all -creatures and of all things having been eternally present in the Divine -Mind, though they only acquired form and substance in Creation. - -XXVII. and XXIX. Item: That he had said that the soul of man was -mortal; that there was nothing immortal in fact, but an elementary -breath, the soul having become mortal after Adam’s transgression. - -He replies by denying the allegations, and declares that he never -thought the soul of man to be mortal; all he has said in his writings -in connection with the subject of immortality being to the effect that -the soul was clothed in corruptible elements which perished, not that -the soul itself was mortal or died in its essence. - -XXX., XXXI., and XXXIII. Item: That he had spoken of Infant Baptism as -a diabolical invention, competent to destroy the whole of Christianity. - -He admits that he has said so, and is still of this opinion; believing -as he does that none should be baptized until they had attained to -years of discretion. But he adds, that if it be shown him he is -mistaken in this, he is ready to submit to correction. - -XXXVII. Item: That in his printed book he has made use of scurrilous -and blasphemous terms of reproach in speaking of M. Calvin and the -Doctrines of the Church of Geneva. - -Replies: That he himself had had abusive language applied to him by -Calvin in public; Calvin having said that he, Servetus, was intoxicated -with his opinions; a reproach which had led him to reply in similar -terms to his opponent, and to show at the same time from his writings -that he was mistaken in many things. - -XXXVIII. Item: That knowing his last book would not be suffered, -even among the Papists, he had concealed his views from Geroult, the -superintendent of the office where it was printed. - -Replies: That he corrected the press at Vienne, but did not conceal his -views from Geroult, who knew well enough what his opinions were. - - * * * * * - -_August 15._ The information taken by the Lieutenant in conformity -with the course of procedure required having been communicated to -the Syndics and Council now constituted Judges in a criminal case, -and, the Court of Judicature solemnly inaugurated, the prosecutor and -prisoner were produced; when Nicolas de la Fontaine made a formal -demand that Michael Servetus of Villanova, whom he charged with heresy, -should be put upon his trial. He presented an address or petition, -at the same time, in which the heads of the charges he proposed to -prove against the prisoner were briefly enumerated, namely, the grave -scandals and troubles he had caused among Christians for twenty-four -years or thereabout; the heresies and blasphemies he had spoken and -written against God with which he had infected the world; the wicked -calumnies and defamations he had published against the true servants -of God, more especially against Monsieur Calvin, whose honour as his -Pastor, he--the prosecutor--felt bound to uphold if he himself would -be accounted a Christian, and also because of the discredit that -would attach to the Church of Geneva, did the prisoner go at large, -condemning, as he does, and in an especial manner, the doctrine that -is there preached. ‘In as much, therefore,’ continues Calvin through -the mouth of Fontaine, ‘as the prisoner on his examination yesterday -replied in nowise satisfactorily and simply by yea or nay to the -questions put to him, as you must have perceived, the greater number of -his answers being mere frivolous songs, may it please your Lordships to -compel him to answer formally, without divergence or circumlocution, to -each of the articles proposed; to the end that he be not suffered to -go on mocking God and your Excellencies, and that the proponent be not -frustrated in his rights. - -‘Now the proponent having _prima facie_ made good his allegations and -satisfied you that the prisoner has been guilty of writing heresy and -dogmatising in the manner alleged, he begs you humbly to recognise the -prisoner Michael Servetus as a criminal deserving of prosecution by -your attorney-general; and that he, the proponent, be now declared free -of all charge, damage, and interest in the business. Not that he shuns -or declines to follow up a cause of the kind, which every child of God -ought indeed to pursue to the death, but in compliance with the usages -of your city, and because it is not for him to undertake duties that -belong to another.’ - -Having taken this petition into consideration, and determined that -there was _prima facie_ evidence of criminality on the part of the -prisoner, the Council proceeded in the afternoon of the same day to -the old Episcopal Palace, now turned into the Court in which criminal -causes were tried, and commenced proceedings according to the forms in -such cases used and provided. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE TRIAL IN ITS FIRST PHASE. - - -Formally installed in the Court of Criminal Judicature, Nicolas de la -Fontaine and Michael Servetus were ordered to be brought before them -by the Judges; and the prosecutor declaring that he persisted in his -allegations, and the prisoner being put on his oath to speak the truth -under penalties to the extent of 60 sols, the Trial commenced. - -To the question as to his name and condition, the prisoner replied that -his name was Michael Serveto, of Villanova, in the kingdom of Aragon, -in Spain, and that by profession he was a physician. The articles of -impeachment already produced were then restated seriatim, and to each -he was required to answer categorically. This he did, and generally -in the terms he had used in his preliminary examination, but accusing -Calvin, and Calvin alone, more imperatively than before, of having -provoked his arrest and prosecution at Vienne, adding that had Calvin -had his way, he--the prisoner--would assuredly have been burned alive. -To all that had reference to the Doctrine of the Trinity, the Nature -of Christ, the relations between God and created things, he spoke as -he had already done. He again and pointedly denied that he had ever -said the soul was mortal; but admitted having written that he thinks -man commits no mortal sin before the age of twenty years, adding that -‘under the Law God had so ordered it.’ The Baptism of Infants he -acknowledged to be in his eyes a diabolical invention, and calculated -to corrupt the whole of Christianity; declaring however, as formerly, -that if it were shown he erred in this opinion he was ready to retract -and amend. - -As to the alleged attacks on the Church of Geneva through the person of -Calvin, he answered as before, and now added that all he had written -against Calvin was with no view or desire to calumniate or injure him, -but only to show him his errors; and he now offers in open congregation -to make good his words by a variety of reasons, and the authority of -the Scriptures. - -This was to throw down the gauntlet to Calvin and offer him battle on -ground he could not decline, since he too acknowledged no authority -but holy writ, and we need not doubt of his readiness to take up the -pledge: there was nothing indeed, as he declared, for he was present -in Court watching the proceedings, that he desired more than to show -himself in such a cause before all the world.[74] The Court may be -excused for having imagined that in agreeing to such a wordy duel -between Calvin and Servetus they would be letting the question slip -out of their proper hands; or, as M. Albert Rilliet[75] suggests, the -friends whom Servetus had among its members, measuring the mental -calibre of the two men, may have feared to see him they favoured -worsted by his redoubtable opponent, whose dialectical skill and -theological lore were so well known to all. Deciding against the -proposal of the prisoner, therefore, the tribunal determined that the -trial should proceed in the usual way. - -So far as they had gone we can readily conceive that the answers -of Servetus must have seemed little satisfactory to the Court. On -even a large proportion of the allegations made, they may have felt -their incompetency to form an opinion; but upon a few they believed -themselves fully able to come to a conclusion. What he had said on -Infant Baptism in particular was greatly calculated to prejudice him -in the minds of his Judges; the doctrine he held being one among the -dangerous moral, social, and political principles of the Anabaptists, -though the whole of these were emphatically disavowed and condemned -by Servetus, who really appears to have had nothing in common with -the dreaded sect but the opinion that Baptism should not be performed -until years of discretion were attained, and that the rite should be -solemnised by immersion or affusion, not by merely sprinkling the face -with water. - -The decision of the Court at the end of the day’s proceedings was to -the effect that, as the answers of the prisoner Michael Servetus -implied criminality, the trial should go on; but that the prosecutor, -Nicolas de la Fontaine, whilst bound over to continue the suit, might -be released on the production of sufficient bail; and this being -immediately forthcoming in the person of Monsieur Antoine Calvin, -brother of the Reformer, Calvin’s substitute and _Chef de Cuisine_ -was discharged from custody, whilst Servetus was remanded to gaol. -Thus formally constituted prisoner on a criminal charge, Servetus now -delivered to the gaoler all the money and valuables he possessed, the -coin amounting to ninety-seven gold crowns, the valuables being a gold -chain of the value of twenty crowns, and as many as seven gold rings -set with a table diamond, a ruby and other stones of price. - - * * * * * - -August 16, the Court, constituted as usual, was observed to be less -numerously attended than on the day before, but with two important -additions: Philibert Berthelier among the Councillors, by right, -and Germain Colladon, introduced as Counsel for De la Fontaine. -Between these two men, says M. Rilliet, more perhaps than between any -other notable members of the Republic of Geneva, the contrast was -striking and complete. They might even severally have been assumed as -representatives of the parties which divided the state and contended -for mastery. Berthelier was the acknowledged head of the patriotic -party, mostly native Genevese, the Libertines as they were called, -from their zealous defence of the immunities and privileges of the -citizens against the old tyranny of the Roman Catholic Bishops and the -recently introduced consistorial rules and regulations of the Reformer. -As son of one of the martyrs to the public liberties of Geneva, and -possessed of wealth and influence, Berthelier had long been opposed to -the authority of Calvin; his patriotism and his self-respect revolting -against the domineering character of the man and the stringency of his -religious and sumptuary regulations, so that the struggle in which he -and Colladon now engaged, with the unhappy Servetus as their subject of -contention, was but an interlude in the strife that had been carried on -between Berthelier and Calvin for years. - -In Calvin’s arrest and prosecution of Servetus there can be no question -that Berthelier, making light of the theological grounds on which the -Spaniard was arraigned, and trusting to the strength of his party in -the Council, believed he saw a means and opportunity of worsting his -old irreconcilable enemy. He thought little, and it may be perhaps felt -somewhat indifferent as to the fate that would befal the individual -whose cause he espoused, did he fail in the purpose he proposed to -himself. Hate of Calvin blinded him to more remote contingencies. - -Colladon, engaged of course by Calvin on behalf of Nicolas de la -Fontaine and the prosecution, was a man of a totally different -stamp from Berthelier. A refugee from France, his native country, -for conscience sake, and seeking in Geneva freedom to enjoy his -religious convictions; austere in disposition, rigid in morals and -punctilious in outward observance, he had been forced to fly from his -home in consequence of zeal too openly expressed for the cause of -the Reformation. Safe in Geneva, he gave himself heart and soul to -Calvin, and was found by him among the most useful of his auxiliaries -in formulating his discipline and enforcing its observance, Colladon’s -familiarity with business and his legal knowledge qualifying him in -every way for the part he was ambitious to play. The party of which he -was a distinguished member were now in the minority, but did not so -remain for long. Within two years of the time that engages us, they had -gained the ascendency, and were not slow to avenge themselves on the -legitimate sons of Geneva by forcing them in numbers into banishment, -and filling their places by naturalising the French and Italian -refugees, who continued pouring into Geneva in crowds, to escape the -persecution that then raged in their native countries. - -The fiery dispute in which Berthelier and Colladon engaged at this -day’s sitting, seems to have concerned Calvin much more than Servetus, -its ostensible subject: the French _Reformer_ of Christianity far more -than its would-be Spanish _Restorer_, was the true object of the attack -and defence. The debate in the old episcopal palace, in a word, was -between the representatives of the two factions that contended for -supremacy in Geneva. - -We have unfortunately no complete account of what transpired on this -the first encounter between Berthelier and Colladon. The Records of the -Criminal Court are significantly silent on the subject; but that it was -violent there can be no question, so violent that the morning sitting -had to be suspended before the usual hour of rising. Yet are we at no -loss to divine the ground on which the presumed altercation arose, -when we note the point where the blank in the proceedings occurs, -coming as it does in immediate connection with the articles having -reference to the subject of the Trinity. Servetus, in the course of the -interrogatory to which he was subjected, having replied equivocally -or unsatisfactorily as to the sense in which the word person is to -be understood in speaking of the Trinitarian Mystery, Colladon must -have contended that he could show by various passages of the printed -book before the Court, that the prisoner now spoke otherwise of the -Trinity than he really believed, and proceeded to handle him somewhat -sharply, in the way Counsel learned in the Law are still wont to treat -those they have under cross-examination; somewhat unfairly, too, as -Berthelier may have thought, so that he interposed, and must even have -said something not only in defence of the prisoner, but of the opinions -incriminated. And here it was, and in consequence of the warmth of the -debate, that the proceedings had to be suspended. - -Before breaking up, a number of books, which had been produced by the -Counsel for the prosecution in support of his case, were directed to -be left with the clerk of the Court; and each party in the suit, having -noted its case, was ordered to be in readiness to go on at the next -sitting. The books in question were the works of Melanchthon and the -letters of Œcolampadius, the Geography of Ptolemy, and the Bible of -Pagnini; the two last of which the prisoner owned to having edited and -annotated. The most important of all, however, was the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ upon the interpretation of some of the passages of which, -in contrast with the present replies of the prisoner, arose the -altercation that led to the momentary suspension of the proceedings. - -From the Registers of the Grand Council we learn that on the morrow of -the stormy session of the sixteenth, Calvin presented himself before -the Council and demanded an audience. He had learned, he said, that -Philibert Berthelier had meddled in the suit against Michael Servetus, -and even spoken in defence of some of the incriminated passages of the -prisoner’s book--a mortal offence in Calvin’s eyes, and an indication, -not to be mistaken, of hostility to himself as virtual pursuer of the -obnoxious heretic. The time had come, in fact, when, throwing aside -disguise, Calvin must come from behind Nicolas de la Fontaine, avow -himself the prosecutor, and nip in the bud, if he could, the new growth -of rebellion against his rule for which Servetus, he saw, was now to be -made the pretext. - -In the interference of Berthelier, which we see must have given -such umbrage to Calvin, we have the first open indication by the -Libertine party of their sympathy with the prisoner; sympathy, real -or pretended, that may be said to have sealed the fate of the unhappy -Servetus; for the issue, though continuing to be debated on the ground -of speculative theology, on which so many questions might be raised -and doubts entertained, was henceforth to a certain extent transferred -to the domain of politics, on which there was the one practical issue -involved, as to who or which party that divided the state of Geneva -should have the upper hand. - -It may be fairly presumed that Calvin, with the great advantage he had -in natural talent and acquirements, had no difficulty in satisfying the -majority of the Judges of the culpability of Servetus on theological -grounds; his opinions differed too obviously from all they had ever -been led to believe concerning the Trinity and Infant Baptism, -especially, to leave them in any doubt as to this. Servetus differed, -in fact, on every point brought forward, from the doctrine familiar to -the mind of Geneva--enough of itself to lay him under suspicion; and, -accepting Calvin’s interpretation of the incriminated passages of his -book, which his Judges must have felt bound in some sort to do, they -could have had nothing for it, had the prosecution now insisted on -having made out their case, but to proceed to judgment, and pronounce -the prisoner guilty. But this was not done; the Judges appear not only -to have felt no kind of hostility towards the solitary stranger in the -singular and painful position in which he stood, but even to have been -moved to something like compassion in his behalf. - -After the suspension of the early sitting of the 16th in consequence of -the stormy scene between Berthelier and Colladon, and a pause to permit -the minds of all to regain a state of calm befitting the circumstances, -proceedings of an informal kind only were taken later in the day. -These are interesting, nevertheless, because of the recommendation of -the Judges to Calvin in sequence to his avowal of himself as virtual -prosecutor, to use every fair endeavour to bring the prisoner to what -were thought to be better views, as well as to furnish the Court with -further and more satisfactory evidence of his heretical guiltiness. -To this end Calvin was requested by the Court to visit the prisoner, -‘the better to show him his errors--_affin que myeux luy puyssent -estre remonstrées ses erreurs_: to assist him, _à assister luy_, and -to do what he could with him in respect of the interrogatories put to -him, _et qu’il vouldra avec luy aux interrogatoires_. This surely is -both interesting and important. The Court would have spared the man, -and given him an opportunity of coming to an understanding with the -prosecutor on the difficult matters in debate between them. We shall -accordingly find by-and-by that Calvin, accompanied by a number of -ministers, in compliance with the benevolent intentions of the Court, -paid Servetus a visit in prison; but with results that might have been -foreseen--not only not advantageous to him, but damaging in the highest -degree to his interests. - -On the resumption of proceedings next day, August 17, Calvin took his -seat on the Bench, and under him, in the area, were seen a number of -ministers, his colleagues, specially introduced, as said, to show the -prisoner his errors, but all, like their leader, we fear, rather bent -on convicting the dangerous heretic than hopeful of convincing and -winning over the mistaken theologian. - -Colladon, as counsel for the prosecution, now went on with his -interrogatories as at the last meeting; and various particulars which -had hitherto remained in the shade were brought prominently forward. -Among others it was positively averred that the prisoner had been tried -and condemned in Germany, a point only hinted at before; and passages -from private letters by Melanchthon and Œcolampadius were quoted in -support of the allegation. In these the severest censure is certainly -passed on the views of the prisoner; but, as he observed, the adverse -opinions of the Reformers referred to by no means implied that he -had ever been the subject of any judicial trial or condemnation in -Germany; a remark for which Colladon had no better rejoinder than to -say that had he and his printer been apprehended and tried, they would -undoubtedly have been condemned. - -Questioned as to who was the printer of his book on ‘Trinitarian -Error,’ he said it was Joannes Secerius of Hagenau. On this, Colladon -went on to say that the book was full of heretical poison, and that it -was impossible it should not have infected many persons. But there was -no evidence adduced to show that it had; and it is not unimportant to -observe that Colladon’s statements here are based on a document which -is not before the Court, a copy of the book on ‘Trinitarian Error,’ -though eagerly sought after, as we have seen, not being anywhere to be -found. - -On the note or scholium in the Ptolemy, calling in question the truth -of the Bible account of Judæa as a land flowing with milk and honey, -on which he was challenged, Servetus declared that it was not by him, -but quoted from another writer, adding incautiously, from himself, -however, that the note contained nothing reprehensible or that was not -true. This aroused the ire of Calvin, who now interposed, not certainly -in agreement with the recommendation of the Court to show the prisoner -that he had been led into error through false information, as he might -have done, but to declare that he who approved the words of another -characterising Judæa as no land flowing with milk and honey, but as -meagre, barren, and inhospitable, necessarily inculpated Moses; and -that to use such language was egregiously to outrage the Holy Ghost. - -Servetus, however, would not agree to this, coolly denying any such -conclusion; insomuch so, as Calvin himself tells us, in no very choice -terms, that ‘the villainous cur--_ce vilain chien_--though put to -shame by the obvious reasons adduced, did but wipe his muzzle, _ne -fit que torcher son museau_, and say: Let us go on, there is no harm -here--_passons oultre, il n’y a poynt là de mal_’.[76] - -Another important article of the impeachment brought into prominence -in this day’s proceedings was from among the prisoner’s annotations -to the reprint of Santes Pagnini’s Bible, which he supervised, as we -know, for Hugo de la Porte, the publisher of Lyons. This Bible was -said by the prosecution to be encumbered with many glosses or comments -totally opposed to the Faith; the one most notably so of all perhaps -being appended to the thirty-third chapter of Isaiah, where the servant -of God who took on himself the sins of the people is spoken of by the -Prophet. ‘This passage,’ said Calvin, ‘is referred by the prisoner to -Cyrus, whilst every Christian Church refers it to Jesus Christ.’ But -Servetus was again bold enough to maintain his position in so far as -to say that the interpretation he had given of the passage was borne -out in some sort by the opinions of the old Doctors of the Church, -who acknowledged, as he said, a twofold sense in the Scriptures--one, -literal and historical, applying to contemporaneous personages and -events; another, mystical and prophetic, bearing on Christ and the -future. ‘In speaking of the individual referred to, as he had done, and -calling him Cyrus, he said that he nevertheless held the prophetical -and most important bearing of the text to be on Christ.’ But this did -not satisfy Calvin. He would by no means accept such an explanation, -and far from attempting by reason and kindness to win the prisoner -to views which he himself believed to be more in conformity with the -truth, he launched out in passion, and declared that ‘the prisoner -would never have had the hardihood thus villainously to corrupt so -grand a passage had he not, abandoning all shame, taken he knew not -what diabolical pleasure in getting rid of the whole Christian faith.’ -The cool way in which Servetus stood this outburst appears to have -irritated the Reformer extremely. Servetus was in truth far in advance -of Calvin and his age in his exegesis. He was not blind, like all about -him, to the true import of the Hebrew writings styled prophetical, -but divined their only possible bearing upon events and individuals -contemporaneous with their writers--in some cases even past and gone. -It was to escape doing violence to the idea of the inspiration under -which Servetus credited these ancient writings to have been composed, -that he acknowledged a prospective reference to incidents still in the -womb of far distant time. - -The printing of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ was next adduced and -made a principal topic of accusation against the prisoner. To the -question what object he had proposed to himself in having the book -printed, he replied that his main purpose was to ventilate his opinions -and have them controverted in case they were seen to be erroneous. But -Calvin rejoined that it was by no means necessary to print in order to -obtain correction of erroneous opinions, and this more especially in a -case such as his, where, as writer, he had already been admonished of -his errors. - -The delicate, difficult, and most essential element in the impeachment, -that, namely, having reference to the Doctrine of the Trinity, was -now and again brought into the foreground. Particularly questioned on -this subject, Servetus maintained, that previous to the Council of -Nicæa no Doctor of the Church had used the word _Trinity_; and that -if the Fathers did acknowledge a distinction in the Divine Essence, -it was not _real_ but _formal_; that the _persons_ were nothing more -in truth than _dispensations_ or modes, not distinct entities or -_persons_ in the usual acceptation of that word. If he had called -the Doctrine of the Trinity, as commonly understood, a dream of St. -Augustine and an invention of the Devil, which he did not deny; if -he had further characterised the Trinity of modern theologians as a -three-headed monster, like the Cerberus of the poets, and styled -those who overlooked the true Trinity, which he himself recognised, -as Tritheists, it was solely because he believed the unity of God -to be denied or annulled by such a procedure. Colladon on this--and -prompted we may presume by Calvin--maintained that the views imputed -to the Fathers of the Church by the prisoner were false as well as -mischievous, and that he could adduce none but apocryphal writings full -of absurdities in support of what he said. - -Most of the other views and opinions of the prisoner which were -quoted as heretical in the act of impeachment were either owned to -by him, interpreted in the way he understood them, or were taken as -proven by the Court; passages in support of this conclusion having -been referred to not only in the printed copy of the ‘Restoration of -Christianity,’ but in the manuscript sent privately six years before -to Calvin for his strictures. There is one particular, however, not -mentioned in the record of proceedings, but given by Calvin,[77] that -is not uninteresting, as showing the extreme pantheistic views to -which Servetus had attained, and may have prejudiced him not a little -in the eyes of his Judges, the air of offensive absurdity which the -pantheistic doctrine--adversely understood--assumes when pushed to -extremes, being made so prominently to appear. The question had turned -on the relations between the Divine substance and the substance of -creatures and things. ‘All things, all creatures,’ said Servetus, -‘are portions of the substance of God.’ Speaking in his own person, -and interposing at this point, Calvin says: ‘Annoyed as I was by so -palpable an absurdity, I answered: What, poor man, did one stamp on -this floor with his foot and say he trod on God, would not you be -horrified in having subjected the Majesty of God to such unworthy -usage?’ He, on this, replied: ‘I have not a doubt but that this bench, -this table, and all you can point to around us, is of the substance -of God.’ When it was then objected to him that on such showing the -Devil must be of God substantially; he, smiling impudently, said: ‘Do -you doubt it? For my part,’ continued he, ‘I hold it as a general -proposition that all things whatsoever are part and parcel of God, -and that nature at large is His substantial manifestation.’ Calvin, -we imagine, might have spared Servetus on this head when we call to -mind how he commits himself to pantheistic views in that passage of -his ‘Institutions’ we have already referred to, where he says he only -objects to call Nature God because of the harshness and impropriety of -the expression. He might further, with reference to the Devil, have -bethought him of the verse of Isaiah xlv. 7, where these words occur -as coming from Jehovah himself: ‘I form the Light and create Darkness; -I make peace and create evil.’ Or of this from Amos iii. 6: ‘Shall -there be evil in a city and the Lord hath not done it?’ Or yet this of -Ezekiel xx. 25: ‘I gave them statutes that were not good,’ &c. The -Jews, through by far the greater part of their history, as a people -acknowledged no Dualism in their Deity, as, indeed, they only looked -on their God Jahveh as the greatest among the Gods. He was the good -and the evil principle in one. But it is easy to imagine the damaging -impression which Servetus’s logical but terribly unorthodox statement -must have made on the minds of his Judges, ill-informed presumably as -they were on such questions. Had Calvin been minded to help instead of -determined to crush Servetus, he might even have quoted Luther, who -speaks in this wise in his Table Talk: ‘God is present in all created -things, and so in the smallest leaflet and tiniest poppy-seed--Gott -also gegenwärtig ist in allen Creaturen; auch im geringsten Blättlein -und Mohnkörnlein.’ - -Nor were the personal griefs of Calvin overlooked in the inculpation of -the prisoner. Beside the thirty letters printed in the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ addressed to the Reformer, a copy of his ‘Institutions’ -was now laid before the Court. This, like the MS. of the ‘Restitutio,’ -sent privately and confidentially to Calvin, was covered on the margins -with numerous annotations, little in conformity, as may be supposed, -with the accepted tenets of the Church of Geneva, and more rarely still -complimentary to the author. At such insolent procedure we know that -Calvin was greatly offended, as appears by the language he thought fit -to use when writing to Viret and incidentally noticing the liberties -that had been taken with him by the annotator: ‘There is not a page of -the book,’ he says, ‘that is not befouled with his vomit.’ - -Neither was the tergiversation of the prisoner in what he had said -about Geroult’s part in the printing of the ‘Restitutio’ unnoticed. He -is now reproached with the variations in his replies on the subject to -the Lieutenant on the 14th, and to the Court on the 15th. His first -answer we believe was truthful--Geroult knew all about the book, as we -shall find from a letter of Arnoullet to his friend Bertet; his second -was untruthful, but uttered to shield the man who had aided him in his -enterprise, compromised, as he had come to see, by what he had said -before. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE, WITH THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF GENEVA AS -PROSECUTOR. - - -Arrived at this stage, all the documents on which it was proposed to -proceed being before the Court, and something more than a presumption -of the prisoner’s heretical opinions having already been made to -appear, Nicolas de la Fontaine, on his petition to that effect, and -his bail, Anthony Calvin, were formally discharged as parties to the -suit, its further prosecution being handed over to Claude Rigot, the -Attorney-General of the city of Geneva. - -Before breaking up, however, and as if to occupy the time until the -usual hour of rising, a number of questions irrelevant to the main -plea, but tending to gratify the curiosity of the Court, were put to -the prisoner. Among the number of these he was asked particularly how -he had contrived to escape from the prison of Vienne. He informed the -Judges, that he had only passed two nights there; that the Vibailly, De -la Cour, was well disposed towards him, he having been of great service -to M. Maugiron, an intimate friend of the Vibailly, who had ordered -the gaoler to use him well, and allow him the freedom of the garden. -Taking advantage of this, he had scaled the wall and got away in the -manner already described, the Vibailly having taken care that he should -not be pursued and recaptured. - -He added that he had intended and even tried in the first instance to -get to Spain, his native country; but finding the obstacles so many, -and fearing arrest at every moment, he retraced his steps and made his -way to Geneva, purposing to proceed to Italy. - -Questioned further about the printing of the ‘Restitutio -Christianismi,’ he said it had been thrown off to the extent of -1,000 copies, of which the publisher had sent a bale to Frankfort in -anticipation of the Easter book-fair of that great mart. This was -a piece of information that was not lost on Calvin. He wrote a few -days after, having meantime gained further information, to one of the -Frankfort members, giving him intimation of what had been done, telling -him where the packet was bestowed, and recommending its immediate -seizure and destruction, for which he seems also to have furnished some -sort of warrant or authority, how obtained we are not informed, though -it was probably from Frelon. - -Interrogated as to the money he had about him when imprisoned at -Vienne, he replied that his cash and valuables had not been taken from -him on his arrest there, but were still in his possession when he -reached Geneva. - -The result of the unwarranted and eventful prosecution of which he was -the subject had thus far been anything but favourable to the prisoner. -The intervention of Berthelier, above all, may be said to have been -highly prejudicial by bringing Calvin into the field in person, and -supplying him with an additional motive for urging the suit to the -issue that could alone prove satisfactory to him--the condemnation -capitally of his insolent, personal, and dreaded theological opponent, -now associated with his political enemies. Calvin was in truth much -too formidable a personage to be gainsaid on trifling grounds. More -than one member of the Court who might have been disposed to favour -the prisoner, could it have been done without open defiance of the -Reformer, quailed under his glance, and shrank from the responsibility -of opposing him, when the direction the prosecution had taken came to -be understood. It was even said to be more dangerous to offend John -Calvin in Geneva than the King of France on his throne! The prisoner -whose life was in debate was a stranger, unknown to the majority of -the Councillors; and it was doubtless thought better by the timid to -leave him to his fate, than to compromise themselves by taking part -with one who on his own admission entertained opinions adverse not only -to the doctrine of the Church of Geneva, but to all they had ever had -presented to them as characteristic of the Christian faith. There could -be no doubt that the man was a schismatic, a heretic; and heretic in -Geneva meant an opponent of the head of its Church and the form of -Christianity it represented. - -Having by this time arrived at a better knowledge of the state of -affairs around him, and more than ever aware of the possible danger -in which he stood; beginning moreover to feel less confidence in the -support which we may be certain had been privately promised him, face -to face in fact with the man who had already sought his life and so -nearly succeeded in bringing him to a fiery death, Servetus seems now -to have seen the necessity of changing the somewhat confident tone he -had hitherto maintained in defending his opinions: reticence takes the -place of open assertion, and instead of any clear avowal or defence of -the views he held, he is now found fencing with the obvious meaning -of the language he has used, and the conclusions to which it leads, -prevaricating too at times; in a word, doing all in his power to appear -not to have written in the way the charges brought against him show -from his works that he had. - -The trial from this time may be said to have acquired new significance. -The private prosecutor and his bail discharged, and the further conduct -of the suit handed over to the public prosecutor of the city, gave -it additional importance in the eyes of the community at large, and -heightened the interest felt in the issues involved. - -Thrown into fresh hands, proceedings were necessarily stayed for a few -days to give the State Attorney time to get ready his case, so that -there was no meeting of the Court until the 21st. Between this date -and that of the suspension on the 17th, Calvin is said to have been -busy among those of the Council he reckoned either as friends or not -as avowed antagonists, satisfying their doubts or strengthening their -presumptions of the prisoner’s guilt; showing them the importance -to the cause of religion and society that he should be convicted; -picturing him as perhaps even less dangerous, if that were possible, -on account of the particular theological grounds set forth, than as -the enemy of all religion, sole foundation, as he said, of the entire -social fabric. The man had been already tried, convicted, and condemned -to death by the Roman Catholics of Vienne. Would they, the Senators -of Geneva, show themselves less zealous than the Papists of France in -the cause of God and their own true faith? Surely they would not, but -doing their duty and finding on the evidence, which Calvin relied on as -overwhelming, declare the prisoner guilty of the heresies laid to his -charge. - -Whether seen from a Popish or Protestant point of view, though the -matters in debate had no more to do with real piety, with morality, -or the foundations of society than with the course of the seasons, -Servetus certainly entertained opinions on various topics of -transcendental theology different from those commonly received, and -in so far was a heretic. Of this much Calvin had no difficulty in -satisfying his supporters, who consequently felt themselves absolved -of any scruples they might have entertained about condemning one to -death on purely speculative grounds which they did not even pretend to -understand.[78] - -Although what is said above about Calvin’s private interference -with the course of justice has been questioned, when we know that -he denounced his opponent from the pulpit in no measured terms, and -tampered with the ministers of the Swiss Churches when they were -consulted on the case, we need not be too scrupulous in accepting the -statement as true. He may have been alarmed by reports of something -like wavering on the part of certain members of the Court, and even of -questions raised as to the propriety of continuing a suit involving -matters so much out of the usual course of criminal procedure as known -at Geneva, and the competence of laymen to take such subjects into -consideration at all. Rumours to this effect reaching his ears may -have led him into a course the impropriety of which in calmer moments -he might possibly have understood. But Calvin was wholly without that -freedom from passion and that sense of relative equity which go to the -constitution of the judicial mind. He lived in a perpetual imbroglio -of quasi-criminal proceedings, mostly begotten by his own arbitrary -legislation; and he was in the constant habit of interfering in suits -before the Courts of Geneva, less as jurisconsult than as judge--as -judge, too, in causes so commonly his own. Clerical writers who have -lauded his comments on the criminal proceedings of Geneva have not seen -these in their true bearings, or they would have expressed themselves -more guardedly than they have done.[79] - -That proposals had really been made at the meeting of the 21st to -abandon further proceedings against the prisoner, though overruled -by the majority, seems to be proclaimed by the resolution then come -to, viz., ‘Inasmuch as the heresies charged against Michael Servetus -appear to be of great importance to Christianity, resolved to continue -the prosecution.’ Such a resolution, though we have no intimation of -that which led up to it, coupled with Calvin’s activity out of doors, -suffices to show that Servetus had really had a chance of escape from -the grip of his pursuer at this particular moment. But the occasion -passed; and by way of strengthening themselves in their determination -to go on with the questionable business in which they were engaged, -we now find the Councillors of the Protestant city of Geneva actually -writing to the Popish authorities of Vienne, and making inquiry of them -as to the grounds on which Michael Servetus of Villanova, physician, -had been imprisoned and prosecuted by them, and how he had escaped from -confinement. - -To confirm themselves still further in their purpose to proceed, it -was moreover resolved that the Councils of Berne, Basle, Zürich, and -Schaffhausen, together with the ministers of their Churches, should be -written to and informed of what had thus far been done and was still -in progress. In yielding to the instigations of Calvin, the Court in -these last acts is plainly enough seen to hesitate, and be indisposed -to trust entirely to his guidance. They would have the authorities of -the other Protestant cantons of Switzerland informed of what was going -on, and feel the pulse of their confederates as to the propriety of -proceeding farther, they, under all the circumstances, being likely -to be more impartially disposed than the Church of Geneva and its -distinguished head. - -The Council of Geneva had in fact already had occasion to know that -where simple justice, whether in the interest of the General or the -Individual, was concerned, Calvin’s lead should not always be too -blindly followed. In the case of Jerome Bolsec, whom Calvin had -arraigned for heresy two years before, against whom he had used all his -influence to secure a conviction, and in which he would have succeeded -(and the man, almost as much a personal enemy as Servetus, would -have been beheaded) had he not been foiled by the recommendations of -the Swiss Churches and Councils, which were unanimous in counselling -moderation, the minor Council of Berne even went so far as to express a -distinct opinion against the enforcement of pains or penalties of any -kind in cases of imputed heresy. - -But Calvin in his prosecution of those who opposed him always shows -himself both vindictive and pitiless. Speaking of the way in which -he would have had Bolsec disposed of he says: ‘It is our wish that -our Church should be so purged of this pestilence that it may not, -by being driven hence, become injurious to our neighbours.’ These -words will bear one interpretation only--Calvin would have had Bolsec -put to death. But he was withstood in his design, and mainly so by -the Church of Berne, the language of which must have been highly -displeasing to him; for the Reporter, in counselling moderation, says: -‘How much easier is it to win a man by gentleness than to compel -him by severity;’ and still more displeasing perhaps was that which -follows: ‘It cannot be said of God that He blinds, hardens, and gives -to perdition any man, without at the same time assuming that it is God -who is the Author of human blindness and reprobation, and therefore the -cause of the sin committed.’ Now Bolsec’s offence had been in saying -that men are not saved because elect, but are elect because of their -faith. ‘None are reprobate,’ continues the Reporter from Berne, ‘by the -eternal decrees of God, save those who of their own choice refuse the -election freely offered to all. How shall we believe that God ordains -the fate of men before their birth; foredooming some to sin and death, -others to virtue and eternal life? Would you make of God an arbitrary -tyrant, strip virtue of its goodness, vice of its shame, and the -wicked of the reproaches of their conscience?’ But this is to cut the -ground from under the feet of Calvin. No wonder, therefore, that as -the proud man would not, and the self-satisfied man could not, bring -himself to admit his error, he would have had him who exposed and led -to such an exposition of it put out of the way.[80] - -It was whilst expecting replies from Vienne, and waiting the -convenience of M. Rigot, the Attorney-General, that the Court proceeded -to make inquiries of the prisoner concerning his relations with -Arnoullet, the printer of the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’ a letter -of his to a friend of the name of Bertet having now been put in and -read to the Court. In this letter, dated July 14, 1553, Arnoullet -informs his friend Bertet that he is still in prison, but is promised -his liberty next week, having got six substantial sureties for his good -behaviour in time to come. He had been villainously deceived, he says, -by his manager Geroult, who corrected the rough proofs of the book, but -never said a word of the heresies it contained. - - ‘I asked him,’ the letter proceeds, ‘whether it was all - according to God? And he replied that it was; and further, - that it contained a number of Epistles addressed to Mons. - Calvin, which he was minded to translate into French. But this - I forbade--without the permission of the author, which was - refused. When last in Geneva, Geroult saw and informed M. - Calvin that I had lately been there, without having waited on - him. The truth is, that I did not think he would have me in - such friendship now as in times past--by reason of my having - had anything to do with such a monster, whom God look after! - Geroult was in fact in league with the writer, and never let - fall a syllable to me until after your departure for Frankfort - [in charge of the Bale of the “Christianismi Restoratio” among - other book merchandise]. This, as you know, gave occasion to - your speaking to me so seriously as you did about the book in - question. - - ‘As to what you say about my sending someone else to - Frankfort,--understand me, that I will have no one go but - yourself, and that you are to see every copy of the book - destroyed, so that there shall be left of it neither a leaf nor - half a leaf. Understand, too, that this is to be done without - prejudice to anyone. I am only sorry that we have all been so - grossly deceived in the business; but if God, our Father, leave - us the other goods we possess--more by far than those we shall - destroy--it will be well. As to what you say of my having known - that Villanovanus had been rejected by the Christian Churches, - and that avarice had something to do with my having undertaken - the work, let it suffice that I deny this; and our long - intimacy must have made you so well acquainted with me, that - you will not doubt I now speak the truth. How the Inquisitor - came to have your name, I cannot tell. I can only assure you - that in all the interrogations to which I have been subjected - by him I never named a living soul; nor indeed was there ever - mention made of you in my hearing.... Be good enough to say - to Mons. Calvin that I shall not be in Geneva again without - seeing him; and that if I have not done my duty towards him in - all respects, beg him to find some excuse for me. He who is - the cause of this [meaning Geroult, doubtless] is now there; - and when Monsieur Calvin shall have spoken with me, he will - understand the reason of my saying nothing more at present. - Make my respects to him meantime, and forgive me if I do not - now write more particularly of our affairs.’ - -This letter we see by the date was written either shortly before or -about the time of Servetus’s arrival in Geneva, whither Geroult, who -was a native of the city, had betaken himself for safety on the arrest -of Servetus and Arnoullet. Bertet, fearing that Arnoullet might suffer -in the estimation of Calvin, seems to have thought that the best -means of exculpating his friend of complicity with the writer of the -heretical book was now to show the letter he had lately received from -Vienne to Calvin; and he, we must conclude, laid it forthwith before -the Court, with no purpose assuredly of aiding the prisoner in his -defence. Arnoullet’s letter in exculpation of himself goes far, as we -see, to compromise Geroult; and he being at this time in Geneva, his -liberty, perhaps even his life, was brought into danger.[81] - -The letter to Bertet being shown to the prisoner, he averred that -he could not take it upon him to say whether it was from Arnoullet -or not, he never having seen any of the publisher’s handwriting; he -said, however, that it certainly was at Arnoullet’s establishment that -the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ was printed, and that Arnoullet had -been arrested and imprisoned at the same time as himself. Arnoullet’s -disclaimer of having known anything of the burden of Servetus’s book -must certainly be untrue. Unless all else we know in connection with -the business be false, he must have had shrewd suspicions of its -nature, and the suppression of his name as publisher, and of Vienne as -the place of publication, shows that he was not without misgivings of -possible unpleasant consequences following the appearance of the work -were it known that he had had anything to do with it. - -Arnoullet’s letter gave Calvin a hint which he did not fail to -improve upon; for he too wrote to Frankfort informing his friends, -the Protestant ministers there, of the bale of Servetus’s books that -had been sent to their city--by Frelon, as I believe, not by Robert -Etienne, the bookseller of Geneva, as has been said,[82]--recommending -its seizure and the destruction of its contents. - -Calvin begins his letter thus:-- - - ‘I doubt not you have heard of Servetus, the Spaniard, who - more than twenty years ago infected Germany with a villainous - book, full of sacrilegious error of every kind. The scoundrel - having fled from Germany and lain concealed in France under - a false name, has lately concocted a second book out of the - contents of the first, but replete with new figments, which - he has had printed clandestinely at Vienne, a town not far - from Lyons. Of this book we learn that many copies have been - sent to Frankfort, in prospect of the approaching Easter fair. - The printer, a pious and respectable person, when he came to - know that the book was a mere farrago of Errors, suppressed - the copies he had on hand. It were long did I enumerate the - many Errors, the prodigious blasphemies against God, that are - scattered over its pages. Imagine to yourselves a rhapsody made - up of the impious ravings of every age; for there is no kind of - impiety which this wild beast from hell has not appropriated. - You will assuredly find in every page matters that will horrify - you. The author is now in prison here at the instance of our - magistracy, and I hope will shortly be condemned and punished. - But you are to aid us against the further spread of such - pestiferous poison. The messenger [the bearer of this] will - tell you where the books are bestowed and their number; and the - bookseller to whom they are consigned will, I believe, make no - objections to their being given to the flames. Did he throw - any obstacle in the way of this, however, I venture to think - you are so well disposed, that you will take steps to have the - world purged of such noxious corruption. You shall not want - authority, indeed, for what you do in the business. If you - are allowed to have your way, it will not then be necessary - to seek the interference of your magistrates. But I have such - confidence in you, that I feel persuaded my hint will suffice - to guide your action. The matter, nevertheless, is of such - moment, that I entreat you, for Christ’s sake, not to allow the - occasion of showing yourselves zealous in your office to pass - unheeded. - - ‘Farewell, &c. - - ‘Geneva, 6 Calends of September, 1553.’ - -The session of the 21st, preliminaries ended, was occupied in the -beginning with a dispute between the prisoner and Calvin, who came into -Court on this occasion again accompanied by a number of ministers, his -colleagues, introduced, says the Record of proceedings, to maintain the -contrary of the prisoner’s allegations in respect of the authorities -he cites as favouring his views. Calvin thereupon, taking the lead, -proceeded to interpret the passages of the Fathers referred to by the -prisoner in a sense different from that put upon them by him, and -showed satisfactorily that the word Trias or Trinity had really been -used by writers before the date of the Nicæan Council. - -It was on this occasion, as we learn from Calvin,[83] that on a copy -of Justin Martyr being produced by him in support of his statement, -Servetus expressed a wish to see a Latin translation as well as -the original Greek, a slip which Calvin did not fail to turn to -the prisoner’s disadvantage, for knowing that there was no Latin -translation of Justin, he immediately challenged the prisoner with -being ignorant of Greek. ‘Look’ee,’ says he in his _Déclaration pour -maintenir la vraie foy_, ‘this learned man, this Servetus, who plumes -himself on having the gift of tongues, is found to be about as much -able to read Greek as an infant to say the A. B. C. ‘Seeing himself -thus caught’ continues Calvin, ‘I took occasion to reproach him -with his impudence. What means this, said I? The book has not been -translated into Latin, and you cannot read Greek. Yet, you pretend you -are familiar with Justin. Tell me, I pray you, whence you have the -quotations you produce so freely as if you had Justin in your sleeve? -But he with his front of brass, as was his wont, though he had leapt -from the frying pan into the fire--_sauta du coq à l’ânc_--quite -unabashed, gave not the slightest sign of feeling shame.’ No one, -however, who has been at the pains to look into the works of Servetus -will doubt for a moment that he was not only a competent Greek scholar, -but well advanced in the Hebrew also, with both of which languages he -shows that he was even critically acquainted. Seeing himself beaten -on the occurrence of the word Trinity in the Greek of Justin, he may -have thought to find a makeweight in a Latin translation against the -original produced by Calvin. There is indeed an ample display both of -erudition and linguistic accomplishments even in Servetus’s first work, -the seven books on Trinitarian Error. - -Another and still more significant discussion now arose between the -Reformer and the prisoner--and in these ever-recurring debates we -see the persistency with which Calvin stuck to his opponent--as to -the sense in which the expression Son of God was to be understood. -Servetus maintained that it was not properly applied to him who bore -it until the moment of his birth. Calvin, on the contrary, insisted -that in conformity with the usual interpretation of the first chapter -of the Gospel according to John, the authority of the Creeds and the -teaching of the Churches, the words must be held to refer to the Divine -Word which became incarnate in Jesus Christ, having until then been -a distinct subsistence in the essence of God from Eternity. In reply -to this, Servetus explained and said that the common interpretation -of the language of John was mistaken; the Son, as he declared, having -only existed _formally_ or as an idea, dispensation or mode in the -mind of God previous to the Incarnation and Birth of Christ, not as an -entity--a _person_, in the usual acceptation of the word, possessed of -distinct individual existence. - -Speaking authoritatively now and as from himself, Calvin rejoined that -if the Word had not been a distinct _reality_ in the essence of God, -it could not have united itself as such with the humanity of Christ; -that the body of Christ must then have been wholly of the substance of -God; and being so--not being perfect man as well as perfect God--the -redemption of mankind could not have been effected by his death. Why -the impossibility, thus assumed, is not said. But let us pause an -instant and think of one pious man tried for his life by another pious -man, on grounds such as these!--grounds on which neither the one nor -the other could find footing for a moment. - -Without opposing his prosecutor by urging his own views more -particularly at this stage, Servetus now requested that he might be -furnished with the books necessary to him in his defence, and have -pens, ink, and paper supplied to him, with which to write a petition -to the Council. Calvin on this agreed to leave the volumes he had -brought into Court in the hands of the prisoner, and the Judges ordered -that any others he required should be purchased for him at his proper -cost. The jailer finally was directed to supply him with writing -materials; the paper, however, being limited to a _single sheet_! and -to see particularly to his being kept secluded--indication in either -case, we must presume, that the prisoner was believed not to lack -friends or prompters from whom Calvin thought it would be well to keep -him apart. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE--_continued_. - - -When the Court assembled, on August 23, a series of articles, embodying -what may be characterised as a new Act of Impeachment, was presented -to it by M. Rigot the Attorney-General, headed as follows: ‘These are -the questions and articles on which the Attorney-General of Geneva -proposes to interrogate Michael Servetus, prisoner, accused of heresy, -blasphemy, and disturbance of the peace of Christendom.’ - -The questions and articles now presented differ materially from those -proposed in the first instance by Calvin in the name of his man, -Nicolas de la Fontaine. These, we have seen, refer almost exclusively -to the speculative theological opinions of Servetus, his disrespectful -treatment of Calvin, and his challenge of the doctrine preached in the -Church of Geneva. The articles of the Attorney-General bear on matters -more purely personal to the prisoner; on his antecedents; his relations -with the theologians of Basle and Germany; the printing of his books, -more particularly the last of them, and the fatal consequences that -must follow from its publication; his coming to Geneva, and so on. -Save his views on Infant Baptism, his other dogmatical opinions are -not particularly specified or brought prominently forward; and his -differences with Calvin and the Church of Geneva are not even hinted -at. The theological element in the prosecution, in a word, is almost -entirely abandoned for denunciations of the socially dangerous nature -of the prisoner’s doctrines, and his persistence in their dissemination. - -In the present mood of the Court, and aspect of the prosecution, it -would almost seem that had Servetus been guilty of nothing more than -offences in the region of speculative theology and the use of uncivil -language towards Calvin and the Church of Geneva, his delinquencies -would not have put him beyond the pale of escape from all but -punishment of a secondary or insignificant kind. The Attorney-General’s -articles appear in fact to have been framed under the mistaken idea -that Servetus, through the whole course of his life, had been an -immoral and so a dangerous and turbulent spirit, of the kind with which -he was himself, perhaps, but too familiar in the City of Geneva. He did -not, any more than Calvin and the other Reformers, think of Servetus as -he was in truth--a speculative, yet perfectly pious scholar, intent on -bringing the Reformation of Christian doctrine, begun by Luther, still -nearer to the simplicity of Apostolic, or even of pre-Apostolic, times; -for Michael Servetus had the mind to see and to say that there was a -Christian Religion, based on love of God and man, with added faith in -its Author, before there were any Gospels; so that these are truly but -the varying and often discrepant reports of the Master’s teaching, with -mythological accretions and interpolated Greek philosophoumena. - -Rigot appears from his articles, which have no look of having been -dictated by Calvin, to have regarded Servetus as one whose efforts from -first to last had been directed to the confusion of society through the -teaching of an immoral doctrine and the example of a dissolute life. -To force an avowal of so much from the lips of the prisoner himself -was therefore the main drift of the Attorney’s interrogatories. Must -not the prisoner be aware, said he, that his teaching gives licence to -youth to overflow in debauchery, adultery, and other social crimes, -as he maintains that there is neither sin nor misdemeanour in such -misdeeds, and no punishment due to them under the age of twenty years? -Why had he not himself entered into the holy state of matrimony? Had he -not studied the Koran and other profane books for arguments in favour -of Jews, Turks, and the like, and to controvert the doctrines of all -the Christian Churches? Had he not been imprisoned elsewhere than at -Vienne through having been guilty of various crimes and misdemeanours? -Had he not been a party to quarrels in which he had wounded another as -well as been wounded himself? If he had not led a dissolute and immoral -life, showing neither care nor zeal for all that became a Christian, -what could have induced him to treat adversely so much that lies -at the root of the Christian Religion? Had he not come, in fact, to -Geneva with a view to spread his doctrines and to trouble the Church as -there established? With whom had he had communication since he came? -Had he not spoken with William Geroult, and was not Geroult aware of -his intention to come to Geneva? and so on, in the same strain, the -questions amounting to as many as thirty. - -But this was ground on which Servetus felt himself secure; he could -reply to all that was asked of him now with a clear conscience, and -without reticence or prevarication. He had nothing to hide in his past -life. No moral delinquency had been laid to his charge, and though he -may have had a squabble with the Faculty of Paris, the doctors were -notoriously a contentious crew, always quarrelling among themselves, -though they never, like the theologians, went the length of burning -one another. There was little, therefore, to be said on that head; for -the rest, he had lived soberly, honourably, industriously; earning his -bread in the sweat of his brain, and for the last twelve or fourteen -years had been incessantly engaged in the practice of his profession, -neither using the sword nor the spear, but salving the bruises and -stanching the wounds that men in their madness inflict on one another, -and nobly ministering to the yet longer list of ills in the shape of -fevers, fluxes, consumptions, apoplexies, cancers, dropsies, &c., &c., -that waylay us on our course and give us rest at length. - -The task which the public Prosecutor had set himself of showing up -Servetus as an ill-conditioned and quarrelsome person, as a debauchee -and evil-liver, and in the imputed licentiousness and irregularities of -his life to find a motive for his attack on the dogmas of the Christian -faith, was, therefore, a complete failure. - -The Attorney-General of Geneva did not imagine, as it seems, that the -man who differed in his speculative theological opinions from the -masses, who follow their leaders like sheep, could be other than an -enemy to both God and man. - -All the charges in the direction now taken, unsupported as they were by -a shadow of evidence, fell to the ground. Servetus could say with truth -that he was no disturber of the peace--had never in the whole course -of his life provoked a personal quarrel, and if he had once drawn his -sword, as hinted, it was not as aggressor, but in self-defence. By -physical constitution he said he was indisposed to matrimony; his not -having entered into that holy state being, as we have seen, one of the -items laid to his charge! Far from having failed in chastity of life, -he declared that he had been ever studious of Scripture precepts on the -subject, and was even bold enough to think that he had always lived as -a Christian. And truly and in so far as aught to the contrary was made -to appear in the course of the protracted and searching trial to which -he was subjected, Servetus must be held to come out stainless. The -logical conclusion, however, that speculative theological opinions, -whether in conformity with or adverse to accredited systems of belief, -had no influence one way or another on man’s moral conduct, was lost -upon Calvin and his age; and the vulgar world of to-day cannot yet be -said to have bettered their opinion. - -The prosecution, losing ground the longer it continued on this tack, -reverted to what for it was the surer course--the assumed danger to the -cause of society and the peace of Christendom from the publication of -books having the character ascribed to those written by the prisoner. -In spite of all the warnings he had had, said Mr. Attorney Rigot, the -kind and repeated admonitions of learned theologians, sole authorities -on such subjects, and the unanimous condemnation his first publication -had encountered, he not only continued to adhere to his errors, but -with a view to spread them farther had written and printed a second, -which was in fact but a reproduction and enlarged edition of the first. - -To this Servetus answered that he thought he should have offended God -had he not done so; ‘he had acted,’ he said, ‘with as perfect sincerity -as if his salvation had been in question.’ ‘Our Lord,’ he continued, -and quoting the tenth chapter of Matthew, ‘commands us to speak in -Light that we have been told in Darkness; and in the fifth chapter, the -Evangelist says further that we are not to put the Light we have under -a bushel, but to set it where it may be seen of all.’ Taking God and -his conscience for guides, therefore, he thought he was but following -the injunctions of the Scriptures and the ancient Doctors of the Church -in all he had written, nor does he now think that he has done amiss, -for his intentions were good; and, as the Evangelist already quoted -(ch. v.) declares: ‘If the eye be single then is the whole body full of -Light,’ he therefore believes that his intention having been good, the -deed which followed must be accounted good also. As to the printing of -the book entitled ‘The Restoration of Christianity,’ he had no regrets. -He had written and had it printed because he hoped to bring back to -its primitive meaning much that he thought was erroneous in current -interpretations of Christian Doctrine; his title of itself showed that -he intended _the Restoration, not the Destruction_, of Christianity, -with which he had been charged. With all this, however, he did not -presume to say that they who had written before him, and in a different -sense, understood nothing of the Christian Religion; he only thought -they had misconceived and misconstrued some things, they especially who -had formulated their opinions subsequently to the date of the Council -of Nicæa. - -To the particular charge that he had spoken of the Doctrine taught in -the Reformed Churches as being nowise Christian, and condemned all who -did not think with himself, he replied that he never imagined that the -Churches of Geneva and Germany were doomed to perdition because of -their teaching; he only thought their ministers mistaken on some things. - -At this point, a private letter addressed by the prisoner to Abel -Poupin, one of the Ministers of Geneva, written many years before, -was produced and read to the Court. Whence it came, or how it was -obtained, is not said; but as highly characteristic of the writer, and -foreshadowing the fate that was to befal him, it must have a place in -our story. - - Monsieur Abel!--Although it is most plainly shown, in my - twelfth letter to Calvin, that the Law of the Decalogue had - been abrogated, I shall add a few words that you may the better - understand the innovation brought about by the advent of - Christ. If you turn to Jeremiah xxxi., verse 31 _et seq._, you - will find it stated distinctly that the law of the Decalogue - was to be annulled. The prophet teaches that the Covenant - entered into with the Fathers, when they left Egypt, was - to be no longer in force. But this was the Covenant of the - Decalogue. For in I Kings, chapter viii., it is said that the - Covenant or Testimony--the Decalogue, to wit--was in the Ark - with the Fathers at their exodus from Egypt, whence the Ark is - called the Ark of the Covenant, that is of the Tables, or Ten - Commandments of the Law. Now this was the form of the Covenant: - God promised the Israelites that they should be his people, if - they did according to the words of the Law, and they on their - part engaged that they would obey them. Such was the Covenant. - And it is of this Covenant that Jeremiah (chapter xviii.) - speaks as being repealed, as does Ezekiel (chapter xvi.), and - Paul likewise in his Epistle to the Hebrews. If God took us - for his own under that Law, we should lie under the curse, and - perish by its pressure. The Law therefore was repealed. God - does not now receive us as his children but by faith in his - beloved Son, Jesus Christ. See then what becomes of your Gospel - when it is confounded with the Law. Your Gospel is without the - One God, without true faith, without good works. For the One - God you have a three-headed Cerberus; for faith a fatal dream, - and good works you say are vain shows. Faith in Christ is to - you mere sham, effecting nothing; Man a mere log, and your God - a chimæra of subject-will. You do not acknowledge celestial - regeneration by the washing with water, but treat it as an idle - tale, and close the kingdom of heaven against mankind as a - thing of imagination. Woe to you, woe, woe! - - This, my third Epistle, is addressed to you with the wish - that you may be brought to better thoughts, and I mean not to - admonish you any more. It offends you, perchance, that I meddle - in those battles of the angel Michael, and seek to bring you - into the strife. But study the part I refer to carefully, and - you will see that there are men who do battle there, exposing - their lives for Christ’s sake. That the Angels speak truth - is proclaimed by the Scriptures. But see you not that the - question is of the Church of Christ fled from Earth these - many years? Is it not of division, of difference that John - himself makes mention? And who is the Accuser challenging us - with transgression of the Law and its precepts? Accusation and - seduction of the world, he says, were to precede the battle; - the battle therefore was to follow, and the time is at hand, as - he also tells us. And who are they who shall gain the victory - over the Beast? They who do not accept his mark. I know for - sure that I shall die in this cause; but my courage does not - fail me because of this; I shall show me a disciple worthy of - my master. - - I much regret that, through you, I am not allowed to amend some - places in my writings now in Calvin’s hands. Farewell, and look - for no more letters from me. - - I stand to my post and meditate, and look out for what may - further come to pass. For come it will, surely it will come and - that without long delay.[84] - -This remarkable letter, interesting in so many respects, is -unfortunately without a date; it is the last of three he had written, -however, and must have been produced either in 1546, or early in 1547. -Highly characteristic of the self-confidence and assurance of the -writer, we see him as ready to challenge the Reformers as they were -eager to denounce him. He does not call them heretics and blasphemers, -it is true, nor does he speak of having them punished for the mistaken -views they entertain; and therein he shows himself their superior. -Crying woe upon them for their errors, he never hints at the propriety -of burning them alive, though he is not blind to the great probability -of being subjected himself to a fate of the kind. - -The letter to Abel Poupin, said Servetus to his Judges, contains -scholastic disputations on difficult subjects, in the course of which -controversialists make use of strong language with no purpose but -to enforce their views or bring their opponents to the same way of -thinking as themselves, and not because they believe them to be lost -souls by reason of the dissimilar opinions they entertain. For himself, -he continues, he had had more objectionable terms of reproach applied -to him, than any he had used to others; and these not by word of mouth -or in private letters like his own, but through printed books both in -the French and Latin tongues. What he had written to M. Abel, now more -than six years ago, was with no view to publicity, but simply to elicit -the truth--certainly with no intention of slandering the Republic of -Geneva and its Churches. - -On the important question of baptism, he admitted being of opinion that -they who were baptized in their infancy were not truly baptized; but -added, that if it were shown him he was mistaken in this, he was ready -to amend and ask forgiveness. - -The prosecutor reverting to the book lately printed and asking the -prisoner if he did not think it was calculated, through the doctrine it -taught, to bring great troubles on Christendom? he replied that he did -not think his book calculated to introduce dispute or difference among -Christians; on the contrary, he thought it would be found profitable, -and give occasion to the better spirits among men to speak better -things; and the truth, once admitted and proclaimed by the few, would -by and by spread to the many. - -Challenged with having come to Geneva to disseminate his doctrines -and sow dissension among the Churches, he gave sufficient reason for -his presence among them when he said that he had only come on his way -to Italy, having been turned from his first intention of trying to -reach his native country, after his escape from the prison of Vienne, -through fear of arrest by the police of France. - -It is but fair to infer, as M. Albert Rilliet observes, that the -present bearing of Servetus, and the moderation and pertinence of his -replies to all the questions put to him, must have made a favourable -impression on the Court. He was not now confronted with Calvin, -in whose presence he seemed to lose all self-control, neither was -he pressed upon questions of speculative theology, upon which he -either dared not declare himself openly, or, if he did, was at once -in opposition to all his Judges knew of religion. In Rigot as his -questioner he had nothing more than an officer discharging a public -duty, not the hostile partisan he had encountered in Colladon who, -as agent of Calvin, may have thought it incumbent on him to give the -most unfavourable turn to everything capable of being construed to the -advantage of the prisoner. The good impression presumed could hardly -fail to be strengthened by the petition of the prisoner addressed to -the Court and read on the next day of the trial, August 24, to this -effect: - - -_To the most honourable my Lords, the Syndics and Councillors of -Geneva._ - - The Petition of Michael Servetus, now lying under a criminal - charge, humbly showeth--That it is a thing new and unknown - to the Apostles, Disciples, and ancient Churches, to make - the interpretation of the Scriptures, and questions thence - arising, grounds of criminal accusation. This is clearly - seen from Chapters xviii. and xix. of the Acts of the - Apostles, where accusers are referred to the Churches, - when the matters in question bear upon Religion only. So - too in the time of Constantine, when the Arian heresy was - broached, and accusations were brought on the part both of - Athanasius and Arius, the great Emperor, by his Council and - the Councils of the Churches, decided that, according to the - old doctrine, suits of the kind could not be entertained by - civil tribunals--not even in the case of such notorious heresy - as that of Arius,--but were to be taken into consideration and - decided by the Church. Further, that heretics were either to - be brought to reason by argument, or were to be punished by - banishment, when they proved refractory and refused to amend. - Now that banishment was the award of the ancient Churches - against heretics can be proved by a thousand histories and - authorities. Wherefore, my Lords, in consonance with Apostolic - teaching and the practice of the ancient Church, your - petitioner prays that the Criminal Charge under which he lies - may be discharged. - - Secondly, my Lords, I entreat you to consider that I have - committed no offence within your territory; neither, indeed, - have I been guilty of any elsewhere: I have never been - seditious, and am no disturber of the peace. The questions I - discuss in my works are of an abstruse kind, and within the - scope and ken of men of learning only. During all the time I - passed in Germany, I never spoke on such subjects save with - Œcolampadius, Bucer, and Capito; neither in France did I ever - enter on them with anyone. I have always disavowed the opinions - of the Anabaptists, seditious against the magistrate, and - preaching community of goods. Wherefore, as I have been guilty - of no sort of sedition, but have only brought up for discussion - certain ancient doctrines of the Church, I think I ought not - to be detained a prisoner and made the subject of a criminal - prosecution. - - In conclusion, my Lords, inasmuch as I am a stranger, ignorant - of the customs of this country, not knowing either how to speak - or comport myself in the circumstances under which I am placed, - I humbly beseech you to assign me an Advocate to speak for me - in my defence. Doing thus, you will assuredly do well, and our - Lord will prosper your Republic. - - In the City of Geneva, the 22nd day of August, 1553. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, - - In his own cause. - -This well-worded, and in its demands most reasonable address, strange -to say, received no notice beyond an order to the clerk of the Court -to enter it on the minutes; the prisoner being at the same time curtly -admonished to go on answering the questions addressed to him. But how -hardly the poor man was being used by his self-constituted Judges we -shall see by the tenor of the next petition he addressed to them. He -had been thrown into one of the foul cells or dungeons appropriated to -criminals of the vilest class, accused of crimes against person and -property; and there, in addition to mental anguish, he had to suffer -all the bodily miseries that filth, foul air, cold and vermin inflict. - -The feeling evinced of late by the Court, in the prisoner’s favour, -appears now to have extended to the town; the liberal party, the native -Genevese, opposed to Calvin, making of his prosecution of the solitary -stranger a handle against him; his friends on the contrary speaking -of it as proclaiming him the undaunted defender of the cause of God -and religion! The trial we therefore see had become the occasion of -alarm to one political party in the state, of hope to another, and of -peculiar significance to both. Under present circumstances, matters -proceeding in nowise to his satisfaction, Calvin must come again to -the front; and we have it on unquestionable authority that it was at -this, the very crisis in the fate of Servetus, that the Reformer was -guilty of the crying injustice of availing himself of his pulpit, -and in the face of numerous congregations denouncing and vilifying -his opponent in no measured terms, exposing his unorthodox opinions -in their most glaring and repulsive aspects, proclaiming what he -characterised as their impious, blasphemous, demoralising nature, and -thundering reproaches on the mistaken sympathy that had lately begun -to be entertained for the author of such infamies. By right or by -wrong Calvin was resolved that his old theological enemy, now turned, -as he believed, into their tool for his humiliation by his political -opponents, should not escape him. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE TRIAL CONTINUED--THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL RECEIVES FRESH INSTRUCTIONS -FOR ITS CONDUCT. - - -In the course of this extraordinary trial there seems never to have -been the slightest difficulty made about shifting the grounds of the -Accusation. The particulars on which the prisoner was interrogated -were scarcely the same in all respects on any two successive days, and -often wide as the poles asunder of the proper articles of impeachment -produced against him. The petition just presented by the prisoner -was thus, without scruple as without challenge, now made the ground -of a series of questions and harangues by the prosecutor, studiously -calculated to prejudice him in the eyes of his Judges. - -Rigot had in fact made a great mistake in his own articles of -inculpation. The prisoner, as it seemed, was even likely to escape -through his mismanagement; but, otherwise advised, and as if to make -amends for the line he had taken at first, he now showed himself either -indisposed or afraid to follow further the dictates of his own more -equitable nature. He had been in conclave with Calvin and received -fresh instructions from him, as Servetus affirmed without being -contradicted. Rigot, in truth, was no longer free, but cowed by the -stern resolve of the man of mind and iron will.[85] - -_August 28._--Abandoning the moderate tone he had hitherto observed, -and taking the petition of the prisoner for his text, Rigot now -entered on the task prescribed him of showing that the early Christian -Emperors, contrary to the allegation in the petition, did take -cognisance of heresy, and by their Laws and Constitutions consigned all -who denied the doctrine of the Trinity to death. ‘But the prisoner,’ -said Rigot, ‘his own conscience condemning him and arguing him -deserving of death, would have the magistrate deprived of the right -to punish the heretic capitally. To escape such a fate it is that he -has now put forward the false plea that for false doctrine the guilty -are never to be summarily punished. Not to seem to favour the errors -of the Anabaptists, moreover, ever rebellious against the authority of -the magistrate, it is that the prisoner in his petition now pretends -to repudiate their doctrines; yet can he not show a single passage in -his writings in which he reprobates their principles and practices.’ -All this was obviously most unfair to the prisoner. He was certainly -opposed to infant baptism, and in so much agreed with the Anabaptists; -but, far from declaring himself inimical to the constituted authorities -of the state, he is emphatic in proclaiming the necessity of upholding -them in the exercise of their lawful authority, and on the duty -incumbent on subjects to obey.[87] - -‘The further allegation of the prisoner,’ continued the public -prosecutor, still harping on the petition, ‘that he never communicated -his opinions to anyone, is manifestly false; for here we have had -him saying that he should think he offended God did he not impart to -others that which God had revealed to him. How shall we believe that, -for the thirty years during which he has been engaged in elaborating -and printing his horrible heresies, he has never communicated a word -of them to anyone? Bethink ye, that he began at the age of twenty--an -age when young people invariably communicate their views and opinions -to one another, their friends and fellow-students--and by this judge -of the kind of conscience the man puts into his answers with a view to -abuse justice--as if he repented in any way of his horrible misdeeds! -for though now saying that he is ready to submit to correction and ask -pardon, he again and far oftener audaciously maintains that he has said -nothing and done nothing amiss.’ - -Whether influenced by Calvin, to whose party in the State Rigot -appears to have belonged, or involved in the suit, and believing -it his duty to do all in his power to obtain the conviction of the -prisoner, we see him now speaking as if he were intimately persuaded of -Servetus’s culpability, and even looking on him as already condemned; -hence the indignation with which he repels the petitioner’s request to -have Counsel to assist him in his defence. This, indeed, was a demand -that could by no means be granted without taking the case from the -criminal category in which it had been placed by Calvin from the first. -It is not so very long since the felon or the incriminated for felony -among ourselves was denied the advantage of Counsel, and we are not to -wonder at the same rule obtaining in the Republic of Geneva more than -three hundred years ago. - -Had Servetus succeeded in obtaining Counsel, he could not, by the laws -of Geneva, have been dealt with capitally; and this would not have met -the views of Calvin, it being impossible in his opinion adequately -to punish the crime of which he held the man had been guilty by any -infliction short of death. Rigot therefore became eloquent on the -petitioner’s insolence, as he called it, in asking for Counsel to -aid him in his defence. ‘Skilled in lying as he is,’ said M. Rigot, -‘there is no reason why he should now demand an advocate. Who is there -indeed,’ he proceeds, ‘who would or who could consent to assist him in -his impudent falsehoods and horrible propositions? It has not yet come -to this that such seducers as he have been allowed to speak through -Counsel; and then there is not a shadow of the simplicity that might -seem to require assistance of the kind. Let him therefore be disabused -of any hope he may have conceived that so impertinent a demand can for -a moment be entertained, and ordered to reply by yea or nay to the -further questions to be put to him.’ Rigot, we might fancy, must have -thought that artful lying was a principal part of a counsel’s duties to -his client. - -Descending to further particulars suggested by the petition, the -prisoner was asked, ‘On what grounds he rested the statement he makes -concerning the judgment of heretics in the ancient church?’ To which -he answered: ‘On the histories we have of Constantine the Great.’ -‘In the course of his law studies at Toulouse, however,’ said the -prosecutor, ‘the prisoner must have made acquaintance with the code of -Justinian, with the chapters in particular which treat of the Trinity, -of the Catholic Faith, and of Heresy and Apostacy, in which he must -know that opinions such as those he professes are condemned.’ The -prisoner replied that ‘it was now twenty-four years since he had seen -Justinian, and indeed he had never read him save in a cursory way, as -young men at school or college are apt to do; and then,’ he went on to -say, ‘Justinian did not live in the age of the primitive church, but -in times when many things had become corrupted; when Bishops had begun -to tyrannise and had already made the Church familiar with criminal -prosecutions.’ To this most pertinent reply, no answer was attempted. - -Reproached with having calumniated the Ministers of the Word of God as -teachers of false doctrine--which on his part, said Monsieur Rigot, -amounts to a capital crime--Servetus admitted that calumny of the kind -deserved the severest punishment, but maintained nevertheless that in -disputation it was common and not unpardonable for opponents to gainsay -one another in strong language, without being held guilty of calumny or -defamation, and so of deserving punishment by the civil authorities for -what they say. - -Referring next to his intercourse with Œcolampadius and Capito, to -whom he had ascribed conformity with his views, although, said Rigot, -he must know that they were both doctors well approved by the reformed -churches, and consequently could not possibly be of his mind on the -subjects in debate; he replied ‘that consonance in every particular -was not universal either among the Reformers or the reformed churches; -Luther and Melanchthon, for instance, had both of them written against -Calvin on the subject of the sacraments and free will. Without being -in a condition to prove what he says in his petition, he declares -nevertheless that in conversation with Capito, when they were private -and without other witness than God, he--Capito--did assent to his -views. Œcolampadius, he owned, had withdrawn the approval he seemed to -accord in the first instance.’ - -When we refer to Œcolampadius’s letters,[88] we have no difficulty in -believing what Servetus here asserts to be the truth. It was only after -Servetus had more thoroughly exposed his opinions in conversation, that -the Reformer of Basle saw the _unsoundness_, which had not appeared -in the confession of faith sent him at an earlier period by his -correspondent. And here let us observe that, whilst Œcolampadius is -now particularly cited, nothing is said of Capito, still a Minister in -the Reformed Church. Capito, however, was, as it seems, not entirely -to be relied on in his views of the Trinity, that stumbling-block in -the way of the first Reformers, so many of whom we have found giving -but a half-hearted assent to the verbal contradictions it involves: the -Reformers could spare one another as it seems, on the subject, though -they had no mercy for Servetus! - -It being objected to the prisoner that he was in manifest contradiction -with himself when he said he thought he should offend God did he not -impart the doctrine that had been revealed to him; he replied that what -he had stated was his opinion and the truth; not-withstanding which he -had spoken of his views to none but the doctors of the Reformed Church -particularly named; a course he had followed, indeed, in consonance -with the commandment of our Lord, not to cast pearls before swine: ‘I -would not proclaim myself to incompetent persons, and I was living -among Papists in times when there was active persecution going on and -much cruelty practised.’ - -The prosecutor now alleged, but as usual without a tittle of evidence, -that the prisoner had had extensive epistolary relations with Italy, a -country in which it was believed his doctrines had many followers--a -fact, said Rigot, which it was unlikely he did not know, and less -likely, still, not to improve upon, did he know it. To this Servetus -replied by a simple denial: he had had no communications with Italy -by letter or otherwise; adding that his only correspondents had been -Œcolampadius, Calvin, Abel Poupin, and F. Viret, from whom alone the -Court had any information concerning letters of his. Had we no other -intimation of Calvin’s prompting, at this stage of the proceedings, -than the reference now made to the spread of Antitrinitarian doctrines -in Italy, we should feel assured that it was he who was fighting under -the mask of Rigot, as he had formerly fought under that of Trie and -of De la Fontaine. Rigot was not likely to know much of the spread of -Antitrinitarian views in Italy, but Calvin was, as we learn distinctly -through the letter of Paul Gaddi to him, which we have quoted. Calvin, -indeed, makes pointed and angry reference to such a state of things -both in his ‘Refutatio Errorum’ and ‘Déclaration pour maintenir la -vraie Foy.’ - -The circumstances connected with the printing of the ‘Restoration -of Christianity’ at Vienne were once more brought up, the prisoner -being particularly questioned as to his relations with the publisher -Arnoullet and his manager Geroult. In contradiction to what he had -already admitted on this head, and with the letter of Arnoullet to -Bertet lying open before the Court, he now averred that he had not -had any, even indirect, communication with Geroult on the subject of -his book! This, we regret to think, must necessarily be untrue. The -difficulty he had had to find a publisher, as we see by the letter -of his friend Marrinus; the premium he had paid Arnoullet to have -the work undertaken, the secrecy with which the printing had been -carried on, added to other minor terms of the contract--that all was -to be at his proper cost, that he was to be his own corrector of the -press, &c.---everything, in a word, assures us that both Arnoullet -and Geroult were as well aware of what they were about as the author -himself. Arnoullet, we may be certain, never intended to appear as -either the printer or publisher of the heretical work. It was to come -out in Italy, in Switzerland, in Germany--anywhere, everywhere, save -at Vienne, Lyons, or Paris, the principal emporia of the book trade of -France. Neither, indeed, did Michel Villeneuve, the Physician, intend -to show himself at once as its author. The M.S.V., on the last page, -was a private mark by which the child might be known and claimed by the -parent at some future time, when his fame had spread over Europe, when -he had been eagerly enquired after by an admiring world, and raised -above the heads of Luther, Melanchthon, Œcolampadius and Calvin, as -the great ‘Restorer of Christianity’! - -The persistence with which Servetus stuck to the untruth now uttered is -not difficult of explanation: his first admission of complicity on the -part of the Viennese publisher and his manager was made inadvertently -and without forethought; his retractation and denial came of reflection -and better feeling, when he saw that the admission was calculated to -bring the two men who had aided him in his undertaking into the same -trouble as himself. In spite of what M. Rigot says, Michael Servetus -never meets us save as a man of a perfectly guileless nature--more -guileless perhaps than truthful. - -As every point in the several indictments was made subject of renewed -inquiry, so do we now find further questions addressed to the prisoner -on his life and social habits; for the prosecution, as we have seen, -held it matter of moment to present him, if possible, as a person -of immoral and ill-regulated life. They had not now, however, any -more than formerly, a particle of evidence to show that he had ever -lived otherwise than soberly, chastely, and respectably; and as to -the allegation, brought up against him for the second time, that he -had said women were not such paragons of virtue as to make matrimony -necessary to secure their more intimate converse, he declared, as he -had done already, that he had no recollection of ever having said -anything of the kind; but if he had, it was by way of bravado, and to -conceal a certain infirmity under which he laboured which indisposed or -incapacitated him, as he believed, from entering on matrimony.[89] - -Making an abrupt change of front, the prosecutor now inquired of the -prisoner what he meant by the passage in his book where he says that, -‘The Truth begins to declare itself and will be accomplished for all -ere long.’ ‘Do you mean that your doctrine is the Truth, and will -shortly be universally received?’ ‘I mean to speak of the progress of -the Reformation,’ said Servetus; ‘the truth began to be declared in the -time of Luther, and has gone on spreading since then until now.’ Had he -stopped here, all would have been well and the answer must have been -scored to his credit; but he went on to particularise and to say that -‘the Reformation would have to advance upon some matters which in his -opinion were not yet well set forth.’ - -This was immediately seized upon as a challenge by the men who believed -that the Reformation had already been accomplished or completed through -them; so that he was forthwith required to explain what he meant by -such language. Here, however, he dared not be outspoken; and though -he made no denial of his doctrine, which was seen of all to be in his -estimation the complement and crown of the Reformation, he diverged -into a variety of topics, floundered, and wound up by proposing to -enlighten the Court by a reference to the Bible and the Fathers, or to -explain himself more fully than he had done in his book if they would -grant him a conference, in their presence, with one or more men of -learning. Pressed further, he said that he could not divine whether his -doctrine would ever be generally accepted or not; but he believed and -should continue to believe that it was founded in truth until shown -to be otherwise. ‘Such things,’ said he in conclusion, ‘are commonly -enough denounced and condemned as erroneous at first, but are by and by -acknowledged for truth and universally accepted.’ - -The prisoner had much the same difficulty in justifying his singular -opinion that persons under the age of twenty were not accountable -agents, or incapable of sin, and so not obnoxious to punishment for -their misdeeds. He, in fact, made but an indifferent escape from such -a paradox by declaring that, in speaking as he did, he had capital -punishment only in view; not that he thought there should be penalties -of no kind for evil-doers under age. They, he said, might be properly -punished by flogging, seclusion, and the like. From what he says on -another occasion we see that this fancy of Servetus was founded on a -literal and arbitrary interpretation of the text where Jehovah, to -punish the Israelites, determines that no one over twenty years of -age is to enter the Land of Promise; all others are to leave their -carcasses in the wilderness. - -Having said a few words in his book implying no disapproval of the -infidel Alkoran, the prisoner, in reply to the reproaches made him for -having spoken without reprobation of such a personage as Mahomet and -his book, now averred that he had only adduced Mahomet and the Koran -to the greater glory of the Lord Jesus Christ, and even ventured to -add: ‘That though the book generally is bad, it nevertheless contains -good things, which it is lawful to use’--language that was looked on as -little short of blasphemy by his auditors, but that to us proclaims the -superiority of the speaker over the bigots around him. - -The last question in this day’s proceedings referred to a sojourn he -was said to have made in Italy immediately before coming to Geneva, and -how he had passed his time since he arrived there. And here again we -find Calvin the prompter; for it is he who speaks of Servetus having -wandered for four months in Italy before reaching Geneva. Any such -journey or sojourn, however, as that now hinted at, Servetus positively -denied; ‘and for such information as the Court might require of his -doings since he had entered their city, he referred them to his host of -the Rose, where he had had his quarters before being thrown into their -prison.’ It is not difficult to see the drift of the latter clause of -the question; but Servetus was on his guard now, and did not commit -himself or his prompters, the Libertines, as he had done when the -printer of his book was in question. - - * * * * * - -_August 31._--After the lapse of three days an answer was received -to the letter addressed by the Syndics and Council of Geneva to the -authorities of Vienne. In this missive the Genevese were informed that -it was impossible to comply with the request they had made to have -the documents connected with the trial of Michel Villeneuve sent to -them, inasmuch as the authorities of Vienne could not sanction any -review or possible inculpation of their proceedings. They therefore -only forwarded duplicates of the warrant of arrest and sentence of -death passed upon the said Villeneuve, and for themselves they demanded -‘the delivery of that individual into their hands, in order that the -sentence passed upon him might be carried into effect,’ engaging, as -they went on to say, ‘that it should be of a sort that would make any -search for further charges against him unnecessary.’[90] - -To this communication from Vienne, the Council ordered a gracious -answer to be returned; but they declined to send back the prisoner, -‘inasmuch as he was at present under trial before themselves for -matters in which they, too, promised that strict justice should -be done.’ To be sent back to Vienne, Servetus knew would be to be -consigned to certain death at the shortest possible notice; so that -to the somewhat needless question now put to him by the Court, their -own expressed determination considered: ‘whether he preferred remaining -in the hands of the Council of Geneva, or to be sent back to Vienne? -he fell on his knees and entreated to be judged by the Council in -presence, who might do with him what they pleased; but he begged them -in no case to send him back to Vienne.’ There he knew that the stake -was driven, and the faggots piled, whilst in Geneva, we must imagine -from his bearing, he did not at present fear that anything of the kind -could possibly come into requisition. - -The business of Vienne thus brought into prominence, the Council -proceeded to inquire of the prisoner concerning the trial there; -touching once more on his escape from the prison, his coming to Geneva, -and any communication he might have had since his arrival in the city -with persons resident therein. On the subject of the trial and escape -he could be open and communicative; but he denied explicitly that since -he reached Geneva he had spoken with anyone save those who waited on -him and brought him his meals in the hostel where he lodged--a denial -against the truth of which more than suspicion may fairly be allowed. -But let us observe that Servetus’s swervings from the absolute truth -are mostly to screen others rather than to save himself. On the vital -question of his religious opinions be never blenched before his judges -of Geneva. - -It was now that the prisoner mentioned incidentally the singular fact -that the windows of the room he occupied in the Rose Inn had been -nailed up. But why this was done he did not say; neither, strangely -enough, was any notice taken of it by the Court. There can be little -doubt, however, as we interpret the matter, that it was to prevent -him from taking himself off without the knowledge of his prompters of -the Libertine party. Realising the full hostility of Calvin, knowing -that his life was aimed at, he was anxious to be gone; but Perrin and -Berthelier had resolved to keep him and play him off against their -tyrant and the Clericals, reckless of the risk he was thereby made to -run, so as they might use him for their own selfish ends. Hence the -otherwise inexplicable delay of the month in Geneva before his presence -became known to Calvin--the fatal delay that cost him his life! - -How it happened that Servetus was ever made an object of interest -to the Libertine party, detained as he certainly was by them in his -passage through Geneva, is a question not altogether irrelevant. -That he was unknown even by name to the chiefs of this party, and to -everyone else resident in Geneva, save Calvin, seems certain; and -Calvin who had not seen his Parisian acquaintance for nearly twenty -years, had no intimation of his presence there for nearly a month. But -William Geroult, the printer of Vienne, was in Geneva when Servetus -reached the city. Having heard of his escape from prison, he may have -been on the look-out for the possible coming of the fugitive. Geroult, -though of the Reformed Faith, we have seen reason to believe was not -among the number of Calvin’s admirers. But native of Geneva and of the -Libertine party, we venture to think it was through him that Servetus -was made known to Perrin and Berthelier; such particulars being further -communicated as suggested to them the use that might be made of the -fugitive against their clerical enemy. We have seen the proceedings -of August 23rd concluded by a number of questions having reference to -those with whom the prisoner might have held communication since he -reached the city, and particularly if he had not seen and spoken with -William Geroult, and if Geroult did not know that he intended to come -to Geneva? - -That they might leave no incident in the previous history of the -prisoner unnoticed, the Court now questioned him on his opinions -touching the Mass, which it was known he had declared to be a mockery -and a wickedness, his habit nevertheless having been to attend its -celebration during his residence at Vienne. To this, put to him -reproachfully, he replied that he had but imitated Paul, who frequented -the synagogue like the Jews in general, though he had inaugurated a -new religion of his own; but for himself, he added that he had sinned -through fear of death, and regretted what he had been obliged to do. - -Confronted with the gaoler of Vienne, who had brought the missives of -his masters to Geneva, and asked if he knew the man, he replied that -of course he did, having been under his charge in prison for two days; -but he exonerated the gaoler from all complicity with his escape. -Furnished with a certificate to this effect, the gaoler was dismissed, -and returned to Vienne. - -_September 1._--At the sitting on this day a letter was received from -M. Maugiron, Lieutenant-General of the King of France for Dauphiny, -which gave fresh occasion for recurrence to the affairs of Vienne. In -his letter Maugiron informed the Syndics and Council of Geneva that -the goods and chattels and debts due to Michel Villeneuve, estimated -to amount to 400 crowns, had been escheated by his Majesty the King, -and given to his--Maugiron’s--son; but that to come into possession it -was necessary to have a list of the parties indebted to the doctor. He -therefore requested the Council to interrogate their prisoner on this -head, and furnish him with a list of the names and surnames of debtors -to the prisoner’s estate, as well as of the sums severally due by each. -The noble correspondent, Lieutenant of the King of France for Dauphiny, -must have been oblivious of the professional services of the physician -Villeneuve when he consented to write as he did to the Syndics and -Council of Geneva; for we have seen that Servetus was actually taken -from the house of this Monsieur Maugiron when in attendance on him, to -find himself a prisoner. Anxious to clear himself of all suspicion of -having aided and abetted in the evasion from the prison of Vienne, -Maugiron goes on in his letter to express himself ‘rejoiced to know -that Villeneuve is now in the hands of Messieurs de Geneve, and I thank -God,’ he continues, ‘for the assurance I feel that you will take better -care of him than did the Ministers of Justice of Vienne, and award him -such punishment as will leave him no opportunity for dogmatising, or -writing and publishing heretical doctrines in time to come.’ - - ‘Blow, blow, thou winter wind, - Thou art not so unkind - As man’s ingratitude!’ - -Let us not doubt that the heart of Michael Servetus swelled with -indignation and contempt at this exhibition of heartlessness and -meanness on the part of the man he had tended in his sickness. The -experience of the physician, however, leads him to form no very high -estimate of the world’s thankfulness for services in sickness: the fee -at the moment is mostly held to close the account. Sick men are weak; -and when they recover are usually well-disposed to forget not only -their weakness, but the physician who has seen it. - -The appeal made to the self-esteem of the Council of Geneva, and a -possible desire on their part to enter into rivalry with the judicial -tribunal of Vienne, may have contributed in some measure to the final -condemnation of Servetus. We do not read that they took the becoming -course at once of declining to question the prisoner on matters having -not even the most remote connection with the cause; they seem actually -to have tried to elicit information from him, that would have been -of use to M. Maugiron, in making the gift of his Majesty the King of -France of much avail; but Servetus positively declined to give any -information of the kind desired, as having no bearing on the matters -for which he was now on his trial, and being likely to distress many -poor persons who were indebted to him. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -SERVETUS IS VISITED IN PRISON BY CALVIN AND THE MINISTERS. - - -We have seen symptoms of something like a leaning of the Court towards -the prisoner. They had requested Calvin and others of the Clergy to -visit and confer with him, and do their best to bring him to what -all regarded as a better understanding; and it would appear that -immediately after the last sitting, Calvin, accompanied by several -Ministers, proceeded to the gaol and had an interview with the -prisoner. Calvin of course was the spokesman, and opened upon him with -an address in which he strove to show him not only the load of error -under which he laboured in his exposition of Scripture generally, but -the grave offence he had committed in attacking the particular dogma -of the Trinity, as interpreted by the Churches, and in calling all who -believed in it Tritheists and even Atheists. - -From what we already know we may divine how little a visit from John -Calvin with such an exordium was likely to lead to any satisfactory -conclusion; Servetus appears at first, indeed, to have declined even to -hear his visitors: he was too much oppressed by sorrow, sickness, and -long confinement, he said, to enter on any defence of his views, and a -prison was no fit place for theological discussion. - -Stern, bigoted, and uncompromising as he was by nature, Calvin would -have been false to his calling as a Minister had he not striven, though -thus encountered, to bring even a personal enemy to what he believed -to be proper thoughts of the Trinity, the nature of the Logos and the -Sonship of Christ; and we do not question his will and inclination to -do so; but in Servetus Calvin saw the man who had insulted and so had -mortally offended him, whilst in Calvin, Servetus beheld the individual -who so lately, by underhand means and the violation of his confidential -correspondence, had wrecked his fortunes and sought his life; the man, -moreover, at whose instance he was now in prison and subjected to what -he rightfully regarded as unworthy usage and an unauthorised and unjust -trial. - -We can but excuse the irritation that mastered Servetus now, and -lament that with Berthelier’s disastrous countenance misleading him, -he neglected the chance that was undoubtedly offered him to save his -life, had it been but by a show of moderation and conciliatory bearing. -Calvin, however, must have persevered for a while with the unfortunate -physician, and brought him to reply to more than one of the principles -of his system produced against him. Among others, we find him reported -as maintaining that wherever the word _Son_ is met with in the -Scriptures, it is the _man_ Jesus that is to be understood; and when -_Christ_ is spoken of as the Word and the Eternal Son, the language is -to be taken in a _potential_ not in an actual sense; neither Light, -Logos, nor Son having existed otherwise than in the mind of God before -creation; the actual or real Son in particular having only begun to -be when engendered in the womb of the Virgin Mary--and so on, the -discourse turning upon matters transcending man’s power to know, and -falling wholly within the domain of faith or belief. On the last topic -brought under review, Servetus from the beginning of his career was -always empathic. ‘Si unum iota mihi ostendas quo Verbum illud Filius -vocetur, aut de Verbi generatione fiat mentio, fatebor me devictum. -Ubi Scriptura dicit Verbum, dicit et ipse Verbum; ubi Filius, Filius; -scilicet: olim Verbum, nunc vero Filius.’ These are his words in his -earliest work, and from their tenor he never swerved.[91] - -The interview ended as we may imagine it could only end--with increased -irritation on the part of the Ministers at the obstinate self-will -of the heretic, as they interpreted it, and without a ray of new -light having made its way into the mind either of the prisoner or his -visitors. His would-be enlighteners, however--he thinking that they -stood much in need of enlightenment from him--were particular, before -taking their leave, in insisting on the right of the temporal power in -the state to repress and punish theological error. Heretics, as they -said, being liable by the Justinian Code, still in force over Europe, -to be proceeded against and punished as criminals; and he having, in a -highly objectionable manner, attacked many among the most sacred of the -divine ordinances, would have no reason to complain did he find himself -dealt with in the severest fashion as a blasphemer of the Church of -God, and disturber of the peace of Christendom. - -But neither, as we may imagine, were the words of the deputation in -this direction found of any avail in leading the prisoner to their -views. Civil tribunals, he maintained, were utterly incompetent in -matters of faith, and had no right of the sword in cases of imputed -heresy. The Code of Justinian was in truth no authority, having -been compiled in times when the Church had already lapsed from its -original purity. The violent repressive measures it sanctioned were -wholly unknown to the Apostles and their immediate successors. Besides -all this, he held the Church of Geneva to be specially precluded -from giving an opinion or pronouncing a judgment upon his views; -his opponent and personal enemy, Calvin, wielding such paramount -authority there, as to make him in fact and in himself the Church. -How little all this, however true (and all the less, perhaps, because -true), was calculated to win either Calvin or his followers to more -friendly feelings, may be imagined; but it shows us the brave, -consistent, conscientious, religious man, face to face with fate, and -a proffered opportunity to conciliate and save his life, abiding by -his convictions, and, with the warning but just given him, rather than -belie himself, verily courting death. What would have happened had -Galileo been as conscientious and firm as Servetus? - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE COURT DETERMINES TO CONSULT THE COUNCILS AND CHURCHES OF THE FOUR -PROTESTANT CANTONS. - - -It was at this time and on the suggestion of Servetus--as Calvin -affirms, of the Council, according to its own minutes--that a -resolution was come to, by which the Church of Geneva was no longer -to have the sole say in the final decision of the guilt or innocence -of the prisoner. The Councils and the other reformed Churches of -Switzerland, it was resolved, were to be consulted on the merits of the -case. There was a precedent for such a course; it had been followed -only two years before, under somewhat similar circumstances, when -Jerome Bolsec was tried for heresy at the instance of Calvin. Calvin -and the Ministers were consequently directed by the Court to extract -from the works of the prisoner, and to deliver in writing, but without -note or comment, the particular passages involving the erroneous or -heretical opinions in debate between the prosecution and him. - -This appeal to the Swiss Churches we cannot help thinking of as fatal -to Servetus. If his own concluding reply to the deputation which -visited him in prison did not lead to it, it was probably suggested to -him by Berthelier, who knew that it had saved Bolsec. But Berthelier -was not theologian enough correctly to appreciate the dissimilarity of -the propositions involved in the two cases; and he certainly took no -note of the difference in the political circumstances of the several -times, or he would not have given the advice we presume he did. - -From the letters which Calvin now wrote to several of his friends, -particularly to Sulzer, of Basle, we learn that he was much averse to -the idea of this appeal to the Churches. Having been foiled by them in -his prosecution of Bolsec, he must have feared that what had happened -before might happen again. He knew that he was less considered abroad -than at home, and seems not to have apprehended that the appeal now -resolved on, was not only to ensure his own triumph, but to make -the Reformed Churches of Switzerland participators in his sin of -intolerance and abettors of the error (to give it no worse name) he -committed when he brought Servetus to his death. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE TRIAL IS INTERRUPTED THROUGH DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CALVIN AND THE -COUNCIL. - - -The Churches were to be appealed to, then, and Calvin applied himself -immediately to make the best he could of the case as it stood. With -the diligence that distinguished him, we need not doubt of his having -been soon ready with the Articles upon which the trial of Servetus may -be said to have entered on its third, if it were not its fourth and -definite, phase.[92] But a notable interval elapsed before we find the -Council giving any heed to the new Articles of Indictment, or taking -steps to have them despatched to the Cantons. The Council had business -of another kind to engage them, with Calvin and his friends as their -opponents on grounds of policy, instead of their instigators and guides -in a trial for heresy. It was at this precise time that the struggle -to which we have alluded in our review of the political situation took -place between Calvin and the Council on the right exercised by the -Consistory to excommunicate or deprive of Church privileges those who -were known to have infringed one or another of its arbitrary religious, -moral, or sumptuary regulations. Philibert Berthelier, having offended -in this direction, had fallen under the ban of the Consistory some time -before; but, having now appealed to the Council for redress against -what he held to be an unjust award, his party were powerful enough not -only to obtain a decision in his favour, but to have the Consistory -deprived of the right to excommunicate at all. - -This was felt, of course, as a heavy blow by Calvin and his supporters. -Berthelier, formally absolved of the Consistorial interdict, was -declared at liberty to present himself at an approaching celebration of -the Solemn Supper. And he would probably have shown himself there, and -an unseemly scene would have ensued; for Calvin was as resolute to have -his authority respected within the walls of St. Peter’s Church, as the -Council could have been to have theirs upheld within the precincts of -the City. Berthelier himself, however, being advised that though he was -fully entitled to present himself at the Table, it would perhaps be as -well did he abstain from doing so for the present, took the hint and -stayed away. But several members of the Libertine party--each of whom -we must presume, in Calvin’s estimation, might have subscribed himself -as - - Parcus Deorum cultor et infrequens, - -uninformed of this, and expecting countenance from the presence of -their leader, offered themselves among the other communicants. Being -all well known to Calvin, however, they were resolutely warned off -by him. Covering the typical Bread and Cup with his outspread hands, -he declared that they should sooner hack them off than bring him to -minister to those he looked on as notorious scoffers at religion and -its most solemn rites. Here the minister was in his place and within -the pale of his office; so that they who came to browbeat and humble -him had to retreat from his presence with shame to themselves and -damage to their party, whilst he stood erect in the fearless discharge -of his duty, and rose higher than ever in the estimation of all lovers -of law and order, even of the stringent kind that prevailed in the -theo-autocratic city of Geneva. - -The letter which Calvin wrote, at this stormy time, to his friend -Viret, of Lausanne, is too interesting and characteristic not to have a -place here: - - ... I had thought to have been silent about our affairs of - Geneva, fearing that I should only add needlessly to your other - anxieties; but lest rumours reaching you from other quarters - should distress you more than knowledge of the truth, I think - it best to tell you exactly what has happened. - - When Ph. Berthelier was forbidden to present himself at the - Lord’s Table some year and half ago, he then appealed to the - Council against the decree of the Consistory. We were called - into court to hold the scoundrel (_nebulo_) in check; and - when the case had been heard, the Senate declared that he had - been properly excommunicated. From that time until now he has - been quiet; whether in despair of mending matters or through - indifference, I know not. But now, and before the Syndicate - of Perrin expires, he would have himself reinstated by the - Council in spite of the Consistory. I was again summoned, and - in copious words I showed that this could with no propriety be - done; that it would not be lawful, indeed, to counteract in - any such way the discipline of the Church. When my back was - turned, however, the Consistory not having been further heard - or represented, permission was given him by the Council to - present himself at the Table. This being told to me, I took - care immediately to have the Syndic summon a special meeting - of the Council, at which I entered with such fulness into the - question, as to leave nothing which in my opinion could be said - further to make them change their mind--now vehement, now more - persuasive, I strove to bring them to a right way of thinking. - I even declared that I would sooner die, opposing their decree, - than profane the Sacred Table of the Lord.... The Senate - nevertheless replied that they saw no reason to depart from the - judgment already given. - - From this you will perceive that I should have nothing for - it but to quit my ministry, did I suffer the authority of - the Consistory to be trodden under foot, and consented to - administer the Supper of Christ to the openly contumacious - who declare that we Pastors of the Church are nothing to - them. But, as I say, I would sooner die a hundred deaths than - subject Christ to so foul a mockery. What I said yesterday - at two meetings, I need not recapitulate. But the wicked and - lost among us will now have all they desire. In so far as I - am concerned, it is the Church’s calamity that distresses me. - If God, however, give such licence to Satan that I am to be - thwarted in my ministry by violent decrees, I am as good as - dead in my office. But he who inflicts the wound will find the - salve; and truly, when I see how the wicked have gone on all - these years with such impunity, the Lord perhaps prepares - some judgment for me, in respect of my unworthiness. Whatever - befals, it is nevertheless for us to submit to his will. - Farewell, and may God be with you always, guide you and protect - you! Pray incessantly that He consider this our miserable - Church! - - Geneva, The day before the nones (4th) of September, 1553. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE TRIAL IS RESUMED ON THE NEW ARTICLES SUPPLIED BY CALVIN. - - -It fell out, unfortunately for Servetus, that the decree of the Council -against the Consistory was the immediate prelude to the resumption of -his trial. The decision come to had been warmly contested by Calvin, -as we see by the preceding letter, he looking on any interference of -the civil magistrate in questions which he regarded from a purely -ecclesiastical point of view, as a blow not only to his spiritual -authority in Geneva, but to the cause of religion. He saw the late -awards of the Council in favour of Berthelier and against the -Consistory in the light of triumphs of his enemies over himself, and -mainly due to the influence of his particular opponent, Amied Perrin, -under whose presidency the adverse decisions had been obtained. - -On the resumption of the Servetus trial, then, the hot blood engendered -by the recent struggle had not yet had time to cool; and Calvin, on -taking his place in the reconstituted Criminal Court, found himself -once more not only face to face with his theological opponent, but -set beside his chief political enemies, Perrin and Berthelier. Elate -with the advantage just gained, they had kept their seats on the -Bench, intending doubtless to do what in them lay to secure a further -victory through Michael Servetus over the uncompromising Reformer. It -is not difficult to imagine the influence, in the present state of -affairs, which the attitude of these men had on the fate of our unhappy -Servetus; for Calvin, with his many supporters acting as his spies, was -well informed of the countenance they had given the prisoner privately, -and seems to have construed their presence at this particular moment -as a public demonstration in his favour. To convict Servetus was -therefore to thwart them, and the discomfiture of the solitary stranger -had become more than ever a personal and political necessity to the -Reformer. - -The articles from the works of Servetus from the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio’ exclusively, on this occasion, thirty-eight in number, had -been laid before the Court so long back as September 1, and are headed: -‘Opinions or Propositions taken from the Books of Michael Servetus -which the Members of the Church of Geneva declare to be in part impious -and blasphemous, in part full of profound errors and absurdities, all -of them alike opposed to the Word of God and the orthodox assent of the -Church.’ - - * * * * * - -_September 15._--The Court constituted in the usual manner, with -Servetus before them sworn to speak the truth, Calvin, who seems now to -have taken the place of the Attorney-General, proceeded to interrogate -the prisoner on the new Articles of Impeachment. One of the first of -these, referring to the relationship of the Son to the Father in the -mystery of the Trinity, appears to have given rise to another long, -and we may imagine excited debate between Calvin and the prisoner; -from which, however, the judges were able to gather so little light -that they interposed, and came to a resolution to have any further -discussion that might arise carried on in writing and in the Latin -tongue, instead of by word of mouth and in French as heretofore. - -The substitution of Latin for French had in fact become a necessity -when the determination to consult the other Reformed Churches of the -Confederation was adopted. Native to Geneva with its French-speaking -population, French was little understood at Berne, Basle, Zürich, -and Schaffhausen with their German inhabitants; but the liberally -educated among them were generally familiar with Latin. Calvin, we must -therefore presume, had presented his new Articles in French, so that -they had to be translated and turned back into Latin; but the trial -appears to have suffered no particular delay on this account. Presented -anew in the Latin tongue and approved by the Court, they were ordered -by it to be submitted to the prisoner, with the intimation that he -was required to answer them, and to feel himself at liberty to alter -or retract anything he might now think he had written unadvisedly; to -explain anything he had said that was misunderstood; and to defend -such of his opinions as were challenged, by the citation of Scripture -in their support. Nor was he to be hurried in sending in his replies; -he was to take his own time, and to enter as fully as he pleased into -every question. - -As it is part of our business here to learn on what grounds men of -the highest culture burned one another to death three hundred and -twenty-four years ago--and it is thought by some that there still -remains such an amount of ignorance, bigotry, and intolerance in the -world as might lead to a rekindling of the fires, were the power to do -so but added to the will--we feel bound to make a somewhat particular -study of the Articles on which the unfortunate Servetus was finally -incriminated and doomed to die. We therefore proceed to lay before -the reader, in slightly condensed form, these Articles, which will -be seen, on the most cursory perusal, to involve none but topics of -transcendental dogmatic theology--a subject which to reasonable men has -now lost almost all the significance it once possessed, but which has -still a large historical interest as showing, in contrast with present -views, the progress that has been made from darkness into light; and -as illustrating the great, yet persistently neglected, truth, that -the religious feelings are no safe guides of conduct when dissevered -from the other emotional elements of human nature in balanced action -among themselves, enlightened by science and associated with reason. -Religion has in fact at no time been the civiliser of mankind, as so -commonly said, but has itself been the civilised through advances made -in science or the knowledge of nature, and in general refinement. -Brutal and blood-stained among savages and the barbarous but policied -peoples of antiquity, Assyrians, Chaldæans, Egyptians, Hebrews; cruel -and intolerant among Newer Nations well advanced in art and letters, -but ignorant of the world they lived in and the universe around them, -religion has only become humane as Science has been suffered to shed -her ennobling light, and will first prove truly beneficent when Piety -is seen to consist in study of the laws of nature, which are the laws -of God, and Worship is acknowledged to be comprised in reverential -observance of their behests. What adequate idea of God could be -formed--if, indeed, it be possible for man to form any adequate idea of -God!--so long as this earth--this mote in the ocean of Infinity--was -thought of as the centre of the universe, the one object of God’s -care, and a single family among the myriads that people it as the sole -recipients of his revealed word and will! - -But turn we to our Articles, which we proceed to pass under review -in connection with the answers made to them by Servetus. In these we -shall now find him more intemperate than he has yet shown himself; -more aggressive, too; not only indisposed to yield in jot or tittle, -but negligent of opportunities to defend his conclusions, and eager to -attack his pursuer; ready to call him opprobrious names, and to charge -him with wilful misrepresentation and malignity. The recent triumph -of Perrin and Berthelier had obviously infected Servetus, and not only -lost him his chance of continuing to improve his position with his -judges, but even made him careless of making any serious effort to -prove himself in the right. - -At the very outset of his replies, and by way of preface, assuming -the Articles to be Calvin’s and Calvin’s alone, Servetus says: ‘It is -impossible not to admire the impudence of the man, who is nothing less -than a disciple of Simon Magus, arrogating to himself the authority -of a Doctor of the Sorbonne, condemning everything according to his -fancy, scarcely quoting Scripture for aught he advances, and either -plainly not understanding me or artfully wresting my words from their -true significance. I am therefore compelled, before replying to his -_Articles_, to say, in brief, that the whole purpose of my book is to -show, _first_, that when the word Son is met with in Scripture it is -always to the man Jesus that the term is applied, he having also the -title Christ given him; and, _second_, that the Son or second Person -in the Trinity is spoken of as a _person_ because there was visibly -relucent in the Deity a Representation or Image of the man Jesus -Christ, hypostatically subsisting in the Divine mind from eternity. It -is because this _rationale of the Person_ is unknown to Calvin, and -because the whole thing depends thereon, that I refer as preliminary to -certain passages from the ancient Doctors of the Church on which I rest -my conclusions.’ - -Passages sixteen in number, from Tertullian, Irenæus, Clemens Romanus, -and others, are then cited to justify the sense he attaches to the -words Person and Son; from which we see that Servetus, following his -authorities, adopts the Neo-platonic view of the Son as a pre-existing -_idea_ in the Divine mind, not as an _entity_ distinct from the essence -of God, having a proper life and subsistence of its own, and only -proceeding in time to become incarnate in the man Jesus. - -We were interested, of course, in referring to these passages from -the Fathers (they are given at length in Calvin’s Refutation); and, -though disappointed in finding them less cogent and conclusive than -we had expected, we yet discover the germs of almost all that is -more fully developed by Servetus in connection with the subjects of -which they speak. ‘Tertullian,’ says he, ‘declares, that to conform -with things human, God, in former times, assumed human senses and -affections, and made himself visible to man in the divinity of Christ; -and that the words Person and Son of God are used in Scripture because -God, invisible, intangible in himself, was made visible in Christ. -He who spoke with Adam in the garden, with Noah, with Abraham, and -came down to see what the Babylonians were about, and so on, was no -other than Christ or a prefiguration of Christ. He who spoke with -Moses, too, at different times was Christ--the Relucent visible Image -or Figuration of the invisible Deity. In the essence of God there -is no real distinction between the Father and the Son; they do not -constitute two invisible entities such as the _Tritheiti_ imagine; -it is no more than a _formal_ distinction that is made between the -invisible Father and the visible Son. It is the idea of prolation or -procession of one thing out of another that has given occasion to -certain _dispositions_, _dispensations_, or _modes_ in the Deity being -turned into so many entities, and so into a Trinity of Persons. Quoting -St. Paul, Tertullian says that “in the face of Christ is seen the very -light of God;” and to this I myself refer repeatedly in my Third Book -on the Trinity; but Calvin, persisting in his blindness, will not see -God thus.’ - -From Irenæus we find little that is not repetition of what is said by -Tertullian. ‘The Jews,’ he says, ‘did not know that he who spoke with -Adam and Abraham and Moses in human form, was the Word, the Son of God. -But Jesus, as the Image, as the Word, was then the Divine manifestation -of God, being at once, but without real distinction, both Word and -Spirit; for in the spiritual substance of the Father was comprised -the figuration and representation of the Word. Abraham was taught and -knew that the Angel who visited him was the representative of the Word -which was, or was to be, the future man, the Son of God--dost hear, -Calvin?--the Word was the figuration of the man Jesus! The Word is -always spoken of as something visible; so that when John says, “In -the beginning was the Word,” we are to understand the prefiguration -of Christ in the Deity: invisible in himself, God the Father is -visible in the Son. The Logos and the Spirit imply nothing of personal -distinction in God so that, when it is said, “God made all things by -his Word,” it is himself as Creator, and not another, that is to be -understood: the Word and the Holy Ghost are not to be thought of as -distinct entities, but as dispositions in God.’ - -_The Thirty-eight final Articles of Impeachment, and Servetus’s -Replies._ - -ARTICLE. - -I.-IV. Servetus, says Calvin, maintains that all who believe in a -Trinity in the essence of God are Tritheists, or have three Gods -instead of one God; or they are Atheists, and properly have no God at -all, their God being tripartite or aggregative, not absolute. That -the three Persons of the Trinity are Phantoms; and that there should -be distinct entities in the one God is a thing impossible; so that a -Trinity of Persons in an Unity of Being is a dream. Further: That the -Jews, resting on numerous authorities, wonder at the Tripartite Deity -we acknowledge; and, yet more, That it was the admission of _real_ -distinctions in the Incorporeal Deity which led Mahomet to deny Christ. - -REPLY. - -I.-IV. From the authors quoted, it is evident that in the Essence and -Oneness of God there is no _real_ distinction into three invisible -entities. That there is a figurative or personal distinction between -the Invisible Father and the Visible Son, however, I admit; so that -in this way I religiously believe in a Trinity, though denying it -as usually understood. The truth of what I say about the Jews and -Mahometans, I maintain to be amply borne out by history and what we see -among the Turks of the present time. - -ARTICLE. - -V. To colour his infamous opinions, he speaks of a personal distinction -in the Godhead; but this is external only, not internal, or inherent -in the Essence of God; the Word, according to him, having been Ideal -Reason from the beginning—mere Reflection, Figure, or Semblance; Person -only in the sense of appearance; and that this prefigured the future -Man, Jesus Christ. - -REPLY. - -V. I have always acknowledged the subsistence of the Son in God, both -externally and internally. And you contradict yourself; for if the -Reason was Ideal, then was it Internal. It plainly appears you know not -what you say. - -ARTICLE. - -VI. Confounding the Persons, the Wisdom of Scripture is said to -have been formerly both Word and Spirit, no real distinction being -acknowledged between them; the mystery of the Word and Spirit being -defined to have been the effulgent glory of Christ. - -REPLY. - -VI. Irenæus thus interprets the matter; Wisdom, he says, was the Holy -Spirit. So does Tertullian. Solomon understands the wisdom that was -given him as the Holy Spirit. And in my Eighth Letter, I show that the -whole mystery of the Word and the Spirit was to the glory of Christ, -because in him was the plenitude both of the Word and the Spirit. O -wretched man, thus to go on condemning what you do not understand! - -ARTICLE. - -VII. Denying any real distinction in the Persons of the Godhead Christ -is said 408 to have been invested with such glory as to be not only God -of God, but very God from whom another God might proceed. - -REPLY. - -VII. Did I say another God? I meant another mode of Deity. But if it -offend you that I say another God, say another Person [i.e. as Servetus -understands the word, another manifestation] of Deity. Why quote that -against me which I have myself corrected? But you show your candour on -all occasions! - -ARTICLE. - -VIII. Christ is said to be the Son of God not only and in as much as he -was engendered by God in the womb of the Virgin Mary; and this, not by -the virtue of the Holy Ghost, but by God of his proper substance. - -REPLY. - -VIII. Is not he rightly called the son of him by whom he is begotten? -Therefore do I say that God from eternity and of his substance produced -[protulit] this Son; and therefore is he said to be of God naturally. - -ARTICLE. - -IX. The Word of God coming down from heaven, is said to have been the -flesh of Christ; so that the flesh of Christ is from heaven, his body -being the body of God, his soul the soul of God; both his soul and body -having existed from Eternity in the proper substance of Deity. - -REPLY. - -IX. The Word, I say, is now the flesh of Christ by hypostatical union. -I say well, therefore, that the flesh of Christ is from heaven, and -indeed is the heavenly Manna. What else I say, I admit in the sense in -which I conceive it. You fasten on such things as these, and neglect -the main truth! - -ARTICLE. - -X. The essence of the soul and body of Christ is declared to be the -Deity of the Word and the Spirit, and Christ to have existed from the -beginning in respect of his body as well as his soul, 409 the substance -of the Deity being not only in the soul but in the body of Christ. - -REPLY. - -X. Essence is spoken of as that by which anything is sustained. Art -thou not ashamed to calumniate me, or dost thou think that with thy -savage barking thou wilt dull the ears of the Judges? - -ARTICLE. - -XI. As if to show that to him the divinity of Christ is mere mockery, -he says that it means the wisdom, the power, and the splendour of God; -as if it were only a certain wisdom and power that in him was excelling. - -REPLY. - -XI. You do unjustly ever; you quote me falsely. I do not say what you -charge me with saying. and the splendour of God; as if it were only a -certain wisdom and power that in him was excelling. - -ARTICLE. - -XII. The man Jesus is said to have been from the beginning in his -proper person and substance, in or with God; and yet two persons are -elsewhere ascribed to Christ. - -REPLY. - -XII. What you say first is most true, and I wish you understood it. -Christ in himself is one person; but in him verily is the Holy Spirit, -who is also a person. - -ARTICLE. - -XIII. Having said that the Word of God was made man, he says that this -Word was the Seed of Christ; also that it was different from the Son; -and that the Word by which the world was created, was produced by the -grace of God; whence it would follow that Christ was not the Word in -question. It is said, further, that the Word of God was the Dew, the -natural engenderer of Christ in the womb of the Virgin, similar to the -generative element of animals; and, yet further, that the Son 410 of -God was naturally begotten of the Holy Ghost by the Word. - -REPLY. - -XIII. I speak here as do Tertullian, Irenæus, Philo, and others. In -the passage you quote, the Word is taken for the voice from heaven -saying, ‘This is the Son of God.’ Who does not see that the Word of God -is something other than the man his Son? You have not read me aright, -neither do you understand me. What else you say, I admit. - -ARTICLE. - -XIV. The Word of God is said to be itself the seed generative of -Christ; and as the generative element is in creatures, so is it in the -Deity, in whom was the seed of the Word before the son was conceived of -Mary; the paternal element in God acting in the engenderment of Christ -in the same way as that of our fathers in us. - -REPLY. - -XIV. All this I admit. God acted as generator in the way I explain in -my first Dialogue. [The Celestial influence overshadowing the Virgin -acted in her as the dew or the rain of heaven acts on the ground, and -brings forth herb and flower.] - -ARTICLE. - -XV. The Divine Word, it is said, mingling with created elements, -was the agent in the generation of Christ. The divine and the human -elements coalescing, there came forth the one hypostasis of the Spirit -of Christ, which is the hypostasis of the Holy Ghost; though it had -been asserted previously that the three elements in Christ were of the -substance of the Father. - -REPLY. - -XV. I grant everything here if you understand what you say as having -reference to the paternal elements, so called because of their -existence as ideal reason in God. - -ARTICLE. - -XVI. To corrupt what the Apostle says—viz. that Christ did not take on -himself the nature of the angels, but that of the seed of Abraham—it is -said, by way of explanation, 411 that he delivered us from death. - -REPLY. - -XVI. I corrupt nothing, but accept both interpretations; you, however, -quote everything falsely and teach falsely also. - -ARTICLE. - -XVII. God, he says, is father of the Holy Ghost. But this is nothing -less than to confound the persons—even such persons as he feigns. - -REPLY. - -XVII. The confounding is in your own mind, so that you cannot -comprehend the truth. - -ARTICLE. - -XVIII. Playing with the word Person, he says there was one sole -personal image or face, which was the person of Christ in God, and was -also communicated to the angels. - -REPLY. - -XVIII. I play fast and loose with nothing. I make use of the language -of those I quote, which you treacherously pervert. - -ARTICLE. - -XIX. As from either parent there are in us three elements, so are there -three in Christ; but in him the material element is derived from the -mother only. Whence it would follow that Christ had not a body like to -ours, and this were to do away with our Redemption. - -REPLY. - -XIX. The body of Christ, I say, is like to ours, sin excepted; excepted -also this: that his body is participant of Deity. - -ARTICLE. - -XX. The celestial Dew, overshadowing the Virgin and mingling with her -blood, transformed her human matter into God. - -REPLY. - -XX. The Transformation referred to here is Glorification. - -ARTICLE. - -XXI. Confounding the two natures, he says that the created and -uncreated light were in Christ one light; and that of the Divine Spirit -and the human Soul there was constituted 412 one substantial Soul in -Christ; so that the substance of the flesh and the substance of the -Word were one substance. - -REPLY. - -XXI. He, I say, who is of and in God, is with Him one Spirit. Is there -confusion when two unite in one? Are soul and body confounded when -they constitute an individual man? Wretch that thou art, thou dost not -understand the principles of things! [See the letter to which this -remark gave occasion.] - -ARTICLE. - -XXII. Partaking of the nature of God and man, Jesus Christ, it is said, -cannot be spoken of as a creature, but as a partaker of the nature of -creatures. - -REPLY. - -XXII. And what then? - -ARTICLE. - -XXIII. One and the same Divineness which is in the Father, it is -said, was communicated immediately, bodily, to his Son, Jesus Christ; -from whom, mediately, by the ministry of the Angelic Spirit, it was -communicated to the Apostles. That in Christ only is Deity implanted -bodily and spiritually; all of the Divine that others have, being given -through him by a holy substantial halitus, or breath. - -REPLY. - -XXIII. This, I say, is the Truth. - -ARTICLE. - -XXIV. As the Word went into the flesh of Christ, so, it is said, did -the Holy Ghost enter into the souls of the Apostles. - -REPLY. - -XXIV. In some sort, in a certain way, as I show in the place you refer -to. - -ARTICLE. - -XXV. Confounding the Persons, he asserts that the λὀγος was naturally, -voluntarily, 413 ideal reason and procession,—the resplendence of -Christ with God, the Spirit of Christ with God, and the light of -Christ with God; whence it would follow that the λὀγος was nothing -substantial, inasmuch as it was the figure only of a thing that was not -yet in being, and yet did not differ from the Spirit. - -REPLY. - -XXV. You confound yourself in what you say, and do not understand what -you speak about—as if that which subsisted hypostatically in God was no -real substance! - -ARTICLE. - -XXVI. Before the advent of Christ, he says, there was no visible -hypostasis of the Spirit. Whence it would follow that there was neither -hypostasis nor real person, seeing that there can be no person that is -not visible, as he declares in his book and asserts in his answers; -speaking also, as he does in another place, of the Spirit of God, as -The Shadow in the Creation of the world. - -REPLY. - -XXVI. Person in the Word is called a visible hypostasis, and in the -Spirit is spoken of as a perceptible hypostasis. - -ARTICLE. - -XXVII. As all things are said by Servetus to be in God, so and in the -same order were they in God before creation, Christ being first and -foremost of all—such being the kind of Eternity he allows to the Son of -God. Further, that God, by his Eternal Wisdom, decreeing 414 to himself -from Eternity a visible Son, gives effect to his decree by means of the -Word. - -REPLY. - -XXVII. All this is good, and you would see it so were you not -perversely minded. - -ARTICLE. - -XXVIII. Christ, he says, so long as he abode in the flesh, had not -yet received the new Spirit which was to be his portion after the -resurrection, and was verily afterwards imparted to him; so that he now -possesses hypostatically the glory both of the Word and the Spirit, -prefigured by the dove descending on him in Jordan. - -REPLY. - -XXVIII. There is nothing here that is not true, would you but be -willing to understand it. - -ARTICLE. - -XXIX. In God, he maintains, there are no parts and partitions as -in creatures, but Dispensations, and this in such wise that in the -partition or imparting of the Spirit every portion is God. Beside this, -he says that our spirits substantially are from Eternity, and so are -consubstantial and coeternal; although he elsewhere declares that the -spirit wherewith we are enlightened may be extinguished. - -REPLY. - -XXIX. All you say here at first is true; but I do not say that the -Spirit of God in itself is extinguished, because, when we die, the -spirit departs from us. - -ARTICLE. - -XXX. The Divine Spirit, it is said, was infused into us in the -beginning by the breath of God. - -REPLY. - -XXX. This is most true; and you, miserable man, deluded by Simon Magus, -ignorest it. Making a slave of 415 our will, you turn us into stocks -and stones. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXI. When we find it stated in the Law that the Spirit of God is in -any one, this is not to be taken as meaning the Spirit of regeneration. - -REPLY. - -XXXI. The words quoted, I say, are for the most part so to be -understood. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXII. Angels, he says, were worshipped by the Jews of old; so that he -calls Angels their Gods; but, this being so, the true God could never -have been worshipped by them—by Abraham in particular—but Angels, only, -prefiguring Christ. - -REPLY. - -XXXII. Almost everything, I say, presented itself to the Jews in the -way of Figure. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXIII. Admitting that Christ or the Word had no hypostatic [actual] -existence from the beginning, he nevertheless declares that Angels and -the Elect were verily in God from the first. - -REPLY. - -XXXIII. What you mix up and make me say here, is false. Nothing -created—no creature—existed before the moment of its creation. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXIV. He maintains that the Deity is present substantially in all -creatures. - -REPLY. - -XXXIV. God, I say, is present in all creatures by his essence and -power, and himself sustains all things. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXV. Having mixed up many vain, perverse, and pernicious dreams about -the substance of Souls, he concludes at length that the Soul is from -God and of his substance; 416 that a created inspiration was infused -into it along with its divineness; and that in respect of substance it -was united through the Holy Spirit by a new inspiration into one light -with God. - -REPLY. - -XXXV. Take away the words, of his substance, you will find the rest to -be true; and that it is you yourself who dream with Simon Magus. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXVI. Though the soul is not primarily God, yet does it become Divine -or is made God by the Spirit, which, indeed, is very God, so that it -is improper to doubt that our Souls and the Holy Spirit conjoined with -Christ are of the same elementary substance as the Word conjoined with -the flesh. Further, that created and uncreated things combine and unite -in one substance of Soul and Spirit. - -REPLY. - -XXXVI. This is so; many things thus unite in one—bones, flesh, nerves, -soul, spirit, and form, for instance, to make the one substance of Man. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXVII. He has written and published horrible blasphemies against the -Baptism of Infants, and has said that mortal sin is not committed -before the age of twenty years. - -REPLY. - -XXXVII. I own to having written so; but when you have convinced me that -I am in error in this, I will not only acknowledge my fault, but kiss -the ground under your feet. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXVIII. The Soul, he says, was made mortal by sin, even as the flesh -is mortal—not meaning to say that the Soul is annihilated, but that -deprived by pain of the vital 417 actions of the body, it languishes, -and is shut up in hell as if it were to live no more. Thence he -concludes that the Regenerate have souls other than they had before, -new substance, new divineness being added to them [by the Water of -Baptism]. - -REPLY. - -XXXVIII. The passage you quote against me, shows that you act -perfidiously. I there say that it is as if the Soul died, and, -languishing, is detained in Hell. But if it languishes, it still lives. -See what I have elsewhere said of the ‘Survival of the Soul,’ pp. 76, -229, and 718 [of the Chr. Rest]. The souls of the regenerate, I say, -are other than they were before; even as a thing is said to be new or -altered by the accession of new properties.[93] - -But enough of this--more than enough, indeed, is before the reader to -enable him to judge of the kind of matter that never yet influenced -man in his conduct towards either God or his fellow, on which Michael -Servetus was adjudged to die. - -The answers of Servetus to the incriminated passages of his book -are obviously by no means either so full or so satisfactory as he -might easily have made them; neither are they always so worded as -unequivocally to express his proper views; but of more moment than all, -they are given without the references to Scripture which the Court had -suggested, and would certainly have had greater weight with it than -aught else that could be urged. Though he uses the words person and -hypostasis, we know that he did not understand them in the same way as -theologians generally. He did not acknowledge any proper personality -in the nature of God, who to him was invisible, all-pervading Essence, -inscrutable too, save as manifesting and making himself known in -Creation. Servetus’s persons and hypostases are modes or manifestations -of God in nature, and, not limited to three, are, in truth, infinite in -number, and proclaimed in an infinity of ways. To accommodate himself -in some sort to such conceptions as were current on the subject of the -Trinity, he uses language at times which it seems might fairly bring -him within the pale of orthodoxy, were we not aware of the arbitrary -meaning he attaches to the terms employed: God, Father, all-pervading -Being; Christ, Son, visible manifestation of God to man; Holy Ghost, -Angel--ἐνέργεια, actuating force in nature. Such, as we -understand him, was the kind of Trinity formulated by Servetus. - -The answers of the prisoner to the new articles of incrimination were -now ordered by the Court, which has nothing to say to them itself, -to be put into the hands of the Reformer for his strictures. This -gave Calvin the opportunity which he did not fail to turn to the best -advantage. Treating Servetus’s Replies in a very different spirit from -that in which the Spaniard had treated his Articles, he proceeded -elaborately to criticise and refute them; in other words, and more -properly, to demonstrate the incongruity and incompatibility of -Servetus’s admitted beliefs and opinions touching the transcendental -propositions involved, with the orthodox conclusions of himself and the -Churches generally. To a theologian like Calvin such a task presented -no difficulties; but the thoroughness of his exposition or refutation, -and the length to which it runs, assure us of the pains he bestowed -on the work. Calvin is said to have spent no more than two or three -days in the composition of this elaborate paper; had the time been two -months and more, it would have been little, and few men, we apprehend, -could have got through the work in less time. - -Signed by as many as thirteen ministers beside himself--for Calvin -would not forego the backing of his colleagues in such a cause--the -Refutation of the prisoner’s replies to his prosecutor’s Articles -of Inculpation was laid before the Court at their next meeting; and -in a spirit of entire judicial fairness, was by them ordered to be -forthwith submitted to the prisoner, for his observations in assent to, -or dissent from, the interpretations put upon his words. He was even -particularly told, as he had been before, that he was at liberty to -answer in the way and at the length he pleased. - -The understanding of the Court when giving Calvin his instructions, -was that his Extracts were not to be accompanied by either note or -comment--they were to be ‘word for word’ from the writings of the -prisoner. But we see that he gave little heed to this injunction; for -many of the Articles are either prefaced or concluded by a comment; -Art. XVI. for example, begins in this way: ‘That he may corrupt the -saying of the apostle,’ &c.; XVII.: ‘To say that God is Father of the -Holy Ghost, is to confound the persons,’ &c.; XVIII.: ‘To show that -he plays with the word person,’ &c.; XXXV.: ‘After jumbling together -many insane and pernicious notions on the substance of the soul,’ &c.; -XXXVIII.: ‘That he has written and published horrible blasphemies -against the baptism of infants,’ &c. Calvin, in short, could not resist -the opportunity of helping the Judges to a conclusion in consonance -with his own views, and therefore adverse to those of his opponent. - -When we turn to Calvin’s Refutation of the Errors of Michael Servetus, -we observe him setting out by saying that he will not imitate the -prisoner in the use of uncivil language, but confine himself strictly -to the matters in question. He would not be John Calvin, however, -did he keep his word; and truly his language is at times little less -offensive than that of Servetus; whilst his comments, uniformly -adverse, are ever studiously calculated to damage the prisoner in -the eyes of his Judges. ‘Whosoever,’ says Calvin in concluding his -work, ‘will duly weigh all that is here adduced, will not fail to see -that the whole purpose of Servetus has been to extinguish the light -we have in the true doctrine, and so put an end to all religion.’ -But we, for our part, say, after some pains bestowed, that whoever -peruses the writings of Servetus without a foregone conclusion that -_any one among the various formulated systems of religious doctrine -he sees around him is the_ ABSOLUTE TRUTH, _and alone essential to -constitute Religiousness_, will not fail to discover that not only had -Servetus no thought of putting out the light of religion in the world, -but that he was animated by a most earnest desire, through another -interpretation of the Records which he, too, looked on as Revelations -from God, to set Christianity on another, and, as he believed, a -better foundation than it had yet obtained from the labours of Luther, -Calvin, and the rest of the Reformers. Servetus was, in truth, but one -among the host of Reformers of every shade and colour who made their -appearance on the field at the trumpet-call of Luther, and who had -but this in common: hostility to the ignorance and immorality of monk -and priest, to the pride and lust and abuse of power so conspicuous -in Pope and Roman Hierarch. And shall we in these days think of him -as impious and irreligious who held that it was less than reasonable -to speak of the coeternity of a Father and a Son, taking the words -in any common-sense acceptation; and that a single entity could not -be conceived as subdivided into three distinct entities or persons, -without loss of its essential unity, nor three distinct entities or -persons be thought of as amalgamated into one without loss of their -several individualities? Who said, moreover, that he believed God to be -the all-pervading essence and order of the universe; man to be fitted -for his state, each individually answerable for his own sin, not for -the sin of another, and that faith in the highest exemplar of humanity -as he conceived it, that had ever appeared on earth, added to a good -life and its associate charities, was that which was required for -salvation? Shall we, we ask, think of such a man as less pious, less -religious, less likely to be acceptable to God than one who believed -that there was a certain Word which was with God from the beginning, -and was indeed God, and yet another than God; or that God, beside his -proper all-sufficing substance, was supplemented by several hypostases -or offsets, which were at once himself, yet other than himself; that -from eternity God had elected and fore-ordained a relatively limited -proportion of mankind to salvation and eternal life, and doomed an -infinitely larger proportion to perdition and everlasting death? -Shall we, we say further, think that the man who was tolerant of the -speculative opinions of others, and whose business in life it was to -visit the sick and reach the healing potion, was less of a good, and a -true, and a useful member of society, than he who aspired through the -unseen, the unknown and the unknowable, to rule the world with a rod of -iron, who was utterly intolerant of other speculative opinions than his -own, and in enforcing his arbitrary rules for the regulation of life -and conversation, was merciless in the use of the scourge, the branding -iron, the sword, and the slow fire? Surely we shall not. Were greatness -associated in the world with true nobility of nature, light-bringers, -like Michael Servetus, would assuredly be set on a higher level than -conquerors of kingdoms. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE TRIAL IS CONTINUED, AND SERVETUS ADDRESSES LETTERS TO CALVIN AND -HIS JUDGES. - - -On returning to his dungeon after his examination on September 15, -Servetus addressed his prosecutor in the following characteristic -epistle, which the reply to Art. XXI. appears to have suggested: - - To John Calvin, health!--It is for your good that I tell you - you are ignorant of the principles of things. Would you now - be better informed, I say the great principle is this: _All - action takes place by contact_. Neither Christ nor God himself - acts upon anything which he does not touch. God would not in - truth be God were there anything that escaped his contact. All - the qualities of which you dream are imaginations only, slaves - of the fields as it were. But there is no virtue of God, no - grace of God, nor anything of the sort in God which is not God - himself; neither does God put quality into aught in which he - himself is not. All is from him, by him, and in him. When the - Holy Spirit acts in us, therefore it is God that is in us--that - is in contact with us, that actuates us. - - In the course of our discussion I detect you in another error. - To maintain the force of the old law, you quote Christ’s - words where he asks: ‘What says the law?’ and answers himself - by saying: ‘Keep the commandments.’ But here you have to - think of the law not yet accomplished, not yet abrogated; - to think further, that Christ, when he willed to interpose - in human things, willed to abide by the law; and that he to - whom he spoke was living under the law. Christ, therefore, - properly referred at this time to the law as to a master. But - afterwards, all things being accomplished, the newer ages were - emancipated from the older. For the same reason it was that - he ordered another to show himself to the priest and make an - offering. Shall we, therefore, do the like? He also ordered - a lamb and unleavened bread to be prepared for the Passover: - Shall we, too, make ready in this fashion? Why do you go on - Judaising in these days with your unleavened bread? Ponder - these things well, I beseech you, and carefully read over again - my twenty-third letter. Farewell.[94] - -How little likely this epistle, however reasonable in itself, was -calculated to win the favour of Calvin, need not be said. To pretend to -set John Calvin right in anything could, indeed, only be taken by him -as an impertinence. - -In the present disposition towards the prisoner--the purely -metaphysical and undemonstrable nature of the matters in debate, taken -into account--we may reasonably conclude that the Judges had hoped he -would be able to explain away the offensive and heretical sense in -which his views were regarded by the head of their Church--and indeed, -and in so far as they could be understood, as they must have been seen -by themselves. - -But Servetus, unhappily for himself, did not improve the opportunity -presented him of righting himself in any way with the Court by the -manner in which he set about dealing with Calvin’s strictures on his -replies to the incriminated passages of his book. He does not now, -as he had done before, however curtly and imperfectly, reply to the -Reformer’s refutations, and show wherein he is misinterpreted or -misunderstood; neither does he present his views in another and more -questionable light than they are set by his accuser, which he could -readily have done in numerous instances at least; and, where this was -impossible, he might have appealed to the reason and common sense -of his Judges for latitude in interpreting matters that really lie -beyond the scope of the human understanding. He, however, did nothing -of all this, but proceeded as though he thought it neither necessary -nor worth his while to defend himself or his opinions any further--he -did not even take paper of his own for his reply, but contented -himself with jottings on the margins and between the lines of Calvin’s -elaborate refutation! the remarks he makes, moreover, being rarely in -the way of answer or explanation. They are mostly curt expressions of -dissent, or simply abusive epithets applied to the Reformer, who is -called Simon Magus, liar, calumniator, persecutor, homicide, and more -besides. Instead of persisting in his legitimate plea that he was but -another in the ranks of the Reformers, interpreting the Scriptures by -the understanding he had by nature and his education, or declaring, -as he had done before, that he would be found ready to abjure those -of his opinions that were shown him to be opposed to their teaching, -and adverse to the peace of the world, he threw down the gauntlet on -the whole question, not to Calvin only, but to the religious world at -large. But this, the point of view from which the religious question -was regarded in the middle of the sixteenth century, considered, was -simply to ensure his condemnation. Men less bigoted, and, above all, -less under the influence of the most intolerant of bigots, might -possibly have been led to take pity on the writer, and to see him for -what he was in truth--a sincerely pious zealot of irreproachable life, -if much mistaken, as they believed, in his theological conclusions; and -so, and save in the use of intemperate language, excusable on every -ground of Christian charity. But this, perhaps, was more than could -possibly be expected in the fifteen-hundred-and-fifty-third year of the -Christian æra. - -In returning the document so unhappily annotated, Servetus appears -to have felt that an apology was due to the Court for the style of -response he had adopted. He therefore accompanied it with the following -letter, in which he seeks to excuse himself for the course he has taken: - - My Lords,--I have been induced to write on Calvin’s paper as - there are so many short, interrupted expressions which, apart - from the context, would have neither sense nor signification. - But doing as I have done, setting the _pros_ and _cons_ in - juxtaposition, Messieurs the Judges will be able more readily - to decide on the questions in debate. Calvin must not be - offended with me for this, for I have not touched a word of his - writing; and it was not possible, without infinite confusion, - to do otherwise than as I have done. Be pleased, my Lords, to - let those who may be appointed to judge or report, have the two - books now sent, as they will be thereby spared the trouble of - searching out the passages referred to, these being all duly - indicated. If Calvin makes any remarks on what is now said, may - it please you to communicate them to me. - - Your poor prisoner, - - MICHAEL SERVETUS. - -This epistle, like the petitions presented to them, received no notice -from the Council, which at this time was seriously engaged with -business more interesting to them in their civil and administrative -spheres; so that for some fourteen days no heed was given to the -unfortunate Servetus rotting in the felon’s gaol of Geneva, or to -the preparation and despatch of the documents to be submitted to the -Councils and Churches of the four Protestant Cantons. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CALVIN ANTICIPATES THE JUDGES IN THEIR APPEAL TO THE SWISS CHURCHES. - - -Calvin, unlike Servetus, was never remiss. Sedulous to leave as little -as might be to accident, and nothing, if he could guard against it, -to independent conclusion, he did not fail to take advantage of the -pause in the proceedings that now occurred, by being beforehand with -the judges, and writing to the leading ministers of the Swiss Churches, -every one of whom was of course personally known, and, with few -exceptions, even servilely devoted, to him. Addressing Henry Bullinger, -on September 7, he says:-- - - The Council will send you, ere long, the opinions of Servetus - in order to have your advice. It is in spite of us that you - have this trouble forced on you; but the folks here have come - to such a pass of folly and fury that they are suspicious of - all we say. Did I declare that there was daylight at noon, I - believe they would question it. Brother Walter [Bullinger’s - son-in-law] will tell you more [of the state of affairs here]. - -Calvin, it would therefore appear, did not like the appeal to the -Churches. We have said that he had formerly been baffled in his pursuit -of Jerome Bolsec, by the moderation they recommended when consulted -on the case. He would have had his own and the Church of Geneva’s -decision suffice; the motion for appeal to the wider sphere, moreover, -seems really to have come from Servetus, and this of itself would have -sufficed to make it distasteful to Calvin. The Council’s giving in to -it must have been regarded by him, if not as an insult, yet as a mark -of distrust: hence his angry allusion to the fury and folly of the -Genevese. He made the best of the matter, however, as we have said, by -having the start of the Council; and not only writing to the chiefs of -the four Churches, but in the case of Zürich at least, by sending a -messenger--Brother Walter--specially commissioned to give Bullinger, -its head pastor, information of a kind he would not trust to writing. - -Bullinger, in reply to the written and verbal communication, informs -Calvin that-- - - ‘Walter’s news has indeed saddened and disquieted him greatly.’ - In some sort of trouble himself, as it seems, Bullinger can - heartily sympathise with his brother of Geneva; yet is he - ‘without fear for the future, though there be in the town - around him more dogs and swine than he could desire! Still many - things are to be put up with for the sake of the Elect, and we - have to enter the Kingdom of Heaven through great tribulation. - But do not, I beseech you, forsake a Church which has so many - excellent men within its pale. Bear all for the sake of the - Elect. Think what cause of rejoicing your retreat would give to - the enemies of the Reformation, and with what danger it would - be fraught to the French refugees. Remain! The Lord will not - forsake you. He has, indeed, now presented the noble Council - of Geneva with a most favourable opportunity of clearing itself - from the foul stain of heresy, by delivering into its hands - the Spaniard Servetus. You will have heard, of course, that - he has put forth another book, wherein he surpasses himself - in impiety; but if the blasphemous scoundrel be dealt with as - he deserves, the whole world will own that the Genevese have - the impious in horror, that they are forward to pursue the - obstinate heretic with the sword of justice, and well disposed - to assert the glory of the Divine Majesty! Nevertheless, and - in any case should they not do so, you ought not to abandon - your post and expose the Church to new misfortunes. Fight on - bravely, then, trusting in God.’[95] - -From what he says, we see that Bullinger had not been informed of all -that had taken place in Geneva, and that the printing of ‘the other -book,’ which he could not yet have seen, had been the occasion of its -author’s arrest and trial. But the letter to Calvin, prompted by the -news he had received through Brother Walter, satisfies us that Calvin -at this time felt little at his ease in Geneva, and in nowise sure of -the support he was to have from his friend Bullinger. He had no doubts -as to the theological criminality of Servetus; neither had he any -qualms as to the kind of punishment he designed for him; but he was -wroth with the Council for the impartiality it showed towards one who -had dared, as he believed, to beard him in his own domain, and ventured -to subscribe himself as having the support of the great heavenly head -of all the Churches. As Calvin interpreted the latest proceedings of -the Council, they appeared simply hostile to himself. Failing now -in his prosecution of the Spaniard, his social influence would be -compromised, and with the check he had just received in the affair of -Berthelier, and the power of the Consistory to excommunicate, whereby -his religious foothold was seriously shaken, he must have threatened, -if he did not really contemplate, the extreme step of abandoning the -Genevese to their own evil devices. Bullinger probably took Calvin’s -threat of quitting his charge in Geneva, as conveyed to him by Brother -Walter, too literally. From the suspicion of any such purpose, we find -him anxious immediately to clear himself by the letter he forthwith -addressed to the Zürich pastor: - - ‘From your letter, most excellent Brother (he says), I learn - that you have not been so accurately informed of the griefs - whereof I complain as I could have wished. The wicked people - about me, knowing that I am irritable, my stomach troubling me - often and in various ways, have lately been striving to get - the better of my patience. But sharp as the struggle has been, - they have not succeeded in turning me in the slightest measure - from my course. I have been armed against all the arrows they - have aimed at me. The Lord may have put me of late so sorely to - the proof among this people, that I might learn by experience - what heavy trials have to be borne by his ministers. He who has - upheld me hitherto will not, I trust, fail to possess me with - less fortitude in time to come. Wherefore, trusting in his aid, - I have never been really minded to quit the station in which he - has placed me. Never once, when your Walter was here lately, - did I think of giving way and yielding to the contumelies - and indignities that were heaped upon me. The report to the - contrary was raised by the factious, that they might injure me.’ - - Calvin then goes on to inform his friend of the affair of - Berthelier, and the permission he had received from the Council - to present himself at the Lord’s Supper, and continues: - ‘Knowing the brazen face of the man who, with every occasion - given him, has still stood in my way; and believing that he - would be disposed to vanquish me if he could, I declared to - the Council that I would not administer to him, and said that - I would sooner die than prostitute the bread of the Lord by - giving it to dogs or such as made a mockery of the Gospel, and - trod the ordinances of the Church under foot. You have not - understood aright what I said. Do not imagine that anything - is changed. Something more may possibly be attempted at the - next meeting of the Council. May the Lord lead the perverse to - desist from their efforts! For my part, it is certain that I - will never suffer the discipline sanctioned by the senate, and - the decree of the people, to be set aside. If I am prevented - from discharging the duties of my office, I may have to yield - to force, but I will never renounce the liberty I possess; - for, that abandoned, my ministry would be in vain. I am not - made of such stubborn stuff, however, as not to feel sorely - distressed when I think of the future scattering of this flock; - but whilst I have the power, I shall do all I can to hold them - in the right way. Do you with your prayers come to our aid, and - entreat that Christ may keep to himself his flock of this place. - - Things go on no better in France. Wherever there is the - pretext, they do not spare bloodshed. Three are condemned to - death at Dijon, if they be not already burned; and the danger - is that the commotions we hear of in Scotland will add fuel to - the fires. Seven or eight youthful persons have been thrown - into prison at Nemours, and in several other French towns many - more have met with a like fate. Farewell! - -The letter which Calvin wrote about the same time to Sulzer, pastor -of Basle, also deserves a place here, as showing the pains he took -to influence the minds of his friends in his own favour and against -Servetus. - - The name of Servetus, who, twenty years ago, infected the - Christian world with his vile and pestilent doctrines, is - not, I presume, unknown to you. Even if you have not read his - book, it is scarcely possible that you should not have heard - something of the kind of opinions he holds. He it is of whom - Bucer, of blessed memory, that faithful minister of Christ, - a man otherwise of the most gentle nature, declared that ‘he - deserved to be disembowelled and torn in pieces.’ As in days - gone by, so of late he has not ceased from spreading abroad his - poison; for he has just had a larger volume secretly printed at - Vienne, crammed full of the same errors. The printing of the - book having been divulged, however, he was thrown into prison - there. Escaping from prison--by what means I know not--he - wandered about in Italy for some four months; but driven hither - at length by his evil destiny--_tandem hic malis auspiciis - appulsum_--one of the syndics, at my instigation, had him - arrested. - - Nor do I deny that I have been led by my office to do all in - my power to restrain this more than obstinate and indomitable - individual, so that the contagion should continue no longer. - We see with what licence impiety stalks abroad, scattering - ever new errors; and we have also to note the indifference of - those whom God has armed with the sword to vindicate the glory - of his name. If the Papists approve themselves so zealous and - so much in earnest for their superstitions, that they cruelly - persecute and shed the blood of innocent persons, is it not - disgraceful in Christian magistrates to show so little heart - in defending the assured Truth? But where there is the power - of prevention, there are surely limits to the moderation that - suffers blasphemy to be vented with impunity. - - As regards this man, then, there are three things to be - considered: First, the monstrous errors with which he corrupts - all religion, the detestable heresies with which he strives to - overthrow all piety, and the abominable fancies with which he - surrounds Christianity, and seeks to upset from the foundation - every principle of our Faith. Secondly, the obstinacy with - which he has comported himself, the diabolical persistency - with which he has despised all the counsels given him, and - the desperate insistance wherewith he has been forward to - spread his poison. Thirdly, the daring with which he, even - now, produces his abominations. So far is he from showing - any sign or giving any hope of amendment, that he does not - scruple to fasten his plague-spot on those holy men, Capito - and Œcolampadius--as if they were his associates! Shown the - letters of Œcolampadius, he said he wondered by what spirit - he, Œcolampadius, had been induced to depart from his first - opinion!... - - There is but one thing more on which I would have you advised, - viz.: That the Questor of our city, who will deliver you this, - is of a right mind in the business, which is, that the prisoner - shall not escape the fate we desire--_ut saltem exitum quem - optamus non fugiat_. - - I say nothing now of French affairs; there being no news here - of which I imagine you are not as well informed as we, unless - it be that on last Sabbath-day three of our pious brothers - were burned to death at Lyons, and a fourth met a like fate in - a neighbouring town. It is scarcely credible how these men, - illiterate, but enlightened by the spirit of God, and ennobled - by the perfections of the Doctrine, behaved on the occasion; - with what unswerving constancy they met their fate. But it - is not there only; in other parts of France burnings of the - same sort go on incessantly; nor seems there any prospect of - mitigation. Farewell! - - Geneva; v. of the Ides (19) of Septr. 1553. - -Calvin, we see from this epistle, believed that he would be fully -justified in having Michael Servetus burned alive at Geneva because -they differed in their interpretation of the Trinity; but that the -Papists of Lyons were inexcusable for sending to a fiery death those -who with himself did not acknowledge the Pope as God’s vicegerent on -earth, and Romish doctrine as the true and only saving faith. It is -the _evil destiny_ of Servetus, too, that has led him into the toils -of the Reformer; and to be of a _right mind_ in the business of the -prosecution, then proceeding is, so to play into the hands of the -prosecutor that his victim shall not escape the death designed him! - -It was of Zürich, however, more than of any of the Churches consulted, -that Calvin felt most in doubt. The tolerant views of Zwingli were in -some sort hereditary there; and Bullinger, who was its chief pastor, -had disappointed him in the case of Bolsec. But he must also have had -strong misgivings of Basle, when he was induced to write the long -and particular letter to Sulzer, its leading minister, which we have -just perused. The more refined and delicate tone that is said to -have pervaded society in the city of Basle indisposed its people to -violence or extremes; and ‘Thorough’ was always the word on Calvin’s -banner. - -If he had doubts of Zürich and Basle, Calvin could place implicit -reliance on Neuchatel, where Farel, his oldest, most devoted, and most -obsequious friend presided as head of the Church. Addressing Farel soon -after the arrest of Servetus, he writes: - - It is even as you say, my dear Farel,--we are indeed variously - and sorely tried and tossed about by storms! We have now a - _new_ business with Servetus--_jam novum habemus cum Serveto - negotium_. His intention may, perchance, have been to pass - through this city; but it is not precisely known why he came - hither. When he was recognised, however, I thought it right - to have him arrested, my man Nicholas presenting himself as - accuser on the capital charge, and binding himself by the law - of retaliation, to proceed against him. Articles of accusation - under as many as forty heads were presented in writing on the - day following the arrest. He prevaricated at first, which led - to our being called in. Recognising me, he behaved as though - he held me obnoxious to him. I, as became me, gave no heed to - him. The senate, in fine, approved of all the charges, and he - was sent back to prison. On the third day after, my brother - becoming bail for Nicholas, he was set at liberty. - - I say nothing of the effrontery of the man; but such was his - madness that [in the course of the interrogatory] he did not - hesitate to say the Devil was in the Deity--_Diabolus inesse - Divinitatem_--and more, that in so many men there were so - many gods, Deity being substantially communicated to them, - as, indeed, he said it was to stocks and stones! _I hope the - sentence will be capital at the least--Spero capitale saltem - fore judicium_; but I would have the cruel manner of carrying - it out remitted. Farewell! - -Calvin’s charge was therefore, as we see, to no halting or half-way -conclusion. He proceeded from the first for a capital conviction--he -hoped it would be nothing short of this; and being so, he knew the kind -of death the man must die. It is a poor show of humanity, therefore, -that he makes at the end of his letter. But there is a phrase at -the beginning of the epistle which deserves very particular notice: -‘_Iam novum habemus cum Serveto negotium_--we have now on hand a _new -business_ with Servetus.’ But there was no _older business_ with -Servetus at Geneva. It was at Vienne that this took place. Writing to -Farel, his oldest and most trusted friend, Calvin reverts in mind to -the fact, and his words reflect or echo back his inward thought. Of -the justice of this surmise we seem to find confirmation in Viret’s -letter of August 22, which we have seen in reply to the one in which -Calvin inquires after a copy of the book on Trinitarian Error; for -there the pastor of Lausanne says: _Nunc vobis est alia cum Serveto -disputatio_--and now you have _another_ contention with Servetus;[96] -an obvious reference to a passage in one of the Reformer’s letters of -the same tenor as that he has just addressed to Farel. Calvin, it is -notorious, always shirked acknowledgment of the part he played in the -affair of Vienne. Even the self-complacency that comes of theological -zeal did not permit him to find an excuse for underhand dealing, -and the violation of a correspondence that was private and entirely -confidential. He was, by no means, insensible to the infamy that -cleaves to an act of the kind, however, and in his own case could say, -‘Zebedæus has been perfidiously showing confidential letters of mine, -which I wrote to him fifteen years ago from Strasburg!’[97] - -Farel’s reply to the last epistle of Calvin, dated from Neufchatel on -September 8, is as follows: - - I have returned from Normandy, restored to my usual good state - of health.... It is a wonderful dispensation of God that has - brought Servetus to this country. I wish he may come to his - senses, late though it be. It will indeed be a miracle if - he prefer death, and, turning to God, consent to edify the - spectators--he dying one death who has caused the death of so - many others! - - Your judges will only show themselves hard-hearted contemners - of Christ, enemies of the true Church and of its pious - doctrine, if they prove insensible to the horrible blasphemies - of so wicked a heretic. But I hope God will so order it that - they may merit commendation by putting out of the way the man - who has so long and so obstinately persevered in his heresies - to the perdition of so many! In desiring to have the cruelty - of the punishment mitigated, you appear as the friend of him - who has been your greatest enemy. There are some, however, who - would let heretics be doing--as if there were any difference - between the office of the pastor and that of the magistrate! - Because the Pope condemns the faithful for the crime of heresy, - and hostile judges cause innocent persons to undergo the - punishment that should be reserved for blasphemers, it is - absurd to conclude that heretics are not to be put to death, - in order that the faithful may be preserved. But do you act, - I pray, in such a manner as to show that in time to come no - one will be suffered to promulgate new doctrines and to throw - everything into confusion, as this Servetus has done. For my - own part, I have often said that I should be ready to suffer - death did I teach aught that was opposed to the true doctrine, - and should deem myself deserving of the most terrible tortures - did I turn even one from the faith that is in Christ. I would - not, therefore, apply to another a different rule. - -Farel is neither an elegant nor an agreeable, still less a logical, -writer; but he is zealous in behalf of the true doctrine--the doctrine, -to wit, he holds himself. God, the father of mankind, who sends the -rain and the sunshine indifferently on all, has, in the opinion of -this poor bigot, by a special dispensation of his providence, led a -sincerely pious man, according to his lights, to Geneva, there to be -first harshly and ignominiously treated by another sincerely pious man, -according to his lights; and finally through the influence he exerts -over its clergy and magistracy, to be put to a lingering death by slow -fire! Farel never thought of himself, with his ‘True Doctrine,’ as a -heretic in the highest degree in the eyes of his neighbours the Roman -Catholics of France with _their_ ‘True Doctrine.’ - -It is more than questionable, indeed, whether Farel had ever read a -word of Servetus’s writings. He was a man of action, fearless, full of -fiery zeal, and a ready talker, but with no great amount of scholarly -acquirement, and still less of philosophy. In anything of his we have -seen, and save in what is said of his harangues, he never meets us -otherwise than as a man of narrow mind, utterly intolerant and entirely -under the influence of Calvin. If Servetus had sinned by persevering -in heresy, and corrupting souls, so had he, so had Calvin, so had -Melanchthon and the rest, in the estimation of their neighbours the -Papists of neighbouring lands; and, though he speaks glibly of myriads -who had lost their chance of salvation through Servetus, there was -never a tittle of evidence adduced on the trial to show that even a -single individual had been influenced by his writings. On the contrary, -all who are brought forward in connection whether with the man or his -works--Œcolampadius, Bucer, Melanchthon--are proof and more than proof -against both him and them. Calvin and Farel, as we see, had made up -their minds that Servetus was to be condemned to death weeks before the -conclusion of his trial. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -SERVETUS SENDS A LETTER AND A SECOND REMONSTRANCE AND PETITION TO HIS -JUDGES. - - -Smarting under a sense of the unjustifiable treatment to which he was -so relentlessly subjected, and weary of the delays that had taken place -through the disputes between the Consistory represented by Calvin, and -the Council, Servetus now gave vent to the pent-up storm within him in -the following characteristic remonstrance. Alluding to the backing his -persecutor received from the clergy, and the number of names attached -to the Refutation of his Replies, he exclaims: - - Thus far we have had clamour enough and a great crowd of - subscribers! But what places in Scripture do they adduce - as their authority for the Invisible Individual Son they - acknowledge? They refer to none; nor, indeed, will they ever be - able to point to any. Is this becoming in these great ministers - of the Divine Word, who everywhere boast that they teach - nothing that is not confirmed by distinct passages of Holy - Writ? But no such places are now forthcoming; and my doctrine, - consequently, is impugned by mere clamour, without a shadow of - reason, and without the citation of a single authority against - it. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, - - who signs alone, but has Christ for his sure protector! - -Engaged with more immediate and interesting business in the political -and administrative sphere of their duties, the Council had, in fact, -left that in which their prisoner Michael Servetus was so particularly -concerned unnoticed for something like fourteen days. This long delay -gave him reasonable cause for complaint, and furnished him with grounds -not only for the outburst given above, but for a further petition and -remonstrance to the following effect: - - _To the Syndics and Council of Geneva._ - - My most honoured Lords!--I humbly entreat of you to put an - end to these great delays, or to exonerate me of the criminal - charge. You must see that Calvin is at his wit’s end and knows - not what more to say, but for his pleasure would have me rot - here in prison. The lice eat me up alive; my breeches are in - rags, and I have no change--no doublet, and but a single shirt - in tatters. - - I made another request to you, which was for God’s sake; but to - prevent your granting it, Calvin alleged Justinian against me. - It is surely unfortunate for him that he brings against me that - which he does not himself believe. He neither believes nor does - he agree with what Justinian says of the Church, of Bishops, of - the Clergy, nor of many things besides connected with religion. - He knows well enough that [in Justinian’s day] the Church was - already corrupted. This is disgraceful in him--all the more - disgraceful as he keeps me here for the last five weeks in - close confinement, and has not yet adduced a single passage [of - Scripture] against me. - - I have also demanded to have counsel assigned me. This would - have been granted me in my native country; and here I am a - stranger and ignorant of the laws and customs of the land. Yet - you have given counsel to my accuser, whilst refusing it to - me, and have further set him at large before having taken any - true cognisance of my cause. I now demand that my cause may be - referred to the Council of Two Hundred. If I am permitted to - appeal to it, I hereby appeal; declaring, as I do, that I will - take on me all the expenses, damages, and interests, and abide - by the award of the Lex Talionis as well in respect of my first - accuser [De la Fontaine] as of Calvin his master, who has now - taken the prosecution into his own hands. - - From your prison of Geneva, this 15th of Septr. 1553. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, - - in his own cause. - -The Council appear to have been nowise moved by this very reasonable -petition. The request for counsel, here reiterated, was not noticed--it -had already been disposed of, and could not be granted; but the -petition to have his case referred to the Council of the Two Hundred -was discussed and rejected: the tribunal before which he was on his -trial was competent in every respect by the laws of the State. Orders, -however, were given that the articles of clothing he required should -be procured for him at his proper cost; but as it seems to have been -the business of no one to see the order carried into effect, or because -the Council and custodians of the gaol of Geneva were accustomed to see -their prisoners in rags and devoured by vermin, it was unheeded at the -time, although attended to at a somewhat later period in this eventful -history. - -Had there been no resolution to take the opinion of the Councils and -Churches of the confederate Reformed Cantons, everything necessary -to a decision was again before the Court. The term had indeed been -exceeded within which by the law of Geneva the proceedings ought to -have ended--the law positively forbidding the protraction of a criminal -suit beyond the term of a calendar month. The law had, therefore, been -violated; but there was no one to urge the point in behalf of the -prisoner, any more than there had been to expose Calvin’s disobedience -of the Council’s orders to present his Articles of Incrimination -without note or comment. Neither the Clerical nor the Libertine party, -however, had yet done with the unfortunate Servetus, although it was -not before their meeting of September 21 that the Council found itself -at leisure to take up the tangled skein of the Servetus-prosecution -again, and to order the necessary documents to be prepared for -submission to the Councils and Churches they had determined to consult. -Before despatching these when ready, they seem to have thought it would -be well to show Calvin the short demurrers of Servetus to his elaborate -Refutation; expecting, probably, that he would have something to say to -them, but not meaning to let Servetus see anything Calvin might think -proper to add. There was no occasion however, as it fell out, to act -on this rather partial reservation. The Reformer did not think fit to -notice even one of the unhappy annotations of his enemy, in which the -lie direct is given him something like fifty times; and the epithet -_nebulo_--knave--is not the most offensive that is applied to him. He -did not add a word to what he had already written. A mere glance at the -unhappy jottings sufficed, as it seemed, to make him feel sure of his -suit; Servetus, he saw, stood self-condemned in his neglect to adduce -Scripture authority for his peculiar views, or to show that they had -either been misinterpreted or misunderstood by his pursuer. The abusive -epithets so plentifully heaped on Calvin only recoiled upon himself. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -THE SWISS COUNCILS AND CHURCHES ARE ADDRESSED BY THE COUNCIL OF GENEVA. - - -From the duel as heretofore carried on between Calvin, backed by -the Ministers of Geneva, and Servetus, seconded by Christ alone, as -he said, the process was now to be widened in its scope and debated -between the solitary stranger and the Reformation at large, or so -much of it at least as was represented by the Protestant Churches of -Berne, Basle, Zürich, and Schaffhausen. As many as four copies of the -writings that had passed between the prosecution and the prisoner had, -therefore, to be made, and for this a couple of days were required; -so that it was not until after the third week of September that the -messenger usually charged by the authorities of Geneva with their -despatches was furnished with his credentials to the Councils and -Ministers of the four towns named. The documents forwarded were copies -of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ and of the works of Tertullian -and Irenæus; the thirty-eight articles from the writings of Servetus -extracted by Calvin; Servetus’s replies to these in defence of his -views; and Calvin’s Refutation of his errors, as he characterised -them, having Servetus’s jottings, disclaimers, and abusive epithets -interspersed. Grounding their opinions on these lengthy documents, the -Swiss Churches were requested to declare themselves on the orthodox -or heretical nature of the passages inculpated, and so, in fact, to -pronounce on the guilt or innocence of the prisoner in respect of the -heresy and blasphemy imputed to him; their standard being, of course, -the particular form of Christianity professed by the prosecutor and -themselves. - -In referring to the Churches in communion with that of Geneva, the -Council is careful to say that it would not be supposed to entertain -any doubts of the competency of the Church of Geneva to pronounce -a definitive opinion on the questions at issue; it would only have -further light before coming to a decision in a matter of so much -moment. The style of address adopted by the Council of Geneva to the -Councils and Churches of the Cantons consulted will be sufficiently -appreciated from the letters sent to Zürich. And first the one -addressed to the Ministers: - - Geneva, September 21, 1553. - - Honourable Sirs!--Well assured that you are every way disposed - to persevere in the good and holy purpose of upholding and - furthering the Word of God, we have thought we should do you - an injustice did we not inform you of the business in which we - have been engaged for some time past. It is this. There is a - man now in prison with us, Michael Servetus by name, who has - thought fit to write and have printed certain books on the - Holy Scriptures, containing matters which we think are nowise - according to God and the holy evangelical doctrine. He has - been heard [in his defence] by our ministers, who have drawn - up Articles against him, to which he has replied, and to his - replies answers have been given--all in writing; and we pray - you, for the honour of God, to take the papers now forwarded - to you into consideration, and to return them by the same - messenger with your opinion and advice. We beg you further - to look into the book which will be delivered to you by our - messenger, so that you may be well and fully informed of the - unhappy propositions of the writer. - - In writing thus and asking your advice we desire to say that we - do so without any mistrust of our own ministers. - - * * * * * - - _To the Burgomaster and Council of Zürich._ - - Geneva, September 22, 1553. - - High and mighty Lords!--We know not if your Lordships are aware - that we have in hand a prisoner, Michael Servetus by name, - who has written and had printed a book containing many things - against our religion. This we have shown to our ministers; and, - although we have no mistrust of them, we desire to communicate - the work to you, in order that, if it so please you, you may - lay it before your clergy, together with the replies and - rejoinders that have been made in connection therewith. We - therefore pray you to be good enough to submit the documents - now sent to your ministers and request them to give us their - opinion of their merits, to the end that we may bring the - business, to which they refer, to a close. - -On the result of the course now taken the fate of Servetus evidently -depended. Did the four Swiss Churches find the extracts from his -writings heretical and blasphemous, the Council of Geneva, in their -capacity of criminal judges, would find themselves justified in -passing upon him the extreme sentence of the law; and Calvin’s -determined pursuit not only of his theological opponent and personal -enemy, but of his political antagonist and, in some sort, _rival_, as -he had been made to appear through the espousal of his cause by the -leaders of the Libertine party, would be brought to the conclusion he -desired. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -SERVETUS AGAIN ADDRESSES THE SYNDICS AND COUNCIL OF GENEVA, AND ACCUSES -CALVIN. - - -If Calvin, then, as we apprehend, had every reason to anticipate -an answer in his favour from the Churches, so do we find Servetus -possessed by the assured hope that he would be acquitted, or, at -most, be found guilty of nothing involving a heavier penalty than -banishment from the Republic of Geneva. Of heresy he did not think -for a moment he had been more guilty than every one of the Reformers -whom he had been accustomed to hear spoken of in the polite circles of -Vienne not only as schismatics, but as heretics of the deepest dye. If -his ‘Restoration of Christianity’ had been burned by the hangman of -Vienne, had not Calvin’s ‘Institutions of the Christian Religion’ been -summarily condemned by the whole Catholic world, and put on the Index -of prohibited books by the Roman Curia? So sure does Servetus appear to -have felt of final acquittal at this time--guiltless of blasphemy as -in his soul he knew himself to be, and bolstered by the false hopes -of his false friends, that whilst the scales of justice were still -trembling on the beam, he, from his filthy cell, in rags, and devoured -by vermin, even he aspired to become the accuser of the man by whom he -was himself accused, and subjected to all the indignities he endured! -It could only have been under the excitement of some such persuasion -that he now wrote the following extraordinary letter to the Council:-- - - -_To the Syndics and Council of Geneva._ - - My most honoured Lords,--I am detained on a criminal charge at - the instance of John Calvin, who has accused me, falsely saying - that in my writings I maintain-- - - 1st. That the soul of man is mortal, and - - 2nd. That Jesus Christ had only taken the fourth part of his - body from the Virgin Mary. - - These are horrible, execrable charges. Of all heresies and - crimes, I think of none greater than that which would make - the soul of man to be mortal. In every other there is hope - of salvation, but none in this. He who should say what I am - charged with saying, neither believes in God nor justice, in - the resurrection, in Christ Jesus, in the Scriptures, nor, - indeed, in anything, but declares that all is death, and that - man and beast are alike. Had I said anything of the kind--said - it not in words only, but written and published it, I should - myself think me worthy of death. - - Wherefore, my Lords, I demand that my false accuser be - declared subject to the law of retaliation, and like me be - sent to prison until the cause between him and me, for death - or other penalty, is decided. To this effect I here engage - myself against him, submit myself to all that the Lex Talionis - requires, and declare that I shall be content to die if I am - not borne out in everything I shall bring against him. My - Lords, I demand of you, justice, justice, justice! - - From your prison of Geneva, this 22nd of September, 1553. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, pleading his own cause. - -The letter was followed by a series of articles in form like those -lately brought against himself, headed-- - - -_Articles on which Michael Servetus demands that John Calvin be -interrogated._ - - I. Whether in the month of March last he did not write, by - the hand of William Trie, to Lyons, and say many things about - Michael Villanovanus called Servetus. What were the contents of - the letter, and with what motive was it sent? - - II. Whether with the letter in question he sent half of the - first sheet of the book of the said Michael Servetus, entitled - ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ on which were the Title, the Table - of Contents, and the beginning of the work? - - III. Whether this was not sent with a view to its being shown - to the authorities of Lyons, in order to have Servetus arrested - and impeached, as happened in fact? - - IV. Whether he has not heard since then that in consequence of - the charges thereby brought against him, he, the said Servetus, - had been burned in effigy, and his property confiscated; he - himself having only escaped burning in person by escaping from - prison? - - V. Whether he does not know that it is no business of a - minister of the gospel to appear as a criminal accuser and - pursuer of a man judicially on a capital charge? - - My Lords, there are four great and notable reasons why Calvin - ought to be condemned: - - _First_: Because doctrinal matters are no subjects for - criminal prosecutions, as I have shown in my petition, and - will show more fully from the Doctors of the Church. Acting as - he has done, he has therefore gone beyond the province of a - minister of the Gospel, and gravely sinned against justice. - - _Second_: Because he is a false accuser, as the above articles - declare, and as is easily proved by reading my book. - - _Third_: Because by frivolous reasons and calumnious assertions - he would suppress the Truth as it is in Jesus Christ, as will - be made obvious to you, by reference to my writings; what he - has said of me, being full of lies and wickedness. - - _Fourth_: Because he follows the doctrine of Simon Magus, in - great part, against all the Doctors of the Church. Wherefore, - magician as he is, he deserves not only to be condemned, but to - be banished and cast out of your city, his goods being adjudged - to me in recompense for mine which he has made me to lose. - These, my Lords, are the demands I make. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, in his own cause. - -Although we have only conjecture to aid us in understanding the temper -that now shows itself in Servetus, and the hope he evidently entertains -of triumphing over his prosecutor, we cannot be mistaken in ascribing -it to the influence of Perrin and Berthelier. They must have imagined -that the same result would ensue from the appeal to the Churches as -had followed the reference made to them in the case of Jerome Bolsec, -and believed that the worst that would befal their puppet would be -banishment from the city and territory of Geneva. If they could but -cross and spite the refugee Frenchman, their clerical tyrant, through -the fugitive Spaniard, their end would be attained, although at -the cost, perhaps, of a certain amount of inconvenience to their -instrument. The conclusion of Servetus’s last address to the Council -shows clearly the opinion he had been led to form of Calvin’s present -position in Geneva. ‘As the magician he is,’ says Servetus, ‘he ought -to be condemned, and cast out of your city, his property being adjudged -to me in recompense for all I have lost through him!’ The Council -appear to have taken no more notice of this last address and demand of -their prisoner than they had of his preceding more reasonable petitions -and remonstrances. - - * * * * * - -The pause in the proceedings that ensued, pending the receipt of -replies from the Churches consulted; the silence of the Council upon -his letter and inculpation of Calvin, combined with the effects of -continued imprisonment, anxiety, and hope deferred, on a body not of -the strongest, would seem before long to have induced a frame of mind -different from that so unmistakably displayed of late by the prisoner. -The petition forwarded three weeks later to the Council is pitched in a -much lower key than the one last presented. - - Most noble Lords,--It is now about three weeks since I - petitioned for an audience, and still have no reply. I entreat - you for the love of Jesus Christ not to refuse me that you - would grant to a Turk, when I ask for justice at your hands. I - have, indeed, things of importance to communicate to you, very - necessary to be known. - - As to what you may have commanded to be done for me in the way - of cleanliness, I have to inform you that nothing has been - done, and that I am in a more filthy plight than ever. In - addition, I suffer terribly from the cold, and from colic, and - my rupture, which cause me miseries of other kinds I should - feel shame in writing about more particularly. It is very cruel - that I am neither allowed to speak nor to have my most pressing - wants supplied; for the love of God, Sirs, in pity or in duty, - give orders in my behalf. - - From your prison of Geneva, - - MICHAEL SERVETUS. - - October 10, 1553. - -This appeal to the duty as well as the compassion of the Council was -the first of any he had addressed to it which met with an immediate -response. One of the Syndics, attended by the Clerk of the Court, was -commissioned to visit the prisoner, and inquire into his state, being -requested, further, to see measures taken to have him furnished with -the articles of clothing he required, so that the resolution formerly -come to in this direction should no longer remain a dead letter. - -_October 19 and 23._ A month had all but elapsed before the messenger -to the Councils and Churches of the Protestant Swiss Cantons returned -with the replies of the Magistrates and Pastors to the Documents -submitted to them by the Council of Geneva. But he came at last. As the -answers were in Latin, translations into French had to be made for the -behoof of those among the councillors of Geneva who were indifferently -versed in the Latin tongue. Some days more were required for this; so -that though the messenger arrived on October 19, the papers in Latin -and French were only ready on the 23rd, when they were laid before the -Council, once more solemnly assembled in its judicial capacity, with -the prisoner before them. - -The Church of Berne which was the first referred to [and had its head -pastor, Haller, as reporter of its conclusion?], blames Servetus not -only for his heresies, but for his insolence and want of respect for -Calvin. - - He seems (says the report) to have thought himself at liberty - to call in question all the most essential elements of our - religion, to upset everything by new interpretations of - Scripture, and to corrupt and throw all into confusion by - reviving the poison of the ancient heresies.... We pray that - the Lord will give you such a spirit of prudence, of counsel, - and of strength, as will enable you to fence your Church and - the other Churches from this pestilence, and that you will at - the same time take no step that might be held unbecoming in a - Christian magistracy. - -The Church of Zürich [of which Bullinger must have been the reporter], -replied at greater length than that of Berne, or, indeed, any of -the other Churches, going minutely into the question of Servetus’s -opinions, which are pronounced to be at once heretical and blasphemous. -The Ministers of this Church are particular also in insisting on the -propriety of upholding Calvin in his prosecution of the heretic. - - We trust (say the pastors of Zürich), that the faith and zeal - of Calvin, your pastor, and our brother, his noble devotion to - the refugees and the pious, will not be suffered by you to - be obscured by the unworthy accusations of this man, against - whom, indeed, we think you ought to show the greater severity, - inasmuch as our Churches have the evil reputation abroad of - countenancing heretics, and even of favouring heresy. But - the holy providence of God, they proceed, waxing in fervour, - presents you at this moment with an opportunity of clearing - yourselves as well as us, from such injurious imputations, if - you but resolve to show yourselves vigilant, and well disposed - to prevent the further spread of the poison. We do not doubt, - indeed, that your Excellencies will act in this wise. - -Schaffhausen was content to subscribe to all that had been said by -Zürich (whose conclusion, consequently, had been communicated to it); -but could not resist insinuating how it thought the Spaniard should be -dealt with. - - We do not doubt (say its Ministers) that you, with commendable - prudence, will so repress this attempt of Servetus, that his - blasphemies shall not be suffered to eat like a gangrene into - the limbs of Christ. To use lengthy reasonings with a view to - free him from his errors, would but be to rave with a madman. - -The pastors of the Church of Basle [with Sulzer as reporter], the last -consulted, are rejoiced to see Servetus in the hands of the magistrates -of Geneva; feeling persuaded that they will not be wanting either -in saintly zeal or Christian prudence, in finding a remedy for an -evil that has already led to the ruin of vast numbers of souls. The -theological culpability of the man is also much aggravated in their -opinion by the obstinacy and insolence with which he persists in his -errors, instead of yielding to the reflections which imprisonment and -the instructions of the pastors of Geneva ought to have led him to make. - - We exhort you, therefore (they conclude), to use, as it seems - you are disposed to do, all the means at your command to - cure him of his errors, and so to remedy the scandals he has - occasioned; or, otherwise, does he show himself incurably - anchored in his perverse opinions, to constrain him, as is - your duty, by the powers you have from God, in such a way that - henceforth he shall not continue to disquiet the Church of - Christ, and so make the end worse than the beginning. The Lord - will surely grant you his spirit of wisdom and of strength to - this end. - -We thus see that the Churches, whilst they all agree in condemning, -refrain from declaring in precise terms the kind of punishment they -would have awarded the prisoner--they do not in so many words say -they would have him put to death; but finding him guilty of heresy -and blasphemy, they knew that by the law of the land he must die. -Condemning him unequivocally, therefore, for his theological views, -they, in fact, pronounce his doom. To have done so directly, would -have been trenching on the rights of the Council of Geneva, by whom, -under the circumstances, a covert wish was sure to be better taken than -an open recommendation. And let us not overlook the base and selfish -motive that underlies the severity counselled: by putting the heretical -Spaniard to death, the Swiss Churches will free themselves from the -imputation of favouring heresy! - -So much for the conclusions and implied wishes of the Ministers. The -Magistrates of the cities consulted, differ but little, if at all, from -their Clergy. The Council of Berne express a hope that their brothers -of Geneva will not allow the wickedness and evil intentions of their -prisoner to make further head, all he says being so manifestly opposed -to the Christian religion, which they think it must be his purpose -to vilipend and do what in him lies to exterminate. They, therefore, -‘entreat the Senate of Geneva so to comport themselves--and they -do not question their inclination in this--that such sectaries and -disseminators of error as their prisoner shall no longer be suffered to -sow in the Church of Christ.’ - -The reply of Berne is said by Calvin to have had greater influence -on the Judges of Servetus than that of any of the other Councils. -Geneva had oftener than once in former years been indebted to Berne -for assistance in her straits, and still continued, to a considerable -extent, under the influence of the Canton that was looked up to as -Chief in the Swiss Confederation. The Magistrates of Berne, moreover, -were more outspoken, perhaps, than those of any of the other Cantons. - -But we discover, after all, that neither the Churches nor Councils were -acting independently and of knowledge self-acquired of the business. -The Clergy were dominated by Calvin, the Councils by the Clergy; and -there appears to have been collusion and concert among the reporters -both of the Churches and Senates. - - Yesterday (September 26), (writes Haller of Berne, to Bullinger - of Zürich) we received the documents in the case of Servetus, - and have since been studying them in view of our reply. But we - should like to know what your answer is before we send ours. We - therefore entreat you immediately to inform us of its tenor. - Yet wherefore so much ado! the man is a heretic, and the Church - must get rid of him. Let me, however, I beseech you, speedily - know the conclusion you have come to. - -The Zürich pastor would seem to have been the most active of all the -ministers in collecting and imparting information of a kind that would -lead to unanimity of conclusion among the Churches and Councils. His -friend, Ambrose Blaurer, acknowledging receipt of a letter from him -communicating the decision of Zürich, says that he ‘had thought the -pestilent Servetus, whose book he had read twenty years ago, must long -since have been dead and buried.’ But the self-righteous man must add -further: ‘We are surely tried by heresies and satanic abortions of the -sort, in order that they who are steadfast in the faith may be made -known.’ Sulzer of Basle has also been primed by him of Zürich, for, in -reply to the intimation he has received of what has been done, he says -that he, Sulzer, ‘is rejoiced to have heard of the arrest of Servetus -in a quarter where it seems he may be effectually kept from infecting -the Church with his heretical dogmas in time to come; although I know -there be some who are violently opposed to Calvin’s proceedings, and -the subserviency of the Senate in the business.’ - -So much for the Churches and Councils of the Cantons consulted; and how -little the latter were disposed to act, or, indeed, were capable of -acting of themselves, and on their own appreciation of the questions -submitted to them, is made manifest by the letter which Haller wrote to -Bullinger at this time: - - I have to give you my best thanks, dear Sir and Brother, for - your diligence in communicating with the Genevese [and, of - course, with the Bernese also] so speedily. Our Council have - been of the same mind as yours in their reply. We, _as ordered - by them_, have exposed the principal errors of Servetus, - article by article. When our Councillors had been made aware - of their nature, they were so horror-struck, that I have no - doubt, had the writer been in prison here, he would have been - burned alive. But as the matters in question were very little - intelligible to them, they desired that I should reply in a - letter as from myself to the Council of Geneva. They added, - however, from themselves, that they exhorted the Genevese so to - deal with the poison that it should not, by any negligence of - theirs, be suffered to spread to neighbouring districts; and, - indeed, it has often happened that commotions in Geneva have - extended from its walls and got footing within ours. I think I - need not send you a copy of our reply, as it agrees so entirely - in every respect with your own. - - Yours most truly, - - J. HALLER. - - Berne: October 19, 1553. - -The Churches and Councils consulted, then, were at one in their -condemnation of Servetus. But it has been presumed that ecclesiastical -conclusion and innuendo backed by civilian assent, might still have -failed to bring matters to the issue aimed at by the prosecution, had -not political considerations intervened to complicate and sway judicial -action. We are ready enough to believe that there was so much common -sense in the Senate of Geneva, and such a feeling of the impossibility -of attaining to absolute certainty in questions of dogmatic theology, -that they were even more indisposed than they plainly show themselves -to have been to come to a final decision in the case of their prisoner. -But to assume that political considerations had the lead in the -condemnation of Servetus, would, we venture to think, be a great -mistake. To remove the prosecution from the sphere of theology to that -of policy, were to take from it its chief interest and significance. -But the arrest was made, the trial was begun, and the sentence was -delivered exclusively on theological grounds. The political element -that got mixed up with the business, was no more than an accident, and -cannot truly be said to have influenced the judgment finally given. The -four Swiss cantonal Councils and Churches which condemned Servetus, -condemned him on theological grounds alone; they knew little or nothing -of the political strife that agitated Geneva, and were not swayed by it -in their decision. - -Servetus himself, ill-advised and misled by those who had access to -him, fully persuaded of the truth of his opinions, and relying on their -consonance with Scripture, as he read it, may be said to have left his -Judges one way only out of the difficult and delicate position in -which they found themselves; and this was by finding him guilty of the -theological errors laid to his charge. He appeared to be opposed not -only to every religious principle as known to them, and as understood -alike by Catholics and Protestants, but he had used such objectionable -language in speaking of subjects held so sacred as the Trinity and -the Baptism of Infants, that even the most tolerant in the present -day would find it inexcusable; how much less warrantable must it have -appeared amid the universally prevalent intolerance of three centuries -ago! Nevertheless, it may be that the mind of every member of the -Council had not yet been made up as to the _degree_ of the prisoner’s -guiltiness, or even granting him guilty of everything imputed to -him, that he, therefore, deserved to die; and die he must if they so -declared him. - - * * * * * - -All the grounds for a definitive decree being before the Court on their -meeting of the 23rd, we must presume that the sense of the members -generally as to the guiltiness of the prisoner had been ascertained, -and that the opinion of the majority to this effect was only not -formulated and pronounced because of the absence of some of the leading -Councillors--that of Amied Perrin, the first Syndic, being particularly -remarked. An adjournment was therefore moved; but to afford no further -excuse for delay in bringing the protracted business of the Servetus -Trial to an end, summonses for a special session on the 26th were -ordered to be issued. Doubtful of the decision, as it might seem, and -anxious for delay in consequence of the tenor of the letters from -the Churches, Perrin had absented himself from the meeting of the -23rd, through indisposition, as he said himself, through _feigned_ -indisposition, according to Calvin, as we learn from a letter of his to -his friend Farel of the 26th, in which he speaks of his great political -antagonist by the derisive title of _Cæsar comicus_. Meantime, the -members of the Court present determined to proceed to the gaol, and -inform the prisoner of their purpose to have him before them with the -least possible delay, to hear their final award. Before taking their -leave, and as if to intimate to the unhappy Servetus what was to -follow, they placed him under the care of two special warders, who were -to hold themselves responsible with their lives for his safe custody. - -The unusual visit of his Judges, and the additional guard set over -him must, we should imagine, have sent a chill to the heart of the -unfortunate Servetus, and gone far to damp out the hope he had been -led to entertain either of acquittal or a sentence short of that which -he knew Calvin had made up his mind from the first to extort. Yet does -he not appear even now to have thought it possible that his Judges -would condemn him to death. Self-conscious rectitude alone, and a -better belief than it deserved in the world’s will to do justly and -mercifully, had blinded him to the fate that awaited him. - -During the three days’ pause that now ensued, some faint show of -sympathy for the prisoner was manifested outside the walls of the -Council chamber; but it came from no one of weight or standing in the -Republic. Zebedee, the pastor of Noyon, a known opponent of Calvin on -some of his theological tenets, and Gribaldo, an Italian by birth, -by profession a lawyer, now a refugee from his home for conscience’ -sake, were bold enough to proffer something in his behalf; Gribaldo -even going so far as to defend certain of his conclusions, and having -a word to say in favour of toleration. But he was not backed by the -congregation of his countrymen, domiciled in Geneva, so that the move -he made had no result. The show of opposition on the part of the -Italian to his sovereign will and pleasure was not, however, forgotten -by Calvin. Denounced by him at a later period for irregularity of some -sort, in contravention of consistorial law, Gribaldo found it advisable -for safety’s sake to quit Geneva. - -Still there were not wanting many, both laymen and clerics, natives -of Geneva, as well as refugees, devoutly attached to Calvinistic -doctrines, who showed a lively repugnance to pushing matters the length -of capital punishment in cases of heresy; the instinctive feeling of -all pointing to this as the conclusion aimed at by the prosecution. -For Reformers--heretics themselves in the eyes of the dominant -European Church--to have recourse to measures that appeared in such -an odious light when brought into requisition by Roman Catholics, -seemed illogical, unwarrantable, and dangerous. But the number who -raised their voices in this direction was small. The prisoner was not -an object of interest to the Libertine party in general; a stranger -in Geneva, he was in some sort the particular puppet of Perrin and -Berthelier, rather than the representative of a principle. Even to the -leaders he was nothing more than a counter in the political game of the -day. In a word, and in so far as anything was known about him to the -public, the man entertained extraordinary, and what seemed blasphemous -opinions on religion, as they had learned to understand the word, and -so must be a wicked and worthless person, who might safely be left to -be dealt with by the ministers and civil authorities in the way they -judged best. - -Calvin, at this momentous juncture, maintained an attitude of entire -confidence as to the pending decision. He had been informed of the -tenor of the letters received from the Swiss cities; and, aware of -their uniform agreement in the theological culpability of Servetus, he -could rely on the effect this must produce on the minds of the Judges. -He seems even to have thought it unnecessary any longer to exert the -special influence he could always bring to bear on any question in -debate before the Council--he refrained from preaching against the -prisoner and holding him up as a blasphemer against God and religion, -as had been his wont. - -_October 26._--The Council, in its capacity of High Court of Criminal -Justice, solemnly convoked for this day, was well attended, though not -quite complete as to numbers; Amied Perrin, cured of his indisposition, -presiding. - -The Governing Body of the Republic of Geneva consisted, as we have -seen, of two extreme and mutually opposed parties--the Libertines, or -patriots, and the Clericals, or abettors of Calvin and theocratic rule. -Each of these had representatives in the Council whose voices could -be implicitly relied on. But--as in all general assemblies that ever -came together, there are still found a certain number of neutrals or -waverers, men of no strong convictions one way or another; too weak in -some cases to rely on themselves and act independently; too strong in -others to be led by any convictions but their own, whose votes could -make the balance incline one way or another, so were they not wanting -in the Council of Geneva at this time. Now, in the fateful meeting of -October 26, it was observed that several of the most constant opponents -of Calvin had absented themselves, whilst not one of his regular -supporters failed to appear. - -The resolution to be come to was delicate, on matters unfamiliar, and -apt to excite the scruples of the conscientious and timid. It was the -life of no brutal offender against person or property, no criminal, in -fact, save by construction, that was in debate, but that of a scholar -of varied accomplishments, against whom no social delinquency had been -charged, or, if charged, which had not been rebutted, and fallen to -the ground. Yet was this man accused of heresy and blasphemy against -God and religion, not only by the distinguished head of the Church -of Geneva and its other ministers, but was now found guilty of these -theological crimes, involving, as they were said to do, disruption of -the entire social fabric, by every one of the Confederate Churches and -Councils consulted. What, forsooth, could be urged in behalf of him who -had spoken of the Trinity as a three-headed monster, comparable to the -hell-dog of the heathen poets, and declared the Baptism of Infants to -be an invention of the devil? - -And then, and yet more, it was not by the Reformed Churches only that -the prisoner had been challenged for heresy, and found guilty; he had -been tried and convicted on this ground by their neighbours the Roman -Catholics of Vienne, been burned in effigy by them along with his -books, and only escaped burning in person by breaking from his prison. -The Genevese, moreover, had been frequently reproached as well by -papists as by professors of other forms of Christianity akin to their -own, with laxity in matters of doctrine, and even called abettors of -heresy and shelterers of heretics; and they had, indeed, been invaded -of late by a host of individuals fleeing for their lives, through -entertaining all manner of new and hitherto unheard-of opinions on -religion. - -Weary on every side of wranglings upon subjects they did not -understand, the clerical party in the Senate would not be thought -less than zealous for the true Faith--the Faith which was their own; -whilst the more timid of their adversaries sought excuse and escape -from responsibility by absenting themselves at the moment the vote must -be given on the guilt or innocence of the prisoner. But everything at -the moment conspired to associate theological dissidence with social -criminality, and to make of the independent critic of particular -religious dogmas the enemy of all religion. - -In the light, therefore, in which Servetus was regarded, his cause -was not seen as one through which, in the event of a decision in his -favour, the Liberal party in the Council of Geneva might hope to find -greater freedom to lead their lives in the way they listed; neither, -through a sentence adverse to him, was it one through which they -foresaw that the iron hand of Calvin would be made either lighter or -heavier than it was. There were, in fact, more reasons for letting -Calvin have his way here than for opposing him--for suffering Servetus -to burn, than for saving his life. The Council had been hard upon the -Reformer of late, and were not disposed to quarrel with him in a matter -that had but a remote connection with their domestic concerns. Backed -as their great theologian was by the Swiss Churches, they believed that -they might safely and with propriety now show themselves on his side, -by condemning the heretic to death. - -The meeting of the Court on the 26th, then, not so fully attended as we -have said by the usual opponents of Calvin as by his supporters, had -to face the painful duty of pronouncing sentence on their prisoner at -last. A resolution finding him guilty of the charges alleged, and so -deserving of death, must now have been moved by one of the members--by -whom we are not informed--for we find it immediately met, on the part -of Perrin, by a counter-resolution, declaring him not guilty. Perrin, -we must presume, maintained that the charges were not of a nature that -fell properly under their cognisance as a Court of Criminal Justice. -Nothing had been brought home to the prisoner that showed him to be a -disturber of the public peace, and so came within the sphere of what -he held to be their proper jurisdiction. Perrin must, therefore, have -argued that the Court could only pronounce him not guilty. But this -would plainly have been to stultify the whole of their proceedings -during the last two months and more. The Court, by the laws of -the country, was competent in causes of every complexion, and the -prosecution had proceeded from the first on the ground of theological -criminality. The proposition of the First Syndic, consequently, could -not be entertained, but was rejected as a matter of course. Perrin -then moved that the cause should be remitted to the Council of the Two -Hundred. But this proposal was also negatived: the General Council in -its capacity of Criminal Court, could not waive its right of decision -in a case in which its competence was recognised, and such ample -pains had been taken to get at the merits of the case. Perrin must -then, doubtless, have pleaded for some punishment short of the extreme -penalty of death awarded to the heretic by the law of the land. This -last effort failing like the others, and the Records of the Court -giving no intimation of any further motion in favour of the prisoner, -the following resolution was moved, and by a majority of votes adopted: - -‘Having a summary of the process against the prisoner, Michael -Servetus, and the reports of the parties consulted before us, it -is hereby resolved, and, in consideration of his great errors and -blasphemies, decreed, that he be taken to Champel, and there burned -alive; that this sentence be carried into effect on the morrow, and -that his books be burned with him.’[98] - -The sentence once resolved on, appears to have been immediately -communicated to Calvin, and he in the same hour proceeded to inform his -most intimate friend Farel of the result. In anticipation of the event, -he had, indeed, written to Farel some days before, begging him to come -to Geneva. The clergy of the city having acted with Calvin to a man -in the prosecution, it was thought more seemly that a stranger should -attend the prisoner in his last moments, than one of themselves; hence -Calvin’s first letter of October 14, in anticipation of the final -sentence, and to the following effect: - - I have no words, my dear Farel, adequately to express my thanks - to you for your great solicitude in respect of ourself and our - Church. I purposely abstained from writing to you for fear of - inducing you to take horse so soon (Farel had been dangerously - ill), and I would not be troublesome to you until time pressed. - You say, indeed, that you do not thank me for sparing you; and - I know how willing, nay, how eager you are at all times to - labour for the Church of God, how ready ever to come to our aid. - - As to the state of affairs with us, I imagine you are already - well informed, through Viret, or rather through my letters - to him, which, however, were really meant for you both in - common. The enemy is now intent on the business that comes on - for discussion before the General Council about the Ides of - November, and I think it would be well were Viret to come to - us then; but I would have you here somewhat sooner--about the - time when the affair of Servetus will be drawing to a close; - and this I hope will be before the end of the ensuing week.... - I would not, however, incommode you, or have you stir, where no - immediate necessity compels. - -Farel had not arrived so soon as Calvin expected, so he writes again on -the 26th, and informs his friend that answers had been received from -the Churches unanimous in their condemnation of Servetus. Alluding to -the proceedings during the last few days of the trial, when Perrin, -the First Syndic, made vain attempts by delay and entreaty to save the -prisoner’s life, Calvin speaks of the merciful man by the nickname -under which he was wont to characterise his great Libertine opponent, -and says: - - Our comical Cæsar having feigned illness for three days, - mounted the tribune at length with a view to aid the wicked - scoundrel--_istum sceleratum_--to escape punishment. Nor did he - blush to demand that the cause might be remitted to the Council - of the Two Hundred. But in vain, all was refused, the prisoner - was condemned, and to-morrow he will suffer death. - -Self-centred, resolute as he was, we yet see in Calvin’s anxiety to -have Farel beside him, that he felt the want of such support as an -all-devoted friend alone can give in supreme moments of our lives. His -last letter could not have reached Farel in such time as would have -enabled him to be in Geneva on the day of the execution; but when it -was despatched Farel was already on his way from Neuchatel, and reached -Geneva in the evening of the 26th, so that he had the news of all that -had taken place, and of the fate that awaited the unhappy Servetus on -the morrow, from the mouth of Calvin himself. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -THE ATTITUDE OF CALVIN--THE HOPES OF SERVETUS. - - -Informed of the decree of the Court, Calvin tells us that he bestirred -himself to have the sentence carried out in the way usual in criminal -cases, by beheading with the sword, instead of burning by slow fire. -The heretic must be got rid of, he must die, but the Reformer would -give a civil rather than an ecclesiastical complexion to the business, -and escape imitation of the Roman Catholic cruel mode of putting God’s -enemies, as heretics were called, to death. The Council, however, did -not enter into his views. The Canon Law, still in force over Europe, -condemned the convicted heretic to death by fire, and the majority of -the Court determined to abide by the statute as it stood. Bigotry and -intolerance, fanned to fever heat, were in the ascendant, and would -forego none of their most terrible means of punishing the offender, -and striking terror into the vulgar mind. The oblation in such cases -provided, would even have appeared to lose its significance, had it -been presented otherwise than as ‘a sacrifice of a sweet savour made by -fire to the Lord’; for still influenced by the ritual of the old Hebrew -Law, which, in earlier days, required the first-born of man and beast -for the altar, and had criminals of all sorts ‘hung up before the sun,’ -lives forfeited for theological errors, were, in reality, offerings to -appease the wrath or win the favour of the Supreme! - -Servetus, meanwhile, made aware that the trial was at an end, and that -nothing more remained for him but to learn his fate, though he may have -been alarmed by the additional measures taken for his safe custody, -seems not yet, as we have said, to have abandoned the persuasion that -he would either be acquitted or subjected to some minor or merely -nominal penalty. He was not conscience-stricken; he knew himself -guilty of no impiety or intentional blasphemy; his object from first -to last had been to present what he thought were higher, truer views -of the Revelation which he believed God had made of himself to mankind -in the olden time in Judæa; and the proclaimed purpose of his latest -work, as he said himself to his Judges, was the _Restoration_, not -the destruction of Christianity. More than this: he was not now among -Papists bound to intolerance by their creed, but among Protestants -in Geneva--the stronghold of free thought and its necessary logical -adjunct, toleration; among men who had studied, reasoned, and, like -himself, put their own construction on writings which he as well as -they believed to be the Word of God. And then, had he not all along -been upheld by Perrin and Berthelier, in the belief of triumphing -over his persecutor? How should hopes of longer life in view of -further effort in the cause that was dear to him, and of freedom to -shape out thoughts on matters high and holy, have forsaken him? True, -Calvin had aimed at his life through the people of Vienne; and in his -present bonds, and all the unworthy usage he suffered, he could not -fail to realise the persistent hostility of the man who held him in -such despite. Still he was in Geneva, though a prisoner, and Calvin -was not all in all within that Republican city. There was a powerful -party opposed to the tyranny and self-assertion of the ecclesiastic, -the distinguished heads of which gave him their countenance and -support--there seemed hardly room for doubt: he would not be found -guilty of having blasphemed, but would be acquitted and set at liberty. - -Cherishing such hopes and so supported, are we to wonder that the -Sentence of Death took the unhappy Servetus entirely by surprise? -Only imparted to him in the early morning of the day on which he was -doomed to die, he was at first as if struck dumb by the intelligence. -He did but groan aloud and sigh as if his heart would burst; and when -he recovered speech at length, it was only to rave like one demented, -to strike his breast, and cry in his native Spanish, Misericordia, -Misericordia! By degrees, however, he recovered his self-possession and -became more calm. Master of himself, and reverting in thought to his -pursuer, his first coherent words were to request an interview with -Calvin, which he, we need not doubt, was nowise slow to grant, for he -must have thought it both a flattering and a hopeful proposal. Now had -the sinner come to his senses; now would he make a clean breast of it, -abjure the convictions of his life, and with a lie on his lips be made -meet for glory! But nothing of all this was in the mind of Servetus. He -had no misgivings about his theological conclusions; in these he was -securely anchored; but he felt like a true man in the face of impending -fate, and would own that he had not comported himself with all the -respect that was rightfully due to his theological opponent. Hence his -request for the interview. - -Accompanied by two of the Councillors, Calvin entered the prison an -hour or two before noon of the fateful October 27, 1553, and prefacing -the account he has left us of what transpired at the meeting, by saying -that Servetus had received the notice of his sentence and impending -doom with a ‘sort of brutish stupidity--_cum belluina stupiditate_,’ -he proceeds: ‘I asked him what he wanted with me--_quidnam vellet?_ -To which he replied, that he desired to ask my pardon.’ I then said -that I had never prosecuted anyone on merely personal grounds; that I -had admonished him with all the gentleness I could command as many as -sixteen years ago, and not without danger to my own life had spared no -pains to cure him of his errors. But all in vain! my expostulations -appeared rather to excite his bile. Quitting speech of myself, however, -I then desired him rather to ask pardon of the Eternal God, towards -whom he had shown himself but too contumelious, presuming, as he had -done, to take from his Essence the three hypostases that pertain to it; -and saying that were it possible to show a personal distinction between -the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, we should have a three-headed Cerberus -for a God; with much beside that need not now be repeated. Seeing, -ere long, that all I said went for nothing, and feeling indisposed to -trespass on the time of the Magistrates, or to appear something more -than my Master, in obedience to the precept of Paul, I took my leave of -the heretic, αὐτοκατάκριτος--self-condemned.[99] - -But there is a deep-lying truth in the French adage: ‘Qui s’excuse -s’accuse--_he who excuses accuses himself_.’ The first impulse of -the tolerant Servetus, on coming to his senses, was to ask pardon of -the man who had brought him to his death; the first impulse of the -implacable Calvin was to apologise for his deed, and to shift to a -sense of public duty, a course to which his secret soul informed him -he had been mainly prompted by private hate. Nor is that which Calvin -connects with his apology, when he speaks of having imperilled his -life for Servetus’s sake, to be received as true in fact. That he -would have braved any danger that might have accompanied the public -discussion of their opinions proposed by Servetus in 1534, we can well -believe; but he was not required to face it, and all their subsequent -correspondence, private and confidential as it was, could have been -attended with peril neither to him nor Servetus--or if to either it -must have been to Servetus had he been discovered in correspondence -with the arch-heretic of Geneva. We can hardly imagine Calvin to have -been so totally devoid of humanity as to have felt no compunctious -visitings when he stood face to face with the man whom his persistent -enmity alone had brought to such a pass; but he would also have been -other than he meets us in history, and otherwise circumstanced than he -was as αὐτοκράτωρ--despot of Geneva--had he not felt something -of self-gratulation and even of triumph, when pardon was asked of him -by his humbled foe. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -THE SENTENCE AND EXECUTION. - - -An hour before noon of October 27, 1553, the ‘Lieutenant Criminel,’ -Tissot, accompanied by other officials and a guard, entered the gaol, -and ordered the prisoner to come with them, and learn the pleasure of -My Lords the Councillors and Justices of Geneva. - -The tribunal, in conformity with custom, now assembled before the porch -of the Hotel de Ville, received the prisoner, all standing. The proper -officer then proceeded to recapitulate the heads of the process against -him, Michael Servetus, of Villanova, in the Kingdom of Aragon, in -Spain, in which he is charged-- - - _First_: with having, between twenty-three and twenty-four - years ago, caused to be printed at Hagenau, in Germany, a - book against the Holy Trinity, full of blasphemies, to the - great scandal of the Churches of Germany, the book having been - condemned by all their doctors, and he, the writer, forced - to fly that country. _Item._ With having, in spite of this, - not only persisted in his errors and infected many with them, - but with having lately had another book clandestinely printed - at Vienne in Dauphiny, filled with the like heresies and - execrable blasphemies against the Holy Trinity, the Son of - God, the Baptism of Infants, and other sacred doctrines, the - foundations of the Christian religion. _Item._ With having in - the said book called all who believe in a Trinity, Tritheists, - and even Atheists, and the Trinity itself a dæmon or monster - having three heads. _Item._ With having blasphemed horribly, - and said that Jesus Christ was not the Son of God from all - Eternity, but only became so from his Incarnation; that he is - not the Son of David according to the flesh, but was created of - the substance of God, having received three of his constituent - elements from God, and one only from the Virgin Mary, whereby - he wickedly proposed to abolish the true and entire humanity - of Jesus Christ. _Item._ With declaring the Baptism of Infants - to be sorcery and a diabolical invention. _Item._ With having - uttered other blasphemies, with which the book in question is - full, all alike against the Majesty of God, the Son of God, and - the Holy Ghost, to the ruin of many poor souls, betrayed and - desolated by such detestable doctrines. _Item._ With having, - full of malice, entitled the said book, though crammed with - heresies against the holy evangelical doctrine, ‘Christianismi - Restitutio--the Restoration of Christianity,’ the better to - deceive and seduce poor ignorant folks, poisoning them all - the while they fancied they were sitting in the shadow of - sound doctrine. _Item._ With attacking our faith by letters - as well as by his book, and saying to one of the ministers of - this city that our holy evangelical doctrine is a religion - without faith, and indeed without God, we having a Cerberus - with three heads, for our God. _Item._ For having perfidiously - broken and escaped from the prison of Vienne, where he had - been confined because of the wicked and abominable opinions - confessed in his book. _Item._ For continuing obstinate in - his opinions, not only against the true Christian religion, - but, as an arrogant innovator and inventor of heresies against - Popery, which led to his being burned in effigy at Vienne, - along with five bales of his book. _Item._ And in addition to - all of which, being confined in the gaol of this city, he has - not ceased maliciously to persist in the aforesaid wicked - and detestable errors, attempting to maintain them, with - calumnious abuse of all true Christians, faithful followers of - the immaculate Christian religion, calling them Tritheists, - Atheists, and Sorcerers, in spite of the remonstrances made to - him in Germany, as said, and in contempt of the reprehensions - and corrections he has received, and the imprisonment he has - undergone as well here as elsewhere. - - Now, we the Syndics and Judges in criminal cases within this - city, having reviewed the process carried on before us, at - the instance of our Lieutenant having charge of such cases, - against thee, Michael Servetus of Villanova, in the Kingdom - of Aragon, in Spain, whereby guided, and by thy voluntary - confessions made before us, many times repeated, as well as - by thy books produced before us, we decree and determine that - thou, Michael Servetus, hast, for a long time, promulgated - false and heretical doctrine, and, rejecting all remonstrance - and correction, hast, maliciously, perversely, and obstinately, - continued disseminating and divulging, even by the printing - of books, blasphemies against God the Father, the Son, and - the Holy Ghost, in a word, against the whole foundations of - the Christian religion, thereby seeking to create schism and - trouble in the Church of God, many souls, members of which - may have been ruined and lost--horrible and dreadful thing, - scandalous and contaminating in thee, thou, having no shame nor - horror in setting thyself up in all against the Divine Majesty - and the Holy Trinity, and having further taken pains to infect, - and given thyself up obstinately to continue infecting the - world with thy heresies and stinking heretical poison (_tes - heresies et puante poyson hereticale_)--case and crime of - heresy grievous and detestable, deserving of severe corporal - punishment. - - These and other just causes moving us, desiring to purge the - Church of God of such infection, and to cut off from it so - rotten a member, we, sitting as a Judicial Tribunal in the seat - of our ancestors, with the entire assent of the General Council - of the State, and our fellow-citizens, calling on the name - of God to deliver true judgment, having the Holy Scriptures - before us, and saying: In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy - Ghost, we now pronounce our final sentence and condemn thee, - Michael Servetus, to be bound and taken to Champel, and there - being fastened to a stake, to be burned alive, along with thy - books, printed as well as written by thy hand, until thy body - be reduced to ashes. So shall thy days end, and thou be made - an example to others who would do as thou hast done. And we - command you, our Lieutenant, to see this our sentence carried - forthwith into execution. - -The staff, according to custom, was then broken over the prisoner, and -there was silence for a moment. - -The terrible sentence pronounced, the pause that followed was first -broken by Servetus; not to sue for mercy against the final award, from -which he knew there was no appeal, but to entreat that the manner of -carrying it out might be commuted for one less dreadful. ‘He feared,’ -he said, ‘that through excess of suffering he might prove faithless to -himself, and belie the convictions of his life. If he had erred, it was -in ignorance; he was so constituted mentally and morally as to desire -the glory of God, and had always striven to abide by the teachings of -the Scriptures.’ The appeal to the humanity of the Judges, however, met -with no response. Farel, indeed, who was present, interposed, telling -him that to obtain any favour he should begin by acknowledging and -showing contrition for his errors. But he gave no heed to this, and -went on to say that ‘he had done nothing to deserve death; he prayed -God, nevertheless, to forgive his enemies and persecutors.’ Rising from -the suppliant attitude he had assumed, he exclaimed, ‘O God, save my -soul; O Jesu, Son of the eternal God, have compassion upon me!’ - -From the porch of the Hotel de Ville, where the sentence was delivered, -a solemn procession was now formed for Champel, the place of -execution, passing by the Rue St. Antoine, and leaving the city by the -corresponding gate: the ‘Lieutenant Criminel,’ and other officers on -horseback, a guard of archers surrounding the prisoner and Farel, who -accompanied him on his death walk, and did not cease from efforts to -wring from him an avowal of his errors. But in vain; he had no answer -other than broken ejaculations and invocations on the name of God. ‘Is -there no word in your mouth but the name of God?’ said Farel. ‘On whom -can I now call but on God?’ said the unhappy Servetus. ‘Have you no -last words for anyone--for wife or child, perhaps, if you have either?’ -said the well-meaning pastor; but he met with no reply; though when -admonished to do so, the doomed man made no difficulty about asking -the people to join him in his prayers. This gave Farel an opportunity -to say to the crowd, ‘You see what power Satan has when he has taken -possession of the soul. This is a learned man, who perhaps even meant -to do well; but he fell into the power of the devil, and the same thing -might happen to any one of you. Though he has said that you have no -God, he yet asks you to join him in his prayers!’ - -But this is not all we have on the last moments of Servetus. Writing -to his friend, Ambrose Blaurer, soon after the fatal October 27, -Farel says, ‘You ask me about Servetus, so justly punished by a pious -magistracy. I was at Geneva when the sentence was delivered, and with -him when he died. The wretched man could not be brought to say that -Christ was the Eternal Son of God. When I urged him on the subject, he -desired me to point to a single place in the Scriptures in which Christ -is spoken of as the Son of God before his birth. All that could be done -had no effect in turning him from this error; he said nothing against -what was urged, but went on his way; we could by no means obtain what -we desired, viz., that he should own his error and acknowledge the -truth. We exhorted, we entreated, but made no impression. He beat -his breast, asked pardon for his faults, invoked God, confessed his -Saviour, and much besides, but would not acknowledge the Son of God, -save in the man Jesus. Nor was I alone in my exhortations; some of the -brethren also interposed, and admonished him ingenuously to admit and -say that he hated his errors; but he only replied that he was unjustly -condemned to death. On this I said: “Do you, who have so greatly -sinned, presume to justify yourself? If you go on thus I shall leave -you to the judgment of God, and accompany you no farther. I meant to -exhort the people to pray for you, hoping you would edify them; and -thought not to leave you till you had rendered your last breath.” After -this he said nothing more of himself, although when I spoke of the -Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, whom we preach in our churches, and in -whom the faithful believe, he said that it was right and good to do so; -but when I went on to say that he did not really think thus, and had -written otherwise, he would not admit it. He told me by the way that he -had had some things from a man who enjoyed no small reputation among -some of us. But though I do not doubt of Erasmus having been infected -in no trifling degree by the writings of the Rabbins, I know that in -his later works at least he expresses himself otherwise than in those -of earlier date. But the unhappy Servetus could not readily be made to -imbibe the truth and put it to increase; neither could he be cured of -his errors by the sound teaching of others. - -‘It were long did I repeat--I do not think, indeed, I can remember--all -that was said between seven in the morning and mid-day. In sum, -however, although he made no particular confession of his faith, -God hindered his name and doctrine from being impugned by any open -contumelious expression.’ - -When he came in sight of the fatal pile, the wretched Servetus -prostrated himself on the ground, and for a while was absorbed in -prayer. Rising and advancing a few steps, he found himself in the -hands of the executioner, by whom he was made to sit on a block, -his feet just reaching the ground. His body was then bound to the -stake behind him by several turns of an iron chain, whilst his neck -was secured in like manner by the coils of a hempen rope. His two -books--the one in manuscript sent to Calvin in confidence six or -eight years before for his strictures, and a copy of the one lately -printed at Vienne--were then fastened to his waist, and his head was -encircled in mockery with a chaplet of straw and green twigs bestrewed -with brimstone. The deadly torch was then applied to the faggots and -flashed in his face; and the brimstone catching, and the flames rising, -wrung from the victim such a cry of anguish as struck terror into the -surrounding crowd. After this he was bravely silent; but the wood being -purposely green, although the people aided the executioner in heaping -the faggots upon him, a long half-hour elapsed before he ceased to -show signs of life and of suffering. Immediately before giving up the -ghost, with a last expiring effort he cried aloud: ‘Jesu, Thou Son of -the eternal God, have compassion upon me!’ All was then hushed save the -hissing and crackling of the green wood; and by-and-by there remained -no more of what had been Michael Servetus but a charred and blackened -trunk and a handful of ashes. So died, in advance of his age, one of -the gifted sons of God, the victim of religious fanaticism and personal -hate. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -AFTER THE BATTLE--VÆ VICTORIBUS! - - -Even before the trial of Servetus had come to an end we have seen it -attracting the attention of some of the freer minds of Geneva--such as -were not over-awed by the dominant spirit of Calvin or not absorbed -in the political strife of the hour. A criminal suit on the ground -of a new interpretation of Scripture, as it had been made in fine so -clearly to appear, struck reasonable men not only as illogical but as -indefensible in a city whose autonomy and entire religious system were -founded on a right of the kind assumed by itself. Calvin’s dictum, that -Servetus’s purpose was the overthrow of all religion, was not seen to -be borne out by the facts of the case when calmly considered, and, to -the popular apprehension, was wholly belied by the pious bearing of the -man in the last hours of his life. Even Farel, misled as he was by his -fanaticism, could not help saying to the people, that ‘after all the -man may have meant well.’ - -The protracted trial at an end, the sacrifice made, the Councillors of -Geneva seem immediately to have come to their senses, and discovered -that they had transgressed the true limits of their authority in -condemning to death one who owed them no allegiance, who had been -guilty of no crime or misdemeanour whether within the bounds of their -jurisdiction or elsewhere, and whose heresies implied no rejection of -the Scriptures as the Word of God, or of the teaching of Christ and -his Apostles as the means of salvation. Servetus’s heresy amounted -to no more than repudiation of what he maintained to be erroneous -interpretations of the language of the Gospels, of metaphysical -assumptions from heathen philosophies, and mystical procedures -unwarranted by a line whether of the Old or the New Testament. They -overlooked the fact that the presence of the man among them was due to -flight from the fate that waited on all who had the courage of their -opinions amid the blood-stained intolerance of Roman Catholicism; -that he was only another among the host of refugees--their spiritual -Dictator himself not excepted--who now crowded the streets of Geneva; -and that, but for the hostile interference of Calvin, he, like so many -more, would have been welcomed as ‘a bird escaped from the net of the -fowler;’ sheltered had he elected to remain, furthered on his way had -he chosen to depart. - -That thoughts of the kind had taken possession of the Council is -proclaimed by the fact of their quashing the indictment preferred by -Farel and the Consistory against Geroult, Arnoullet’s foreman, three -days after the death of Servetus, on the score of the part he had -had in printing the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ and concealing the -character of its contents from his master. Farel and the clergy in -their blind zeal would have persevered in their efforts to have another -victim. But the civilians interposed. Enough--more than enough had -already been done to satisfy the outer world that the Genevese, if -reputed heretics themselves, were no favourers of heresy of another -complexion than their own. Left to calm reflection, the Council may -well have come to see that they had only lent themselves to theological -intolerance, when they imagined they were fulfilling an important part -of their magisterial duties. - -The entire ground, indeed, on which the trial had been instituted -would not bear close scrutiny. The book, on the presumed publication -and dissemination of which it had been set on foot, had not yet been -seen in Geneva save by Calvin: there was not then another copy in the -city but the one sent, as I believe, by its hapless author through -Frelon to the Reformer. Neither had the ostensible institutor of -the suit, Nicolas de la Fontaine, the shadow of a grievance against -Michael Servetus, the writer of the book. He could never have seen it -out of Calvin’s hands, he was almost certainly unacquainted with the -language in which it was written, and, if he were not, he could still -never have read a word of it but at Calvin’s prompting--he had not, in -all probability, even heard the name of Servetus until he had it from -the mouth of his master! De la Fontaine, moreover, was no citizen of -Geneva any more than Calvin himself[100]--neither of them could have -had a legal title to prefer a criminal charge; master and man were -aliens alike, and in Geneva on the same plea as Servetus; they fleeing -for their lives from the Inquisitors and agents of the concubine of -Henry of France, he from the Inquisitor and Church authorities of -Dauphiny. - -More than this. ‘He,’ it is said, ‘who casts the first stone should be -himself without sin.’ Calvin pursued Servetus to death mainly on the -ground of his divergent interpretation of the Trinitarian mystery. But -was Calvin himself quite sound on this head, and was he equally hostile -to all who called the dogma in question? We have had him saying that he -only objected to speak of God and Nature as signifying the same thing, -because of the harshness or impropriety of the expression. But he who -so delivers himself identifies God and the Universe, and excludes ideas -of personality and subdivision in the essence of the Deity. No wonder, -therefore, that Calvin was oftener than once charged with unorthodoxy -from the Catholic point of view on the subject of the Trinity. In the -Confession of Faith which he formulated for the Church of Geneva in -the year 1536, it is certain that neither the word Trinity nor the -word Person is to be found;[101] and when challenged at a later period -by Caroli, the colleague of Viret at Lausanne, on the matter, he did -not so express himself as to satisfy his accuser. In a remarkable -note, moreover, ‘On the word Trinity and the word Persons,’ written -apparently to meet the surmises suggested by the absence of the sacred -vocables from the Confession, Calvin says: - - ‘Inasmuch as these words, ‘Trinity’ and ‘Persons,’ are found - by us to be very serviceable in the Church of Christ, as by - them the true distinction of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit - is more clearly expressed, and controversial discussions are - better served by their means, we say that we have no such - objection to them as forbids us to receive them from others or - to make use of them ourselves. Therefore, do we again declare, - as we have formerly declared, that we accept the words, - and would not that they ceased to be used in the Churches. - For neither in our expositions of the Scriptures or when - preaching to the people do we shun them; and we have instructed - others [in private]--_docebimus alios_, that they should not - superstitiously avoid them. Did anyone, however, from religious - scruples, feel indisposed to make use of the words--although - we avow that such superstition is not approved by us, and we - shall continue striving to correct it--still, this seems no - sufficient reason why a man, otherwise pious and having like - religious views as ourselves, should be rejected. His want of - better knowledge in this direction ought not to carry us the - length of casting him out of the Church, or lead us to conclude - that he was therefore altogether unsound in the faith. Neither, - meantime, are we to think evilly of the Pastors of the Church - of Berne, if they refuse to admit anyone to the ministry who - declines to use the words.’[102] - -We leave the reader to draw his own conclusions from this, and only ask -him to say, on its showing, what excuse can be found for Calvin’s deed -in burning Servetus? Scattered throughout the writings of the Genevese -Reformer we encounter many expressions which prove plainly enough how -much against the grain he finally confessed partition in the unity of -God. ‘The first principle to be acknowledged in the Scriptures,’ he -says, ‘is the Being of One God; but as the same Scriptures speak of -a Father, a Son, and a Holy Ghost, what have we for it--_quid aliud -restat_--but to own three Persons in the Godhead? These, however,’ he -proceeds in the usual orthodox fashion to say, and in contradiction to -the words first made use of, ‘imply no plurality of persons, neither do -they destroy the essential unity of God; for where were Quaternity to -be found does the one God comprise in himself three properties--_ubi -autem quaternitas reperitur si unus Deus tres in se proprietates -contineat_?’[104] Where, indeed! But the question is of _persons_ not -of properties; as in the affair with Caroli it was of an Eternal Son -not of an Eternal Word. - -In another place we find him using such language as this: ‘The words of -the Council of Nicæa are these: God of God--a hard expression I admit, -for the removal of the ambiguity of which no better interpreter can -be found than Athanasius, who indited it--_Deum a Deo--dura loquutio -fateor, sed ad cujus tollendam ambiguitatem nemo potest esse magis -idoneus interpres quam Athanasius qui eam dictavit_.’ - -Elsewhere, though we have omitted to note the place, he declares that -the Athanasian symbol was never approved by any of the legitimate [i.e. -Protestant] Churches--_cujus symbolum nulla unquam legitima ecclesia -approbâsset_.’[105] Such writing is surely very noteworthy. Calvin’s -acknowledgment of a Trinity is neither of his understanding nor his -faith; it is enforced merely and obviously in opposition to the reason -he had from God for his guidance. But Michael Servetus, whom he sent -to a fiery death, not only does not deny, but expressly, and oftener -than once, avows that he acknowledges a Trinity in the Essence of God. -He, too, found the words Father, Son, and Holy Ghost in the Scriptures; -and, as little disposed as Calvin to gainsay a word they contain, he -actually uses language the simple sense of which is that precisely -under which Calvin seeks to shield himself; only he employs the word -_dispositions_ instead of _properties_. Calvin, when he attempts to -reconcile the idea of a Trinity of persons co-existing with an unity -of Being, and does not use language that contradicts itself, speaks no -otherwise than Servetus, and arrives in fine at the same interpretation -of the Trinitarian Dogma: the _persons_ are _dispositions_ to the one, -_properties_ to the other! - -After the most careful study of the writings of Servetus we have been -able to bestow, we have it forced upon us that had Calvin been so -minded he could from them, more readily, and far more consistently, -have defended their author as a sincerely pious, though in his opinion, -a much mistaken man in his interpretation of Christian doctrine, -than prosecuted him as the enemy of all religion, a monster, as he -says, made up of mere impieties and horrible blasphemies! But to -the intolerant bigot, engrossed by his own conceits and dislikes, -all Servetus’s confiding piety was hypocrisy, his touching prayers -mockery, and his eloquence as becoming in him as a coat of mail to a -hog--‘_qu’une jaserame un Truie_’(!) - -Nor can Calvin have credit given him for religious zeal, as the -principal, still less as the sole ground for his prosecution of -Servetus. He would condone the Church of Berne for repudiating him who -denied the Trinitarian mystery, but could not forgive the Spaniard’s -intemperate and disrespectful style of address to himself. In this lay -the prime cause of offence to the man, accustomed to have all the world -bowing down before him, who was always addressed as ‘_Monsieur_,’ not -as ‘_Maître_,’ like the rest of the clergy, and whose appointments, -however modest in our eyes, equalled those of a dignitary of the Church -in neighbouring lands. One of Nicolas de la Fontaine’s counts against -the man he did not even know, but whom he arraigned for life or death, -is the objectionable language indulged in towards his pastor; and we -have Calvin’s own words against himself when he says that Servetus’s -‘arrogance, not less than his impiety, led to his destruction;’ whilst -he elsewhere owns, that ‘had Servetus but been possessed of even a show -of modesty he would not have pursued him so determinedly on the capital -charge.’ - -By way of conclusion here, let us observe that Calvin’s fundamental -principle of Election by the Grace of God ought to have stayed his hand -from all persecution on religious grounds. He is constantly spoken of -as a man possessed of a peculiarly logical mind. But if it be by the -eternal decrees of God that some are ordained to salvation and some to -perdition, how should Servetus or anyone else come between God and his -purposes? How should the Elect be prejudiced, or the Reprobate made -worse by the act of man? - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -CALVIN DEFENDS HIMSELF. - - -Dissatisfaction with what had been done appears to have become general -immediately after the execution of Servetus. It extended beyond the -walls of the Council chamber and found wider expression than in the -arrest of proceedings against Geroult. Ballads and pasquinades, little -complimentary to Calvin and his party, circulated freely, and were all -the more persistently spread in private if none dared to utter them in -public or sing them in the streets. Calvin himself acknowledges that -fear alone of consequences repressed for a time any open expression -of abhorrence for the death of Servetus. Certain it is, that before -the year was out, save among friends and obsequious followers, the act -in which he had taken the prominent part came to be so unfavourably -construed that he felt forced to appear as his own apologist, and in -justification of his deed to proclaim his victim not only a heretic -because of theological dissidence, with which the people of Geneva were -familiar enough and not always greatly scandalised, but to hold him up -as wholly without religious convictions himself, the open enemy of all -religion in others, the conspirator against the moral well-being of the -world, and the conscience-stricken craven in face of his impending fate! - -To this task Calvin would seem to have been more especially incited -by Bullinger, who loses no opportunity of showing himself hostile to -Servetus; and even thinks that ‘were Satan to come back from hell and -take to preaching for pastime, he would make use of much the same -language as Servetus the Spaniard.’[106] Writing to Calvin at this -time, and thinking doubtless of the growing unpopularity of his friend, -Bullinger says: ‘See to it, dear Calvin, that you give a good account -of Servetus and his end, so that all may have the beast in horror--_ut -omnes abhorreant a bestia_!’ To which Calvin replies: ‘If I have but a -little leisure I shall show what a monster he was.’[107] - -Such were the inducements Calvin had for entering on the apologetic -defence of himself through denouncing the errors, impugning the -motives, and blackening the fame of Servetus to which he now applied -himself and had ready for publication both in French and Latin -early in the year 1554, the title of the French book in brief being -‘_Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foy_;’ that of the Latin, -‘_Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei de sacra Trinitate contra errores Michaelis -Serveti, &c._’[108] - -In his introduction Calvin informs the reader that he had ‘not at first -thought it necessary to come forward with any formal refutation of the -errors of Servetus,’ the ponderous absurdity of his ravings appearing -so plainly that he imagined it would be like winnowing the wind to do -so, for there was really no danger of anyone of sound mind and ordinary -understanding not being found superior to such follies. ‘But better -informed, knowing the poison to be deadly in its kind, and having -regard to the amount of stupidity and confusion which God, to avenge -Himself, inflicts on all who despise his doctrine, I have felt myself -compelled as it were to take up the pen, and in exposing the errors of -the man to furnish grounds for better conclusions. When Servetus and -his like, indeed, presume to meddle with the mysteries of religion, it -is as if swine came thrusting their snouts into a treasury of sacred -things. May God pay all with the wages they deserve whose vicious -proclivities lead them to burn after one novelty or another, which -they can no more resist than can the man from scratching who has the -itch!--_pas plus que celui qui a la ratelle qui démange_.’ - -‘The punishment that befel Servetus,’ he continues, ‘is always ascribed -to me. I am called a master in cruelty, and shall now be said to mangle -with my pen the dead body of the man who came to his death at my hands. -And I will not deny that it was at my instance he was arrested, that -the prosecutor was set on by me, or that it was by me that the articles -of inculpation were drawn up. But all the world knows that since he was -convicted of his heresies I never moved to have him punished by death. -There needs no more than simple denial from me to rebut the calumnies -of the malevolent, the brainless, the frivolous, the fools, or the -dissolute.’ - -There is much in what precedes to challenge comment, and the language, -self-condemnatory of the writer in one respect, if not purposely meant -to mislead, is yet greatly calculated to do so in another. If Servetus’ -teaching was such ponderous folly that it could by no possibility have -any influence in the world, why did Calvin proceed against him from -the first on the capital charge? It is God, too, who inflicts such -stupidity on mankind as makes the intervention of John Calvin necessary -to set things right; and the denial and vituperative epithets at the -end of the paragraph last quoted do not cover an obvious intention on -his part to have the reader conclude that he had had nothing to do -with the doom which befel the Spaniard. But Calvin knew that by the -law of Geneva the convicted heretic must die; and he had written to -his friend Farel on August 20, within a week of the arrest, that he -hoped the sentence _would be capital at the least_--_spero capitale -saltem judicium fore_. All the favour Calvin ever asked for Servetus -was that he might die by the sword instead of by brimstone and slow -fire. He does not say so much indeed, but it almost looks as if he -would have the world believe that he had moved to save the man’s life! -We have his own acknowledgment, however, of the active part he took in -the prosecution of Servetus at Geneva, and his expressed hope of what -the sentence should be. This much he could not deny; the facts of the -case put it out of his power. But he always shirked complicity with -all that happened at Vienne. There there was underhand dealing and -betrayal of trust, and he would fain have the world believe that he had -had nothing to do with the ugly business. But here, too, everything we -know, is against him, and all he says by way of freeing himself from -the charge of having denounced Servetus to the authorities of Lyons -seems but to strengthen the conclusion that he did. Calvin was an able -man undoubtedly, but he was not a cunning man, and often lets his pen -give expression to thoughts of things gone by, which he would not have -suffered to appear had he been more artful. - - In one of his epistles he says, ‘Nothing less is said of me - than that I might as well have thrown Servetus amid a pack - of wild beasts as into the hands of the professed enemies - of the Church of Christ; for I have the credit given me of - having caused him to be arrested at Vienne. But why such sudden - familiarity between me and the satellites of the Pope? Is it - to be believed that confidential letters could have passed - between parties who had as little in common as Christ and - Belial? Yet why many words to refute that which simple denial - from me suffices to answer! Four years have now passed since - Servetus himself spread this report. I only ask why, if he had - been denounced by me, as said, he was thereafter suffered to - remain unmolested for the space of three whole years? It must - either be allowed that the crime I am charged withal is a pure - invention, or that my denunciation did him no harm with the - Papists.’ - -True, and answers to all he says are not far to seek. Why the -familiarity with the satellites of the Pope? That he might be avenged -through them on one whom he regarded at once as a dangerous heretic -and a personal enemy. How should confidential letters have passed -between parties who had so little in common as himself and the Roman -Catholics of Lyons? Because he would have had them the instruments of -his vengeance. If denounced by him, as said, how did Servetus remain -unmolested for three whole years? Because denunciation for heresy of -one who lived in good repute with his friends as a true son of the -Church, by another standing in the very foremost ranks of heresy, was -taken no notice of by Cardinal Tournon and his advisers.--All that -Calvin says now seems but to demonstrate the truth of what we have from -Bolsec, and may possibly have been the ground of the warning against -the over free expression of his opinions which Servetus is said to have -received long before the _denouement_ that followed the printing of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio.’ Calvin continues: - - ‘Would that the errors of Servetus might have been buried with - him; but as his ashes continue to spread a pestiferous stench I - go on to expose his heresies, a task delayed till now through - no fear of measuring myself with one like him, for I have coped - with adversaries much more redoubtable than he, but because I - had other work in hand of more importance as I believed. He, - however, who contends that it is unjust to punish heretics and - blasphemers, I say, becomes their deliberate associate. You - tell me of the authority of man; but we have the word of God - and his eternal laws for the government of his Church. Not in - vain has He commanded us to suppress every human affection for - the sake of religion. And wherefore such severity, if it be - not for this, that we are to prefer God’s honour to mere human - reason.’ - -But the St. Bartholomew and all the nameless horrors that have been -perpetrated in the name of religion and to uphold what is called the -honour of God, are the logical outcome of principles that lead to -such language. Calvin’s treatment of Servetus was in truth nothing -less than a direct encouragement to the Roman Catholics of France to -persevere in their atrocities towards the Protestants. Geneva, which -had been looked on as the bulwark of independent thought and of freedom -to worship God according to conscience came to be regarded as the -seat of another Inquisition. All and sundry who pretended to think -for themselves, and who did not include Election and Predestination -in their creed, must be silent. Did they speak or say a word against -the rules and regulations of the modern propounder of the doctrine of -God’s partiality, they were mercilessly hunted down, fined, imprisoned, -scourged on the back, branded on the cheek, banished from their homes, -or, as in the case of Servetus, put to death; even as the moving cause -of all these atrocities would himself have been dealt with in France -had he there avowed what were there styled the heretical opinions -he entertained--the damnable doctrines he taught. Persecution which -follows necessarily from the principles on which the Church of Rome is -founded, could not be entered on by the Reformed Churches without a -total abnegation of those to which they owe their existence.[109] - -But it is not with Servetus’s doctrines alone that Calvin occupies -himself in his ‘Declaration’ and ‘Defence.’ He must further darken -the fame of the man whom he slew, for the consistency and fortitude -he displayed when confronted with death, as we have seen him -essaying to detract from the purity and probity of his life on his -trial. ‘Servetus,’ says Calvin, ‘was only bold when he had no fear -of punishment before him; but so overwhelmed was he in face of his -impending fate, that he was lost to all and everything about him. -Praying with the people he had said were Godless, he yet prayed as -if he had been in the midst of the Church of God, and thereby showed -that his opinions were nothing to him! Giving no sign of regret or -repentance, saying never a word in vindication of his doctrines, what, -I ask you, is to be thought of the man who, at such a time, and with -full liberty to speak, made no confession one way or another, any more -than if he had been a stock or a stone? He had no fear of having his -tongue torn out; he was not forbidden to say what he liked; and though -at last he declined to call on Jesus as the eternal Son of God (Calvin -omits to say that he called devoutly with his latest breath on Jesus -as Son of the eternal God), inasmuch as he made no declaration of his -faith, who shall say that this man died a martyr’s death?’ ‘Theological -hatred,’ says a late esteemed writer,[110] ‘never inspired words -more atrociously cruel and unjust than these of Calvin;’ and we do -not hesitate to indorse the dictum. Calvin’s challenge of Servetus’s -fortitude in the face of death is most unjust. Servetus went bravely to -his death; though to him, in the vigour of life, and possessed of all -his powers, - - With thoughts that wandered through Eternity, - -life assuredly was sweet; and to lose it not only for no crime, but for -the avowal of what he believed to be holy truth, was hard indeed. To -Servetus existence was not summed up in ministering to mere material -wants and putting off and on at eve and morn; it meant _doing_ in the -knowable, _speculating_ in that which transcends the known, furthering -knowledge of the world we live in, striving after congruous conceptions -of the Almighty Cause of the good, and ministering to the ill that -befals--a truly noble life! - -But Calvin could no more forgive Servetus his constancy and consistency -than he could endure his theological divergences and his personal -insults. ‘Could we but have had a retractation from Servetus as we -had from Gentilis!’ exclaims he, upon another occasion. Strange! -that men in whom the religious sense is strong should still be blind -to the truth that if there be sincerity in the world, they, too, -who feel strongly though divergently on religion, must be as truly -religious and sincere as themselves; and that convictions in the sphere -of faith--those garments of the soul--cannot be put off and on at -pleasure, like the garments of the body! - -It were needless to say that Calvin’s refutation, or shall we say -_condemnation_ of Servetus, is full and complete, if it be not at all -times of the complexion which unimpassioned weighing of the argument, -considerate appreciation of the purpose, and truthful interpretation -of the language of an opponent would have secured. Both of the forms -in which the book appeared were well received by the public; the -‘_Déclaration pour Maintenir la Vraye Foy_’ having been extensively -read by those who were not masters of the Latin; the ‘_Fidelis -expositio Errorum_’ by those who were. Bullinger, it appears from -what Calvin says, must formerly have urged him on to severity; and, -as we have just seen, now shows himself anxious to have his friend -appear in defence of what had been done. Writing immediately after the -publication of the book, he congratulates the writer on his work; the -only fault he has to find with it being the terseness of the style, -which leads at times to obscurity, and its brevity. Calvin, in reply, -excuses himself for the conciseness of his language and the modest -length of his work. But his letter, in so far as it relates to our -subject, is too important not to have a place in our narrative. - - Your last letter, Calvin says, was duly delivered by our - excellent brother Tho. Jonerus. I was from home at the time, - so that I could not show him the hospitality he deserved, but - it so fell out that the Lord in my absence provided for him - in a way that could not have been bettered.... I have always - feared that in my book my conciseness may have occasioned some - obscurity; but I could not well guard against it. I may say, - indeed, that with the end I had in view other motives led me to - the brevity you speak of. In writing at all it was not only my - principal but my sole object to expose the detestable errors of - Servetus. It seemed to me that the subjects handled were best - discussed in the plainest terms, and that the impious errors - of the man should not be overlaid by any lengthy or ornate - writing of mine. I, therefore, say nothing more of the severity - of the style on which you animadvert. I have, indeed, taken - every possible pains to show the common reader how without much - trouble the thorny subtleties of Servetus may be exposed and - refuted. I am not blind to the fact, however, that though I am - wont to be concise in my writings I have felt myself more bound - to brevity here than usual. But so it be only allowed that the - sound doctrine has been defended by me in sincerity of faith - and with understanding, this is of far more moment than any - regrets I may feel for having been forced on the task. You, - however, for the love you bear me, and led by the candour and - equity of your nature, will judge me favourably in what I have - done. Others may construe me more harshly; say I am a master - in severity and cruelty, and that with my pen I lacerate the - body of the man who came to his death through me. Some, too, - there are, not otherwise evilly disposed, who say that the - world is silent as to what was done, and that no attempt is - made to refute my argument on the punishment of heresy, through - fear of my displeasure. But it is well that I have you for the - associate of my fault, if, indeed, there be any fault; for you - were my authority and instigator. Look to it, therefore, that - you gird yourself for the fight.... - - JO. CALVIN. - - Geneva, November 3, 1554. - -This interesting letter[111] seems to show that Calvin had already -conceived misgivings of his conduct in the affair of Servetus. When -John Calvin condescends to seek support beyond himself, and to charge a -friend with having egged him on to the deed whose memory seems now to -rankle in his mind, he must have felt less sure than was his wont that -all he did was well done - - This even-handed justice - Commends the ingredients of our poison’d chalice - To our own lips; (and tells us) we but teach - Bloody instructions, which, being taught, return - To plague the inventor. - -Self-reliant as he was, and ready else to take on himself the -responsibility of his acts, we yet see that he, the strong man among -the strong, now felt the want not only of sympathy and approval, but -of some one to share the ‘fault, if fault there were,’ in a relentless -pursuit and terrible deed. When he would thus associate Bullinger with -himself in his pitiless persecution of the ill-starred Servetus, Calvin -must refer to the letter he had had from the Zürich pastor of September -14, as well as to the one in which the reply of the Church of Zürich -to the Council of Geneva is couched--reply of which there need be no -question Bullinger was the writer. Of all the ministers of the Swiss -Churches Calvin, we believe, had the highest respect for Bullinger, -who, as he did not always truckle to him, fell out of favour at times, -but only to come back anon with heartier consideration than before. - -Melanchthon, too, whom we have found taking more notice of the work -on Trinitarian Error than any of the other Reformers, would seem to -have gone on to the end of his life increasing in hostility to its -author. He, indeed, shows little of the mildness with which he is -commonly credited whenever in later years the name of Servetus meets -him. Writing to Calvin in October 1554, a year consequently after the -death of Servetus, and when he had probably read the ‘Apologia de -Mysterio Trinitatis,’ addressed to him, and printed at the end of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ Melanchthon congratulates the Reformer ‘for -all he had done in bringing so dangerous a heretic to justice.’ ‘I have -read your able refutation of the horrible blasphemies of the Spaniard; -and for the conclusion attained give thanks to the Son of God who was -umpire in your contest. The Church, too, both of the day and of the -future, owes you thanks, and will surely prove itself grateful.’[112] - -Calvin’s more intimate friends and partisans, with few exceptions, -approved of his zeal in vindicating the honour of God, as they said, -and treading out, as they imagined, the threatening spark of heresy -kindled by Servetus. Later admirers and adherents, again, unable to -condone his deed, attempt to find, and flatter themselves that they do -find, excuse for him in the ruder and sterner temper of the times in -which he lived. But we own, regretfully, that with all we know, we -cannot follow them in this. Calvin was not only a man of the highest -intelligence, he was also possessed of a carefully cultivated mind. An -admirable scholar, deeply read in the humanities, and familiar with -history, he had in earlier life, and in face of the persecution for -conscience’ sake beginning under Francis I., manfully raised his voice -for toleration. He had even gone out of his way, as we have seen, and -spent his money in republishing Seneca’s ‘Treatise on Clemency,’ with -added comments of his own, by way of warning, beyond question, to his -sovereign against the fatal course on which he saw him entering. - -Addressing another among the monarchs of the earth in a later -work,[113] he says: ‘Wisdom is driven from among us, and the holy -harmony of Christ’s kingdom, that makes lambs of wolves and turns -spears into pruning-hooks, is compromised when violence is impressed -into the service of religion.’ And yet again we have him using words -like these: ‘Although we are not to be on familiar terms with persons -excommunicated by the Church for infractions of discipline, we are -still to strive by clemency and our prayers to bring them into accord -with its teaching. Nor, indeed, are such as these only to be so -entreated; but Turks, Saracens, and others, positive enemies of the -true religion, also. Drowning, beheading, and burning are far from -being the proper means of bringing them and their like to proper -views.’[114] - -Calvin had, therefore, got beyond his age and its spirit of -intolerance; and, having turned his back on the Church of Rome, no -shelter can be found for him in an appeal to its sanguinary principles -and practice. Calvin, in a word, is inexcusable for refusing to -Servetus the liberty he arrogated for himself, and for turning the city -that sheltered him into a shambles for the man of whom religiousness -alone had made an enemy, and persecution had driven into his power. - -Servetus, however, it is said, was a heretic, a blasphemer. But what -was Calvin in the eyes of those he had forsaken? The most egregious -of heretics, whose teaching had led thousands from the faith of -their fathers, and imperilled their salvation; a traitor, too, whose -independent principles turned subjects into rebels, and tended to make -despotic rule by Priest and King impossible. And this is true; for we -are not to overlook the fact that it is to Calvin, with however little -purpose on his part, that we mainly owe the large amount of civil and -religious liberty we now enjoy. - -Of Calvin, more truly perhaps than of any man that ever lived, may the -dictum of the poet, where he says: - - The evil that men do lives after them, - The good is oft interred with their bones, - -be held to be reversed. In Calvin’s case it was the ill he did that -died, the good that lived. With no respect for civil liberty himself, -and still less for religious liberty beyond the pale of his own narrow -confession of faith, Calvin must nevertheless be thought of as the -real herald of modern freedom. Holding ignorance to be incompatible -with the existence of a people at once religious and free, Calvin -had the school-house built beside the church, and brought education -within the reach of all. Nor did he overlook the higher culture. He -restored the College of Geneva, founded half a century before by a -pious and liberal citizen, but utterly neglected in Roman Catholic -times; and as a complement to the University he founded the Academy. -Forbidden to set foot on the land of his birth, he was nevertheless -the genius of its religious growth, and in company with this, of its -aspirations after freedom. But for the fickleness and falseness of its -princes, France might have had reformed Christianity for her faith; -and with the intelligence, morality, and true piety of her Huguenot -sons in possession of their homes, might possibly have been spared her -Grand Monarques and despotism, her Revolutions, her Buonapartes, and -her wars that have drenched the soil of Europe in blood ever since -Henry of Navarre proved untrue to himself and Liberty. But Scottish -Presbyterianism and English Puritanism and Nonconformity in its -multifarious, sturdy, self-sufficing forms, and 1688, were each and -all the legitimate outcome of a system which told the world that there -was no such thing in the law of God as divine right to govern wrongly; -and in asserting free-thought for itself in matters of opinion, by -indefeasible logic gave a title to all to think freely. - -There can be little question, in fact, that Calvinism, or some -modification of its essential principles, is the form of religious -faith that has been professed in the modern world by the most -intelligent, moral, industrious, and freest of mankind. If Calvinism, -however, tend to make men more manly and more fit for freedom, it has -also a certain hardening influence on the heart, disposing to severity. -Yet has not even this been without its compensating good; for when -Calvin--impersonation of relentless rigour--sent the pious Servetus -to the flames, it may be said that the knell of intolerance began to -toll. Persistence in consigning dissidents from the religious dogmas -of the day to death was made henceforth impossible, and persecution on -religious grounds to any minor issue has come by degrees to be seen -not only as indefensible in principle, but immoral in fact; for it -strikes at the root of the very noblest elements in the constitution of -humanity--Conscience and Loyalty to Truth. - -But Calvinism has had its day. The free inquiry of which it sprang has -slowly, yet surely, carried all save its wilfully blind or ignorant -adherents beyond the pale of their old beliefs. More than a century -ago the Church of Geneva broke not only with its Confession of Faith -as formulated by its founder, but with confessions of faith of every -complexion; so that one of its leaders, on occasion of the late -tercentenary commemoration of the death of the Reformer, could say: -_Nous ne sommes plus Calvinistes selon Calvin_. Nor has the defection -of the Swiss been singular; they have been followed more or less -closely by the Dutch, the Germans, the more advanced of the Protestant -Church of France, and finally and at length by the Scotch. In the land -of Knox, the very stronghold of Judaic Christianity as defined by -Calvin and his great disciple, open rebellion has broken out against -the narrowness of the Creed and Catechism of the Westminster Assembly -of Divines so obsequiously followed until now; prelude, doubtless, to -further disruption and greater change than have yet been seen; for -modern criticism and exegesis, and ever advancing science, proclaim -arrest at any grade in the Religious Idea yet attained by the Churches -to be impossible. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -CALVIN’S DEFENCE IS ATTACKED. - - -Even whilst the trial was proceeding, we have seen that Calvin was not -without opposition in his pursuit of Servetus. Amied Perrin, his great -political rival, had striven for mercy or a minor punishment to the -last; and he was not without followers in the Council. But they were -outnumbered and out-voted there, so that the light of the ‘blessed -quality that is not strained’ was quenched. Outside the circle of -the governing body also, more than one voice was raised against the -manifest aim of Calvin to have his theological opponent capitally -convicted. But it was by persons of inferior note. David Bruck, among -others, a man of talent and quondam minister of a congregation of -Anabaptists in the North, now living privately and respected under the -name of David Joris at Berne, went so far as to speak of Servetus as a -pious man, and to declare that if all who differed from others in their -religious views were to be put to death, the world would be turned into -one sea of blood.[115] - -But the writer who received most notice from Calvin and his friends -was he who appeared under the assumed name of Martin Bellius. Taking -as his text the 29th verse of the 4th chapter of Paul’s Epistle to the -Galatians: ‘As then he that was born of the flesh persecuted him that -was born of the Spirit, even so is it now,’ Bell proceeded to show that -persecution to death on religious grounds, though it might be Judaism -was not Christianity, and that many learned men and eminent doctors -of the Church, both of older and more modern times, had been emphatic -in condemnation of all intolerance in the sphere of religion. Bell’s -book, small in bulk but weighty in argument, was felt as a home-thrust -by the Reformer of Geneva, his own words in favour of toleration among -others being quoted against him. It is often spoken of at the time as -the Farrago--Calvin himself so designates it when sending a copy of it -to his friend Bullinger. But neither Calvin nor his friends liked the -book; and it is in depreciation of its real significance that it is -spoken of as a medley.[116] - -Premising an Introduction, addressed to Frederick, the reigning Duke of -Würtemberg, in which the writer sets forth his own views, he asks the -Duke whether he should think a subject of his deserving of death who, -avowing belief in God and his earnest desire to live in conformity with -the precepts of Scripture, should say that he did not think baptism -was properly performed on an infant eight days old; but was of opinion -that the rite should be deferred until years of discretion had been -attained and the recipient could give a reason for the faith that was -in him? Did the subject think further that if he were required by law -to baptize infants he was running counter to Christ’s ordinance, and -felt that he was doing violence to his conscience, Bell asks the Duke -again, ‘Did he think, if Christ were present as Judge, that He would -order the man who so delivered himself to be put to death?’ Replying to -his question himself, he says: ‘I venture to believe that He would not.’ - -Our author then proceeds to quote from the works of many writers, -who maintain that the punishment of heretics is no part of the civil -magistrate’s duty; from Erasmus, who declares that God, the Great -Father of the human family, will not have heretics, even hæresiarchs, -put to death, but tolerated in view of their possible amendment. ‘When -I think how reprehensible are heresy and schism,’ says the great -scholar, ‘I am scarce disposed to condemn the laws against them; but -when I call to mind the gentleness wherewith Christ led his disciples, -I shrink from the instances I see of men sent to prison and the stake -on the ground of their disagreement with scholastic dogmas.’ From Aug. -Eleutherius, who opines that ‘they are not always truly heretics -whom the vulgar so designate.’ From Lactantius, who says ‘Force and -violence are out of place in matters of faith; for religion cannot be -forced on mankind; words not stripes are here the proper instruments -of persuasion.’ From Augustin, who goes so far as to say that ‘for -the sake of peace even dogs are to be tolerated in the Church. The -Catholic servants of God are not to stain themselves with the blood of -their enemies, but to be examples of patience and forbearance. It is no -business of theirs to gather the tares for burning before the harvest -is ready; they who err are men, and it is man’s part to bear with the -erring; the tares do no real harm to the wheat; and if the erring be -not cured here, they do not escape punishment hereafter.’ - -There is much besides from others, which we spare the reader; but we -have to show that clemency for theological divergence was no novelty -in the age of Calvin; and no one will imagine for a moment that he had -forgotten what he had written himself, or was ignorant of a word that -had ever been said on the subject by others. - -Martin Bell’s tractate was so eagerly seized upon by the public, and -proved so influential in turning the tide of self-gratulation on which -Calvin had been floating somewhat at his ease since the appearance -of his ‘Declaration’ and ‘Defence,’ that it was thought necessary to -find an antidote to the bane of reason and mercy, so modestly but so -convincingly presented in its pages. Calvin would probably have felt -himself constrained to take the field again, and, ‘confronting Bell -with self-comparisons,’ to answer him ‘point against point’ in person, -had he not had his friend De Beza at hand to take his place. Engaged at -the moment with his Commentary on Genesis, Calvin felt little disposed -to interrupt his work by entering anew on an old theme, though ever -ready to gird himself for the fight on one with novelty to recommend -it. The task of meeting Martin Bell he therefore delegated to De Beza, -who appeared anon in a volume three or four times the size of the -Farrago in answer to its plea for latitude in the interpretation of -the Scriptures, and against the infliction of death for the religious -divergence called heresy in any or all of the multifarious forms in -which it shows itself. - -With the terrible text of the Jewish Bible, ‘If thy brother, thy son, -the wife of thy bosom, or the friend that is as thine own soul, entice -thee, saying, Let us go and serve other Gods; thou shalt not consent to -him, neither shall thine eye have pity on him, neither shalt thou spare -him, but thou shalt surely kill him, thy hand shall be first upon him -to put him to death,’ &c. (Deut. xiii. 6 and seq.), and much besides, -akin to this, assumed as the command of God, Beza had no very difficult -task before him in persuading himself and his party that they had -abidden by the Law in all that had been done; satisfied as they were -besides that those who gainsaid them were the enemies of God and man -when they presumed to defend doctrines dishonouring, it was said, to -the Supreme and destructive of the peace of the world.--God, in a word, -was with them; the Devil and corrupt humanity on the side of their -opponents, and there an end. - -We do not observe, however, that Beza’s reply, though very -ably conceived, and written with the skill of the practised -controversialist, had any great influence. It was not reprinted in -a separate form, and although translated into Dutch, seems to have -been little read beyond the circle of Calvin’s friends and followers. -Short as was the time that had elapsed since Servetus perished, the -apologists of the man who sent him to his death were already in -the rear of public opinion on the subject. The jurisdiction of the -magistrate had come to be seen ever more and more clearly to lie within -the sphere of ACT, and to have nothing to do with OPINION. - -A conclusion so wholesome as this was greatly strengthened by the -appearance of another book in immediate reply to Calvin’s ‘Declaration’ -and ‘Defence,’ entitled: ‘Contra Libellum Calvini, &c. against Calvin’s -book, in which he strives to show that heretics are to be dealt with -capitally.’[117] This is the little work that is often referred to as -‘a Dialogue between Calvin and Vaticanus,’ ‘Dialogus inter Calvinum -et Vaticanum.’ In the Preface to the copy I have used, the work is -ascribed to Sebastian Castellio, and several short papers from this -distinguished scholar are appended to the text; but he most certainly -was not its author. An old and determined opponent of Calvin, whose -doctrine of Predestination and Election he had had the hardihood, -in a special pamphlet, to criticise and controvert, Castellio had -aroused the ire of Calvin; and it was on this ground probably that he -had the credit given him of having written the ‘Dialogus.’ Calvin’s -displeasure, we know, never meant anything less than personal hate and -persecution, so that, in his answer to what he styles the ‘calumnies’ -of Castellio, after the preliminary abuse in which he calls him -‘faithless and unmannered,’ he says, ‘They who do not know thee to be -shameless and a deceiver, do not know thee aright. I should like to be -informed how thou wilt prove that I am cruel? By throwing the death of -thy master Servetus in my face, perhaps; and saying, that with my pen I -mangle the body of the man who came to his death through me; but did I -not entreat for him? His judges will bear me out in this; two of whom, -at least, were his particular patrons.’[118] - -In the passage just quoted, Calvin seems to reply to what Vaticanus -has said in his introduction to the book that engages us, viz., that -Servetus was the first who had been put to death at Geneva on grounds -of religion, and that it was done at the instance and on the authority -of Calvin--‘_impulsore et authore Calvino_.’ Vaticanus continues: -‘Calvin will perhaps say, as is his wont, that I am a disciple of -Servetus. But let not this frighten anyone. I am no defender of the -doctrines of Servetus, but I shall so expose the false doctrines of -Calvin, that every one shall see as plain as noonday that he thirsted -for blood. I shall not deal with him, however, as he dealt with -Servetus, whom he proceeded to tear in pieces with his pen, after -having burned him and his books. I do not, therefore, discuss the -Trinity, Baptism, &c., seeing that I have not the books of Servetus, -whence I might learn what he says on these subjects, Calvin having -taken such pains to have them burned--_quippe combustos diligentia -Calvini_. I shall not burn the books of Calvin; their author is alive, -and his books may be had both in French and Latin, so that every -one may see whether I falsify aught he writes. But Servetus was a -blasphemer of God, says Calvin. The man himself, however, believed that -he honoured God, and persuaded himself that he glorified God in his -death. But the persuasion is false, says Calvin. Be it so; yet Servetus -himself was not false; had he been so, he would assuredly have saved -his life; he therefore died for his opinions.’ - -Without defending the views of Servetus we thus see Vaticanus -asserting the courage and consistency of the victim which had been -unjustly called in question by Calvin. - -Coming to the burden of the book we find as many as 150 passages from -Calvin’s ‘Defensio orthodoxæ fidei’ commented and controverted, and in -addition, four from the reply of Zürich to the Council of Geneva. - -By much the most complete and able of the works against Calvin and -those who would have heretics punished by being put to death, is that -of Minus Celsus of Sienna.[119] A fugitive from his native country -to escape arrest and punishment for having forsaken Popery, Minus -Celsus found safety at length after passing through many perils in -Switzerland. ‘Escaped from the hands of Antichrist, as he says, and -safe amid the Rhetian Alps,’ he was not a little scandalised to find -nothing of the unity of doctrine among the Reformed Churches he had -been led to expect before leaving his native country. ‘They held -together as one, indeed, in hate of the Pope, calling him Antichrist -and looking on the Mass as idolatry, but they differed on innumerable -other points among themselves, and not only persecuted but went the -length of putting each other to death, and this in no such primitive -way as by stoning, in old Hebrew fashion, but by roasting the living -man with a slow fire, _vivum lento igne torrendo_--punishment more -horrible than Scythian or Cannibal ever contrived.’ - -Celsus had heard of the execution of Servetus at Geneva, and been -assured by some who were present, persons worthy of all trust, that the -constancy of the sufferer was such that many of the spectators, finding -it impossible to imagine anything of the kind endured without the -immediate support of God, instead of feeling horror for a blasphemer -rightfully put to death, were led to look on him as a martyr to the -cause of truth, and so made shipwreck of the faith in which they had -hitherto lived. - -This led Celsus to think of the treatise he had formerly written in his -native language on the proper way of dealing with heresy, and turning -it into Latin he resolved to have it printed. He did not live, however, -to carry out his purpose; his book was only published some years after -his death by a friend who gives no more than the initials of his name, -J. F. D., but adds M.D., whereby we learn that he was a physician. - -‘No man,’ says Mosheim,[120] ‘can write more amiably or controvert more -gently than this Minus Celsus. He never uses a word that is either -bitter or insulting. His principal opponents are Calvin and Beza, of -course, but he does not name them specially when he controverts their -conclusions, although he proclaims his horror of all violence in -matters of faith. He does, indeed, speak of Calvin once by name, but it -is with mingled commendation and sorrow that ‘one who had deserved so -well of the Church on many counts, and who thought in earlier years -that religion was not to be furthered by severity or violence, should -have finally fallen away from his better persuasion. Why he changed, I -know not: God knows.’ Calvin did not live to see this excellent work -of the Siennese Celsus. Although written in his lifetime, the great -Reformer died twenty years before it saw the light. How it would have -affected him we can only say with our pious Celsus, God knows! - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -CALVIN’S BIOGRAPHERS AND APOLOGISTS. - - -Among writers nearer our own time there are few who openly and -unreservedly uphold Calvin in his conduct to Servetus, none who now -advocate persecution unto death for divergence in religious opinion. -Even they who hold the memory of Calvin in the highest honour are -driven, as we have seen, to find excuses for him in his pursuit of the -indiscreet but pious Spaniard. We in these days do, indeed, believe -that they who should approve his deed would sin even as he did. Paul -Henry, the author of one of the latest lives we have of Calvin, and his -measureless partisan and apologist, even with the moderate acquaintance -he has with Servetus’ works, feels himself forced at times to pause in -the unmitigated condemnation of their author he is disposed to indulge -in. Like Farel, in contact with the victim, telling the people that -‘after all the man perhaps meant well;’ Henry says, that ‘from the -executed man, _der Gerichtete_, we hear certain echoes of Christianity -which sadden as they flow not from the true faith. But his pyre still -gleams portentous to the world, and even when it burned it was a -herald of the dawn of better days to come. Servetus, in his steadfast -protestation even unto death, became a true Reformer. His fate has for -ever impressed the Protestant (Henry has the Evangelical) Church with -hate of the besetting sin of the Church of Rome, the crime of dealing -with religious error by inflicting death. It has even familiarised the -world with the thought that there is a still higher development of the -religious principle in man than has yet found expression in either the -Roman or Reformed Churches, awaiting a coming time.’ - -This surely is noble writing. Nor does the apologist pause here, but -goes on to speak of him who to Calvin and his age was a blasphemer of -God, as being really and in truth ‘a pious man.’ ‘Were an assembly of -Deputies from every Christian Church now to meet on Champel,’ says -Henry, ‘to take into consideration all that is extant on the life -and fate of Servetus, and to review the facts in the light of the -times to which they refer, they would speak Calvin free from reproach -and pronounce him not guilty; of Servetus, on the other hand, they -would say, guilty, but with extenuating circumstances.’ We venture -to believe, and trust we have shown cause sufficient to warrant our -conclusion, that the sentence would be precisely the reverse. Calvin -would be found guilty, but with extenuating circumstances; Servetus -not guilty in all but the use of intemperate and sometimes improper -language. - -Henry, to his honour, goes yet farther; he does not approve of Calvin’s -attempt to detract from the horror and pity we feel for Servetus’ -fate, by charging him with cowardice in the face of death. ‘Let us -observe in Servetus,’ says the biographer of Calvin, ‘those beautiful -traces of the true life which he showed at the last: his regret for -former tergiversations, his humility, his constancy, his earnest prayer -to God, and his forgiveness of his enemies. Had he but had the truth in -his heart he would have died a true martyr; but he must tremble in his -death hour, for he had blasphemed the Majesty of God.’ But Servetus did -not tremble in his death hour, he never blasphemed the Majesty of God, -and he died in charity with all men, even with him who had brought him -to his untimely end, and who ten years after the death of his victim -had no better title for him than _Chien et meschant Garnement_,--dog -and wicked scoundrel! - -Mosheim, to whom we owe the gathering and preservation of much that -is interesting in connection with Servetus, working in the middle -of the bygone century, and referring to what Calvin himself avows, -viz., ‘that he would not have persevered so resolutely on the capital -charge had Servetus been but modest and not rushed madly on his fate,’ -exclaims, ‘What an avowal! Servetus, after all, must burn not because -he had outraged the word of God, and infected the world with error, -but because he had addressed John Calvin in disrespectful language! -Calvin’s avowal is truly a hard knot for those to untie who hold that -revenge had nothing to do with the death of Servetus. For my own part -I am not bound to weigh all the grounds that tell for or against the -Reformer, and I am not, perhaps, altogether impartial. I am minded, -however, that they are not wholly in the right who say that Calvin -proceeded against the unhappy Spaniard led on by hatred and revenge -alone; and I am not so certain that they are in the wrong who think it -was not mere religious zeal which suggested and carried the tragedy -to its conclusion. What is man! The very best often serve God and -themselves when they fancy they are serving God alone.’ - -With these words of the pious historian of the Church we conclude; -tempering the severer criticism suggested by the facts as they present -themselves, with the more charitable construction of the ecclesiastic. - - - - -APPENDIX - - - - -APPENDIX. - - -An account of the extant copies of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio;’ -of the reprints of the work by Dr. de Murr and Dr. Mead, and of the -notices the work has received in earlier and later times. - -The ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Michael Servetus is one of the -rarest books in the world. Of the thousand copies known to have been -printed, two only are now known to survive; one of these being among -the treasures of the National Library of Paris, the other among those -of the Imperial and Royal Library of Vienna. The history of both of -these copies, curiously enough, is complete from rather a remote date, -and it is somewhat provoking to know that both of them were once in -this country; but bigotry sent the one, and want of religious sympathy, -presumably, suffered the other to leave our shores. The Paris copy -certainly belonged to Dr. Richard Mead, the distinguished physician -and medallist, who lived in the reign of Queen Anne, and is believed, -before it came into Mead’s possession, to have formed part of the -Library of the Landgrave of Kur-Hesse. How it got dissevered from this -is not known. It was probably stolen and brought to England as to a -sure market. Mead, liberal in politics and presumably in religion -also, appears to have felt so much interest in Servetus’ work, not -only by reason of the physiological matter it contained, but because -of the free spirit of inquiry it breathed, that he was minded to have -it reprinted and made generally accessible. He had accordingly got -half-way with a new and handsome edition of the work in 4to. form, so -far back as the year 1723, when his purpose reached the ears of Gibson, -the then Bishop of London. Alarmed at the idea of light being let in on -the world that had not been strained through the haze of Episcopalian -orthodoxy, Gibson addressed himself immediately to the Censor of the -Press for an injunction; and at his instance and order the impression, -so far as it had gone, was seized, adjudged heretical, and publicly -burned. A few copies of the reprint, however, must have escaped the -conflagration, of which one is now in the Library of the London Medical -Society. This I have had an opportunity of examining, and find that -there wanted but little to have completed the most essential part of -the work, the last page printed being the first of the chapter entitled -‘De Justitia Regni Christi.’ - -Disgusted, we may imagine, with the bigotry of Bishop Gibson and his -abettors, and, it may be also, to secure his copy of the original -against the chance of seizure, confiscation, and the fire, Doctor Mead -exchanged it with M. de Boze, Member of the French Academy of the -Fine Arts, for a series of medals, of which the Doctor was a known -collector. The library of M. de Boze being purchased after his death -by M. Boutin, late Intendant of Finance, and the President de Cotte, -in common, the Servetus fell to the share of De Cotte, who sold it -by-and-by at an exorbitant price, as said, to M. Gaignat, who parted -with it in turn for a still larger sum--as much as 3,810 livres--to the -Duc de la Vaillière, the greatest book collector of the age. On the -death of De la Vaillière, and the dispersion of his magnificent library -under the hammer, in 1784, the ‘Rest. Christianismi,’ believed at the -time to be the only copy in existence, was secured for the sum of -4,120 livres tournois for the Bibliothèque du Roi, and it now remains -one of the treasures of the great National Library of France. Much -of the above information we gather from the letter of M. l’Abbé Rive, -Librarian to the Duc de la Vaillière, which is appended to the London -edition of Dutens’ ‘Recherches sur l’origine des Découvertes attribuées -aux Modernes,’ of the year 1766. - -But this is not all, nor even the most interesting of all we know about -the Paris copy of the rare and remarkable book. It has the name of -‘Germain Colladon’ on the title-page, and the various passages on which -Servetus was finally arraigned and condemned are underscored. It can, -therefore, be no other than the copy which belonged to Colladon, the -barrister, who prosecuted Servetus at Geneva, and must have been given -him along with his brief by the attorney in the case. But the attorney -in the case of Servetus was John Calvin; and we need not, therefore, -doubt that the underlining is by ‘l’impitoyable Calvin’--the ruthless -Calvin, as M. Flourens, who gives so much of the foregoing information -as we have not supplemented, characterises the Genevese Reformer. The -book shows what M. Flourens supposed to be scorching in one part; and -this he gratuitously accounts for, by supposing that it is the copy -which was to have been burned along with its author, but was saved in -some unaccountable way. That copy, we may be well assured, was reduced -to ashes and scattered to the winds with those of its hapless writer; -and the presumed scorching, on the careful examination it received -from the Rev. Henry Tollin, turns out to be the effect of damp. See -Flourens’ ‘Histoire de la Découverte de la Circulation du Sang’ (Paris, -1854), 2nd Ed. Ib. 1857, p. 154. - -The Vienna exemplar of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ again, when we -first meet with a notice of it, belonged to Markos Szent Ivanayi, a -Transylvanian gentleman, resident in London in the year 1665. Szent -Ivanayi must, we presume, have held Unitarian principles, and on his -return to his native country (in some districts of which Unitarianism -is the established or prevailing form of religion), he presented his -copy of the ‘Restitutio’ to the Congregation of Claudiopolis, with -which he was in communion; and they, at a later date, by the hands of -their superior, Stephen Agh, gave it, as the most valuable thing they -possessed, to Samuel, Count Teleki de Izek, in acknowledgment of some -act of favour from the magnate. The Count, on his part, informed of -the rarity of the book, and rightly deeming that it was a gift such as -a subject might offer to his sovereign, presented it to the Emperor -Joseph the Second of Austria, by whom it was graciously accepted and -forthwith enshrined in the great Library of Vienna. This copy of the -‘Restitutio’ is in better condition than that of Paris--‘_præstat -nitiore_,’ says Dr. de Murr, from whom we have the foregoing -information (De Murr, Chr. Th., M.D., ‘Adnotationes ad Bibliothecas -Hallerianas, cum variis ad Scripta Michaelis Serveti pertinentibus.’ -4to. Erlangen. 1805). - -The authorities of Roman Catholic Austria, in 1790, more liberally -disposed than those of Protestant England in the year of grace 1723, -not only gave Dr. de Murr permission to have a transcript made of the -‘Restitutio,’ but raised no objections to his having his copy printed -and published--a task which he happily accomplished in 1791, ‘when -the work appeared anew, like a Phœnix from its ashes,’ as he says. -The reprint is, indeed, an exact counterpart of the original--line -for line, page for page being followed throughout; and as the letter -and paper have also been chosen to correspond as nearly as possible -with those of the prototype, it might have been found difficult -to distinguish between the one and the other, were a third copy -of the original ever to turn up, had not Dr. de Murr put a mark -upon his edition in the date of its publication in extremely small -figures--thus, 1791, at the bottom of the last page. This, too, -is a scarce book, so we presume the edition was small. - -The earliest intimation the world at large received of the existence -of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Servetus is to be found in Dr. -Wm. Wotton’s ‘Reflections upon Learning, Ancient and Modern’ (London, -1694); but his reference is to nothing more than the passage bearing -on the way in which the blood from the right side of the heart reaches -the left. ‘The passage,’ says Wotton, ‘was communicated to him by his -friend Mr. Charles Barnard, a very learned chirurgeon, who had had it -transcribed for him by a friend who copied it from Servetus’ book.’ -Wotton, therefore, had never seen the book himself. The copy from which -the passage was transcribed, in all likelihood was the one which either -was at the time or afterwards became the property of Dr. Mead. - -The next writer who refers to Servetus and his new views of the -pulmonic circulation is Dr. James Douglas, in his ‘Bibliographiæ -Anatomicæ Specimen’ (London, 1715). But neither had Douglas had an -opportunity of examining the work for himself. He does no more, in -fact, than copy the passage as given by Wotton. - -The first member of the medical profession who gave any account of -Servetus’ physiological and psychological opinions from an actual -survey of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ from De Murr’s reprint, -I believe to have been the late Dr. G. Sigmond, an amiable man and -accomplished scholar, who has not been very long gone from among -us. Sigmond, however, has left us the result of his study in an -appreciative Dissertation in Latin and English; the introduction being -in our mother tongue, the text in the old language. Sigmond’s work is -entitled, ‘The Unnoticed Theories of Servetus; a Dissertation addressed -to the Medical Society of Stockholm. 8vo., London, 1826.’ To his great -honour, Dr. Sigmond is the first naturalist in these days who dared -to see Michael Servetus for what he was in truth: an accomplished and -sincerely pious man, but differing, to his sorrow, from both Catholics -and Protestants on some of the dogmatical assumptions of their common -creeds. The copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ which Dr. Sigmond -possessed, as said above, was one of Dr. de Murr’s reprints, which had -been bequeathed to him by his friend Dr. James Sims, for many years -President of the Medical Society of London, a learned man and lover of -books, who believed it to be the original--a belief not shared in by -Sigmond, however, though he seems to have known nothing of De Murr or -his edition. This copy, I think, must be the one which is now in the -Library of the British Museum, purchased in 1855, when Sigmond, having -lost the property he inherited from his father, seems to have parted -with his books, though he only died in 1873. - -The question touching the Discovery of the Circulation of the Blood, -which will ever make Servetus an object of interest to the medical -profession, and had been in abeyance for some considerable time past, -has been brought under renewed consideration of late, and busts and -statues of several learned and meritorious individuals have been -inaugurated to their memory as ‘discoverers of the circulation.’ In -the porch of the Instituto Antropologico of Madrid, for example, there -is a statue raised by Dr. Velasco to the memory of Michael Servetus -on this score, and we have but just heard of a bust set up at Rome to -Andrea Cæsalpino on the same ground. So distinguished a physiologist -as Dr. Valentin, moreover, has come forward as an advocate of the -claims of another and until now unheard of discoverer of ‘the great -physiological fact’ in anticipation of Harvey. In his work entitled, -‘Versuch einer physiologischen Pathologie des Herzens,’ Leipzig, 1866, -Dr. Valentin will be found saying that ‘it must now be conceded that -the pulmonary circulation was known to Servetus in 1553 [and he might -have added, to Realdus Columbus in 1559], and both this and the general -systemic circulation to Ruini, in 1598. That the pulmonic or lesser -circulation--more properly the passage or mode of transference of -the blood from the right to the left side of the heart--was known to -Servetus and to both Columbus and Cæsalpinus after him, there can be no -question; but I have assured myself, from a careful study of the works -of these distinguished individuals, that none of them, least of all -Ruini [Dell’ Anatomia del Cavallo, Bologna, 1598], was fully or truly -informed on the subject. None of them apprehended the circulation of -the blood as did Harvey, and as we his followers do in the present day. - -It were out of place did I pursue this subject further now; but I -hope to take it up anon in a new ‘Life of Harvey,’ long meditated and -all but completed, in which I shall show that after all that had been -done by those who went before him, there still wanted the combining -intellect, the inductive genius of a Harvey to bring light out of -darkness, order out of confusion, and to lay the foundations, strong -and sure, of our modern physiology and rational medicine by proclaiming -the heart the moving power, and the arteries and veins the channels of -a continuous, general circulation of the blood. - - - LONDON: PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - AND PARLIAMENT STREET - - - - -_HENRY S. 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Crown 8vo. price 5_s._ - - -_Spottiswoode & Co Printers, New-street Square, London._ - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The Reverend Henry Tollin, Pastor of the French Protestant -Church, of Magdeburg, who has made the life and works of Servetus the -particular subject of his studies for many years, inclines to Tudela as -the place, and 1511 as the year, of Servetus’s birth. See his ‘Servet’s -Kindheit und Jugend’ in Kahnis’ _Zeitschrift für die Historische -Theologie_. Jahrg. 1875, S. 545. - -[2] _Vide_ Tollin: ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend,’ in Kahnis’ -_Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie_, 1875, S. 557. We have, -however, searched in vain for any evidence of Angleria’s presence in -Saragossa at any time, even as a casual resident. In his comprehensive -and highly entertaining work, the ‘Opus Epistolarum,’ we find letters -of his from Valladolid, Burgos, Vittoria, Madrid, and elsewhere, but -not one from Saragossa during the years covered by Servetus’s stay at -the university, according to Tollin. - -[3] Tollin (Toulouser Studenten-Leben im Anfang des 16ten -Jahrhunderts), in Riehl’s _Historisches Taschenbuch von 1874_, S. 76, -speaks as if he had been present with Servetus at Toulouse; accompanied -him over the St. Michael’s bridge that spanned the Garonne; beheld the -iron cage suspended from its balk above the river for ducking heretics -until they died; looked on at the religious processions that filed -incessantly through the streets, etc. - -[4] McCrie’s _Hist. of the Reformation in Spain_. - -[5] The last edition of Sabunde we have seen is neat and available, -‘curante Joachim Sighart,’ Solisbach. 1852, 8vo. It is unfortunately -without the Prologue. - -[6] There is a copy of what we believe to be the second edition of -Sabunde, fol. Argentorat. 1495, in the British Museum, over which -we spent some hours with much delight. Also a copy of Montaigne’s -translation, beautifully printed, and in fine preservation.--8vo. -Paris, 1569. - -[7] Tollin: ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.;’ in _Magazin für die -Literatur des Auslandes, April, Mai, 1874_. A series of three short -papers, but of surpassing interest, to which we are happy to refer. - -[8] Robertson, _History of Charles V._, vol. ii. book v. p. 40. - -[9] ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ p. 462. - -[10] Dialogi de Trinitate II., ad calcem (1532). ‘Ce n’est point par -des réticences hypocrites qu’on fait durer un jour de plus une croyance -qui a fait son temps. Toute opinion librement conçue est bonne et -morale pour celui qui l’a conçue. De toutes parts on arrive à résumer -la législation extérieure de la Religion en un seul mot: LIBERTÉ.’ -Renan, ‘Fragments philosophiques,’ 1876. - -[11] By Tollin, who makes him visit Luther at Coburg, in company with -Bucer. See his _Luther und Servet, eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin, -1875. - -[12] Cochlæus, _De Actis et Scriptis Martini Luther_, p. 233, fol. -Mogunt. 1549. - -[13] Tollin, _Die Beichtväter Karls V._, S. 261. - -[14] _Jo. Œcolampadii et Huldrici Zwinglii Epist._ Lib. iv. Basil, -1536, fol. - -[15] Op. cit. ut supra. - -[16] Sandius, _Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum_, 12mo. Freistadt. 1684. - -[17] Tollin in _Magazin für ausländische Literatur_, Juni 10, 1876. - -[18] _Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii._ Basil. 1535, fol. - -[19] _Vom Ampt der Oberkait in Sachen der Religion. Ain Bericht auss -götlicher Schrüft des hailigen alten Lerers und Bischoffs Augustini, -&c._ 4to. Augsb. 1535. - -[20] Luther’s Werke by Walch, vol. xxii. - -[21] _Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum._ - -[22] _Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum._ -Ep. ad Camerarium. - -[23] Conf. H. Tollin, _Melanchthon und Servet, eine Quellenstudie_. -8vo. Berlin, 1876, pp. 9-31. - -[24] Ep. ad Camerar. apud Bretschneider, ut sup. - -[25] It is upon this passage, which we translate and interpret somewhat -differently from Tollin, that he grounds his statement of Servetus -having come into contact with Luther; a presumed meeting of which we -fail to find a trace in any contemporary document. See Tollin’s _Dr. M. -Luther und Dr. M. Servetus--Eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin, 1875. - -[26] _Epistolæ ab Ecclesiæ Helveticæ Reformatoribus, a Jo. Fueselino -editæ._ 8vo. Tigur., 1742. - -[27] ‘E noi non cercano la Divinità fuor del Infinito Mondo e le -Infinite Cose, ma dentro questo et in quelle’ (1585). _Opere di -Giordano Bruno, da Dottore Adolpho Wagner_, i. 275. Lips. 1830. - -[28] - - ‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale: - Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’ - - Nor core nor husk in nature see: - The All and All in One is she. - - Im Innern ist ein Universum auch; - Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch, - Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennet - Er Gott--ja seinen Gott--benennet.--_Goethe._ - -Which may be rendered somewhat literally thus:-- - - Within there is an Universum too; - Whence the folks’ custom, good and true, - That each the Best he knows of all, - He God--his God, indeed--doth call. - - -[29] ‘Der alte und der neue Glaube.’ All Theists agree in this: that -God is One, Changeless, and Eternal. But God without the Universe would -not be the same as God with the Universe; whence the conclusion that -God and the Universe can only be conceived of as correlatives. Seeing -the impossibility of dissevering Property from the Object in which it -inheres, the modern philosopher discards hypothetical agencies, under -the name of Spirits, of every kind; from the all-pervading force that -keeps suns and planets in their spheres, to such special agencies as -those of brain and nerve. Servetus, we have seen, had himself got the -length of saying that out of man there was no Holy Spirit. - -[30] To Calvin God was no other than the Immanent Pantheistic principle -of Modern Philosophy: ‘Ubique diffusus, omnia sustinet, vegetat et -vivificat in cœlo et in terra--everywhere diffused, he gives life and -growth and continuance to all things in heaven and earth.’ These are -his words. He then goes on to say: ‘Fateor quidem pie hoc posse dici, -modo a pio animo proficiscatur, _Naturam esse Deum_--I own, indeed, -that provided we speak reverently it may be said that _Nature is God_.’ -As this would be a ‘hard and inappropriate expression,’ however, and -as in using it ‘God is confounded with his works,’ he thinks it is -objectionable. _Institut. Religionis Christianæ_, I. iv. 14, and I. v. -5 of an early edition. - -[31] Newspaper report of a Sermon preached by Dean Stanley on Christmas -day, 1875. - -[32] At the end of the copy of the ‘De Trin. Error.,’ which Alwörden -describes in his _Historia Michaelis Serveti_, now in the National -Library at Paris, there is a MS. _Refutation_ of the views of the -writer, which Tollin ascribes with great show of probability to Bucer, -who, as we know, was personally acquainted with Servetus. Of this -Refutation (Confutatio) Tollin has given an extended analysis in _Riehm -und Köstlin’s Theologische Studien und Kritiken für 1875_, S. 711. - -[33] Conf. _Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii_. Basil, 1592. - -[34] _Dialogi de Trinitate_, 12mo. (1532), in the same form and type -as the _De Erroribus_, and still without the name of the publisher or -place of publication. - -[35] Servetus’s _De Trinitatis Erroribus_ is generally believed to be -one of the rare books, yet it is commonly enough met with in England. -So long ago as the year 1725, however, a copy bound with the _Dialogi_ -sold for the large sum of between four and five hundred French livres. -There is a counterfeit edition published in Holland, and only to be -distinguished from the original by the paper being somewhat better and -the type a shade larger. The Book was never, in so far as we know, -publicly condemned and burned. It was translated into Dutch (4to. 1620) -with the epigraph: Prœft alle Dingen ende behout het gœde, 1 John iv. - -[36] ‘Claudii Ptolemæi Alexandrini Geographicæ Enarrationis Libri Octo; -ex Bilibaldi Pirckhemeri Tralatione, sed ad Græca et prisca exemplaria -a Michaele Villanovano jam primum recogniti. Adjecta insuper ab eodem -Scholia,’ etc. Lugduni, ex Officina Melch. et Gasp. Trechsel, 1535. Fol. - -[37] - - Accipe non noti præclara volumina mundi, - Oceani et magnas noscito lector opes. - Plurima debetur typhis tibi gratia, gentes - Ignotas, et aves quas vehis orbe novo; - Magna quoque autori referenda et gratia nostro - Qui facit hæc cunctis regna videnda locis. - - -[38] Tollin has collected a great deal of very interesting information -on Servetus’s geographical studies, in his paper entitled ‘Michel -Servet als Geograph,’ in the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für -Erdkunde_, 1875, S. 182 et seq. - -[39] Quoted by Tollin in his Essays: ‘Wie Servet ein Mediciner wurde,’ -in Goschen’s _Deutsche Klinik_, No. 8, 1875; and ‘Servet und Symphorien -Champier,’ in Virchow’s _Archiv für pathologische Anatomie_, Bd. 61. -Berlin, 1875. - -[40] _Paradoxorum Medicinæ_, Libri iii., fol. Basil. 1535. - -[41] In _Leonhardum Fuchsium Defensio Apologetica_, pro Symphoriano -Campeggio. - -[42] _Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia._ I have searched the -libraries of London in vain for either of these Treatises of Servetus. -That the one addressed to Fuchs once existed among us, however, is -certain; for its title is to be seen in the catalogue of Dr. Williams’s -Library (Grafton Street, University College); but unfortunately the -work is not now to be found--it had disappeared before the present -Librarian, Dr. Hunter, came into office. Mosheim went so far as to -maintain that the Defence of Champier was a myth (Versuch, &c., -einer Ketzergeschichte, S. 72), and Dr. de Murr, though he did not -question its existence, never saw it. (_In Bibliothecas Hallerianas -additamenta_, 4to. Helmst.) The Rev. Henri Tollin of Magdeburg has been -more fortunate; for he has not only seen but actually possesses copies -of both the Apologetic defences, as well as a copy of the pamphlet -against the Parisian Doctors, if I understand him aright. In a letter -with which I was lately favoured, he informs me that he intends to -publish the more interesting passages from the Defence of Champier, and -the entire Tract on Judicial Astrology. - -[43] ‘Qua in re auxiliarios habui, primum Andreum Vesalium, juvenem -Mehercule! in Anatome diligentissimum; post hunc, Michael Villanovanus -familiariter mihi in consectionibus adhibitus est, vir omni genere -literarum ornatissimus, in Galeni doctrina vix ulli secundus. -Horum duorum præsidio atque opera, tum artuum, tum aliarum partium -exteriorum, musculos omnes, venas, arterias et nervos in ipsis -corporibus examinavi studiosisque ostendi.’ _Io. Guinteri Institutionum -Anatomicarum_, Lib. iv., 4to. Basil, 1539. - -[44] The reader who is curious on this matter will find what I believe -to be the first representation of the anatomist engaged in dissecting -the human body in the _Fasciculus Medicinæ of Io. à Ketham_, fol. -Venet. 1495, of which there is a copy in fine preservation in the -library of the Royal College of Surgeons. - -[45] Syruporum universa Ratio ad Galeni censuram diligenter exposita; -cui, post integram de Concoctione disceptationem, præscripta est vera -purgandi methodus, cum expositione Aphorismi: Concocta medicari. - -Michaele Villanovano Authore. - - Πρὸς τὸν φιλιατρον. εύροα ποιήσον τατεσώματα - τατεπεπανων Ωμὰ Χυμων, ταυτης δογματα ἴσθι βιθλιου. - -Parisiis ex officino Simonis Colinæi. [1537]. - -[46] _Syr. Universa Ratio_, fol. 9. - -[47] Doubtless the _Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia_. - -[48] See Landseer’s _Sabæan Researches_, 4to. London. - -[49] _Vide_ De Murr, _Annotamenta ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas_, 4to. -Helmstadt, 1805. Since this was written I have an interesting letter -from Pastor Tollin, in which he informs me that he actually possesses a -copy of the pamphlet! - -[50] Bolsec, _Vie de Calvin_, 12mo. Paris, 1557. - -[51] The title is the same as before. In addition to the old address to -his reader, however, Villeneuve now appends these lines:-- - -Ad Eundem. - - Si terras et regna hominum, si ingentia quæque - Flumina, cœruleum si mare nôsse juvat, - Si montes, si urbes, populos opibusque superbos, - Huc ades, hæc oculis prospice cuncta tuis. - -Which may be paraphrased thus:-- - - This world and all its kingdoms wouldst thou know, - What mighty rivers to blue oceans flow, - What mountains rise, what cities grace the lands, - Thick-peopled, rich through toil of busy hands,-- - --If for such lore thou hast a mind to call, - Open this book, and there survey it all. - - -[52] _Vie de Calvin_, &c. - -[53] This, the second edition of Villanovanus’s Ptolemy, is one of the -very rare books. All of the impression that could be discovered when -Servetus was burned in effigy at Vienne, along with his _Christianismi -Restitutio_, appears to have been seized and committed to the flames. I -find both editions in the library of the British Museum. - -[54] _Habes in hoc Libro, prudens Lector, utriusque Instrumenti novam -Tralationem editam a Reverendo sacræ theologiæ Doctore Sancte Pagnini._ -Lugdun. 1527-28, fol. Such is the title of this, which we presume to -be the first edition of Pagnini’s Bible. Between it and the one of -Cologne of 1541, edited by Melchior Novesianus, we find no other until -we come to that of Villanovanus. Pagnini is said in the letter of J. F. -Pico de Mirandola, which precedes the text, to have been twenty-five -years engaged on the work. It is accompanied by no fewer than two -commendatory epistles from Popes Adrian VI. and Clement VII., and is -said to be the first edition of the Bible that is found divided into -chapters. Richard Simon (_Hist. du vieux Testament_, liv. ii.) speaks -slightingly of its merits; but it has been highly prized by others, as -good judges as he. To us it appears a very admirable version, our own -English Bible being generally so like it, that we fancy it must have -been used by our Translators. - -[55] Sandius, _Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum_. - -[56] _Neue Nachrichten_, etc. Helmst. 1750, 4to., S. 89-90. - -[57] ‘Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literas adjunxit longum volumen -suorum deliriorum, cum thrasonica jactantia, dicens me stupenda et -hactenus inaudita visurum. Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recepit. -Sed nolo fidem meam interponere. Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea -authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar.’ Calvin to Farel, dated Ides -of February, 1546. From the original letter in the Paris Library; a -certified copy, published by Paul Henry in his _Leben Johann Calvins_, -3ter. Band; Beilagen, S. 65; from which the above paragraph is -transcribed. - -[58] Cont. Bolsec (Hieron. Hermes), Docteur Médecin à Lyon: _Histoire -de la Vie, Mœurs, Actes, Doctrine, Constance et Mort de Jean Calvin, -Grand Ministre à Genève_. Paris 1577, 12mo. Also in Latin, but of later -date--_Vita Calvini, &c._ - -[59] It is a capital mistake to suppose, as Mosheim and others have -done, that the _Christianismi Restitutio_ was ever exposed for sale, -or readily to be had either at Geneva or elsewhere. It cannot be shown -that more than four or five copies at most of the book ever left the -bales in which the whole impression was packed. There was, _first_, -the copy sent, as I venture to think, by Servetus through Frelon to -Calvin, which led to the arrest and trial at Vienne. _Second_, the copy -taken from the five bales seized at Lyons for the use of the Inquisitor -Ory. _Third_, the copy transmitted for their inspection to the Swiss -Churches and Councils. _Fourth_, the copy given to Colladon by way -of Brief by Calvin, with the passages underscored, on which Servetus -was finally arraigned and condemned. And _Fifth_, the copy which we -find Calvin sending to Bullinger at his request. Of these copies one -may even have served two ends: after making the round of the Churches -and coming again into Calvin’s hands, it may very well have been that -which he despatched to Bullinger. That the book was not to be had -immediately after the execution of Servetus is proved conclusively by -what Sebastian Castellio, the accredited author of the work entitled, -_Contra Libellum Calvini_, says on the subject: _He had not been able -to obtain a sight of Servetus’s book, so as to inform himself of what -he writes, Calvin having taken such pains to have it burned--‘cum -Serveti libros, quippe combustos diligentia Calvini, non habeam, ut ex -iis possem videre quid scriberet.’_ The _Christianismi Restitutio_, in -fact, remained completely unknown in the Republic of Letters until its -existence was proclaimed by Wotton in his _Reflections on Learning, -Ancient and Modern_, in the year 1694 (all but a century and a half -after the death of its author), by the publication of the passage on -the pulmonary circulation, extracted, we must conclude, from the copy -that was then in England, and subsequently became, if it were not -already, the property of Dr. Meade--the identical copy with the name -on the title-page of Germain Colladon, the advocate who prosecuted -Servetus at the instance of Calvin, now in the national library of -Paris. - -[60] The title of the original, in full, is as follows:-- - -_Christianismi Restitutio._ Totius Ecclesiæ Apostolicæ est ad sua -limina vocatio, in Integrum Restituta Cognitione Dei, Fidei Christi, -Justificationis nostræ, Regenerationis Baptismi, et Cœnæ Domini -Manducationis Restitutio denique nobis Regno Cœlesti, Babylonis impia -Captivitate soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo. - - בעת ההיא יעמוד מיכאר השׂר - καὶ ὲγένετο πόλεμος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ. - MDLIII. - - -[61] ‘Whose soever sins ye remit,’ etc., John, xx. 23--writing added to -the original text, beyond doubt, and dating from long after the time of -Jesus, when the Church had acquired a status and was looking for power. - -[62] It were beyond the scope of my work to pursue this subject -further; but let me say that having compared the first edition of -the ‘Loci’ (1521) with the one of 1536 and others, of which there -are copies in the British Museum Library, I find it impossible to -overlook the influence of Servetus on Melanchthon, as of Melanchthon -on Servetus. For fuller information the reader is referred to -Tollin’s exhaustive, _Philip Melanchthon und Michael Servet, eine -Quellenstudie_. 8vo. 1876. - -[63] For some account of the existing copies of the _Christianismi -Restitutio_, see the Appendix to this book. - -[64] It may be well to remark on the confusion in the notice of the -_volume_ or book which in Trie’s second letter, as we read it, is -said to have been sent among other documents, twenty-four in number; -whilst in his third epistle he regrets that _the volume_ cannot be -forwarded at the moment, because of its having been lent two years ago -to a friend of Calvin, resident in Lausanne. The ‘great book’ first -sent may have been the copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutes,’ annotated on the -margins by Servetus; a conclusion that is borne out by the reference, -by and by made in the impending trial, towards the end of the first -day’s proceedings, to pages 421-424, where Baptism is the subject -treated. The volume that cannot be forwarded at the time, because it -had been lent to some one in Lausanne, is certainly the MS. copy of -the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ sent by Servetus to Calvin some years -before for his strictures, which he could never get returned, Calvin -having lent it to Viret of Lausanne, and grown careless to take so -much notice of the writer as would have been implied in recovering and -returning him his work. - -[65] They were leaves from the _Institutions_ of Calvin, with -annotations by Servetus. - -[66] Chorier, _Etat politique de Dauphiné_, tome i., p. 335, quoted by -D’Artigny. - -[67] _Calvin to Farel_, Book I., p. 169. - -[68] - - Who loves not woman, wine, and song, - A fool is he his life-time long. - - -[69] _Lucii Annæi Senecæ De Clementia Libri Tres_, Paris, 1532. -The work was published by Calvin at his own expense, as a warning, -unquestionably against persecution on religious grounds. It is of great -rarity in its original shape, but is reprinted in the Geneva Edition of -his _Opera Minora_ of the year 1597. - -_Seneca on Clemency_ is also to be found translated into English: -‘Lucius Annæus Seneca, his first Book of Clemency, written to Nero -Cæsar,’ Lond. 1553. The sentence quoted above and commented by the -French editor is rendered by the English translator briefly but not -unhappily thus: - - For it doth rather cowardice appear - Than clemency an injury in mind to bear: - ’Tis he in whose command revenge doth lie - That’s merciful if he do pass it by. - - -[70] _Thesaur. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 450. - -[71] _Thes. Ep. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 577. - -[72] Conf. Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen. S. 255. - -[73] _Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 591. - -[74] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy_, p. 357, in ed. of -collected minor works in French. - -[75] _Mém. de la Société d’histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève_, tom -iii., 1844. - -[76] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy_; original ed., p. 354. -Let us reiterate that Servetus spoke truly when he said that the -comment on Palestine was none of his. We have already said that it is -copied without change of a word from the Ptolemy of Pirckheimer. We -add further that the scholium of the German editor was not challenged -by Erasmus, Melanchthon, or Œcolampadius, who seem all to have -corresponded with Pirckheimer on his edition. (_Vide_ Tollin, in -_Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_. Bd. für 1875.) -It was only, therefore, when the comment came to be looked at through -the distorting medium of personal enmity that it was seen as libelling -Moses and outraging the Holy Ghost. - -[77] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy._ - -[78] See a letter of Jo. Haller to H. Bullinger, quoted farther on. - -[79] Compare Galiffe in _Mém. de l’Institut National Genevois_, 1862, -p. 75. - -[80] The documents connected with the case of Bolsec must, we -apprehend, have been communicated to Servetus. He often uses the same -words as his predecessor in Calvin’s displeasure; and imitates him also -in the desire he expresses to have Calvin interrogated and put on his -trial for certain matters especially interesting to himself. - -[81] There is in fact a minute in the _Records of Geneva_ of a formal -requisition made by Farel on October 30, and so three days after the -execution of Servetus, to have Wm. Geroult summoned to appear and give -an account of himself to the Council. The Lieutenant-Criminel, Tissot, -had even, as it seems, been charged with the business of making the -necessary inquiries preliminary to the institution of a criminal suit. -But we find no mention of any further step being taken in the matter. -The civil authorities, with three days for reflection, probably thought -that enough, more than enough perhaps, had already been done by the -burning of the principal offender. - -[82] By the writer of the _Dialogus inter Vaticanum et Calvinum_. - -[83] _Fidelis Refutatio_, and _Déclaration pour maintenir_, &c. - -[84] From the _Criminal Records_, first published by Mosheim, op. cit. -Beylagen, S. 414. - -[85] In the summary of the trial given by Trechsel[86] from the -archives of Berne, the articles now brought forward by Rigot, and the -questions founded on them, are in the handwriting of the amanuensis -usually employed by Calvin to make copies of his letters and papers; -and beyond question were all dictated by Calvin himself. He perceived -that he could trust Rigot no further without risk of failure, and so -resumed the position he had taken with Trie, his servant Fontaine, and -even in person, as we have seen. - -[86] _Die Antitrinitarier: Michel Servet und seine Vorgänger_, S. 307. - -[87] Conf. _Chr. Rest._ pp. 433 and 655, and Ep. 29 to Calvin. - -[88] _Vide_ pp. 34, 48, Book I. - -[89] Herniosus ab utero Servetus dicit se uno latere _resectum_ fuisse, -ad lævandam infirmitatem. Uno oculo amisso, attamen, non ideo cæcus -homo; neque teste uno ablato impollens. - -[90] The letter of the Council of Geneva and the reply of the -authorities of Vienne are published in the new ed. of Calvin by Cünitz -and Reuss, vol. xiv. - -[91] Conf. _De Trin. Error._ fol. 93. - -[92] First under Calvin with Nicolas de la Fontaine as his agent; then -under Colladon engaged by Calvin; next under Rigot as public prosecutor -and now under Calvin and the Swiss Churches. - -[93] Here is what Servetus says on this subject, in connection with the -Sabellian or Patripassian heresy, in his earlier work: As the proper -passion of the flesh is to be born, so is it the proper passion of the -flesh to suffer, to be scourged, to be crucified, to die. But all this -does not touch the spirit, for it is not the soul that suffers or that -dies, but the body. Who so profane as to imagine that the angel in me -dies although I die? (_De Trinitatis Erroribus_, f. 76, b.) - -[94] From Mosheim’s _Neue Nachrichten, Beilagen_, S. 102, copied from -the archives of the Church of Zürich. - -[95] Bullinger’s letter bears date from Zürich, Sep. 14, 1553, and is -printed in Calvin’s correspondence by Cünitz and Reuss. - -[96] The letter is given at length in the _Thes. Epist. Calvini a -Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 591. - -[97] Calvin to Bullinger, April 21, 1555, in _Epist. Calvini_, 8vo. -Hanov. 1597. - -[98] Vue le sommaire du procés de Michel Servet, prisonnier, le rapport -de ceux, esquel on a consultez, et considéré les grands erreurs et -blasfémes--Est este arreté: Il soyt condamné à estre mené a Champel, et -la brulez tout vivfz, et soyt exequeté a demain, et ses livres bruslés. - -[99] Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei, &c. - -[100] Calvin only took letters of naturalisation as a citizen of Geneva -four years before his death in 1564, eleven years after the death of -Servetus. - -[101] See the Confession in full, in Cünitz and Reuss’s edit. of the -_Opera Calvini_, viii. 704. - -[102] _De Voce Trinitate et Voce Persona._[103] - -Quoniam voces istas Trinitatis et Personarum plurimum Ecclesiæ Christi -commodare intelligimus, ut et vera Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti -distinctio clarius exprimatur, et contentiosis controversiis melius -occurratur, ab his usque adeo non abhorremus, ut libenter amplexemur, -sive ex aliis audiendæ sive a nobis usurpandæ sint. Itaque quod antea -a nobis factum est, in posterum quoque operam daturos, quoad licebit -recipimus, ne earum usus in Ecclesiis nostris aboleatur. Nam neque ab -iis inter scribendum, vel in Scripturæ ennarrationibus in concionibus -ad populum, abstinebimus ipsi, et alios docebimus ne superstitiose -refugiant. Si quis autem, præpostera religione, teneatur quominus eas -usurpare libenter ausit, quanquam ejusmodi superstitionem nobis non -probari testamur, cui corrigendæ non sit defuturum nostrum studium; -quia tamen non videtur nobis hæc satis firma causa cur vir alioqui -pius et in eandem religionem nobis sensu consentiens repudietur, -ejus imperitiam hac in parte eatenus feremus ne abjiciamus ipsum ab -Ecclesia, aut tanquam male sentientem de fide notemus. Neque, interim -maligne interpretabimur si Bernensis Ecclesiæ Pastores eos ad verbi -ministerium admittere non sustineant quos comperint voces istas -aspernari. - -[103] Op. sup. cit. viii. p. 707. - -[104] _Fidelis expositio Errorum Michaelis Serveti_, &c. - -[105] These words I have, however, since found quoted by Henry: _Leben -Calvins_, i. 181, and by Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, i. 297. - -[106] _Fuessli, Epistolæ ab Ecclesia Helvet. Reformatoribus._ 8vo. -Tigur. 1748. - -[107] _Calvini Epist. et Respons._ - -[108] The full titles are these: Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye -Foy que tiennent tous Chrétiens de la Trinité des Personnes en un seul -Dieu. Par Jean Calvin. Contre les Erreurs de Michel Servet, Espaignol; -où il est aussi monstré qu’il est licite de punir les heretiques; et -qu’a bon droit ce meschant à esté executé par justice en la Ville de -Genève. Chez Jean Crespin. A Genève, 1554, p. 356. 8vo. - -Defensio orthodoxæ fidei de sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos -errores Michaelis Serveti, Hispani; ubi ostenditur hæreticos jure -gladii coercendos, et nominatim de homine hoc, tam impio, justè et -merito sumptum Genevæ fuisse supplicium, per Johannem Calvinum. Apud -Olivum Roberti Stephani, 1554, p. 262. 8vo. Both of the versions are -subscribed by all the Genevese clergy, and though they differ somewhat -in minute particulars, they agree in everything essential. We have fine -copies of both originals in our national Library. - -[109] For a more particular account of Calvin’s severities, the -reader is referred to a paper by M. Galiffe in the _Mémoires de -l’Institut National de Genève_ for 1862, p. 79. But torture was an -old institution in Geneva, and Servetus is said only to have escaped -the rack on the remonstrance of Vandel, one of the senators of the -libertine party. In older days we read of one Postel, who, failing to -answer so satisfactorily as was desired when cited before the Roman -Catholic bishop and his court, for some offence, was ‘suspended by -the rope’--by the wrists we believe. A first suspension, however, -not proving effectual, a second was ordered; but it being now dinner -time, the culprit was suspended a second time whilst his lordship the -bishop dined! In more recent times, and under Calvin’s rule, a certain -Billiard, having been guilty of jeering at the thunder and lightning -during a terrible storm, whilst the inhabitants of Geneva generally -were on their knees praying to God for mercy, was adjudged to be lashed -by the common hangman at the tail of a cart through the streets of the -city! Germain Colladon declared that he deserved death; but as he had a -wife and family they might be content with the scourging! - -[110] _Em. Saisset: Michel Servet comme philosophe. In Mélanges de -Critique et d’ Histoire._ 12mo., Paris, 1865. - -[111] First printed by Mosheim from the autograph, in his _Neue -Nachrichten von dem berühmten Spanischen Aertzte Michael Serveto, -Beilagen_, S. 106. 8vo., Helmst. 1750. - -[112] _Corpus Reform. Ep. Melanch. ad An._, 1554. - -[113] Comment. in _Acta Apostol. ad Regem Daniæ_. - -[114] _Institutiones Religionis Christ._ Lib. i. Cap. 2, of the earlier -editions. - -[115] Joris’s able letter in low German is given by Mosheim, op. cit., -p. 421. - -[116] The proper title of this rare book, of which we have a copy in -the library of the British Museum is: _De Hæreticis an sint persequendi -et omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum, doctorum virorum, tum veterum -tum recentiorum, sententiæ_, &c. The opinions of the learned, both -of ancient and modern times, concerning heretics: Are they to be -persecuted; or how otherwise are they to be dealt with? A book most -necessary and useful in these distracted times to sovereign princes and -magistrates in dealing with a matter of such difficulty and danger. -12mo., Magdeburgh, 1554. - -[117] _Contra libellum Calvini quo ostendere conetur hæreticos jure -gladii coercendos esse._ S. L. [1554]. Of this rare book I have not met -with an original copy; but there is the reprint (after 1602) in the -Brit. Mus. Library. - -[118] Conf. _Fuessli: Sebastian Castellio, eine Lebensgeschichte zur -Erläuterung der Reformation_. 8vo. Zürich und Leipz. 1767. - -[119] _Mini Celsi Senensis de Hæreticis capitali supplicio -afficientibus; adjuncta sunt Theod. Bezæ ejusdem argumenti et And. -Duditii Epistolæ duæ contrariæ._ 8vo. s. L. 1584. - -[120] _Ketzergeschichte_, S. 301. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SERVETUS AND CALVIN*** - - -******* This file should be named 54226-0.txt or 54226-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/4/2/2/54226 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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