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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7c4efb5 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #54226 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54226) diff --git a/old/54226-0.txt b/old/54226-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 273a3dd..0000000 --- a/old/54226-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16834 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Servetus and Calvin, by Robert Willis - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Servetus and Calvin - A Study of an Important Epoch in the Early History of the Reformation - - -Author: Robert Willis - - - -Release Date: February 23, 2017 [eBook #54226] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SERVETUS AND CALVIN*** - - -E-text prepared by Josep Cols Canals, Wayne Hammond, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 54226-h.htm or 54226-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54226/54226-h/54226-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54226/54226-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/servetuscalvinst00willrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - This project uses utf-8 encoded characters. If some characters - are not readable (e.g., empty squares), check your settings to - ensure you have a default font installed that can display utf-8 - characters. Or consult the html version or the original page - images noted above. - - - - - -SERVETUS AND CALVIN - - - * * * * * * - -_By the same Author._ - -BENEDICT D’ESPINOZA; his Life, Correspondence, and Ethics. - -G. E. LESSING’S NATHAN THE WISE. With an Introduction. - -THE SUDORIPAROUS AND LYMPHATIC GLANDULAR SYSTEMS; the Vital Nature -of their Functions, and the Effect of Implications of these on the -Diseases ascribed to Malaria. - - * * * * * * - - -[Illustration: MICHEL SERVETUS] - - -SERVETUS AND CALVIN - -A Study of an Important Epoch in the -Early History of the Reformation - -by - -R. WILLIS, M.D. - - - Περὶ τῆς τριάδος--scis me semper veritum fore. Bone Deus, quales - tragœdias excitabit ad posteros hæc questio: εἰ ἐστὶν ὑπόστασις ὁ λόγος; - εἰ ἐστὶν ὑπόστασις τὸ πνεῦμα? MELANCHTHON - - - - - - -Henry S. King & Co., Londo -1877 - - -Universal history is at bottom the history of the great men who have -lived and worked here. And truly the inexhaustible, the perennial Epic -is the story of man’s life from age to age. - - THOMAS CARLYLE - - -(The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved.) - - - - - TO - - HIS FRIENDS - - SAMUEL DAVIDSON, D.D. - - AND - - R. W. MACKAY, M.A. - - This Work is Dedicated - - WITH EVERY EXPRESSION OF AFFECTIONATE REGARD - - AND ESTEEM - - BY THE WRITER - - - - -PREFACE. - - -Some years ago I was led to make a study of the Life and Writings of -Spinoza, and took considerable pains to present the gifted Jew of -Amsterdam in such fulness to the English reader as might suffice to -convey a passable idea of what one of the great misunderstood and -misused among the sons of men was in himself, in his influence on his -more immediate friends and surroundings through his presence, and on -the world for all time through all his works. This study completed, -and leisure from the more active duties of professional life enlarging -with increasing years, I bethought me of some other among the sufferers -in the holy cause of human progress as means of occupation and -improvement. Spinoza led, I might say as matter of course, to Giordano -Bruno, with whose writings I was familiar, and who was Spinoza’s -master, if he ever had a master. But having, at a former period, -undertaken to edit the works of Harvey for the Sydenham Society, and -the discovery of the circulation of the blood having become renewed -matter of discussion with medical men and others, labourers in the -field of general literature, I was turned from Bruno to Servetus, as -the first who proclaimed the true way in which the blood from the right -reaches the left chambers of the heart by passing through the lungs, -and who even hinted at its further course by the arteries to the body -at large. - -Of Servetus at this time I knew little or nothing, save that he had -been burned as a heretic at Geneva by Calvin; and of his works I had -seen no more than the extract in which he describes the pulmonary -circulation. But meditating a revision and prospective publication -of the Life of Harvey, with which I had prefaced my edition of his -works, I went in search of further information concerning the ingenious -anatomist who had not only outstripped his contemporaries, but his -successors, by something like a century in making so important an -induction as the Pulmonary Circulation. Nor had I far to go. In the -ample stores of the British Museum Library I found a complete mine of -Servetus-literature, and with access to the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -as reproduced by a learned physician, Dr. De Murr, and other works of -the unfortunate Servetus, I encountered not only the physiologist -already known to me, but the philosopher and scholar, the practical -physician, freed from the fetters of mediæval routine, the geographer -and astronomer, the biblical critic, in days when criticism of the -kind, as we understand the term, was unimagined, and, alas for him! -the most advanced and tolerant of the Reformers,--that sacred band to -which Servetus by indefeasible right belongs. Luther, Calvin, and the -rest repudiated the discipline and most of the outward rites and shows -of the Roman Catholic Church; but they retained the most abstruse of -her creeds. Servetus went at least as far as they in the rejection -of externals; but, appealing to the scriptures of the New Testament, -he satisfied himself and dared to say to the world that some of the -fundamentals of Christianity as formulated by the Church of Rome, -and acquiesced in by the Reformers of Germany, had no warrant in the -teaching of the Prophet of Nazareth. Rejecting, as he did, the whole of -the post-apostolic dogmatic accretions of the Church of Rome, Servetus -is the source of the more ‘reasonable service’ we are now permitted to -render, and--strange conjunction!--through his disastrous intercourse -with Calvin, in no small measure the original of the free enquiry that -is leading on to conclusions yet uncontemplated as to man’s relations -to the Unseen and the Eternal. - -The life and labours of the man of whom so much may be said can never -be otherwise than interesting to the world. Nor is it in his life only -that Servetus has been influential. His death has, perhaps, been even -more influential than his life; for when his pyre began to blaze, -the beacon was lighted that first warned effectually from the shoals -of bigotry and intolerance on which religion misunderstood has made -shipwreck so long. The custom of consigning heretics, as dissidents in -their interpretation of the Jewish Scriptures were called, to death by -fire then began to fall into abeyance; princes and chief magistrates -ceased from assisting at autos-da-fé as edifying spectacles; and -persecution to less terrible conclusions--imprisonment, banishment, -fine, and social ostracism--has been coming gradually, however slowly, -to an end. - -We have more than one book in English purporting to give an account -of the life of Servetus, but none, I think, that is not either a -compilation at second hand, or a translation wholly or in principal -part from the French. No one among us appears to have referred to the -works of Servetus and his contemporaries for the information that would -have enabled him to give something like a true presentment of the man -as he lived and died. To do this--to make the English reader acquainted -with another of the great devoted men who have toiled on life’s -pilgrimage with bleeding feet, to smooth and make straight the way for -others, healers in the strife and in front of the battle, not to strike -but to staunch the wounds that men in their ignorance and madness make -on one another--such is the purpose of the work now presented to the -reader. - -In appealing mainly to the original sources of information on the life -of Servetus, I have still not failed to make myself master of what has -been done in later days by others in this direction. The references -that occur in the course of my book to the writings of La Roche, -Allwörden, Mosheim, D’Artigny, Trechsel, Rilliet, and, last but not -least, of Henry Tollin, make it unnecessary for me to do more in this -place than to acknowledge my obligations to them. - -One word on the portrait of Servetus. Of the original of this Mosheim -gives a particular account; but all Tollin’s enquiries, as well as -those I have made myself, lead to the belief that it is no longer in -existence. Doubt has even been expressed as to the authenticity of -this portrait of which we have indifferent engravings in Hornius’ -‘Kirchengeschichte,’ in Allwörden’s ‘Historia,’ and in Mosheim’s -‘Ketzergeschichte.’ After careful study of these, my daughter has done -her best to reproduce in the etching appended what must have been a -striking and is certainly a typical Spanish countenance. - -The etching of Calvin is after an engraving from one of the numerous -more or less authentic portraits of the Reformer that are extant. - -BARNES, SURREY: _Midsummer 1877_. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - _BOOK THE FIRST._ - - EARLY LIFE--WORKS--ARREST AND TRIAL AT VIENNE. - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. MICHAEL SERVETUS: HIS BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION 3 - - II. SERVICE WITH FRIAR JUAN QUINTANA, CONFESSOR OF THE EMPEROR - CHARLES V. 19 - - III. THE SERVICE WITH QUINTANA COMES TO AN END 29 - - IV. INTERCOURSE WITH THE SWISS REFORMERS 33 - - V. THE REFORMERS OF STRASBURG. PUBLICATION OF THE WORK ON - TRINITARIAN ERROR 37 - - VI. THE AUTHORITIES OF BASLE. THE TWO DIALOGUES ON THE TRINITY. - LEAVES SWITZERLAND 71 - - VII. PARIS. ASSUMPTION OF THE NAME OF VILLENEUVE OR VILLANOVANUS. - ACQUAINTANCE WITH CALVIN 79 - - VIII. LYONS. ENGAGEMENT AS READER FOR THE PRESS WITH THE - TRECHSELS. EDITS THE GEOGRAPHY OF PTOLEMY 86 - - IX. LYONS. DR. SYMPHORIEN CHAMPIER 99 - - X. RETURN TO PARIS. STUDIES THERE. JO. WINTER OF ANDERNACH; - ANDREA VESALIUS. DEGREES OF M.A. AND M.D. LECTURES ON - GEOGRAPHY AND ASTROLOGY 104 - - XI. THE TREATISE ON SYRUPS, AND THEIR USE IN MEDICINE 111 - - XII. THE MEDICAL FACULTY OF PARIS SUE SERVETUS FOR LECTURING - ON JUDICIAL ASTROLOGY 116 - - XIII. CHARLIEU. ATTAINMENT OF HIS THIRTIETH YEAR. VIEWS OF - BAPTISM 125 - - XIV. SETTLEMENT AT VIENNE UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE ARCHBISHOP. - RENEWAL OF INTERCOURSE WITH THE PUBLISHERS OF LYONS. - SECOND EDITION OF PTOLEMY 130 - - XV. EDITION OF SANTES PAGNINI’S LATIN BIBLE WITH COMMENTARY 139 - - XVI. ENGAGEMENT AS EDITOR BY JO. FRELON OF LYONS. CORRESPONDENCE - WITH CALVIN 157 - - XVII. ‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO,’ THE RESTORATION OF - CHRISTIANITY. DISCOVERY OF THE PULMONARY CIRCULATION 191 - - XVIII. CALVIN RECEIVES A COPY OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO’ 231 - - XIX. CALVIN DENOUNCES SERVETUS THROUGH WILLIAM TRIE TO THE - ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITIES OF LYONS 235 - - XX. ARREST OF SERVETUS AND ARNOULLET, THE PUBLISHER. THE TRIAL - FOR HERESY AT VIENNE. SERVETUS IS SUFFERED TO ESCAPE FROM - PRISON 252 - - XXI. DISCOVERY OF ARNOULLET’S PRIVATE PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT. - SEIZURE AND BURNING OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI - RESTITUTIO,’ ALONG WITH THE EFFIGY OF ITS AUTHOR 269 - - - _BOOK THE SECOND._ - - SERVETUS IN GENEVA, FACE TO FACE WITH CALVIN. - - I. SERVETUS REACHES GENEVA. DETAINED THERE, HE IS ARRESTED AT - THE INSTANCE OF CALVIN 281 - - II. GENEVA, AND THE STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE DATE OF - SERVETUS’ ARREST 287 - - III. SERVETUS IS ARRAIGNED ON THE CAPITAL CHARGE BY CALVIN 304 - - IV. THE TRIAL IN ITS FIRST PHASE 314 - - V. THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE, WITH THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL - OF GENEVA AS PROSECUTOR 333 - - VI. THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE, CONTINUED 351 - - VII. THE TRIAL CONTINUED. THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL RECEIVES - FRESH INSTRUCTIONS FROM CALVIN 366 - - VIII. SERVETUS IS VISITED IN PRISON BY CALVIN AND THE - MINISTERS 386 - - IX. THE COURT DETERMINES TO CONSULT THE COUNCILS - AND CHURCHES OF THE FOUR PROTESTANT SWISS CANTONS 391 - - X. THE TRIAL IS INTERRUPTED THROUGH DIFFERENCES - BETWEEN CALVIN AND THE COUNCIL 393 - - XI. THE TRIAL IS RESUMED ON NEW ARTICLES SUPPLIED BY CALVIN 398 - - XII. THE TRIAL CONTINUED. SERVETUS ADDRESSES A - LETTER TO CALVIN AND PETITIONS HIS JUDGES 423 - - XIII. CALVIN ANTICIPATES THE JUDGES IN THEIR APPEAL - TO THE SWISS CHURCHES 428 - - XIV. SERVETUS SENDS A LETTER AND A SECOND REMONSTRANCE - AND PETITION TO HIS JUDGES 441 - - XV. THE SWISS COUNCILS AND CHURCHES ARE ADDRESSED - BY THE COUNCIL OF GENEVA 446 - - XVI. SERVETUS AGAIN ADDRESSES THE SYNDICS AND COUNCIL - OF GENEVA, AND ACCUSES CALVIN. THE - ANSWERS OF THE COUNCILS AND CHURCHES CONSULTED 450 - - XVII. THE ATTITUDE OF CALVIN. THE HOPES OF SERVETUS 474 - - XVIII. THE SENTENCE AND EXECUTION. VÆ VICTIS! 480 - - XIX. AFTER THE BATTLE. VÆ VICTORIBUS! 488 - - XX. CALVIN DEFENDS HIMSELF 498 - - XXI. CALVIN’S DEFENCE IS ATTACKED 517 - - XXII. CALVIN’S BIOGRAPHERS AND APOLOGISTS 528 - - APPENDIX 535 - - - - -BOOK I. - -EARLY LIFE--WORKS--ARREST AND TRIAL AT VIENNE - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -MICHAEL SERVETUS, HIS BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND EARLY EDUCATION. - - -Michael Serveto, or as we know him best by his name with the Latin -termination, Servetus, appears, from the most trustworthy information -we possess, to have been born either at Tudela, in the old Spanish -kingdom of Navarre, or at Villaneuva, in that of Aragon; but whether -here or there, and in the year 1509 or 1511, is an open question. In -the course of the Trial he stood at Vienne in Dauphiny, in the spring -of 1553, he says himself that he is a native of Tudela, and forty-two -years of age; which would make Navarre the country, and 1511 the year, -of his birth. But in the Geneva Trial, only four months later, he -declares that he is of Villanova, and forty-four years old; which would -give us Aragon as the land, and 1509 as the date, of his nativity. When -he spoke of himself as a Navarrese at Vienne, it may have been done -to conciliate his French judges, Navarre having once been a province -of France, and the natives of the two countries having still much -in common. It was at a moment, too, when he had paramount motives -for seeking to conceal his identity. When he said at Geneva that he -was ‘Espagnol Arragonois de Villeneuve’ and forty-four, he was face -to face with one who knew him well, and when he had neither motive -nor opportunity for concealment. Servetus’s subscription of himself -as ‘Michael Serveto, alias Revés, de Aragonia, Hispanus,’ on the -title-page of his first work; as ‘Michael Villanovanus,’ on the titles -of all the books he edited, and the name ‘Villeneuve’ by which alone -he was known through the whole of the years he lived in France, to say -nothing of the ‘M. S. V.,’ evidently Michael Servetus Villanovanus, -on the last leaf of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ the printing of -which led to his death, supply, as it seems, preponderating evidence -as to the place of his birth, though the year may still be left -uncertain. The _alias_ Revés which appears on the title of the book ‘De -Trinitatis Erroribus,’ the first-fruits of his genius, has hitherto -been a puzzle and subject of debate with his biographers, but can now -be satisfactorily interpreted. Servetus’s mother, it appears, was of -French extraction, of the Revés family, and her son took occasion in -his first work piously to preserve his mother’s family name beside his -proper patronymic.[1] Of the parents of Servetus, however, we in fact -know little more than that we have from himself when, on his trial at -Geneva, he informed the Court that they were _d’ancienne race, vivants -noblement_, of old families and independent, or in easy circumstances, -and that his father was a Notary by profession. Report adds that he was -of a family which had been jurists for generations, and that his father -was nearly related to Andrea Serveto d’Aninon, some time Professor -of Civil Law in the University of Bologna, subsequently member of -the Cortes of Aragon, and one of the Council of the Indies. So much -makes it clear that Michael Servetus was of gentle blood, of Christian -parentage, and neither of Jewish nor Moorish descent, as has been said -on no better ground apparently than that he shows he was acquainted -with Hebrew, had read the Koran, and in his writings is not intolerant -towards Jews and Mahomedans, like his countrymen. - -Neither have we any very precise information as regards Servetus’s -earlier years and education. Of somewhat slender build, and so of -presumably delicate constitution, though he showed no trace of this -in after life, he is said to have been destined by his parents to -the service of the Church; in which view, whilst yet a youth, he was -placed for nurture in one of the convents of his native town or its -neighbourhood. And this we should imagine must almost necessarily be -true; for the rudiments of the liberal education Servetus shows himself -to have received, could only have been obtained in the early part of -the sixteenth century in the quiet of the cloister, and under the -fostering care of some monk more learned than the general. - -The precocious ability and pious temperament with which we must credit -Servetus may have been a further motive for the line of life chalked -out for him by his parents. The Church was then, as it still continues -to be, the close through which an easy and a pious life can be best -secured where there is neither talent nor aspiration; as it is also -the highway to worldly wealth and power, where there is ambition and -ability to back what passes for piety. By mental and moral endowment -Servetus probably appeared to all about him a born churchman, with -the crosier, and even the cardinal’s hat, in perspective. But side -by side with so much that pointed in this direction, the reasoning, -sceptical, and self-sufficing nature of the man that led the opposite -way, as it had not yet appeared, so was it unsuspected. Servetus as -a youth unquestionably received the education that would have fitted -him for the Priesthood; and we think complacently of the solace and -relaxation from the monotony of monastic life, which the worthy brother -we evoke as his principal teacher found in imparting all he knew, and -pointing out the onward way to one both apt and eager to learn. Before -leaving the convent, or the convent school, where he doubtless remained -for several years, Servetus must have been not only a tolerable -Latin scholar, but, it may have been, also grounded in Greek and the -rudiments of Hebrew. - -At what age Servetus left his convent teachers we are not informed; -some time however, we should imagine, before definitive vows are -required of the youthful aspirant to the holy office, when aptitude for -the prospective vocation is made subject of particular inquiry. Now it -may have been that he was discovered to be indifferently qualified by -mental constitution to follow further the line of life intended for -him--a conclusion to which we are led from all we know of the man in -his works. He was pious enough and credulous enough through life; but -his religion must be of the kind he thought out for himself, and his -beliefs of his own fashioning, not such as could be presented to him -ready shaped for acceptance. The very air of Europe at the beginning of -the sixteenth century was alive with mutterings of the storm that had -long been gathering, and found vent at length through the manly voice -of Martin Luther; and when we find hints that fears of the Inquisition -had had something to do with Servetus’s subsequent movements, we are -disposed to imagine that the call to free thought which had sprung up -on the revival of letters and found out the northern Monk in his cell, -had also reached the Friar of the south, and from him flowed over upon -the receptive mind of his youthful scholar. - -Be this as it may, when twelve or fourteen years of age, Servetus -appears to have entered as a student at the University of Saragossa, -then the most celebrated in Spain; and if he had Peter Martyr de -Angleria among the number of his teachers, as we are assured he -had,[2] he was in the hands of one of the most accomplished as well -as liberal-minded men of his age. Angleria was in fact still more -distinguished as a scholar, diplomatist, teacher and writer, than as -a soldier. Having come to Spain in the suite of one of the Italian -embassies to Ferdinand and Isabella, he joined the army of the Catholic -king and queen as a volunteer, and having distinguished himself on more -than one occasion in the field, he was presented to the sovereigns -on the conclusion of hostilities, entered the service of Isabella, -in especial, and having taken orders--an indispensable condition to -acknowledgment as a teacher--he was engaged by the queen as tutor and -general supervisor of the education of the host of young noblemen and -gentlemen who thronged the Court. The influence exerted by such a man -in such a situation cannot be doubted; and it has been surmised that -more than one of the distinguished personages who appeared in Spain, -in the early part of the sixteenth century, owed not a little of all -that made them notable in after life to their teacher. Angleria was -in fact a man in advance of his age, morally, and, we must believe, -religiously also--although Spain was not always the devoted slave of -Rome we have been accustomed to think her in these our days. He had -seen enough in his campaigning and its consequences to disgust him -with conversions to Christianity at the point of the sword, and the -wholesale deportation from their native country of a great civilised -community because of their adhesion to the religion of their fathers. -An Italian by birth, it was no part of Angleria’s religion to hate Jews -and Saracens with such a hatred as made baptizing, banishing, torturing -and putting them to death the virtue it appeared in the eyes of the -Spaniards. - -At Saragossa Servetus may have remained four or five years, working -hard at all that qualified him to appear as he meets us in after -life--perfecting himself in classics, and introduced not only to the -Ethics of Aristotle and the scholastic philosophy, but also to the -more positive domains of human knowledge--the mathematics, astronomy -and geography--geography more especially, brought into vogue as it was -by the great discoveries of Columbus, Vasco de Gama, and the hardy -navigators and travellers who came after them, then made accessible to -the general reader by the works of Angleria, Grynæus and others. - -Having broken definitively with the idea of the Church as a calling, -Servetus must now have made up his mind to follow what might fairly -be spoken of as the hereditary vocation of his family--Law; and the -School of Toulouse being at this time the most celebrated in Europe, -to Toulouse he was sent as a student of Law by his father. Here he -seems to have remained for two or three years--short while enough in -which to fathom the intricacies of civil and canon law, to say nothing -of other studies that must have continued to engage some share of his -attention; but that the time given to the study of Law at Toulouse was -not misspent, is proclaimed by the occasional scraps of legal lore we -notice interspersed in his writings. In the covenant between God and -Abraham, to cite one among many instances, he observes that we have the -first case on record of one of the four forms of unindentured contract, -still spoken of as the form _Facio ut facias_. Elsewhere also, and at -other times, on his trial at Geneva in particular, he is credited by -his prosecutor with an adequate knowledge of the Pandects, although he -says himself that he had never done more than read Justinian in the -perfunctory manner usual with young men at college. On the occasion -referred to, nevertheless, we find him quoting the decisions of -jurisconsults in support of his conclusions. - -But Law, we believe, was never the subject that engrossed the thoughts -of Servetus. The natural bent of his mind, and the teaching he had -received during his earlier years, led him to Theology; and it was at -Toulouse, as he tells us himself, that he first made acquaintance with -the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. It is not difficult -to imagine the effect which the perusal of these writings must have -produced on the ardent religious temperament of Servetus. In his -earliest work he speaks of the Bible as a book come down from heaven, -the source of all his philosophy and of all his science--language, -however, that is to be seen as hyperbole to a great extent; for he -was already imbued with scholastic philosophy, and, we must presume, -with patristic theology also, before he had read a word of the Bible; -and in his published works we find him at various times subordinating -the teaching of the Scriptures to the conclusions of his reason. -Toulouse, indeed, in the early part of the sixteenth century, was -an unlikely school for religious study in any but the most rigidly -orthodox fashion; and how far Michael Servetus swerved from this--to -his sorrow--need not now be more particularly noticed. It was even the -boast of the Toulousans for long, that their city had not been infected -with what was spoken of as the poison of Lutheranism. So strict a watch -had been kept over them by their shepherds, the priests, that, whilst -in neighbouring and other more distant cities of France the Reformation -had many adherents, it had none--openly, at all events--in Toulouse. It -were needless to insist that training of a special kind, in addition to -originality and independence of mind, was required to lead to views and -conclusions such as those attained to by Servetus.[3] - -He had read the Bible, however, at Toulouse; and there, too, if it were -not at an earlier period, he must have met with some of the writings -of Luther, of which several had been translated into Spanish soon -after their publication.[4] But there is another book which enjoyed an -extensive reputation through the whole of the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries, and seems to supply the kind of aliment precisely of which -a mind constituted like that of Servetus must have felt the want. This -is the ‘Theologia Rationalis sive Liber de Creaturis’ of Raymund de -Sabunde, in which the Creator is reached by a gradual ascent from lower -to higher grades of created things. - -The ‘Rational Theology’ of Sabunde is indeed a most noteworthy book; -full of true piety, resting on the wider and surer grounds of nature at -large in harmony with human intelligence, than the dogmatic theologian -can show in the written text and unwritten traditions on which he -relies for his conclusions. Containing no word that is not thoroughly -orthodox, doctrine, nevertheless, is not that which it is the grand -object of the ‘Rational Theology’ of Sabunde to propound. Neither is -authority paraded, as it would have been had the book been written by -a professed theologian, instead of a pious naturalist; for Sabunde -was a physician, one of the guild whose destiny it is to lead the van -of progress. We cannot believe that the work, though often reprinted, -was ever heartily approved by the heads of the Church of Rome. Its -title went far to condemn it. The Roman Catholic Church requires faith, -submissiveness, subserviency, not reason, of its sons; and we are -not, therefore, surprised to find that though the ‘Rational Theology’ -of Sabunde, as a whole, long escaped being placed on the index of -prohibited books, the prologue with which we find one of the early -editions, if it be not the first (Argentorati, 1496), introduced, was -soon ordered to be expunged; nor, indeed, as culture extended and the -Reformation spread, with ever-increasing alarm to the dominant Church, -that the book itself was at length pointedly forbidden to be read by -the faithful. It was put upon the ‘Index’ by the Congregation of the -Council of Trent in 1595, the author ‘holding too much by Nature,’ -say the reverend councillors, ‘to give us a knowledge of God and his -providential dealing with the world, and making too little reference to -the Fathers and the authority of Holy Writ.’ - -The Prologue of Sabunde is in truth a very remarkable piece of writing, -the age considered in which it flowed from the pen. Beginning in -the accredited orthodox fashion: ‘Ad laudem et gloriam altissimæ et -gloriosissimæ Trinitatis,’ &c., the author proceeds to say that his -purpose is ‘to expose the errors, as well of the ancient philosophers -as of pagan and infidel writers, by the science he has to propound; -to set forth the catholic faith in its infallible truthfulness, and -to show every sect opposed thereunto in its necessary falsity and -erroneousness. Two books,’ he continues, ‘are given to us by God for -our guidance: one, the universal book of created things, or the book -of Nature; the other, the book of the sacred Scriptures. The first -was given to man from the beginning, when the world was made; the -second is to supplement and solve the difficulties met with in the -first. The book of the Creatures lies open to all; but the book of the -Scriptures can only be read aright by the clergy. The book of Nature -cannot be falsified, neither can it be readily interpreted amiss, even -by heretics; but the book of the Scriptures they can misconstrue and -falsify at their pleasure.’ The author’s design, therefore, is to write -a book which gentle and simple alike may read and understand without a -master; and he ends his prologue with a compliment and submission to -Holy Mother Church, which her hierarchs, however, have not accepted -either gratefully or graciously; for they did not of old, any more -than they do now, want books that would enable readers to go their own -way without the guiding hand of a master. Shall we wonder, therefore, -that this notable prologue was looked on at an early date as highly -objectionable, and is not to be found in any of the later editions of -the book?[5] - -Michel de Montaigne has given an interesting account of this ‘Rational -Theology’ of Sabunde. His father thought so highly of it that he set -his son, the immortal Essayist, to translate it into French: a task -which it were needless to say he performed in a very admirable manner, -though the sire did not live to see the work in type and in the hands -of the public he was anxious to reach through its means. The book, says -Montaigne, is composed by a Spaniard, in indifferent Latin--_basti -d’un Espagnol, baraguiné des terminaisons Latines_--but well adapted -to meet a want of the day. The novelties of Luther coming into vogue -and shaking old beliefs, Sabunde, as he thinks, ‘gives very good -advice against a disease that ever tends towards execrable atheism.’ -If Sabunde does give _tres bon advis_, his ‘Book of the Creatures’ -is nevertheless the text from which the most sceptical perhaps of -the whole series of the ‘Essays’ is written; and if the ‘Theologia -Rationalis’ fell into the hands of the youthful Michael Servetus, as -we believe it must almost necessarily have done, we have no difficulty -in imagining that it influenced him in a still greater degree, and -not much otherwise than it did young Michel de Montaigne. A rational -exposition of God’s revelation of himself in nature, we apprehend, must -have been a craving in the soul of the serious Spaniard still more than -in that of the lively Gascon.[6] - -But there is another writer whose influence on his age and the progress -of free thought it is impossible to estimate too highly, and from whose -teaching Servetus on his death-walk owned that he had had _something_. -This is Erasmus. What Servetus had he does not say. Whatever it may -have been, it was unaccompanied by the caution and cold discretion that -distinguished the great scholar of Rotterdam. In the Scholia which -Erasmus added to his Greek New Testament, however, we fancy we see -heralds of the far bolder and more original exegetical annotations with -which Servetus, under his assumed name of Villanovanus, accompanied his -reprint of the Pagnini Bible, which we shall have to speak of by and by. - -In addition to all he learned from his convent teachers, from the -professors of Saragossa and Toulouse, from Sabunde, Luther, Erasmus, -and others on the subject of theology, Servetus must further have been -well read in general history and the works of travellers in foreign -lands, as we shall find when we come to study his edition of Ptolemy’s -Geography, and refer particularly to his biblical criticisms, in days -when criticism of the kind he brought to bear on the text of the -Scriptures was unknown. It was only in the early part of the sixteenth -century that the Hebrew Bible and Greek Testament began to be appealed -to by the learned, and made the subject of critical study in a way -never thought of before. Long limited to the letter, the study was -widened in its scope by Servetus, and, embracing general history, made -to include a new and highly important element in its bearing on the -Religious Idea. If Servetus of himself arrived at the interpretation he -gives of the Psalms and Prophetical writings of Israel, he must indeed -have been possessed of no ordinary share of natural sagacity informed -by study, and of moral courage in addition; for it runs counter to -all that had been assumed from the date of the New Testament writings -almost to the present day. The free use he makes of his historical -reading in its application to David, Cyrus, and Hezekiah, may have -been that which led some of his biographers to imagine that he was of -Jewish descent, and to say that he had visited Africa, and had had -Mahomedan as well as Jewish teachers, from whom he imbibed his notions, -hostile to the common orthodox interpretation of the Prophets, and the -conception of a Triune God. - -It were absurd to suppose that Servetus’s early convent education and -subsequent studies at Saragossa and Toulouse had made him all he shows -himself to be in his works. He continued a student through the whole -of his life, and it is indeed among the privileges of the physician -that his education never ends; but it was certainly at an early period -of his career that he became possessed of the theological ideas which -he went on elaborating, even to the day when his ‘Restoration of -Christianity’ was in type and ready for the publication it did not -obtain. It is therefore of moment with us to seize and follow up every -incident in his life that induced or strengthened the bent of his mind -towards theological speculation; and the event which now befel, we must -presume, had no slight influence in this direction. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -SERVICE WITH FRIAR JUAN QUINTANA, CONFESSOR OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. - - -School and college days come naturally to an end, or are cut short -by one intervening incident or another; and the studies of Michael -Servetus at Toulouse were interrupted by an invitation to enter his -service from brother Juan Quintana, a Franciscan friar, confessor -to the Emperor Charles V., about to attend on his Sovereign to his -coronation in the imperial city of Bologna, and, of still greater -significance, to the Diet of Augsburg, which followed it closely. In -what capacity Servetus joined Quintana we are not informed; but if -father confessors ever engaged private secretaries, we can hardly doubt -that it must have been in the intimate relationship suggested, for -which the accomplishments of the younger man so obviously qualified -him. The invitation from Quintana is interesting on many accounts, -and was certainly an important element in the mental development -of Servetus. Though he may have quitted Spain hurriedly, perhaps -secretly--in fear of the Inquisition, as said--he could have left -nothing but a good name for conduct and accomplishment behind him, -otherwise he would never have been recommended as a fit and proper -person to act as secretary to the confessor of the great Emperor. Not -forgotten by his old masters of Saragossa, the clever student was -thought of by them when Quintana made known his want of a secretary, -and must have been recommended to him as in every way qualified to fill -a situation of the kind. - -Michael Servetus, as we apprehend him, was one of those sensitive -natures which, like the stainless plate of the photographer, retains -at once and reflects every object presented to it; his service with -Quintana, consequently, was one of the incidents that influenced the -whole of his after life. Up to the time of his engagement with the -confessor he had been but one among hundreds of other students, known -to his teachers as a young man of superior abilities, it may be, -but not an object of more particular attention to any one of them. -In the intimate relationship implied between the elderly principal -and the youthful underling matters were entirely changed; and recent -inquiries[7] lead to the conclusion that the hood of the barefooted -friar Juan Quintana covered the head of a man of superior powers, -cherishing larger, more liberal and more tolerant views than were -current in his age, more especially among the class to which he -belonged. - -Quintana appears to have attracted the notice of the Emperor so far -back as the date of the Diet of Worms, during the sittings of which he -had distinguished himself as a preacher and become generally known as a -theologian and man of learning. He had at the same time, however, and -in like measure, fallen out of favour with his party, opposed at every -point to the reform movement, in consequence of the moderation of his -views. Matters at Worms had gone in no wise to the satisfaction of the -Emperor, owing in no inconsiderable degree, as he must have believed, -to the intolerance and mismanagement of his clerical advisers. To give -the approaching Diet of Augsburg, of which Charles was thinking far -more seriously than of the pageant of Bologna when he made Quintana his -confessor, a chance of proving the bond of union he desired between the -two great religious parties which now divided his empire, he saw that -he must rid himself of the narrow-minded and utterly irreconcilable -Dominican Loaysa, whom he had had at Worms as his spiritual director. -From Loaysa he knew he had no prospect of receiving those counsels -of concession and compromise which, as a politician, he saw were -indispensable and to which he was himself at the moment by no means -disinclined. He must have another confessor of more liberal views, not -utterly opposed to the reformation of the Church in all its aspects -and to the whole body of the Reformers with whom, as heretics, it was -condescension on the part of a Roman Catholic dignitary to communicate, -and contamination, if it were not sin, to sympathise. The old director -had therefore to be got rid of, for a time at least; but he must -suffer no slight, be subjected to no show of mistrust, to no seeming -loss of confidence; he must not even be superseded in his office, but -only removed to a distance and so made innocuous. Charles therefore -discovered that a representative, who must be presumed to be familiar -with the most secret aspirations of his soul, would be required at -Rome as the medium of communication between himself and his holiness -the Pope, in connection with the important business in prospect -at Augsburg. Loaysa, accordingly--greatly to his disgust beyond -question--was dispatched with all the honours to Rome, whilst Juan -Quintana, summoned from the quiet of the cloister to the bustle of the -Court, found himself unexpectedly with a royal and imperial penitent at -his ear in the confessional, and an upper seat in the council chamber -pending the discussion of affairs of state. - -How should we imagine that an invitation to take service with a man -possessed of qualities that brought him into such relationships could -have been otherwise than instantly embraced by the youthful student of -Toulouse; or how doubt that intimate contact with so great a nature -as Quintana’s could fail to impress him deeply? Attached forthwith to -the service of the confessor and in the suite of the Emperor, not the -least observant among all who accompanied him of the pomp and pageantry -displayed at the coronation at Bologna, the open-eyed secretary was -witness of much besides that sank into his mind, gave matter for future -thought, and found free but needlessly offensive expression in his -writings. Here, at Bologna, it was in fact, and not at Rome as has been -said, that Servetus saw the Pope ‘borne aloft above the heads of the -people, the multitude kneeling in the dust, adoring him, and they among -them who could but kiss his slipper accounting themselves blessed.’ Nor -was it the ignorant multitude alone that showed such abject servility. -He saw in addition ‘the most powerful prince of his age, at the head of -twenty thousand veteran soldiers, kneeling and kissing the feet of the -Pope;’[8] an exhibition which appears to have been thought of as simply -degrading instead of edifying by the independent-minded secretary. - -So great an event as the coronation of the Emperor was too favourable -an occasion to be neglected for a stroke of business by the financiers -of the Romish Church: indulgences were in the market in plenty, and at -prices to suit all purchasers, immunity from the pains of purgatory -being to be obtained for terms in the ratio of the money paid. How -shall we imagine that so glaring an abuse could fail to touch Servetus, -in the state of mind to which he must already have attained, in the -same way as the proceedings of Tetzel and his coadjutors touched the -common sense and conscience of Luther? It was doubtless with all he -now observed before him that we, short while after, find him speaking -in such virulent terms of the Papacy and exclaiming: ‘O bestia -bestiarum, meretrix sceleratissima’--‘O beast most beastly, most -wicked of harlots!’[9] Some of Luther’s epithets, we might conclude, -had found their way into the vocabulary of Servetus; and it may be -that the violence of Luther’s invective, unchallenged by the rest of -the Reformers, led him to fancy that he too might indulge without -impropriety in language of an unseemly kind. - -When we think of the times in which Servetus lived, his early education -and subsequent surroundings, the violent hatred he seems already to -have conceived against the Papacy is not a little extraordinary. We -might be tempted to conclude that the free thought of Europe, of -which the Reformation was the outcome and expression, had found even -a more genial soil in the mind of this Spanish youth than in that of -Luther himself, or any of his accredited followers. They went little -way in freeing the religion of Jesus of Nazareth from the accretions -which metaphysical subtlety, superstition, and ignorance of the laws -of nature and the principles of things had gathered around it in the -course of ages. Their business, as they apprehended it, was to reform -the Church rather than the religion of which it was presumed to be the -exponent; the task that Servetus set himself in the end was to reform -religion, with little thought of a Church in any sense in which an -institution of the kind was conceived in his day, whether by Papist or -Protestant. - -From reading the Bible at Toulouse and contrasting the humble life -and simple theistic morality of the Prophet of Nazareth with the -metaphysical subtleties and dogmatic deductions of the schoolmen, -the pomp, the power, the tyranny and the greed of the priests so -conspicuously displayed at Bologna, we can readily imagine the -impression made on the independent spirit of Servetus--an impression -that found more seemly utterance anon than that we have already quoted, -and in words like these: ‘For my own part I neither agree nor disagree -in every particular with either Catholic or Reformer. Both of them -seem to me to have something of truth and something of error in their -views; and whilst each sees the other’s shortcomings, neither sees -his own. God in his goodness give us all to understand our errors and -incline us to put them away. It would be easy enough, indeed, to judge -dispassionately of everything, were we but suffered without molestation -by the Churches freely to speak our minds; the older exponents of -doctrine, in obedience to the recommendation of St. Paul, giving place -to younger men, and these in their turn making way for teachers of -the day who had aught to impart that had been revealed to them. But -our doctors now contend for nothing but power. The Lord confound all -tyrants of the Church! Amen.’--The voice of this nineteenth century -verging on its close, from the mouth of a man little more than of age, -living in the first half of the sixteenth![10] - -The business of the coronation at Bologna concluded, the Emperor betook -himself to Germany in view of the great Diet of Augsburg, formally -inaugurated in the summer of 1530, accompanied of course by his -confessor, as the confessor was attended by his youthful secretary. And -here it must have been that Servetus saw and may perchance have spoken -with Melanchthon and others of the leading Reformers, among the number -of whom, however, the greatest of them all did not appear. Luther’s -friends believed that the danger he must run by showing himself at -Augsburg was too great to be incurred. The brave man would himself have -faced the peril, but his princely protectors positively forbade the -exposure. They feared that at Augsburg the Emperor might be tempted to -violate the ‘safe conduct’ he had been reproached by his Papal advisers -with having so honourably observed at Worms; for there were still some -among the Roman Catholics, high in place, so ill-informed, so blind to -events, as to believe that were the head of the man who had inaugurated -the movement which compromised their power but off his shoulders, the -Reformation would collapse and die! Luther was therefore permitted by -his friends to approach the scene of action on this occasion no nearer -than Coburg. - -Neither at Augsburg any more than at Worms did matters proceed so -entirely to the satisfaction of the Emperor as he wished, and may -have anticipated. The Protestant princes, with little cohesion -among themselves, showed, nevertheless, that severally they were -more resolute than ever in their requirements touching religion, -less obsequious too to the advances of their suzerain than he found -agreeable. They felt themselves in fact, and in so far, masters of the -situation, and had mostly quitted Augsburg before the sittings of the -Diet came to a close, content to leave Melanchthon and his colleagues -to give final shape to the business for which the Diet had been mainly -convoked, and in the great RELIGIOUS CHARTER OF THE AGE--the Confession -of Augsburg--to establish Protestantism as an integral and recognised -element, not only in the religious, but in the political system of -Europe. - -During his attendance on his chief at Augsburg, Servetus, though -he saw and may have spoken with more than one of the distinguished -Reformers, could have been an object of particular attention to none -of them: his youth and subordinate position precluded the possibility -of this. That he may have been disappointed at not seeing the original -of the great movement which had brought together the august assembly -he looked on around him, we may well believe, but we find no evidence -in contemporary documents that would lead us to think he had ever come -into contact with Luther, as has been said.[11] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SERVICE WITH QUINTANA COMES TO AN END. - - -It is greatly to be regretted that we have nothing from Servetus on -the other impressions he received, during the term of his service with -Quintana, beside those connected with the pomp and power of the Papacy. -We do not even know precisely how long he continued with the confessor -of the Emperor, nor where, nor at what moment he left him. Neither -have we a word of his whereabouts and mode of life, after vacating his -office, until we meet him seeking an interview with Jehan Hausschein, -the individual, with his name turned into Greek, so familiar to the -world as Œcolampadius. From Servetus himself we have it that he quitted -the service of Quintana on his death, which, he says, occurred in -Germany. But the truth of this statement has been called in question -on very sufficient grounds, Quintana having been seen alive in the -flesh, and still in attendance on the Emperor, years after dates at -which we know positively that Servetus had been in Basle and Strasburg, -communicating with Œcolampadius, Bucer, and others of the Reformers. -More than this, he had come before the world as author of the book -entitled ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ a copy of which having been found -by Joannes Cochlæus, an ecclesiastic in the suite of the Emperor, in a -bookseller’s shop at Ratisbon, was by him shown to Quintana, who, we -are informed, expressed extreme disgust that a countryman of his own -and personally known to him--_quem de facie se nôsse dicebat_--should -have fallen so far into the slough of heresy as to write on the mystery -of the Trinity in the style of Michael Servetus, alias Revés.[12] Nor -indeed is this the last we hear of Quintana. After the settlement of -affairs at Ratisbon and Nürnberg, he attended the Emperor to Italy, and -thence to his native Spain, where we find him installed as Prior of -the Church of Monte Aragon and a member of the Cortes of the kingdom. -Quintana appears in fact to have lived for yet two years, actively -engaged in his duties, having only been gathered to his fathers towards -the end of the year 1534.[13] - -Servetus did not therefore leave the service of Quintana after, or -in consequence of, the death of the confessor. We find it difficult -indeed to think of one with the decidedly unorthodox opinions to which -Servetus had attained at an early period of his life, continuing on -terms of intimacy with a man of Quintana’s capacity, without showing -something of the leaven of unbelief that must have been already -fermenting in his mind. There is, it is true, commonly enough, so -much more of policy than of piety among hierarchs of the Church of -Rome, and indeed of any church largely possessed of wealth and culture, -that their real opinions and beliefs have often been made subject of -debate. But Quintana was a monk, although a liberal one, and he was -Charles V.’s confessor. Of the Emperor’s orthodoxy, bigotry, and hatred -of heresy, however, there can be no question; so that, though policy -moved him for a time to entertain as his spiritual adviser a man more -tolerant than the general, the occasion for this ceasing, Charles was -not likely to find himself altogether at his ease with one at his elbow -much more liberally disposed than himself. Quintana consequently on -the return to Spain, being absolved of his office of confessor, but -handsomely provided for in the Church, Charles recalled Loaysa, his -former director in matters of faith, from Rome, and lapsed into the -groove of intolerance from which considerations of state had for a -moment withdrawn him. - -From the false account Servetus gives of the cause of his quitting -Quintana, we therefore think it probable that soon after the settlement -of matters at Augsburg in the early autumn of 1530, he had incautiously -betrayed the state of his mind on some point of the religious question, -and been dismissed from his service by the confessor. Service of any -sort, indeed, from the estimate we are led to form of the mental -constitution of Michael Servetus, could only have been a bondage never -patiently to be endured, but to be shaken off at the earliest possible -opportunity. His was not a nature that could brook a master; and we -have the assurance of Œcolampadius that Michael Servetus was in Basle -and making himself obnoxious by his theological fancies previous to the -month of October 1530. The coronation at Bologna having taken place in -the autumn of 1529, and the Diet of Augsburg assembled at midsummer -1530, Servetus could not, thus, have been in the following of Quintana -for more than a year, or eighteen months--no long term if reckoned by -the lapse of time, but certainly covering a vast area in the sphere -of his mental development. He may have had little leisure for the -study of books, but he had his eyes open to the doings of men; and -his inner senses were awakened to truths, his reason to conclusions, -that influenced him through the rest of his life, and possibly had no -insignificant part in bringing him to his untimely end. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -INTERCOURSE WITH THE SWISS REFORMERS. - - -It would appear that Œcolampadius, Bucer, Bullinger, Zwingli and -others, their friends, had had a sort of ‘clerical meeting’ for talking -over the theological questions of the day at Basle in the autumn of -1530. On this occasion Œcolampadius informed his friends that he had -been troubled of late by a hot-headed Spaniard, Servetus by name, -overflowing with Arian heresies and other objectionable opinions, -maintaining particularly that Christ was not really and truly the -Eternal Son of God; but if not, then was he not, and could not be, the -Saviour--_were Christus nit rächter, warer, ewiger Gott, so were er -doch und könte nit seyn unser Heiland_. Waxing warm in his tale, and -fearing that such poison, as he conceived it, would not be poured into -his ears alone, but would reach those of others, he was minded that -measures should be taken against such a contingency. To this Zwingli, -addressing him as brother Œcolampady, replied, that ‘there did seem -good ground for them to be on their guard; for the false and wicked -doctrine of the troublesome Spaniard goes far to do away with the -whole of our Christian religion.’ ‘God preserve us,’ said he, ‘from the -coming in among us of any such wickedness. Do what you can, then, to -quit the man of his errors, and with good and wholesome argument win -him to the truth.’ ‘That have I already done,’ said Œcolampady; ‘but so -haughty, daring and contentious is he, that all I say goes for nothing -against him.’ ‘This is indeed a thing insufferable in the Church of -God,’ said Zwingli--_Ein unleydenliche Sach in der Kyrchen Gottes_. -Therefore do everything possible that such dreadful blasphemy get no -further wind to the detriment of Christianity.’[14] - -Besides the personal communication with Œcolampadius of which we -have this interesting notice, Servetus must have written him several -letters--unfortunately lost to us--about the same time, for we have two -from the Reformer to the Spaniard, which have happily been preserved. -In one of these (probably the second that was written), Servetus -having, as it seems, complained that he had been somewhat sharply -handled by his correspondent, Œcolampadius replies that he, for his -part, thinks that he himself has the greater reason to complain. ‘You -obtrude yourself on me,’ he says, ‘as if I had nothing else ado than -to answer you; asking me questions about all the foolish things the -Sorbonne has said of the Trinity, and even taking it amiss that I do -not criticise and in your way oppose myself to those distinguished -theologians, Athanasius and Nazianzenus. You contend that the Church -has been displaced from its true foundation of faith in Christ, and -feign that we speak of his filiation in a sense which detracts from -the honour that is due to him as the Son of God. But it is you who -speak blasphemously; for I now understand the diabolical subterfuges -you use. Forbearing enough in other respects, I own that I am not -possessed of that extreme amount of patience which would keep me silent -when I see Christ dishonoured.’ He then goes on to criticise and rebut -Servetus’s theological views--his denial of Two natures in the One -person of Christ, and his opinion that in the prophetical writings of -the Old Testament it is always a prospective or coming Son of God that -is indicated. ‘You,’ continues Œcolampadius, ‘do not admit that it was -the Son of God who was to come as man; but that it was the man who came -that was the Son of God; language which leads to the conclusion that -the Son of God existed not eternally before the incarnation.’ - -To satisfy the Reformer, or seeking to get upon a better footing with -him, Servetus appears now to have composed and sent him a Confession -of Faith, which has come down to us. On the face of this there was -such a semblance of orthodoxy that Œcolampadius found nothing at -first to object to in its statements; but having conversed with the -writer and heard his explanations, he had come to see it as utterly -fallacious, misleading, and inadmissible. He concludes by exhorting -his correspondent to ‘confess the Son to be consubstantial and -coeternal with the Father, in which case,’ he says, ‘we shall be able -to acknowledge you for a Christian.’[15] - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE REFORMERS OF STRASBURG--PUBLICATION OF THE WORK ON TRINITARIAN -ERROR. - - -The letter of Œcolampadius, as we have it, is without date, but must -have been written from Basle at the close of 1530, or the beginning of -1531, and so before the book on Trinitarian Error had been published, -as we find no mention made of the work. By this time, however, Servetus -must have had the treatise ready for press, for it was now that he -put it into the hands of Conrad Kœnig or Rous, a publisher, having -establishments both at Basle and Strasburg. Kœnig was not a printer -himself; but accepting the work for publication he sent it to Jo. -Secerius, of Hagenau, in Alsace, a well-known typographer of the day, -to be put into type. To Hagenau accordingly went the MS., followed -by the author to superintend the printing; intending from thence to -proceed to Strasburg, where he was anxious to have interviews with the -leading Reformers of that city, Martin Bucer and W. F. Capito, and -propound to them, as he had done to the Switzers, the new views of -Christian doctrine at which he had arrived. - -From what we know already we might conclude that he found little more -encouragement from the ministers of Strasburg than he had had from -those of Basle. Servetus himself, however, appears to have thought -otherwise, and left them with the impression that neither of the -Strasburgers was so wholly opposed to his views as Œcolampadius in -particular had shown himself at Basle. We find him, by and by, in fact, -speaking as if he even believed that in the first instance they were -alike disposed to abet rather than condemn his conclusions. And this, -from what came out subsequently, seems really to have been the case, in -so far, at least, as Capito stands concerned. Capito was, in fact, the -most advanced and truly tolerant of all the early Reformers, and if we -may rely on the report we have of his opinions from the author of the -‘Antitrinitarian Library,’[16] he was really not behind Servetus in his -rejection of the orthodox tripartite Deity. A kindly sympathy with a -young enthusiast, full of fancies on topics really beyond the reach of -demonstration, may have induced Bucer as well as his colleague, Capito, -to feel a certain interest in the subject of our study, and so led -them both to treat him otherwise than as the irreverent dreamer he had -appeared to Œcolampadius; to see him, in a word, as he was in truth--a -well-read and piously disposed, albeit in their opinion a more or less -mistaken, scholar. - -Servetus undoubtedly possessed the character of the enthusiast in -perfection, and by natural constitution was not only indisposed, but -to a certain extent incapable of seeing a question in any light save -that in which he set it himself. Bucer, although he became hostile to -Servetus in the end, must in fact have been not a little taken with him -on their earlier intercourse, when in a letter to a friend he speaks of -him as ‘his dear son’--‘filius meus dilectus.’ When not curtly met as -the rash innovator and heretic, Servetus was neither the proud nor the -impracticable man he appeared to Œcolampadius and Calvin. During his -visit to Strasburg, when he was doubtless busy with his ‘De Trinitatis -Erroribus’--revising, polishing, and seeing it through the press--in a -notable modification of the terms in which one of the cardinal points -of his doctrine is spoken of in an earlier and in a later passage of -the work, Bucer’s kindly counsel, it is presumed, may be detected. -Whilst in Book IV. we find these words, ‘The Word is never spoken of -in Scripture as the Son; the Word was the shadow only, Christ was the -substance,’ in Book VII. he says, ‘The Word is never spoken of in -Scripture as the Son; but to Christ himself there is ascribed a kind -of eternity of engenderment. The things that were under the _Law_ were -shadows of the body of Christ.’[17] - -Whatever the two distinguished Reformers of Strasburg may have said, -however--and we can hardly doubt of their having tried to win him to -the views that were commonly entertained--he was not stayed for a -moment in his purpose of getting into print. Nay--and we know not why -the right should be refused him--he seems to have thought himself -at as full liberty as the leaders of the great movement then afoot -to give his own interpretation of the kind of reform which not the -Church only, but its doctrine, required. For such an undertaking he -was as well qualified by culture as any of the Reformers--better -qualified, in fact, than many among them, as in genius we believe he -was surpassed, and in liberality and tolerance approached by none. -Servetus, in truth, had started in the reforming race unweighted, and -so, and in so far with a better chance of reaching the goal of simple -truth than either Luther or Calvin; for though he had received the -education of the cloister, he was neither professed monk nor priest; -and, without detriment to the piety of his spirit, or his belief in -what were held by the world as the oracles of God, he had freed himself -from the fetters of necessary assent to the interpretations put upon -these, formulated into dogmas, by the Church in which he had been born -and bred. Servetus seems never to have had any misgivings about his -title to show himself among the number of the Reformers. He was in -Germany, the land of free thought, as he imagined; among men who had -thought freely, and whom he had been used to hear spoken of by his -clerical surroundings, whilst in the suite of Quintana, as heretics and -blasphemers. These names he did not fear in such respectable company as -he found the Reformers of Switzerland and Germany to be; and though he -did not agree with them on some topics, he could bear with them as well -in that wherein he differed from them as in that wherein they differed -among themselves, and saw no reason why they should not in like manner -bear with him. He thought of nothing, therefore, but prospective fame -for himself in the publication he contemplated. The names of Luther, -Melanchthon, Calvin, and the rest, appeared on the title-pages of their -works: why, then, should his name be withheld from the world? On the -title-page of the ‘Seven Books on Mistaken Conceptions of the Trinity’ -accordingly, which now came forth from the press, we find not only his -family name, Servetus, but the alias, Revés, from his mother’s side of -the house, and the name of the country that called him son:-- - - ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus, Libri Septem. - Per Michaelem Serveto, alias Revés, - Ab Aragonia, Hispanum, - 1531.’ - -The publisher and printer, having an eye to business, not notoriety, -and suspicious in all probability of the reception the article in the -production of which they were aiding and abetting, might receive, -were more cautious than the author; for the name neither of printer, -publisher, nor place of publication, appears on the title-page. In the -month of July, 1531, however, the book was to be bought at once in -the cities of Strasburg, Frankfort, and Basle: but no one knew for -more than twenty years where it had been printed, nor who besides the -author--who had also vanished out of sight--had been accessory to its -publication. The truth only came out in the course of the author’s -trial at Geneva in the year 1553. Basle had the credit for a time of -having hatched the cockatrice; and that the charge was taken seriously -to heart appears from a letter of Œcolampadius to Bucer which has been -preserved. - -The Swiss churches, as is known, were not all at one with Luther -and his followers upon some of the transcendental topics of their -common faith; and Servetus in his book having attacked the Doctrine -of Justification by Faith--the leading feature in Luther’s theology, -in terms neither complimentary nor respectful, the Switzers were -anxious to have the great head of the Reform movement informed that -they had nothing in common with the Serveto, alias Revés, of the book -‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ and that it had not fallen from any of the -presses of their country. In his letter to Bucer dated from Basle, -August 5, 1531, Œcolampadius informs him that ‘several of their friends -had seen Servetus’s book and were beyond measure offended with it.’ ‘I -wish you would write to Luther,’ he continues, ‘and tell him it was -printed elsewhere than at Basle, and without any privity of ours. It is -surely a piece of consummate impudence in the writer to say that the -Lutherans are ignorant of what Justification really means. Passing -many things by, I fancy he must belong to the sect of the Photinians, -or to some other I know not what. Unless he be put down by the doctors -of our church, it will be the worse for us. I pray you of all others -to keep watch; and if you find no better or earlier opportunity, -be particular in your report to the Emperor in excusing us and our -churches from the breaking in among us of this wild beast. He indeed -abuses everything in his way of viewing it; and to such lengths does he -go that he disputes the coeternity and consubstantiality of the Father -and the Son--he would even have the man Christ to be the Son of God in -the usual natural way.’[18] - -Bucer having perused the ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus’ would seem to have -been excessively disturbed or scandalised by its contents. Known as -a man of a perfectly humane disposition in a general way, he is now -violent even to slaying. Denouncing its author from the pulpit, he is -said to have declared that the writer of such a book deserved to be -disembowelled and torn in pieces! Yet was not Martin Bützer always of -this savage way of thinking. In a Preface and Postscript to an early -work--a translation by a friend, of Augustin’s Treatise ‘on the Duty of -the Ruler in matters of Religion,’[19] he is as mercifully disposed -towards the erring as could be desired. They are to be prayed for, -instructed, and it may be punished, but it is to be mildly; they are -never to be put to death. He refers to his ‘Dialogues’ in which the -subject is treated at length. - -Luther, too, must have read the work, and it is not a little -interesting to us to be made aware from what he says himself that -he, like others of the Reformers, as well as Michael Servetus, had -been troubled with doubts about the conformity of the orthodox -Trinitarian dogma with the dictates of simple reason. In the -Table-Talk--Tisch-Reden--of 1532, he refers to what he characterises -as ‘a fearfully wicked book--ein greulich bös Buch--’ which had lately -come out against the doctrine of the holy Trinity. ‘Visionaries like -the writer,’ says Doctor Martin, ‘do not seem to fancy that other folks -as well as they may have had temptations on this subject. But the -sting did not hold; I set the word of God and the Holy Ghost against -my thoughts and got free.’ Luther as usual imagined that the doubts he -felt were inspired by the Devil, instead of by God, through the reason -given him for his guidance.[20] - -But of all his contemporaries Melanchthon appears to have been more -taken with the work on Trinitarian Error than any other of the leading -Reformers; and he is much more outspoken in expressing his opinion of -the incomprehensible and really unscriptural nature of the dogma which -it is the gist of Servetus’s book to impugn. To one of his friends he -begins his letter by telling him ‘that he has been reading Servetus -a great deal--_Servetum multum lego_--though I am well aware of the -fanatical nature of the man. In his derisive treatment of Justification -he sees nothing but the _quality_ of Augustin; and he plainly raves -when, misinterpreting the text of the Old and New Testament, he denies -to the Prophets the Holy Spirit. I also think he does injustice both -to Tertullian and Irenæus, when, treating of the Word, he makes them -question its being an hypostasis. But I have little doubt that great -controversies will one day arise on this subject, as well as on the -distinction of the two natures in Christ.’[21] - -To Camerarius, another friend, he writes: ‘You ask me what I think -of Servetus? I see him indeed sufficiently sharp and subtle in -disputation, but I do not give him credit for much depth. He is -possessed, as it seems to me, of confused imaginations, and his -thoughts are not well matured on the subjects he discusses. He -manifestly talks foolishness when he speaks of Justification. Περὶ -τῆς τρίαδος--on the subject of the Trinity--you know, I have always -feared that serious difficulties would one day arise. Good God! to what -tragedies will not these questions give occasion in times to come: εἴ -ἐστιν ὑπόστασις ὁ λὀγος--is the Logos an hypostasis? εἴ ἐστιν ὑπόστασις -τὸ πνεῦμα--is the Holy Ghost an hypostasis? For my own part I refer me -to those passages of Scripture that bid us call on Christ, which is to -ascribe divine honours to him, and find them full of consolation.’[22] - -This is surely very candid and beautiful. But the spirit of the -Prophet of Nazareth did not always find such a resting place as it -did in the heart and mind of Philip Schwarzerde, though he too could -forget himself and approve of violence, as we shall see, when certain -beliefs which he held sacred and thought it a public duty to profess -were assailed. At this time, however, on this occasion, he is in his -proper placable frame of mind and continues thus: ‘I find it after -all of little use to inquire too curiously into that which properly -constitutes the nature of a _Person_, and into that wherein and whereby -persons are distinguished from one another. It is very provoking that -in Epiphanius, except a few trifling passages, we have nothing from the -days when the same questions were agitated by Paul of Samosata--nothing -in fact whence we might know what was thought of Paul’s opinions at the -time, and of what mind were they who condemned him. I am even greatly -distressed when I think of such negligence on the part of the hierarchs -of the age of this Paul, as well as of times more near our own.’ When -writing thus Melanchthon plainly sympathised more with Paul of Samosata -and his opinions than he would have liked to acknowledge at a later -period of his life; for he, too, like so many who become narrow and -intolerant in age, was liberal enough when younger, and in the earlier -editions of his ‘Loci Theologici’ could speak of the Holy Spirit as -nothing more than an ‘Afflatus of Deity.’ - -The above extracts from confidential letters seem to show that -Melanchthon was not himself quite clear as to the sense in which a -Trinity of the Godhead was to be understood; a state of mind shared in, -unless we much mistake, by more than one among the most influential -men of the Swiss Churches, by none more certainly than by Calvin, -their great head, himself, as we shall show. Melanchthon indeed in -his next letter to the same friend, speaking of Servetus’s assumption -that Tertullian did not think the Logos an hypostasis--a distinct -substantial reality--proceeds:--‘To me Tertullian seems to think on -this subject as we do in public--_quod publice sentimus_, and not in -the way Servetus interprets him. But of these things more hereafter -when we meet.’ Melanchthon would not therefore trust in writing, even -to an intimate friend, all he thought on the subject of the Trinity; -and truly there is matter enough when critically scanned in the first -edition of his best-known work--‘The Loci Theologici’ of 1521--that -puts him out of the pale of orthodox Trinitarianism.[23] - -Neither was Joannes Œcolampadius without something of a fellow feeling -for Servetus, although he repudiated his conclusions. Writing to Martin -Bucer on July 18, 1531, shortly after the publication of the work on -Trinitarian misconception, he informs his friend that he had heard from -Capito of Strasburg, who tells him that the book is for sale among them -there, and has rejoiced some of the enemies of the Church, as it will -also afford matter of gratulation to the Papists of France when they -see that writings of the kind are suffered to be published in Germany. -‘Read the book,’ continues the writer, ‘and tell me what you think of -it. Were I not busy with my Job, I should be disposed to answer it -myself; but I must leave this duty to another with more leisure at -command. Our Senate have forbidden the Spaniard’s book to be sold here. -They have asked my opinion of its merits, and I have said that as the -writer does not acknowledge the coeternity of the Son, I can in no -wise approve of it as a whole, although it contains much else that is -good--_Etiamsi multa alia bona scribat_.’[24] - -In the days of Philip Melanchthon and Joannes Œcolampadius we therefore -see that men had _private_ opinions on subjects to which they were -committed by their subscriptions, which differed we know not how widely -from their public professions, precisely as among the ancients, and -ourselves at the present time: culture would still seem to make an -esoteric and an exoteric doctrine a necessity of existence. - -Made aware, as we are by these letters of the Reformers, that -Servetus’s book was causing a considerable stir both in Switzerland -and Germany, it seems, in so far as we have ascertained, to have -been entirely neglected by the Roman Catholics of these lands as -well as of France. We have searched in vain for any notice of it -in French theological writings of the period; neither have we been -able to discover, though condemned and ordered to be suppressed by -the Emperor Charles V. when brought under his notice by Cochlæus and -Quintana at Ratisbon, that it figures at any early date on the Roman -Index of prohibited books. There are good reasons for believing, -nevertheless, that Servetus’s book on Trinitarian Misconception had a -large amount of influence on Italian ground. It had been sent south -in numbers; and aware of this Melanchthon took it upon him by-and-by -to address the Senate of Venice on the subject, informing them that -a highly objectionable work was for sale among them, and suggesting -that measures should be taken for its suppression. The Sozzini, uncle -and nephew--Lælius and Faustus Socinus--and their followers, the -Unitarians, have consequently been seen as the disciples of Servetus, -though it may be that they were so only indirectly; for Servetus -himself, as we shall find, declares that he does not deny a kind of -trinity in the unity of God. But his trinity is _modal_ or _formal_, -not _real_ or _personal_ in the usual sense of the word. - -If overlooked by theologians of the Latin races, the work of our -author appears to have attracted all the more attention from the men -of Teutonic descent who had espoused the cause of the Reformation. -In their ranks in the early period of the sixteenth century the -intelligence of Europe, in so far as the religious question was -concerned, seems to have been concentrated. They took pains to inform -themselves generally on all that was going on in the republic of -letters, and in so much of it very particularly as bore on the subject -they had most at heart. It is among the Swiss and German Reformers -consequently that we find any particular notice taken of Servetus’s -book on Trinitarian Error. They alone show themselves scandalised by -the opinions of its author and his style of expressing them, jealous -too, it might seem, at the intrusion of a mere layman into their -domain--a phenomenon as yet perfectly unheard of, and startled further -by the advances they discovered in the book upon all that they, as -inheritors of apostolic traditions in common with their Roman Catholic -brethren (from whom in matters of Dogma they differed so little), -regarded as the truth. Paul of Tarsus preaching his own independent -gospel to the Gentiles, proclaiming the universality of the fatherhood -of God, the nothingness of Circumcision, and, in opposition to the -whole Levitical code, that all days were alike holy and that it was not -what went into the mouth of a man that defiled him, could scarcely -have been more ominous to the intolerant Nazarene Church of Jerusalem -than was the appearance of this daring innovator upon the religious -stage of Germany. His book, everywhere freely sold in the first -instance, must have been read by everyone of liberal education, though -it became so scarce ere long, denounced and decried as it must have -been universally by the ministers, that twenty years afterwards a copy, -most pressingly wanted, and eagerly sought after, was nowhere to be -found in Switzerland; so effectually had zealotry succeeded in having -it committed to the flames! - -Strasburg and Basle, however, must have been the emporiums whence -the supplies of the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis’ were sent forth; for -after its author’s visit to the capital of Elsass and his happy -delivery of this the first-born of his genius at Hagenau, we find -him again in Basle and making himself obnoxious to Œcolampadius as -before. Writing what we must presume to be a second or third letter -to the Reformer, and complimenting him on what he is pleased to -style his correspondent’s clear apprehension of Luther’s doctrine of -Justification, Servetus goes on to make a personal request. ‘Somewhat -fearful of writing to you again,’ he says, ‘lest I should molest you -still more than I have already done, I yet venture to ask of you not -to interfere with my sending the books to France which I have with -me here, the book-fair of Lyons drawing near; for you of all men -are better entitled than any one else to pronounce an opinion upon -things unheard of until now. If you think it better that I should not -remain here, I shall certainly take my leave; only, you are not to -think that I go as a fugitive. God knows I have been sincere in all I -have written, although my crude style perchance displeases you. I did -not imagine you would take offence at what I say of the Lutherans; -especially when from your own mouth I heard you declare you were of -opinion that Luther had treated Charity in too off-hand a style; -adding, as you did, that folks were charitable mostly when they had -nothing else to think of. Melanchthon, too, as you know, affirms that -God has no regard for charity. Such sayings, believe me, are more -hurtful to the soul than anything I have ever written. And this all the -more as I see that you are not agreed among yourselves on the subject -of faith; for with my own ears I have heard you say one thing, which -is otherwise declared by doctor Paulus, otherwise by Luther, and yet -otherwise by Melanchthon;[25] and of this I admonished you in your own -house; but you would not hear me. - -‘Your rule for proving the Spirit, I think, deceives you; for, if in -your own mind there be any fear, or doubt, or confusion, you cannot -judge truly of me; and this the more because, although you know me in -error in one thing, you ought not, therefore, to condemn me in others, -else there were none who should escape burning a thousand times over. -This truth is forced on us on all hands, most especially perhaps by the -example of the Apostles, who sometimes erred. And, then, you do not -condemn Luther in every particular, although you are well aware that -he is mistaken in some things. I have myself entreated you to instruct -me, which, however, you have not done. It is surely an infirmity of our -human nature that none of us see our own faults, and so commonly look -on those who differ from us as impious persons or impostors. I entreat -you, for God’s sake, to spare my name and reputation. I say nothing of -others who are not interested in the questions between us. You say that -I would have no one punished or put to death, though all were thieves -alike; but I call the omnipotent God to witness that this is not my -opinion; nay, I scout any such conclusion. If I have spoken at any -time on the subject (the punishment proper for heresy), it was because -I saw it as a most serious matter to put men to death on the ground -of mistake in interpreting the Scriptures; for do we not read that -even the elect may err? You know full well that I have not treated my -subject in so indifferent or indiscreet a manner as to deserve entire -rejection at your hands. You make little yourself of speaking of the -Holy Spirit as an angel, but think it a great crime in me when I say -that the Son of God was a man. - - ‘Farewell. - ‘MICHAEL SERVETO.’[26] - -This letter, so characteristic of the writer, is full of interest even -at the present hour. Servetus would have Œcolampadius instruct him; but -the invariable complaint of all with whom he came in contact was that -he could never be made to receive instruction; in other words, secure -in his own conclusions, he thought his would-be instructors mistaken in -theirs. And this, indeed, for good or ill, is characteristic of all who -impress their age, and show themselves leaders in art, in science, in -policy, or religion. Genius measures with its own rod, and is its own -guide on the way it goes. The world is not moved by men who have all -they own from teachers. - -But especially worthy of note is the remark our writer makes on the -serious responsibility men assume when they put each other to death -for mistaken interpretations of Scripture. Had no scholar in modern -times before Servetus come to so great and charitable a conclusion, -we should still have to hallow the memory of the man who, more than -three hundred years ago, had the head and the heart to proclaim so -great a principle, in the enforcement of which in all its aspects the -better spirits of the world still find such opposition; though it is -not now by the infliction of death that bigotry and intolerance revenge -themselves on their victims, the advocates of freethought and outspoken -religious criticism. - -A good deal has been said, by its author as well as others, of the -crude style of the book on Trinitarian Error. But this to us seems -the least of its faults--the language is generally simple enough, not -Ciceronian certainly, but the meaning, save where the writer probably -did not quite understand himself, is not doubtful. As a composition, -it is the arrangement that is most defective. The parts have so little -either of coherence or sequence, that of the seven books or chapters -into which it is divided, the last, as it seems, might advantageously -have been made the first. For there it is, and not until the -penultimate page of the entire treatise is attained, that the key to -the writer’s most important conclusions is discovered. ‘Two fundamental -rules or principles,’ he says, ‘are to be steadily kept in view:--1st, -That the nature of God cannot be conceived as divisible; and 2nd, That -that which is accidental to the nature of anything is disposition.’ The -corollary he would have to follow from these premisses or postulates -being, that the orthodox idea of a Trinity, _i.e._, of the existence -of three distinct persons or entities in the unity of the Godhead, is -an impossibility, and so a fundamental religious error. As Servetus -himself believed in God, and acknowledged a Son of God and a Holy -Spirit--finding mention of these in the Scriptures, no word of which -would he overlook, though putting his own interpretation on all they -say--he held that the Son and Holy Ghost, in consonance with his Second -Principle, must be what he calls _dispositions_, or _dispensations_ of -the one eternal indivisible Deity--in other words, manifestations of -God in the world. - -The ‘Idea of God’ to which Servetus had attained is unquestionably -grand. ‘God,’ he says, ‘is eternal, one and indivisible, and in himself -inscrutable, but making his being known in and through creation; so -that not only is every living, but every lifeless thing, an aspect of -the Deity. Before creation was, God was; but neither was he Light, -nor Word, nor Spirit, but some ineffable thing else--_sed quid aliud -ineffabile_--these, Light, Word, Spirit, being mere dispensations, -modes or expressions of pre-existing Deity. (‘Dial.’ i. 4.) God, he -says, has no proper nature; for this would imply a beginning; and -_before_ and _after_ are terms that have no significance when they are -referred to God. Though God knew what to man would be a future, his -own prescience was without respect to _time_, and involved no such -necessity as is implied in _choice_. God, he continues, can be defined -by nothing that pertains to body; he created the world of himself, of -his substance, and, as essence, he actuates--_essentiat_--all things. -(‘Dial.’ ii.) The Spirit of God is the universal agent; it is in the -air we breathe, and is the very breath of life; it moves the heavenly -bodies; sends out the winds from their quarters; takes up and stores -the water in the clouds, and pours it out as rain to fertilise the -earth. God is therefore ever distinct from the universe of things, and -when we speak of the Word, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, we but speak -of the presence and power of God projected into creation, animating and -actuating all that therein is, man more especially than aught else; -‘the Holy Spirit I always say is the motion of God in the soul of -man, and that out of man there cannot properly be said to be any Holy -Spirit.’ (‘De Trin. Err.’ f. 85, b, and ‘Dial.’ ii.) This is obviously -a statement of what may be called the Exo-pantheistic principle in very -broad terms, akin to what we find in the Grecian mythology and certain -schools of philosophy; other than the Endo-pantheistic conception of -later times--the Causa Principio et Uno of Giordano Bruno,[27] the -Substantia of Spinoza, the Universum or Kosmos of Goethe,[28] Hegel, -Humboldt, Schopenhauer, D. F. Strauss,[29] &c. It is the Principle -inseparable from the mighty All as from the individual Atom, or -Pantheism proper. - -We shall, by-and-by, find our author, on his Geneva trial, damaging his -case and exciting, we may imagine, the astonishment of the unlettered -among his judges, by the assertion of his pantheistic notions, -and arousing the needless, and it may even be, the assumed ire of -Calvin--for he was familiar with the idea, having said himself that he -only objected to call Nature, God, because it was a hard and improper -expression--_quia est dura et impropria loquutio_.[30] - -Criticising the first verse of the Fourth Gospel: ‘In the beginning -was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God,’ -Servetus maintains that the Greek λὀγος, translated Word with us, does -not designate an entity but utterance or speech, as appears by its -etymology, derived as it is from λἐγω, to speak, to discourse. Of the -Word of God, therefore, to make the Son of God is to do as did the -heathen, who turned ideas or abstractions into mythical beings--Echo -into a Nymph, Fortitude into Minerva, &c., and so to bring discord -and dissidence upon the truths of Scripture. (‘De Tr. Err.’ f. 47, -b.) The Word spoken by God in the beginning implies fore-thought, -fore-knowledge; whence it is characterised as Wisdom, ‘that was from -the beginning or ever the earth was. Under the mystery of the Word, the -older apostolic tradition understood a certain dispensation whereby -God willed to reveal himself to mankind. The Word of God therefore is -equivalent to the Act of God; and even as Light came of the spoken -word, so too came Creation, so too came Man.’ In this way, says our -author, do we readily comprehend the expression of John: ‘The Word was -made flesh,’ and learn in what sense Christ is truly the Word: ‘He is, -as it were, the voice of God enunciating to mankind the will of the -Universal Father.’ (Ib. f. 49 b.) The Word, consequently, is nothing -different from God, but is God himself evoking all things, Christ among -the number in the fulness of time. If a reasonable meaning is to be -attached to mystical language, it seems difficult to imagine any more -satisfactory interpretation than this of Servetus, with which we see -that of a distinguished liberal divine of our own day essentially to -agree, as he says: ‘The Logos of the New Testament means not only the -Word as translated, but Reason, Intelligence, communicating itself -in thought and speech. It is the divine wisdom which was from the -beginning in the mind of God made manifest in time.’[31] - -The title _Son of God_, again, Servetus maintains is nowhere to be -found in the Scriptures otherwise applied than to a man--to the man -Jesus in particular; and the word _Person_ he insists is always to be -understood in the sense of the Greek προσῶπον and the Latin _persona_, -a mask, an appearance, and not any _real_ or individual thing. With -this style of exposition the Reformers could of course by no means -agree. They had adopted all the symbols of their predecessors of -the Church of Rome; and it seems to have been Servetus’ insistance -on his own divergent interpretation of the language of John and the -creeds that more especially aroused the enmity of Œcolampadius, Bucer, -Calvin, and the rest, they holding that to be accounted a Christian -it was necessary not only to acknowledge Christ to be the Son of God, -which Servetus was quite ready to do, in the way he understood the -filiation, but to acknowledge him to be the Logos or Word of St. John, -consubstantial and coeternal with the Father--which, to Servetus, was -impossible. It is probable that the way and manner in which in any -conceivable fashion such coeternity and consubstantiality could be -apprehended was among the topics on which Servetus craved enlightenment -from Œcolampadius; and as he could obtain none, pique and personal -dislike, opposition and enmity, took the place of dispassionate and -friendly discussion; precisely as happened in later years and mainly on -the same subjects between our author and Calvin. - -In his attempt to develope and explain his own conception of the -mystery of the Trinity--for it is a mistake to suppose that Servetus -was opposed to something of the kind--he does not set out like the -writer of the Fourth Gospel from the transcendental Word, but starts -with the historical Jesus, the man, the reputed son of Joseph the -Carpenter, but verily or naturally, as he says, the Son of God. To -this son the name Jesus was given at the time of his circumcision, -the title Christ being conferred by his disciples; whilst it was only -at his baptism that he was designated Son of God. The Holy Spirit and -power of the Highest overshadowing the Virgin Mary, and acting in her -as generator or generative dew, Jesus the Son of God and her Son was -engendered. It is not the Word consequently, but Jesus the Son of Mary -who is a Son of God: ‘The holy thing that shall be born of thee,’ says -the angel addressing the Virgin, ‘shall be called a Son of God.’ ‘They -therefore plainly err,’ says Servetus, ‘who speak of the Word as the -Son of God: the man Jesus was the Son of God, not the Word; the man -Jesus engendered, as stated above, by God in the womb of the Virgin.’ -‘All the Trinitarian errors,’ he concludes, ‘have arisen from not -understanding the true nature of the Incarnation.’ - -When he comes to speak of the Holy Ghost, Servetus unhappily forgets -what is due to the discussion of a subject that has engaged the serious -thoughts of so many pious men. He would seem to have seen some portions -of the catholic Christian dogma as so unreasonable that they were even -open to ridicule; and this leads him to the use of improper language. -The Holy Ghost, he maintains, is never spoken of save confusedly in -the Scriptures, the term being applied variously now to an angel, now -to the soul of man, and again to nothing more than wind or breath -(Ib. f. 22, a.). The Hebrew word _Ruach_, of which spirit or wind is -a translation, has indeed a still greater variety of meanings. On a -subject so indefinite and undefined as the Holy Spirit, we cannot -wonder that Œcolampadius in one of his letters should declare he can -make nothing of what Servetus says on the matter--‘_dicit nescio -quid_--he says I know not what.’ This much, however, we do make out -as our author’s opinion, viz.: that the Holy Spirit is nowhere spoken -of in Scripture as a distinct and independent entity, but always as a -motion, an agency, an afflatus of God or the power of God,--a view in -which he certainly had Melanchthon as his predecessor: ‘_Nec aliud -spiritus sanctus est nisi viva Dei voluntas et agitatio._’ (‘Loci -Theol.’ p. 128, ed. 1521.) - -Referring to the dogma of the ‘Two Natures,’ Servetus holds that this, -too, is founded in error. ‘To speak of the _Nature_ of God,’ he says, -‘is absurd; for the word nature can only apply to something created, -something born (from the Latin _natus_). But God is from Eternity. For -my own part,’ he proceeds, ‘I never take nature to signify aught but -the thing to which the term is applied--the nature of a thing is the -thing itself. To use the word nature in connection with the name of God -is, therefore, to speak of God himself. And so of the Son of God: that -which was an idea, image, or type of the Son in the mind of God, when -the Word was made flesh, became or was Christ, Reality then superseding -Idea (‘De Tr. Er.’ f. 92). There was consequently no aggregate of two -natures or two different things in Christ; he was one entity or person, -in the usual sense of the word.’ Servetus very inconsistently, as it -seems at first sight, often speaks of the man Jesus as God. But he can -do so only on the same ground as Cyrus in the Bible, Augustus Cæesar, -and other rulers, are called _Dii_ or _Divi_--gods. The Son of God, -to Servetus, in conformity with the pantheistic idea, can only be an -aspect or _Mode_ of the One God. If this be not his meaning, I know not -what it is. - -We have said above that Servetus is not opposed to the idea of a -Trinity of dispositions, powers, or properties in the Deity, but only -denies such a trinity of persons or entities as is embodied in the -symbols of orthodox Christianity. It is not unimportant, therefore, to -learn what the precise idea was which he had of the threefold state -he acknowledged as extant in the essence of God. His words are these: -‘_Tres sunt admirandi Dei dispositiones in quarum qualibet divinitas -relucet, ex quo sanissime Trinitatem intelligere posses_, &c.--There -are three admirable dispositions in God, in each of which divinity -appears, and from which you may satisfactorily understand the Trinity. -For the Father is the one God, from whom proceed certain dispensations. -But these imply no distinction into separate entities. By the economy -of God--_Dei_ οἰκονομίαν--they are no more than so many forms or -aspects of Deity; for the divineness that is in the Father, the same is -in the Son, and in the Holy Ghost.’ - -In another passage, he asserts his belief in a Trinity still more -distinctly: ‘I concede one person of the Father, another person of the -Son, another person of the Holy Ghost: three persons in one God, and -this is the true Trinity.’ (Ib. f. 64, b.) Had we not our author’s -explanation of the way in which he understands the word _person_, this -would make his conception, in so far, not different from the orthodox -interpretation of the mystery. But his language here must be regretted, -for it is misleading, the word _person_ with Servetus not signifying, -as we have seen, any real or individual entity distinct from other -entities, but property, appearance, or outward manifestation. The -second and third persons, therefore, as understood by Servetus, are to -be thought of as dispositions or modes of God, the universal Father, -and not as individuals or persons in the usual acceptation of these -words, though of them it is that distinct personages have been made, -and spoken of as being at once God and other than God, as being three -and yet no more than one. - -In sequence to this, our author goes on to say that ‘he will not make -use of the word Trinity, which is not to be found in Scripture, and -only seems to perpetuate philosophical error. It were well, indeed,’ -he continues, ‘that all distinction of persons in the one God were -henceforth abandoned and rooted out of the minds of men’ (Ib. f. 64, -b.); words in which we see reason getting the better of subserviency to -the letter of Scripture, and putting an extinguisher, as it were, upon -his own as well as other vain attempts to give a rational explanation -of the mystical Neo-Platonic Logos-Doctrine of the Fourth Gospel, of -which the Trinitarian Church-Dogma is the outcome. Hampered, however, -by the idea that everything in the Bible is the word of God, Servetus -insists on trying to find, for himself and his readers, something like -an acceptable interpretation of the leading words of the Imaginative -Mystical Discourse entitled the Gospel according to John. In this he -fails, as might have been anticipated; and then, his eyes being opened -to the fact, he has nothing for it but to conclude that the orthodox -Trinitarian mystery were well discarded from the thoughts and the -beliefs of man. ‘To believe, however,’ he continues, ‘suffices, it is -said; but what folly to believe aught that cannot be understood, that -is impossible in the nature of things, and that may even be looked on -as blasphemous! Can it be that mere confusion of mind is to be assumed -as an adequate object of faith?’ (Ib. f. 33, b.) - -The Trinitarian doctrine of dogmatic Christianity Servetus held to -have been a great obstacle to the spread of the religion of Christ. -Opposed to the conception of the Oneness of Deity to which the Jews -had finally attained, the religious system in which it was made so -prominent an element, could not possibly be accepted by them; neither, -on the same ground, could it be received by Islam; for Mahomet, -whilst he acknowledged Jesus as a prophet and power in the world, -born of a Virgin, too, like other distinguished individuals, in some -incomprehensible manner, never for a moment thought of him as the Son -of God; for ‘God,’ says he, ‘as he is not engendered, so neither does -he engender.’ - -But it is not in connexion with the subject of the Trinity alone that -Servetus shows the advances he had made on his age in the sphere of -Biblical exposition. Commenting on the text, ‘No man hath ascended up -to heaven but he who came down from heaven’ (John iii. 13), he says: -‘It is the spiritual heaven that is here to be understood, and this -exists wherever Christ is; “to ascend to heaven” means no more than -to discourse of heavenly things. “He that hath seen me hath seen the -Father,” says the text (Ib. xiv. 9), i.e., says our expositor, ‘he who -appreciates the priceless treasures of Christ’s love easily attains to -a knowledge of God the Father. But how should an invisible, intangible -Word give us to know God?’ (‘De Tr. Err.’ f. 46 _et seq._) - -There are others among the accepted doctrines of the reformed -Churches which, as repudiated by Servetus and so arraying the whole -of their adherents against him and influencing his fate, require a -passing notice at our hands. Justification by Faith, for instance, he -maintains, comes not by belief in the merits or sufferings of Christ, -but by belief in his worth or dignity as Son of God. On this ground, -he says, the Lutherans do not understand what Justification really -is. It is by belief of the kind he specifies, however, that we show -our obedience to God, accept the new covenant instead of the old -law, become the children of our heavenly Father, and have the Holy -Spirit imparted to us. Such belief is, in fact, the very kernel of the -Christian dispensation, and that on which the new covenant of grace -reposes. It is the real rock on which Peter was to build the Church, -against which the gates of hell should not prevail. But as hell does -seem to have got the upper hand, he adds, we can only conclude that -neither the Church on the rock nor the true Faith is now to be found -among us. The Lutheran Justification by Faith, in a word, is mere -magical fascination and folly (f. 82-84, Conf. ‘Ep. ad Calvin.’ xiii.). - -But Faith, even the most fervent, is not yet sufficient for salvation. -The Justification thereby attained is still no more than negative -in kind; to become positive, it must be associated with Love, -i.e., with Charity in the widest sense of the word; with the Love, -that is the fulfilment of the law, whereby alone do we secure for -ourselves treasures in heaven. Faith is the entrance, Charity the -sanctuary--_Fides ostium, Charitas perfectio_; and there is a fine -passage in the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ (p. 349), comparable in some -sort to Paul’s eloquent outburst on the excellence of that much misused -sentiment. When Servetus speaks of Charity, therefore, it is not the -eleemosynary idea of his day that is meant, with its mendicant friars, -its convent doles, and its engendered sloth and beggary; neither is it -the mistaken view of later days, which gives indolence and improvidence -a legal claim on industry and thrift. It is of the nobler, truer kind -that, beside good works, gives man a right to think and to speak -unfettered, and forbids him to fancy that his brother is damned for -divergency in theological opinion. - -To the leading Calvinistic doctrines of Predestination and Election, -involving as they do fettered instead of free will, Servetus is still -more violently opposed than to the Lutheran Justification by Faith. -‘In your fatal, not to say fatuous, necessity of all things, or your -servile will,’ says he, at a later period in his life, ‘there is a -certain show of folly, seeing that you would have a man do that which -you must know he cannot do. You speak of free acts, yet tell us there -is no such thing as free action. And it is absurd in you to derive the -servile will you abet from this: that it is God who acts in us. Truly -God does act in us, and in such wise that we act freely. He acts in us -so that we understand and will and pursue. Even as all things consist -essentially in God, so do all acts proceed essentially from him. But -the power in us to do is one thing, the necessity of doing is another; -and though God may deal with us as the potter deals with his clay, it -does not follow that we are nothing more than clay, and have no power -of action in ourselves.’ (Ib f. 79, b, et ‘Epist. ad Calvinum,’ xxii.) - -Another of the most essential doctrines underlying Pauline -Christianity, original sin, is made little of by Servetus. Although -I spent much time in reading his books, I do not appear to have -made a note of more than one or two passages in which he refers to -that subject; and when he does, it is by the way rather than more -particularly. It is on the necessity of faith in Christ, as he -understands the Sonship, that he dwells continually, making of this -the prime factor in his scheme of restored Christianity. ‘This faith -it is,’ says he, ‘that first makes us aware of our poverty, of our -misery; for if we believe that Christ is the Son of God and the Saviour -of the world, we already assume that the world is sinful, and requires -saving’ (‘Chr. Rest.’ p. 349). He does not refer particularly to -what is called ‘the Fall,’ neither does he say very pointedly how the -world came into the sorry plight in which he admits that he finds -it. The reason usually assigned must have appeared unsatisfactory -to an understanding so clear as that of Servetus, when unclouded by -fancies of his own creating; but we can hardly think he mends matters -by ascribing the origin of sin to heaven and the rebellion of the -angels, as he does, instead of to the earth and Adam’s disobedience. -Far from maintaining that the heart of man is corrupt and evil by -nature, he holds that the cause of good works and well-doing is proper -and spontaneous to the individual, who is only answerable for his own -sin, not for the sin of another. Faith in Christ, therefore, as the -naturally-begotten Son of God; Charity, in which are comprised all the -virtues, and a good life, in so far as we can make it out, form the -backbone of Servetus’s Christianity, as it is unfolded in his earliest -work on ‘Current Misconceptions of the Trinity.’[32] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE AUTHORITIES OF BASLE TAKE NOTICE OF HIS BOOK. HE WRITES TWO -DIALOGUES BY WAY OF APPENDIX TO IT AND LEAVES SWITZERLAND. - - -Failing to make any impression on the Swiss and German Reformers whose -countenance he had been so anxious to gain, we have seen Servetus in -his letter to Œcolampadius declaring his readiness to quit Basle, to -which he must have returned, if it were only not said that he went as a -fugitive, and giving something like an engagement to his correspondent -to review and, reviewing, to modify or retract some things he had said -in his book. That some such engagement was given we conclude from the -letter of Œcolampadius to the magistrates of Basle, to which we shall -refer immediately, and from which it would seem that it was through -the forbearance, if not even the more friendly interference, of the -Reformer that our author escaped arrest and imprisonment at this time. -The seven books or chapters on erroneous ideas of the Trinity had not -fallen stillborn from the press; neither had the presence of the writer -in Basle passed unobserved. The book being seen as heretical in the -highest degree by the ministers, the presence of its writer among them -was felt as matter of grievance by both clergy and laity; so that the -Civic Council held it within the scope of their duties to take notice -of the innovator, of whom they heard so much that was discreditable, -and, by laying hands on him, either to make him pay in person then and -there, or to send him away, like an infected bale, to spread his poison -elsewhere. - -Previous to acting, however, they thought it would be well to have the -opinion of their chief Pastor, Œcolampadius, on what had best be done, -and so requested him to advise with them on the subject. He replied -by a long letter in which he recapitulates the chief topics discussed -by Servetus in his treatise. ‘He, Œcolampadius, will do what he can -to place the good man’s views before them,--if indeed he may venture -to speak of the writer as a good man; for it seems that he strives at -times as much to darken the light as to enlighten the darkness, mixing -up incongruities rashly and not seldom stopping short of contradicting -himself. He opposes the orthodox doctors continually, and uses certain -words in an arbitrary and unusual sense. He denies the coeternity of -the Father and the Son, a doctrine hitherto held sacred by all the -Christian churches; and only recognises the sonship from the moment of -the engenderment, or rather of the birth of Christ. He even derides the -idea of God having a son from eternity, and asks whence the heavenly -father had his wife, or whether he were of both sexes in himself? He -will only recognise the eternity of the Son as an _Idea_ in the divine -mind: the Son was to be, but was not yet, until he appeared in the -flesh. He will by no means concede that the Word of St. John was the -Christ; yet he speaks of three persons in the one God; but it is with -glozing and an arbitrary meaning attached to the word person, and -with reasonings which, if they sometimes make for his views, are at -other times opposed to them, he neither thinking nor speaking as do -the apostles, and wresting the words of the fathers--of Tertullian and -Irenæus especially--from the interpretation commonly put upon them. - -‘Along with all this and much more that is objectionable, there are -still some things in the book that are good; nevertheless as a whole -it could not but offend me. God grant that the writer acknowledge -the rashness which has led him to speak so unadvisedly as he has -done of matters which transcend our human intelligence, and that -he may live to amend what he has said. As to the book, it would be -well perhaps that it were either totally suppressed, or were read by -those only who are not likely to be hurt by objectionable writings. -The errors he has fallen into acknowledged, _he will retract_ in his -writings--_retractârit scriptis_. Perhaps he was not himself aware of -their extent, or they were not seen by him as of such importance as -they are in fact. But I leave all to your prudence and discretion, -humbly commending myself and my work to your favour.’[33] - -If we are to understand the _retractârit scriptis_ of the above as a -promise from Servetus to retract in a future work what he has said -in his first, he certainly did not keep his word in the ‘Dialogi de -Trinitate,’[34] which he published in the course of the following year. -In the Preface to these dialogues, it is true, he informs the candid -reader that he retracts all he had ‘lately written in the seven books -of erroneous conceptions concerning the Trinity, not because what I -say there is false, but because the work is imperfect and written as -it were by a child for children. I pray you nevertheless to hold by so -much as you find there that may help you to understand the subjects -discussed. All that is barbarous, confused and faulty, ascribe to my -inexperience and the carelessness of the printer. I would not that any -Christian were offended by what I say; for God is used sometimes to -make known his wisdom to the world by weak vessels. Look at the thing -itself, therefore, I pray you, and if you take good heed, my stammering -will prove no hindrance to you.’ - -The reputed printer of Servetus’s Treatise and Two Dialogues, Jo. -Secerius, has no particular name as a typographer. But these little -works are by no means incorrectly printed; they show few typographical -errors--so few that they must almost certainly have been read for press -by the writer himself. The printer therefore is not to be blamed for -any shortcomings of the kind referred to by the author--if there be -defect it is his own, and it was the matter not the manner that had -been found fault with. But the Preface is apologetic in directions -uncalled for, and is meaningless in fact. Servetus did not think -himself a weak vessel; neither did he look on his work as the work of -a child for children; and as for any retractation of his opinions, -nothing seems to have been further from his mind. On the contrary the -mysticism of the writer of the Fourth Gospel appears to have taken a -firmer hold of our author than it had done before, and to have acted as -fresh ferment to the mystical element so abundant in his proper nature. -There may be modification of some of the views already enunciated, but -from none of them is there recession. The opposition he met with from -the leading Reformers seems even to have added point and precision to -his writing. He is more outspoken than before, and is still less chary -in the kind of language he uses towards opponents. The usual conception -of a _partitioned_ Deity he declares to be simply blasphemous; they who -seriously entertain it are fools, and so blind that were Christ to come -among them now and declare he was the Son of God, they would crucify -him anew. The Dialogues, instead of any denial and retractation, -are a reiteration and defence of almost all he has said in his first -production; although, indeed, we do observe that where he can he -occasionally approximates somewhat to more orthodox views; in that -passage very notably where he speaks of the Son being of the same -essence (homousios), and even consubstantial with the Father. (‘Dial.’ -i., f. II, b.) But these are really no more than words set down under -the varying impulses of mind to which the writer gave way, and are -deprived of any meaning that might attach to them by something that has -either gone before or that comes immediately after. - -The discussion of Luther’s Justification by Faith, to which it must be -presumed his attention had been particularly called by Œcolampadius as -likely to be offensive to the Lutherans, is renewed in the Dialogues; -and the writer is so far carried away by his own exaggerated estimate -of the mental condition implied in faith or belief, that he seems even -to accept _in toto_ the principle he would controvert. Though he is -elsewhere and ever so emphatic in praise of good works or charity, -we here find him not sparing in condemnation of those who hope -through their doings of any kind to achieve salvation. Monks and nuns -accordingly, who sin more especially in this direction and who by the -assumption of peculiar habits and behaviour think to make themselves -agreeable to God, are an especial abomination to him. Man, he declares, -cannot be justified by the observance of vows or rules of any kind; -for these are not written in the law of God, and in themselves are -without significance. ‘A most pestilent thing it is, that Papal decrees -and monastic vows are assumed as means of salvation. When men bind -themselves by vows to particular observances, they virtually declare -that the salvation they have through Christ is insufficient, and lay -themselves fast in those bonds of the law from which Christ came to set -them free.’ - -In spite of frequently recurring contradictions and something that is -objectionable on the score of taste, we nevertheless think that no one, -however little disposed to abet Servetus’s general views, could peruse -these dialogues without coming to the conclusion that the writer was -a man of a sincerely pious nature, who had read much, and reflected -deeply, feeling it a necessity of his nature to expend himself in the -mystical verbiage in which religious enthusiasm loves to robe itself as -in a sufficient and seemly garment. - -The seven Books and two Dialogues on the Trinity of Servetus have been -spoken of as an attempt to hold a middle course between the Roman -Catholic and the Reformed churches; and there may be something to -warrant such a conclusion from what is said in the chapter ‘De Justitia -Regni Christi.’ But Servetus’s Trinity is of another kind from that -of either the older or the younger sister, and where not assimilable -to the Neoplatonic ideas of Philo, it followed from the Pantheistic -principles which, like deep thinkers in general, he had adopted. God to -Servetus was the ἓν καὶ πᾶν, the One and the All; and if at any time -he speaks of Christ as God, it is as a manifestation of the Divine -in human form--a _dispensation_ in his own phraseology, a _mode_ in -Spinozistic language. The Divine Unity, and its manifestation in the -world in infinite modes, may be said to be the fundamental idea in the -philosophical as well as the theological system of Servetus.[35] - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -PARIS. ASSUMPTION OF THE NAME OF VILLENEUVE OR VILLANOVANUS. -ACQUAINTANCE WITH CALVIN. - - -His indifferent reception by the German and Swiss Reformers must have -satisfied Servetus that there was no abiding place for him among them. -He was doubtless disappointed and not a little disconcerted by the -treatment he met with at their hands. He had come as a light-bringer, -as a fellow striver for the Truth through independent reading of the -Scriptures. Studious and learned; smitten with divine philosophy; -emancipated from the fetters of the church of Rome; tolerant and -charitable, he doubtless thought that the liberal studies in Humanity -and the Greek letters in which he knew the Reformers excelled, must as -a matter of course have imparted to them something of the liberality -and comprehensiveness he felt in himself. Face to face with their -leaders in Basle and Strasburg, however, he was undeceived; and when he -saw that his book on Trinitarian Error, instead of bringing him fame -and friends, earned him nothing but evil report and enemies, and might -even compromise his personal safety, there was nothing left for him -but to pack up and begone. - -He must have quitted Switzerland immediately after writing his letter -to Œcolampadius, and in all likelihood taken up his quarters at -Hagenau, where he lived quietly for some weeks or months engaged in -writing and supervising the printing of the ‘Two Dialogues,’ with which -and the concluding anathema against all tyrants of the church, as a -parting shot, he went on his way to France, reaching Paris towards -the end of 1532. He had in fact made the German-speaking parts of -Switzerland and Elsass where he was known, too hot for him, to use -a familiar phrase; and the parts where French was the mother tongue -had not yet taken up with Calvin or another great name opposed to -the Papacy, that might have led his thoughts towards them. He was -besides but indifferently acquainted with the German language; in -circumstances, too, we may presume, that made it impossible for him to -remain in any place where he had not remunerative occupation of some -sort; and this, with the whole world of the Reformation against him, he -saw he could not now obtain in quarters where he had once hoped to find -a welcome and a footing. He had therefore no choice left but retreat; -and Paris was the place where accomplishments of the kind he possessed -were most likely to find a market. - -With all his hardihood and self-confidence, Servetus was not without -so much prudence as assured him that a certain amount of caution -and reticence was required of everyone who would live at peace among -his fellow men. He doubtless imagined at one time, but had already -discovered his mistake, that among heretics, as he had been accustomed -to hear the Reformers designated, he might freely expend himself -in heresy. To the very end of his life, he seems to have had some -difficulty in divining why he had not been welcomed by them with open -arms as a brother. But he was well aware that Roman Catholic France had -yet less in common with Michael Serveto, alias Revés, author of the -Seven books and Two dialogues on Trinitarian Error, than Protestant -Switzerland and Germany. - -Servetus felt that the writer of these works could not safely show -himself in Paris under either his proper family or his maternal name, -and so fell readily upon one derived from the town of his nativity, -Villanueva. Servetus seems indeed at no time to have been very -particular as to his name and designation. On his trial at Vienne he is -of Tudela in Navarre, on that at Geneva, of Villanova in Aragon; and -Tollin finds him inscribed in the academic register of Paris (1536) and -in that of Montpellier, which he must have visited some time in 1540, -as neither of Tudela nor Villanova, but of Saragossa! During all the -years he lived in France, he was never known save as Monsieur Michel -Villeneuve, or, when he wrote in Latin, as Michael Villanovanus. Under -the name of Villeneuve he now announced himself, entered as student of -mathematics and physics at one of the colleges, and at a later period -took his degrees of M.A. and M.D. in the University of Paris. Under -the same name he subsequently wrote and edited various works at Lyons; -and it was as M. Villeneuve that he finally became known in the town -of Vienne in Dauphiny, where he lived for twelve years engaged in the -practice of medicine, and on terms of intimacy with the Archbishop and -all the notabilities of the place, both lay and clerical. - -As a man of scholarly acquirements Servetus in the first instance -probably found employment, and the means of living with some of the -typographers of Paris, as reader and corrector of the press, a line of -life which he certainly followed for the next three or four years, in -the course of which we find notices of him first at Orleans, then at -Avignon, and finally at Lyons, one of the chief centres of the printing -and publishing business that had been called into such vigorous life -by the revival of learning, the discovery of the art of printing with -moveable types, and finally and very essentially by the Reformation. - -It was during his first residence of about two years at Paris, -1532-1534, that he made the acquaintance of the man who became in -the end his most implacable enemy, and the immediate cause of his -untimely and cruel death. This was no other than the celebrated John -Calvin, then a young man and about the same age as himself. Partially -emancipated from the fetters of the faith in which he had been born -and bred, but not less firmly bound in others of his own fashioning, -Calvin had already attracted the notice of his friends and the public -by his natural abilities and his scholarly acquirements, and been -pointed out as likely to influence the progress of the Reformation in -his native France. Hearing of Calvin’s presence in Paris, Servetus as -Villeneuve must have sought him out, and, still full of the familiar -theological subject, have made an attempt upon him as he had already -done upon Œcolampadius and the others, for countenance and approval -in the discovery he had made of what he believed to be the true -saving Christian faith. But with no better success we must conclude; -for though the two young men met oftener than once in private, it -was without coming to any agreement. They had, therefore, actually -resolved on a public discussion, with a view to the voidance of their -theological differences. - -This, however, never came to pass. Such an exhibition, indeed, could -not have taken place at the time without danger to both. Calvin, in -his young zeal, and for what he held to be the honour of God, would -have faced the danger, but the individual known to his Parisian friends -and Calvin as Michel Villeneuve must have seen on afterthought that he -could make no public appearance as defender of the _outré_ opinions he -entertained, without betraying the Michael Serveto of the De Trinitatis -Erroribus and Dialogues who lay hidden behind the adopted name; and -this he knew would be not only to disconcert all his present plans, -but assuredly to compromise his life. Calvin, we must presume, had not -at this time heard of Servetus’s books; very certainly he had not read -them; for one so acute and well-informed on theological matters as he, -would not have been more than a few minutes face to face with their -author without detecting him. But we find no hint in Calvin’s writings -that he then surmised who Villeneuve, his Parisian acquaintance, really -was, and conclude that he lived for a dozen years or more without -suspecting that the individual he discovered as Michael Serveto of the -Book on Trinitarian Error in his correspondent of Vienne, of the year -1546, was the same Villeneuve he had known in Paris in 1534. - -Calvin then would have faced the danger of the public discussion, -though persecution was hot at the time against heresy, and he was not -unsuspected on this score. The danger to him, however, would have been -slight in comparison with that which Servetus must have incurred. -Calvin would not have stood forth on this occasion as the defender of -any heresy, but of the very fundamentals of the Christian faith as -embodied in its Creeds; to some of the most essential propositions in -which Servetus, on the contrary, must have shown himself diametrically -opposed. Servetus therefore, in this instance at least, saw perforce -that discretion was the better part of valour, and wisely stayed away. -He was in truth far too deeply compromised to venture on an appearance; -for if discovered to be Michael Serveto, nothing could have saved him -from the heretic’s death. He had nothing for it therefore but to -forfeit his engagement and lay himself open to Calvin’s reproachful -‘_vous avez fuy la luite_’--you fled the encounter--of a later and to -him more momentous epoch in their common lives. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -LYONS. ENGAGEMENT AS READER FOR THE PRESS WITH THE TRECHSELS. EDITS THE -GEOGRAPHY OF PTOLEMY. - - -Theology, however, after which we see Servetus still hankering--_hæret -lateri letalis arundo!_--and even the study of the mathematics on -which he was now engaged, had to be abandoned for present means of -subsistence; and as Lyons seemed even a better field for the scholar -than Paris, to Lyons, after a short stay at Avignon and Orleans, he -betook himself. There he appears immediately to have found employment -as reader and corrector of the press in the house of the distinguished -typographers, the Brothers Trechsel; and if the Age have its character -from the aggregate of its science and culture, and the Individual his -bent from his more immediate surroundings, we cannot but think of -Servetus’s connection with these light-spreaders as another among the -highly influential events in his life. - -Books in the early days of printing were much more generally written in -Latin than in the vernacular, and ever more and more with references to -Greek, lately brought greatly into vogue by Erasmus and the Reformers. -The reader for press in the best establishments was therefore, and -of necessity, a scholar and man of letters; and the opportunities -for improvement now put in the way of one like Servetus, even whilst -pursuing the mechanical part of his duties, have only to be hinted at -to be appreciated. The reading room of the distinguished typographers -of those days was, indeed in some sort, a continuation of school and -college to the competent corrector of the press. - -Servetus’s liberal elementary education, therefore, stood him in good -stead at this time; for the Trechsels ere long, instead of holding -him to the subordinate though still important duties of reader and -corrector, engaged him further as editor of various costly works that -issued from their press. Among the number of these a handsome edition -of the Geography of Ptolemy[36] deserves particular mention, both as -evincing the good repute in which he stood when we find him entrusted -with such a work, and also as showing the extent of his reading and -general knowledge--strangely enough, also, as influencing in some -remote degree the fate that finally befel him. - -Earlier editions of the Ptolemy were faulty in several ways, and -disfigured in different degrees by errors due, in part at least, to -indifferent editing. These, where literal, Villanovanus corrected in -the new issue; and where the sense was obscure through faulty wording, -he brought light by the better readings he supplied, having formed his -text, as he says, by collating all the editions he could lay his hands -on, and where these gave him no aid, by suggestions of his own. - -In his address to the reader, our editor, whom we shall often speak of -under his adopted name of Villanovanus, gives a short account of his -author, Claudius Ptolemæus, his birth-place, the Roman emperors under -whom he flourished, ‘his knowledge of philosophy and the mathematics, -and the more than Herculean glory he achieved by his successful but -peaceful invasion of so many lands. Nor indeed was this all, for he may -be said to have bound earth to heaven by assimilating the measurements -of the one to those of the other; and, coming after Strabo, Pliny, and -Pomponius Mela, he as far surpassed them, as they excelled all the -geographers who had gone before them.’ - -But Villanovanus did much more than edit and amend the text of Ptolemy. -‘We,’ he says, ‘have added scholia to the text, whereby the book is -made more interesting and more complete. Using our familiarity with -the historical, poetical, and miscellaneous writings of the Greeks and -Romans, in so far as they bear on our subject, we have given the names -by which the countries, mountains, rivers, and cities were known to -them; and, to aid the tyro, have further translated the ancient titles -of places into those by which they are now designated--into French -for France, Italian for Italy, German for Germany, &c., all of which -countries we have seen, besides having a knowledge of their languages.’ -Extending his vision beyond the mere physical features of the lands -he is passing under review, he might have added that he also gives -short, but graphic accounts of their inhabitants, the prominent traits -of their character, their manners, customs, &c., which are extremely -interesting. But Michael Villanovanus is not one of those who hide -themselves behind their good works, and so is he now careful to inform -his readers of the pains he has taken in their behalf. By them, he -says, he hopes his vigils will be properly appreciated, ‘for day and -night have I laboured assiduously at my task--_dies noctesque jugiter -laboravi_.’ He concludes his preliminary address in these words: ‘No -one, I imagine, will under-estimate the labour, though pleasant in -itself, that is implied in the collation of our text with that of other -earlier editions, unless it be some Zoilus of the contracted brow, who -cannot without envy look on the serious labours of others. But thou, -candid reader, whoever thou art, we trust wilt be well disposed, kindly -to receive and to approve our work. Farewell!’ - -Villanovanus’s edition of the Ptolemy is certainly an advance on that -of Bilibald Pirckheimer, which formed its groundwork; but it is not so -free from literal errors as the laudatory address of the editor might -lead us to expect. And it would have been better had he said that he -had enlarged and improved the short and meagre scholia of his editorial -predecessor than spoken as if he had supplied them wholly of himself. -Villanovanus’s improved comments, however, impress us very favourably -with a sense of the pains he must have bestowed on the work, and arouse -our respect for the extent and variety of the reading he had undertaken -to obtain the information he brings to bear on the physical aspects -and natural productions of the several countries described, as well -as of the customs, manners, and moral qualities of their inhabitants. -Now it was that the smattering of geographic and historic lore he -may have picked up as a student at Saragossa and elsewhere stood him -in good stead, enabling him, as it did, to advance and profit by -the ample stores of information of the kind which the city of Lyons -placed within his reach. Living immediately after the age of the great -navigators--Columbus, Vasco de Gama, Magellan, the Vespucii, and the -rest--and in the very days when the works of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, -Simon Grynæus, Sebastian Munster, and others enabled the educated to -acquire something like a true knowledge of the world they lived in, the -new edition of Ptolemy by Michael Villanovanus was a happy thought, and -contributed, we need not doubt, no less to his own development than -to the spread of useful and humanising information. Engaged on the -Ptolemy, the super-subtleties of scholasticism and theology seem to -have vanished before the light of the more positive kind of knowledge -that now broke around him. - -When we turn to the writings of the able individuals mentioned above, -we have no difficulty in discovering whence Servetus had most, -perhaps all, of his geographical and astronomical knowledge. The Opus -Epistolarum of Angleria, in particular, seems to have been the mine -from whence he made himself rich in mental wealth of many kinds. We -find him imitating, and even improving upon, the lines which head -Angleria’s _De Rebus Oceanicis_ and Grynæus’s _Typi Cosmographici_, -as the reader may see by comparing the verse below[37] with the one -he will find further on, which is prefixed to the 2nd edition of the -Ptolemy. - -Turning to the Scholia of Villanovanus, we find it not a little -interesting in these days to have a glimpse of ourselves in our sires, -and of our neighbours in theirs, from the pen of a man of genius -hard upon three centuries and a half ago; and as Michael Servetus is -really only known to us through his works and the judicial trials he -underwent, we make no apology for referring briefly to his additions to -the bald and matter-of-fact text of the original Ptolemy. - -The map of the first country in the series of fifty by which the -work is illustrated is that of Great Britain. The people of SCOTLAND, -Villanovanus informs his reader, are hot-tempered, prone to revenge, -and fierce in their anger; but valiant in war and patient beyond belief -of cold, hunger, and fatigue. They are handsome in person, and their -clothing and language are the same as those of the Irish, their tunics -being dyed yellow, their legs bare, and their feet protected by sandals -of undressed hide with the hair on. They live mainly on fish and flesh; -they have numerous flocks, mostly of sheep, for the country is free -from wolves; and they have milk and cheese in abundance. Their arms -are bows and arrows and broad swords--_lati gladii_. Instead of wood, -they have coal for fuel. Unlike the people of the last few generations, -he says the Scotch are not a particularly religious people. He ‘who -never feared the face of man,’ as the Earl of Morton said of Knox, -when looking down on his dead body, had not yet made himself felt in -the land of his birth; and the School-house had not yet risen as a -necessary complement to the Kirk and the Manse, to make the people of -Scotland what they have become since his day--among the very foremost -of the sons of men. - -ENGLAND, Villanovanus observes, is wonderfully well peopled, and -the inhabitants are long-lived. Tall in stature, they are fair in -complexion, and have blue eyes. They are brave in war, and admirable -bowmen. He has the familiar tale of the English children seen as -captives at Rome by the blessed Gregory, who said they were called -Angli, indeed; but in form and feature showed like Angeli. He must, as -it seems, have given some little attention to the English language, if -he did not study it more particularly. He says it is so difficult to -learn and to pronounce, because the people who speak it are a compound -of so many different races. - -Of IRELAND and the Irish our editor does not speak so favourably. The -country, he observes, is generally marshy, so that, unless the summers -are dry, the cattle are apt to get lost in the bogs. It is free from -noxious creatures of every kind, there being no reptiles, such as -snakes, toads, and frogs, and no insects, such as spiders and bees--a -state of things which, if it ever obtained, certainly does so no -longer. The climate is very temperate, and the soil of great fertility; -but the people are rude, inhospitable, barbarous, and cruel, more -given to hunting and idle play than to industry. Only three days’ sail -from Spain, the Irish, he says, have many customs in common with the -Spaniards. - -Of SPAIN, the account given is particularly full, but by no -means complimentary, and its people are contrasted--not to their -advantage--with their neighbours the French. The extreme dryness of -the climate is noticed, which tends to make the country less fertile -than France. Irrigation, however, being practised on an extensive -scale in many parts, tends to make up for the infrequency of rain, -the conduits being often carried to great distances from the rivers. -His description of the people is far from laudatory. ‘The Spaniard,’ -he says, ‘is of a restless disposition, apt enough of understanding, -but learning imperfectly or amiss, so that you shall find a learned -Spaniard almost anywhere sooner than in Spain. Half-informed, he thinks -himself brimful of information, and always pretends to more knowledge -than he has in fact. He is much given to vast projects, never realised; -and in conversation he delights in subtleties and sophistry. Teachers -commonly prefer to speak Spanish rather than Latin in the schools and -colleges of the country; but the people in general have little taste -for letters, and produce few books themselves, mostly procuring those -they want from France.’ The Spanish language, indeed, he speaks of as -defective in many respects, and does not fail to remark on the number -of Moorish words incorporated with it. The people, he says, ‘have many -barbarous notions and usages,’ derived by implication from their old -Moorish conquerors and fellow-denizens. ‘The women have a custom that -would be held barbarous in France, of piercing their ears and hanging -gold rings in them, often set with precious stones. They besmirch their -faces, too, with minium and ceruse--red and white lead--and walk about -on clogs a foot or a foot and a half high, so that they seem to walk -above rather than on the earth. The people are extremely temperate, and -the women never drink wine. Spaniards, he concludes, are notably the -most superstitious people in the world in their religious notions; but -they are brave in the field, of signal endurance under privation and -difficulty, and by their voyages of discovery have spread their name -over the face of the globe.’ - -Of FRANCE, M. Villeneuve has less to say than of Spain; but what -he tells us of the royal touch for the cure of scrofula is still -interesting in the annals of superstition. ‘I have myself seen the king -touching many labouring under this disease, but I did not see that they -were cured.’ - -Of GERMANY, and he uses the title in a very comprehensive sense--he -speaks at considerable length. Smarting under the rebuff he had -received at the hands of the Swiss and German Reformers, he is nowise -disposed to find the Teutons and their congeners or neighbours however -designated, an interesting people, or their territories as in any -way attractive. Referring to Tacitus’s account of Germany proper, as -overgrown by vast forests, and defaced by frightful swamps, its climate -he says is at once as insufferably hot in summer as it is bitterly -cold in winter. ‘Hungary,’ he observes, ‘is commonly said to produce -oxen, Bavaria swine, Franconia onions, turnips and liquorice, Swabia -harlots, Bohemia heretics, Switzerland butchers, Westphalia cheats, -and the whole country gluttons and drunkards. The Germans, however, -are a religious people; not easily turned from opinions they have once -espoused and not readily persuaded to concord in matters of schism, -everyone valiantly and obstinately defending the heresy he has himself -adopted;’ words in which we may presume Villanovanus sought to give -ease to the pent-up displeasure he felt against his repudiators, the -Reformers of Basle and Strasburg. - -Of ITALY and its people he has little to say; and that not good. The -natives readily enough pretend to forgive injuries, but, occasion -offering, none revenge themselves so savagely. They make use in their -everyday talk of the most horrid oaths and imprecations. Holding all -the rest of the world in contempt and calling them barbarians, they -themselves have nevertheless been alternately the prey of France, of -Spain, and of Germany. - -In his survey of BABYLONIA, he refers to a certain abominable custom -observed by young marriageable women, which is particularly mentioned -by Herodotus and also by the writers of the Bible, when read by -unsealed eyes, as obtaining among the Jews, and of the money, so -objectionably earned in our estimation, being devoted to the service of -the Temple. - -But the most interesting to us perhaps of all the commentaries attached -to the Ptolemy, inasmuch as it influenced the fate of Servetus on -his trial at Geneva, is the one appended to the map of PALESTINE or -the Holy Land. Demurring to much that is said in praise of JUDÆA in -the Bible and by Josephus, as a country specially blessed in various -ways, as being well-watered, fertile, &c., the commentator says, that -in so far as climate is concerned, it is a temperate land, obnoxious -to the extremes neither of heat nor of cold; a condition of things -that may have led the Israelites or Hebrews to imagine that it must -be the land that was promised to their forefathers Abraham, Isaac -and Jacob; a land metaphorically said to be flowing with milk and -honey. ‘The Israelites,’ it is said in continuation, ‘lived at length -under laws received from Moses, although they had gone on piously and -prosperously enough through countless ages, before his day, without -any written law, having had regard to the oracles of divine or natural -truth alone, gifted as they were with aptitude and greatness of mind. -Moses, however, that distinguished theologian, thinking that no state -could exist without a written code of law and equity, gave them one -reduced to ten principal heads, engraved on two tables of stone; with -the addition of a great number of minor commandments for the regulation -of their lives and dealings with one another. But any more particular -notice of these, they being so numerous--great birds not sitting in -little nests--must here be passed by. Know, however, most worthy -reader, that it is mere boasting and untruth when so much of excellence -is ascribed to this land; the experience of merchants and others, -travellers who have visited it, proving it to be inhospitable, barren, -and altogether without amenity. Wherefore you may say that the land -was _promised_, indeed, but is of _little promise_ when spoken of in -everyday terms.’ - -The Ptolemy of Villanovanus was well received, and though costly, a -second edition was by and by required. We find it much commended in -subsequent reprints by their publishers; and no wonder, for the Ptolemy -is really a sumptuous book, upon which a large sum of money must have -been spent, the typography being excellent and the text profusely -ornamented with woodcuts on the sides of the pages as well as at the -heads and tails of the chapters.[38] - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -LYONS. DOCTOR SYMPHORIEN CHAMPIER. - - -It was whilst engaged in the revision of such works as the Ptolemy and -others on the natural sciences, anatomy, medicine, pharmacy, &c., in -the service of the Trechsels, that Servetus may be said to have entered -on the second, if it were not rather the third, stage of his mental -development. The typographer’s reading-room had in truth proved the -means of his continued education; each new volume he read and corrected -being found a teacher not less influential than the Professor from his -chair. The Convent school, Toulouse, and his engagement with Quintana -had borne fruit of the kind we discover in the book on Trinitarian -error; it was the reading-room of the printers of Lyons that brought -him back from the empyrean of metaphysics to the earth, and put him -in the way of becoming the geographer, astrologian, biblical critic, -physiologist and physician we are made familiar with in his subsequent -life and writings. - -Among the learned works that flowed in a sort of ceaseless stream from -the presses of the Trechsels during Servetus’s tenure of his office -as reader with them, were several from the fertile pen of Doctor -Symphorien Champier, or, when he latinised his name, Campeggius, a -man of large and liberal culture, of a truly noble nature, an admirer -of learning and a patron of the learned; possessed moreover of that -restless vanity which made him feel it as much a matter of necessity -to live in the eye of the world as to breathe; the effect of which -was that he exerted the widest and most beneficent influence among -his fellow men. Indefatigable in his proper calling, there was yet -nothing which interested the citizens of Lyons that did not interest -him. Fearless in bringing help on the battle-field, to which he -accompanied his chief the Duke of Lorraine, he was no less ready to -brave pestilence in the city, and was as often to be seen in the hovels -of the poor as in the palaces of the great and wealthy--_inopibus et -infortunatis æque indiscriminatimque succurris opitularisve_, says his -biographer--a true physician, a great and good man.[39] - -Among Champier’s numerous works published about this time, we note -the PENTAPHARMACUM GALLICUM (Lyons, 1534), which Servetus we believe -read and corrected for press, the gist of the work being to show that -each country produces the medicines best adapted to cure the diseases -of its inhabitants, and that to them exotics are for the most part -not only useless, but injurious; an assumption in which he differs -notably from present experience and the great writer, his countryman, -who came after him, and said that ‘God had inflicted fever on Europe, -but put its remedy in America.’ Correcting the proofs of Champier’s -five-fold French Pharmacopœia, Servetus must have introduced himself -to, or become acquainted with, the author; and if we may credit Pastor -Henry Tollin, who will have everyone as truly interested in Servetus as -himself, Champier was so much taken by the accomplishments of the poor -scholar as even to make a home for him in Lyons. Be this as it may, -certain it seems that contact with Champier was that which led Servetus -to study medicine, of which he had not thought until now, for it was a -science much looked down on by Spaniards in general, its practice being -mostly in the hands of Jews and Moors, whom to contemn, where not to -oppress, was a religion with all who boasted of their blue blood. - -Another of Champier’s books printed by the Trechsels, which we need not -doubt Servetus had also read and put to use, was the ‘Hortus Gallicus’ -(Lyons 1533). But more influential on him still, though printed in -another establishment (that of Seb. Gryphius) during the time he lived -in Lyons, was the great Lyonnese Doctor’s CRIBRATIO MEDICAMENTORUM, -with the MEDULLA PHILOSOPHLE--the Marrow of Philosophy--appended. -In his chapter on the Vital, Animal, and Natural Spirits (p. 137), -Champier speaks of ‘spirit as a subtle, aerial, translucid substance -produced of the finest part of the blood, and carried by it from the -heart, as principal vital organ, to all parts of the body. Spoken of -as three,’ he continues, ‘there are in truth but two kinds of spirit, -the vital and the animal.’ The sameness of this to what we shall find -in the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ will be obvious to all. It strikes us -in fact that Villanovanus’s first medical production--the Treatise on -Syrups--was wholly inspired by this Marrow of Philosophy of Champier, -in which we discover much upon digestion and concoction, the maturation -and evacuation of the humours, etc., precisely as in the treatise ‘De -Syrupis.’ - -Nor did Champier’s influence on our scholar end here. One of the -Doctor’s treatises is entitled, ‘Prognosticon perpetuum Astrologorum, -Medicorum et Prophetarum--The guide of the Astrologer, Physician -and Prophet in their prognostications or forecasts.’ Like so many -in his age, Champier was a devoted astrologer; and it was he we may -conclude who made Servetus one too. Champier having been attacked on -the score of his astrology by Leonhard Fuchs, Professor of Medicine -in Heidelberg,[40] Michael Villanovanus, as grateful pupil, took up -the pen in defence of his master, and replied by a pamphlet entitled, -‘Defence of Symphorien Champier, addressed to Leonhard Fuchs,[41] and -an Apologetic Dissertation on Astrology.’[42] Villanovanus, it seems, -would not neglect what he must have thought a favourable opportunity -of showing himself to the world in company with so distinguished an -individual as the great Physician of Lyons, to whom he owns himself -much indebted--_cui multum debeo_, and ventilating a subject that -interested him, like so many of his age, only in a less degree than -theology itself. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -RETURN TO PARIS. STUDIES THERE. JO. WINTER OF ANDERNACH; ANDREA -VESALIUS. DEGREES OF M.A. AND M.D. LECTURES ON GEOGRAPHY AND ASTROLOGY. - - -Villeneuve, we must presume, had reached Lyons poor enough in pocket if -rich in lore; but so diligently had he laboured and so liberally had he -been paid by the princely publishers of the day, that within two years -he found himself in funds sufficient to authorise a return to Paris -with a view to the study of Medicine, which he had now resolved to -make his profession for life. The rebuff he had had from Œcolampadius, -Bucer, and the rest, had probably sickened him for a while with -theology and scholasticism, from which, however, we may presume he had -only been diverted by his failure to make an immediate impression on -the Reformers and the necessity of providing for his daily wants. But -‘the fresh fields and pastures new’ brought into sight by the study -of Ptolemy, and the healthy influence of Champier, the physician and -naturalist, gave another turn to his mind, and with the money he had -earned in his purse, but still comporting himself as the poor scholar, -he entered first the College of Calvi, and then that of the Lombards. -To these as a subject of the Holy Roman Empire he probably had ready -access, and in their quiet shades devoted himself to the new course of -study he had determined to pursue. - -His larger experience and intercourse with Champier must have -shown Servetus that medicine was a more assured means of earning a -subsistence than theology, and opened up a far wider field to his -ambition than continued service with the typographers. Without utterly -neglecting older studies, therefore, he now gave his chief attention to -the great and useful art and science of medicine; and we shall find as -we proceed that the lessons of such teachers as Joannes Guinterus (Jo. -Winter of Andernach), Jacobus Sylvius (J. du Bois), Joannes Fernelius, -and others of name and fame in their day, found congenial soil in the -receptive mind of the student. - -Servetus, indeed, would seem immediately to have made his presence -felt in the medical school of Paris; he was at once more than a -listener to the prelections of its professors. Associated with no less -distinguished an individual than Andrea Vesalius, he was one of Winter -of Andernach’s two prosectors, and prepared the subject for each day’s -demonstration. - -And let not the conjunction of talent that meets us here be overlooked. -Vesalius, repudiating the authority of Galen, became the restorer--the -_Creator_ of Modern Anatomy. Servetus, breaking with scholasticism -in theology, and freeing himself from the shackles of Greeks and -Arabians in practical medicine, inaugurated Rational Physiology when -he proclaimed the course of the blood from the right to the left -side of the heart through the lungs. Working together as friends and -fellow students for the Professor of Anatomy, Vesalius and Servetus, -through diversity of mental constitution, yet saw things diversely. -Vesalius, the observer, abiding by the _concrete_, described with rare -felicity and truthfulness what he witnessed; Servetus, gifted with -genius, aspiring to the _ideal_ and inferring consequences, deduced the -pulmonary circulation from the structure of the heart and lungs! - -Nor were the two men associates only in their studies; they were -fellows also in the untoward fate that befel them both in after life; -for both may be said to have fallen victims to their zeal. Somewhat -precipitate, we may presume, in his eagerness for information, the -heart of a young nobleman who had died under his care and whose body -Vesalius was inspecting, was either seen to palpitate, or was thought -to have palpitated, when touched by the knife of the anatomist. -Accused forthwith of murder, it was only by the interference of Philip -II. of Spain, whose physician Vesalius was, that a formal trial for -manslaughter was commuted for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem with confession -and absolution at the shrine of the Holy Sepulchre. The penance was -undergone, but the pilgrim, homeward bound, suffered shipwreck on the -island of Crete, and perished miserably there. Servetus again, as we -shall see, in his eagerness to proclaim what he believed to be the -truth, and given no chance for his life, had to abide the still more -cruel death of the faggot and stake. - -Joannes Guinterus, it is interesting to know, bears honourable -testimony to the merits of his two assistants. In the preface to -his ‘Anatomical Institutions’ he informs us that ‘he had been most -effectually aided in the preparation of the work, first by Andrea -Vesalius, a young man, by Hercules! singularly proficient in anatomy; -and after him by Michael Villanovanus, distinguished by his literary -acquirements of every kind, and scarcely second to any in his knowledge -of Galenical doctrine. Under the supervision and with the aid of these -two,’ he continues, ‘I have myself examined in the Subject and have -shown to the students the whole of the muscles, veins, arteries, and -nerves, both of the extremities and internal parts of the body.’[43] -From this we learn whence Servetus had the anatomical knowledge that -enabled him as inductive reasoner--true forerunner here of our own -immortal Harvey--to proclaim the pulmonary circulation. - -The practice of dissecting the human subject had therefore, by this -time, extended to France--the bodies of one or more malefactors being -now publicly anatomised in the course of each winter session.[44] Had -we no other evidence of the genius with which Michael Servetus was -endowed, beyond the use he made of what he saw in these anatomical -demonstrations, we should still feel entitled to speak of him as the -most far-sighted physiologist of his age; for he alone of all his -contemporaries, though fettered by the prevalent metaphysical theories -of life, the soul and the spirits, from which we ourselves have not -yet escaped, not only divined, but positively proclaimed the passage -of the blood, by way of the lungs, from the right to the left side of -the heart, and thence--but stopping short of the whole truth, first -proclaimed by Harvey--from the left ventricle of the heart to the body -at large. But the book in which his important Induction is contained, -though printed in his lifetime, _was never published_. Seen by none -but a few theologians, who took no note of its physiological contents, -it remained unknown to the world for nearly a century and a half, -after its author had fallen a victim to the hate of Calvin and the -intolerance of his age. - -With the stimulus of necessity upon him, for he was poor, and the -excitement of vanity, with which he was largely endowed, as he could -not live on the learning he imbibed from his teachers, Servetus -by-and-by appeared before the world as a teacher in his turn. Having -by diligence and superior natural capacity, in a singularly short space -of time, achieved the degrees of M.A. and M.D., which were required -before he could present himself either as Professor or Physician within -the domain of the University of Paris, Servetus now came forward as a -Lecturer on the Geography of Ptolemy and the science of Astrology--a -term which then included the true doctrine of the heavenly bodies as -well as the false doctrine of their presumed influence on the life -of man and the current of events in the world. In this bold step we -have another glimpse of the self-reliant, and it may be, somewhat -presumptuous, character of the man; for even as the emancipated novice -of the monk’s school and Saragossan professors, when little more than -of age, showed himself as Theologian in the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis,’ -so did the newly becapped Magister Artium now come forward as Lecturer -on Geography and Astrology, and the scarce fledged doctor in physic, as -a teacher of his fellows and the world at large, in the art and mystery -of treating Disease. - -The course of Lectures on Geography and Astrology was a happy -thought, and proved highly successful. It was delivered to a large -and distinguished audience, and besides supplying the professor with -funds for all his wants, became a means of introducing him to friends, -influential for good on his future life. Amongst the number of his -auditors there was a young ecclesiastic, a scholar and man of talent, -Pierre Paumier, who after employment in various offices of trust by -his king, Francis the First, was transferred to a position of no less -dignity and emolument than that of Archbishop of Vienne in Dauphiny. - -Under the auspices of the Archbishop, and as we believe on his -invitation, it was that Servetus found a final resting place by his -side. Fresh from editing Ptolemy, with the old stores of classic lore -he had at command, and of anecdote and general information he had -amassed in reading up for his editorial duties, aided by the natural -fluency with which we venture to credit him, it is easy to imagine -how interesting these Lectures must have been in days when the world -was eager for information on the discoveries of the great voyagers -and travellers of the age, and when books were still both scarce and -costly, and little read by the many. - -But Servetus was a Physician as well as Geographer and Astrologer, and -not the man to hide any light he had under a bushel. He must appear -in connection with his profession, as well as in the accessory field -of general knowledge, by writing a book upon some properly medical -subject, a business which he set about forthwith under the immediate -inspiration of all he had learned from Dr. Champier of Lyons, as well -as his professors of Paris. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE TREATISE ON SYRUPS AND THEIR USE IN MEDICINE.[45] - - -The medical world in the early part of the sixteenth century was -divided into two great hostile camps, respectively designated -Galenists, or followers of the Greeks, and Averrhoists, or disciples of -the Arabians; the former swearing by Hippocrates and Galen, the latter -by Averrhoes and Avicenna. Servetus’s initiator into matters medical, -Champier, was a fervent admirer of the Greeks; and his pupil, led by -his classical training as well as his master’s example, naturally -attached himself to the same school. Here, nevertheless, as ever, he -showed the independence of his nature by having open eyes for any truth -the Arabian writers might present; so that we find nothing of servility -or one-sidedness in what he has to say. - -The treatise in which Villanovanus came before the public in his -new capacity of physician was on the practical use of the class of -medicines known in those days by the title of Syrups--sweetened -decoctions or infusions of different kinds, still in vogue among the -French under the name of Tisanes. These syrups appear to have been one -of the bones of contention between the two parties, though neither was -perfectly agreed in itself as to the indications for their use or of -the principles on which they were to be prescribed. This question does -not interest us here, and so we leave it; but we turn to the work of -Michael Villanovanus for intimations in its style of the intellectual -and moral nature of its author. - -In his address to the reader he says, ‘I should not have proposed, most -learned reader, to take on my weak shoulders this weighty and so much -disputed province of the healing art, had I not felt me forced, against -my will as it were, to lend my aid in furthering medical studies by a -fair defence of Galenical doctrine, and more especially still by my -love of truth.... I think it will be found that I have conciliated -Galen so far with my own views as to dispel any doubts I may have -had of a favourable award, if I have only an equitable judge in my -reader. Of this, at all events, I feel well assured that no studious -person who carefully weighs what is here set forth will repent him of -his reading.’ This is not amiss from a Doctor of a year’s standing! -But it is in his Preface to the work that Michael Villanovanus, as we -apprehend him, comes still more particularly before us. Aware, as he -says, of the fate that so often befals the meddler in a quarrel not -his own, and displaying a commendable amount of caution, not without a -spice of mock modesty, our author is here considerate enough to tell us -that ‘he does not intend to offer himself as censor in the controversy, -between the Galenists and Averrhoists, and by finding something to -object to in the conclusions of each, to have them both fall foul of -him as an enemy;’ after which he proceeds, characteristically still, -to say, ‘but that I may not withhold from others that which I possess -myself and gratefully acknowledge, which may be of use to my fellow -men, I throw aside fear and proclaim what I believe to be the truth.’ - -The ‘Syruporum Universa Ratio,’ or general Rationale of Syrups, is in -truth a very learned little book, extremely well written; much of it, -as becomes the young practitioner, having reference to the writings of -predecessors of the highest authority in medical science. Hippocrates -and Galen, above all others, are freely quoted, and their views -discussed, for Servetus was ‘nothing if not critical,’ and a variorum -reading or two to show his scholarship is proposed. But he also refers -to Avicenna, not thinking it amiss to learn of the enemy, and to Paul -of Aegina, Monardus and others, by which he proclaims the extent of his -reading, and his readiness to imbibe knowledge at every source. - -I looked with interest for some physiological hint or statement in -this book, on Syrups or Diet drinks, that might have heralded the -brilliant exposition contained in the latest product of his genius--the -Christianismi Restitutio or Restoration of Christianity--concerning the -way in which the blood from the right reaches the left ventricle of the -heart through the lungs, but in vain. We must presume nevertheless that -he was already possessed of the anatomical facts on which his later -induction is founded. The only physiological reference I discovered -in the book on Syrups was to the Mesentery as giving origin to the -veins--a step in advance of his predecessors, with whom the liver was -the source as it was also the laboratory of the blood, as the veins -were the channels for its distribution to the body. - -It is not uninteresting, however, to observe the same tendency towards -unity or oneness here, in the domain of positive knowledge, which we -discover pervading Servetus’s other works that lose themselves in the -realm of metaphysical abstraction. He will not acknowledge two or any -greater number of concoctions or digestions, whether in health or -disease, such as were generally admitted in his day. The processes that -take place in disease he declares to be of the same nature, though they -are perverted, as those that occur in the healthy body. Diseases are -therefore nothing more than perversions of natural functions, not new -entities introduced into the body; a conclusion which, on physiological -grounds, he sums up in these words: ‘The rationale in the maturation of -disease and in the digestion of the food is one and the same.’[46] - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE MEDICAL FACULTY OF PARIS SUE VILLANOVANUS FOR LECTURING ON JUDICIAL -ASTROLOGY. - - -Servetus’s fate on starting in life was opposition; and how should it -have been otherwise?--he found himself through superior endowment and -higher culture antagonistic to almost all he saw around him in the -world. We have already had him met as a trespasser on their domain -by the Reformers of Basle and Strasburg, and we have now to find him -looked on as an intruder by the Medical Faculty of Paris. The lecturer -on Geography and Astrology had attracted a large amount of public -attention, and the author of the book on Syrups began to get into -vogue as a practitioner of medicine. The book had in fact been as well -received as the lectures; it was extensively read, much commended at -the time, and reprinted oftener than once in after years. No wonder, -therefore, that Michel Villeneuve M.D. had now as many eyes upon him in -Paris as Michael Servetus had had in other days in Switzerland. Before -he could well look about him, the whole faculty of Physicians and the -heads of the University of Paris were in array against him. - -It seems that he had gone out of his way in his lectures to say -something disrespectful of the doctors, his contemporaries, accusing -them of ignorance of many things necessary to the successful practice -of their profession, particularly of Astronomy, or more properly -Astrology, a science in which Villeneuve plumed himself as being a -master. The doctors naturally enough complained of such impropriety, -and had him cited before their council. There he was told that -something more of respectful bearing was due from him to men who -had been his masters; and above all that he was transgressing the -boundaries of true science and common sense in making so much of -Astrology. The Dean of the Faculty is even said to have had him several -times privately before him, and warned him of the difficulties he -would inevitably fall into, if he continued casting nativities and -prescribing for the ailments of his patients from the aspects of -the stars; for this, it appears, was the principal element in his -medical practice. Servetus, unhappily for himself, was not one of -those who could take even friendly advice in good part. As credulous -as he was sceptical, and believing implicitly in himself and in -stellar influences, he not only made no submission, but said that his -ill-wishers should rue their opposition. - -The doctors on their part not only gave no heed to his threats, but -publicly denounced him from their chairs as an impostor and wind-bag; -with the consequence of arousing him to self-defence, and with his -ready pen setting him to work upon a pamphlet, in which he did not fail -to lay bare some of the sore places in the persons of his adversaries, -characterising them as mannerless and unlettered, and even holding -them up in their ignorance as very pests of society. Once in the hands -of the printer, Villeneuve’s purpose to expose his detractors through -the dreaded press became known; and such alarm does his meditated -attack appear to have excited that the Faculty of Physicians, calling -the Senate of the University to their side, petitioned the Parliament -of Paris to forbid the publication of the pamphlet, as well as to -interdict its author from continuing to lecture on Astrology, which -they now characterised as Divination. - -The Parliament, with becoming judicial impartiality, would take no -step in the matter until they had heard Villeneuve in his defence and -had something tangible, such as the pamphlet which it was sought to -suppress, before them. Nothing more was done, consequently, than the -issuing of a summons to Villeneuve to appear at the bar of the house -on a certain day and give an account of himself. This gave him all he -required: time to have his pamphlet printed. Keeping the compositors -at work, with a promise of higher pay if they used despatch, it was -not only ready before the day of citation came round, but had been -distributed gratis in numbers to the public as well as to the members -of the medical profession. They reckoned without their host who -thought that Michel Villeneuve was to be cowed by opposition, however -imposingly headed. - -The doctors were naturally excessively wroth with this daring move -on the part of the man they desired to crush. He had not awaited -the decision of the Parliament; and neither now did they pause; for -believing they had a hold upon him on the score of heresy, implied -in the practice of judicial astrology or divination, they had him -summoned before the Inquisitor of the king as an enemy to the Church, -and contemner of its statutes. There was no regularly established -Inquisition at this time in France; but papal inquisitors, often -Italians by birth, were commonly enough found accredited by the Holy -See, with the sanction of the Sovereign, to the large towns of the -country. There they held courts before which cases of imputed heresy -were tried and adjudged--the decisions come to, however, being always -made subject to revision by the civil tribunals of the realm. Nay, -there was a right of demurrage to the jurisdiction of the inquisitor, -at the option of the party incriminated, were he minded to be tried by -the ordinary civil, rather than the extraordinary ecclesiastical, court. - -We might have imagined that Michael Servetus, with the experience he -had had of ecclesiastical incapacity to hear reason and ‘true judgment -give,’ as he interpreted it, would have paused before venturing to -appear before the inquisitor of the king; but so safe must Michel -Villeneuve have felt against a charge of heresy at this time, and so -secure in his new designation, that he did not hesitate to obey the -summons; although we learn that had he been so minded, he might as a -member of the Faculty of Physicians have even disregarded it entirely. -He appeared accordingly at the proper moment; and so well did he play -his part, so thoroughly did he satisfy the inquisitor of the king that -he was a good Christian, that he left the court with flying colours, -absolved of all suspicion of heresy, to the utter discomfiture of his -accusers, who had now nothing for it but patiently to wait the award of -the Parliament. - -Before this tribunal, acting it would seem as a court of justice, a -suit was regularly instituted, with the Rector of the University of -Paris and the Dean and Faculty of Physic of the same as pursuers, on -the one part, and Michael Villanovanus as defendant, on the other. For -the University and Faculty, it was alleged that judicial astrology, -otherwise to be styled divination, is forbidden by various statutes, -as well canonical and divine as civil, the penalty for practising the -same being death by fire, and that the defendant, a man of learning, -and so incapacitated from pleading ignorance of these statutes, had -notoriously lectured both in public and private on certain books of -divination, among others, on the works entitled ‘De Aleabiticis’ and -‘De Divificationibus,’ both of which are full of divination. - -It was alleged further, that he had been known to make forecasts for -various persons in respect of their fortunes from their nativities, -on the assumption that according to the day and the hour of a man’s -birth, and the aspect of the heavens at the time, would fortune of -a favourable or adverse kind befal him; all of which by the Faculty -of Theology is held highly reprehensible. That for his lectures and -lessons, moreover, he takes money and attracts numerous auditors, -who, seduced by the pleasantness of the poison he sells, have been -debauched and led to forsake the true philosophy of Pico de Mirandola, -who declares divination to be the most pestilent of frauds, degrading -philosophy, invalidating religion, strengthening superstition, -corrupting morals, and making men miserable slaves instead of free men. - -Not stopping short at such public and private misdeeds, continue the -pursuers, he has written and had printed a certain apology or defence -of divination,[47] with his name attached, which is of a highly -objectionable character in every respect; the Theological Faculty -declaring in addition that the concluding sentence of this apology has -an extremely suspicious appearance, couched as it is in these words: -‘On the following night Mars is eclipsed by the moon, near the star -called the King, in the constellation of Leo; whence I predict that in -the course of this year the hearts of the Lions, i.e. the princes, will -be greatly moved; that with Mars in the ascendant war will prevail, -and much havoc be done by fire and sword; that the Church will suffer -tribulation, several princes die, and pestilence and other evils -abound. To languish, to mourn, to die--all of good or ill that comes to -man proceeds from heaven.’ - -The petition of the pursuers on the above showing therefore is, that -the defendant, Villanovanus, be interdicted for the future from -professing and practising judicial astrology, whether in public or -private; that he be forbidden further to circulate his pamphlet against -the Faculty, and commanded to call in all unsold copies; that for what -has passed he own himself to blame, and be enjoined for the future to -bear himself respectfully towards the Faculty of Physic, to which he -belongs. - -In his address to the court on behalf of his client, Villanovanus’s -counsel opined that the Faculty of Physic had descended somewhat -from the dignity that became so great a body in taking steps against -one, a stranger, who had been attracted to Paris by the science that -distinguished it, of which he had heard so much. The cause of the -hostility of the Faculty against his client, he said, was owing to his -having insisted on the necessity of a knowledge of astronomy to the -Physician. This had been turned into a knowledge of judicial astrology -by his enemies; but there were many of his hearers who were ready to -testify that he had never even mentioned judicial astrology. As to the -paragraph about the Lions, he had only given it as illustrating the -rules of astrological science, and the knowledge he has of the possible -influence of the stars; but he would by no means insist that events -of the kind named must happen as matter of necessity. In all this, -however, he is ready to submit himself to the judgment of the court, -and on his words being pronounced objectionable, he is willing to be -set right. With regard to what he says in his apology about physicians -being the plagues of society, he of course only aims at the ignorant -and unskilful among them; the saying, indeed, is none of his, but -Galen’s, who speaks of the ignorant practitioners of medicine of his -day in precisely the same words. - -The judgment of the court is nearly in the terms of the counsel’s -address for the prosecution. His statements appear to have been -taken as trustworthy without further evidence adduced. Villanovanus -is ordered to call in his pamphlet and deposit the copies with the -proper officer of the court; to pay all honour and respect to the -Faculty of Physic in its collective and individual capacity, saying -and writing nothing unbecoming of it, but conducting himself at all -times peacefully and reverently towards its members; the doctors, on -their part, being enjoined to treat Villanovanus gently and amiably, as -parents treat their children. Villanovanus is then expressly inhibited -and forbidden to appear in public, or in any other way, as a professor -or practitioner of judicial astrology, otherwise called divination; he -is to confine himself in his discussions of astrological subjects to -the influence of the heavenly bodies on the course of the seasons and -other natural phenomena, and not to meddle with questions or judgments -of stellar influences on individuals or events, under pain of being -deprived of the privileges he enjoys as a graduate of the University of -Paris. - -Done this 18th of March, 1538. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CHARLIEU--ATTAINMENT OF HIS THIRTIETH YEAR--HIS VIEWS OF BAPTISM. - - -This decree and interdict of the Parliament of Paris could not have -been satisfactory to Servetus. We need not question his belief in the -reality of judicial astrology, nor doubt of the application of its -presumed principles having been found profitable by him; for a longing -to pry into futurity is among the infirmities of human nature, and a -belief in the influence of the stars on the fortunes of men was all -but universal in the age of Servetus. Nor is it even now entirely -extinct in the world; for the ‘Vox Stellarum’ is still regularly -printed in England, and finds a sale by thousands every year among -the superstitious and the ill-educated of our population. Hardly, -moreover, does a child come into the world among us now without a -great fuss being made as to the precise moment of the birth; though -the particulars obtained may never be thought of afterwards, nor the -end for which they were sought be even surmised. But when we look on -the cornelian and clay cylinders dug up in such numbers from the ruins -of Babylon and Nineveh, engraved with the accredited figures of the -Sun, Moon, and Stars, and the emblematical representations of the -constellations, such as Cassiopæia, Hercules Ingeniculus, Ursa Major, -Leo, Auriga, Cepheus, and others, still depicted on our celestial -globes, we learn how old was the belief that every man and woman who -came into the world was influenced in after life by the star under -which he or she was born.[48] - -Villeneuve might possibly have continued lecturing on astrology, -composing horoscopes, and casting nativities, as others did in his -day, had he but had the prudence to control his tongue, and not hold -up his brethren of the Faculty of Physic to contempt by proclaiming -their ignorance of a science in which he himself excelled and held -necessary to treat disease in the most effectual manner; but he had -been indiscreet, and they had won the day. He could no longer go on -making forecasts for a credulous public from the aspect of the heavens -at the moment of their birth, and he must show himself forward to call -in the unsold copies of his pamphlet which had been found so offensive, -perhaps because so well directed and so true. It would have interested -us in the present day to have known precisely wherein the sting of this -apology lay; but like others among the host of ephemeral publications, -hurriedly produced to serve a purpose of the hour, it has perished. -There were few collectors of ballads, broadsides, and tracts, three -hundred and fifty years ago; and all the searches for a copy of the -philippic against the Parisian Faculty have proved in vain.[49] - -From the estimate we are led to form of the self-sufficing and defiant -character of Michael Servetus, as displayed in his after life, we are -disposed to wonder that he did not continue to dispute the field of -Paris with his opponents. He had published his clever and scholarly -treatise on Syrups, and through it achieved a title to consideration -as a learned practitioner of medicine in the regular way. Such a man -as he would soon have lived down the stigma his fellows had fastened -upon him as a fortune-teller from the stars, and he must by and by have -taken his place in the front rank of his profession. But the physician -comes slowly into practice when public confidence is courted through -the gate of science. Horoscope-making was probably the main source of -Villeneuve’s income; and this forbidden, and the golden stream it fed, -arrested, the cold shoulder shown him by his professional brethren, and -the averted looks of the public at the man condemned by the Parliament -of Paris,--all was against him; his malignant star had culminated, and -he seems to have thought it best to yield to fate, and give way. - -It must have been immediately after the conclusion of the suit against -him that Servetus left Paris; for we have news of him in the course -of the same year (1538) as a practitioner of medicine in the town of -Charlieu, distant about twelve French miles from the city of Lyons. -He may have been led to this retreat through knowledge gained in the -course of his former residence in Lyons; but he did not continue long -there--certainly for not more than a year and a half, or so. Could -we trust the report of one who speaks of him as ‘a most arrogant and -insolent person,’ he must have embroiled himself with some of the more -influential people of Charlieu, who, as said, made his position so -uncomfortable that he was forced to quit and go farther afield.[50] But -Villeneuve had earned for himself an ill name by his dispute with the -University and Medical Faculty of Paris; and coming from the quarter -it does, we give no credit to the tale, led as we are by what we know -to find a much better reason for the remove than any fresh personal -dispute, though there does seem to have been something of the kind -complicating matters, as well as certain ‘love passages,’ which, as -they came to nothing, may have rendered longer residence in the place -unpleasant. - -The residence of Villeneuve in Charlieu, however, is not without -interest, as giving us a further insight into the character and -predominant pious nature of the man. In the course of the year 1539, -which he passed at Charlieu, Michael Servetus attained the thirtieth -year of his age, the year according to his religious tenets in which -only baptism could be rightly received. ‘He who would follow the -example of Christ,’ says he in his latest work, ‘ought now to betake -him to this Laver of Regeneration--_Lavacrum Regenerationis_;’ and -from the particular account he gives of the manner in which they who -think with him on the subject of baptism perform the rite, we can -scarcely doubt of his having found occasion to have himself privately -baptized by some Anabaptist acquaintance he had made. Servetus was -unquestionably a man of so pious a nature, so sincere a believer in -the divinity of Christ, according to his way of interpreting it, and -so firmly persuaded that the closest possible imitation of him was -necessary to salvation, that we may feel assured he found means to -have a rite he held so indispensable properly performed at the proper -moment. It must have been in the consciousness of having himself -done what he thought right in this particular, that we find him by -and by urgently exhorting Calvin, with whom he had entered into -correspondence, and probably knew to be of his own age, to have himself -baptized anew. ‘Christ,’ he says, ‘as an infant, was circumcised, but -not baptized; and this is a great mystery; in his thirtieth year, -however, he received baptism; thereby setting us the example, and -teaching us that before this age no one is a fit recipient of the rite -that gives the kingdom of heaven to man. It were fit and proper in you, -therefore, would you show true faith in Christ, to submit yourself to -baptism, and so receive the gift of the Holy Spirit promised through -this means.’ (Epist. xv. ad Jo. Calvinum, Christ. Restit., p. 615.) - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -SETTLEMENT AT VIENNE UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE ARCHBISHOP--RENEWAL OF -INTERCOURSE WITH THE PUBLISHERS OF LYONS--SECOND EDITION OF PTOLEMY. - - -It was while resident at Charlieu that Villeneuve again met with Pierre -Paumier, now Archbishop of Vienne, Dauphiny, whom he had known in -Paris, who indeed had been among the number of his auditors when he -lectured on geography and the science of the stars. Paumier had the -reputation, well deserved as it appears, of being a lover of learning -for its own sake, and fond of the society of men learned like himself. -Thinking, we may presume, that one with the accomplishments of his old -professor would be an addition to the society of the archiepiscopal -city of Vienne, when he heard of Villeneuve’s presence in Charlieu as -a practising physician, he sought him out, and pressed him to quit the -narrower for the wider field. This, under such auspices, we can well -imagine Doctor Villeneuve was nowise loth to do; so that we next hear -of him installed at Vienne, with apartments found him in the precincts -of the Palace, and so under the immediate patronage of the Archbishop. - -Not overburthened with professional work at first, Villeneuve appears -to have renewed, if he had not kept up, his connection with the -publishers of Lyons; and, as a means of income, continued his literary -labours in various directions for more than one of the fraternity. -Among other works, the edition of ‘Ptolemy’ he had supervised for the -Trechsels, when in their service in 1535, being exhausted, a second was -required; and their old editor having already proved himself abundantly -competent, overtures were made to him to undertake the work anew. A -proposal of the kind we need not doubt was gladly received, and the -Trechsels having set up a branch establishment at Vienne, and the -Archbishop consenting to accept the dedication of the new ‘Ptolemy,’ -our editor had an opportunity of saying something pleasant to his -patron, and of showing himself advantageously to the public around him -in connection with a handsome volume from a press of their own city. -The work accordingly was entered on with alacrity; and as the editor -was not only countenanced, but assisted by the Archbishop, himself no -mean geographer, the new edition made its appearance in the course of -1541, amended and improved.[51] - -If the first ‘Ptolemy’ of Michael Villanovanus had been seen as an -improvement on its predecessors, his second was a marked advance upon -it, and is interesting to us on many accounts. Though much lauded -and commercially successful, the first edition, in a literary point -of view, was still far from what it was capable of being made. The -ornamentation of the volume, though profuse, was not highly artistic, -and the wood-cuts had already done duty in various other publishing -ventures. There was ample room for improvement both in the direction -of greater accuracy of text and of better taste. In the re-issue, -consequently, we find various alterations, and two or three omissions -that are highly significant. It is printed on better paper, too, and -new maps are added; the coarse wood-cuts are left out, and the text -in various parts is amended. Altogether the volume is a very handsome -one, and was obviously produced with every care to secure accuracy and -elegance. - -In his Dedication to the Archbishop, we have an assurance that life -among the polished circles of Vienne had already had a mollifying -influence on the hot-headed Michel Villeneuve of Parisian days. The -polite terms in which, beside the Archbishop, all and sundry of mark -and name in the city are spoken of, are particularly notable. We know -how little there was of compliment in the words with which he took -leave of his Swiss opponents, and imagine the sting there must be in -the paper with which he bade the Parisian Faculty farewell. But now, -beneath the wing of the great church dignitary, and referring to the -time when as professor of geography and astrology he had had him among -the number of his auditors, Villanovanus tells us that he is especially -encouraged in his purpose to produce a more correct edition of the -great geographer’s work, by the permission he has received to dedicate -it to his patron, as well as by the assistance he has had from him in -the amendment of numerous faulty passages. - -‘For you,’ continues our Editor, addressing the Archbishop, ‘are the -one among our church dignitaries I have known who, loving letters and -favouring learned men, have given particular attention to geographical -science. I am also incited to my work by the many favours I have -received at your hand. Under what patronage but yours, indeed, could -this work, amended, and printed at Vienne, appear, student as you are -of ‘Ptolemy,’ and head of our Viennese society? Nor, sooth to say, -will our ‘Ptolemy’ want a welcome from others about us interested in -geography; among the foremost of whom I may name your relation John -Paumier, prior of St. Marcel, and Claude de Rochefort, your vicar, both -of them highly accomplished men, commended of all, and to whom I may -say that I myself owe as much in my sphere as students of geography -owe to ‘Ptolemy.’ I must do no more than mention Joannes Albus, prior -of St. Peter and St. Simeon; for I am forbidden to speak of his -virtues. Neither must I make other than a passing allusion to the noble -triad, your officials; for words would fail me to speak worthily of -their great qualities; and of Doctor John Perell, your physician, my -old fellow-student in Paris, so learned in philosophy and skilled in -the languages--I can only say that one more apt than I were required -fitly to speak his praise.’ - -From this we learn that Michael Villanovanus, all in laying on flattery -somewhat thickly, could still show himself the grateful man; as ready -to acknowledge kindness as we have known him apt to take fire at -opposition and ready to resent what he held to be unworthy usage. But -the matter is even more interesting to us, as giving us to know the -kind of society Servetus frequented in Vienne, and the consequent -esteem in which he must have been held. The ‘noble triad’ referred to, -we imagine, may have consisted of M. Maugiron, the Lieutenant-General -of Dauphiny; M. de la Cour, the Vibailly; and M. Arzelier, the -Vicar-General. - -Among the alterations and omissions to be observed in the new edition -of the ‘Ptolemy,’ the most notable occur under the heads of Germany, -France, and Judæa. The edition of 1535 was set about and produced -shortly after he had been so unhandsomely received, as he thought, -by the Swiss and German Reformers; and we are therefore sorry, though -not surprised, to find that disappointment and pique had left him -with little inclination to say much in praise either of themselves or -their respective countries. Hence the generally evil report he makes -of Germany, and the notice of Switzerland as remarkable for nothing -but the production of butchers! All this is either suppressed or toned -down in the edition of 1541. The editor had had time for reflection; -and under the soothing influences of the archiepiscopal city and -professional success, he now makes a more favourable report of the -countries and peoples he had formerly gone out of his way to decry -and defame. Instead of the forest-encumbered and swampy land with its -inclement sky of the former edition, Germany is now a _regio amœna_, -with a _cœlum satis clemens_--a pleasant country with quite a temperate -climate, and all the damaging statements in regard to its several -divisions and their peoples are omitted. - -The graphic account we had formerly of the boastful, ignorant, and -superstitious people of Spain is also left out in the reprint; but we -have an added notice of the people of France which shows us how little -nations change in the course of three hundred and fifty years. ‘Not -only in the cities and country places,’ says our editor, ‘but even in -single families, every Frenchman seems to think he has a right to rule -over everybody else. The assertion of individual superiority is so -universal that every one among them would have every one else to do -his bidding, he himself feeling bound to do the bidding of none.’ - -The Church and her favoured sons, the hierarchs thereof, having still -thriven in the shadow of the throne, as Villeneuve was now living amid -the clerical society of an archiepiscopal city, it was thought that the -few words in the former edition, which seemed to question the efficacy -of the ‘Royal Touch’ in curing scrofula, would be out of place. They -are, therefore, now found modified. For the ‘I did not see that any -were cured,’ we find ‘I have heard say that many were cured!’ The -new edition, moreover, being dedicated to the Archbishop of Vienne, -it was felt that any word in dispraise of the Holy Land would seem -disrespectful and improper. All that is said in connection with the -map of Palestine contradictory to the Bible account of Judæa as a land -flowing with milk and honey, or as of signal beauty and fertility, is -accordingly entirely expunged from the new impression. - -These changes have been said to be due to warnings given by friends -to Servetus, on the presumption, probably, that he could hardly have -been living on terms of intimacy with many persons of note, both lay -and clerical, without betraying something of the sceptical element -that distinguished him at the outset of his career, and that got the -mastery of him with such disastrous consequences at last. But we have -no positive intimation that Servetus ever failed to keep his counsel, -or that he was known to a soul in Vienne, save as M. Michel Villeneuve, -the physician. Calvin certainly knew him by no other name in Paris -when they met there in 1534, a date at which we have surmised he had -not yet read the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis,’ and so escaped having his -suspicions aroused through the sameness of the views propounded in that -work, and those expressed by his acquaintance, Villeneuve, that he had -its author, Michael Serveto, alias Revés, bodily before him. - -That this was really the case is confirmed by the statement which he -makes on his trial at Vienne, to the effect, that he had only been -challenged by Calvin in the course of their correspondence, begun -as many as fourteen years after the publication of his first book, -with being no other than Servetus. Having read the ‘De Erroribus’ -subsequently, Calvin did not fail to discover Michael Serveto under the -cloak of Michael Villanovanus, his correspondent of Vienne, and may -consequently, some time after the year 1546, have written to Cardinal -Tournon, as said by Bolsec,[52] or hinted to a friend in Lyons, that -they had an egregious heretic, the writer of the work on Trinitarian -Error, living among them under an assumed name. But of so much as this -we have no reliable assurance, and even if we had, it could have no -reference to the year 1541, the date of publication of the second -edition of Villanovanus’s ‘Ptolemy.’[53] - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -EDITION OF SANTES PAGNINI’S LATIN BIBLE, WITH COMMENTARY. - - -Servetus must have got through a very considerable amount of literary -work during the earlier years of his residence at Vienne. His time not -being then fully occupied by professional duties, he had leisure and -certainly no lack of inclination for other work, so that he seems to -have been kept well employed by the publishers of Lyons. Hardly had the -second ‘Ptolemy’ seen the light, than we find another handsome volume -in folio not only taking shape under his hands, but actually launched -in the course of the following year, 1542. This was a new and elegant -edition of the Latin Bible of the learned Santes Pagnini.[54] - -Appreciating the naturally pious bent of Servetus’s mind, as we do, -to edit the Bible, we imagine, must to him have been like rest to the -weary, and we think of the delight with which he received the proposal -of Hugo de la Porte, the publisher of Lyons, to undertake a task of the -kind. In his own earliest work we have seen him speaking of the Bible -as a ‘book fallen down from heaven, to be read a thousand times over, -the source of all his philosophy and of all his science.’ But this is -from the pen of the younger man; for study and after thought, with -the privilege he possessed through his self-reliant spirit of reading -without a foregone conclusion, enabled him by and by to discover that -the accredited traditional interpretation of holy writ could not at -all times be maintained without violence, not only to reason and -experience, but to history and the plain meaning of the text. He came -to the conclusion, in fact, that whilst the usual prophetical bearing -ascribed to the Old Testament was ever to be kept in view, the text had -a primary, literal, and immediate reference to the age in which it was -composed, and to the personages, the events, and the circumstances amid -which its writers lived. - -In the Preface to his edition, consequently, we see that, having -undertaken the responsible duty of editor, Villanovanus means to be no -mere follower in the beaten track, but to take an independent course of -his own. ‘They,’ he says, ‘who are ignorant of the Hebrew language and -history are only too apt to overlook the historical and literal sense -of the sacred Scriptures; the consequence of which is that they vainly -and foolishly expend themselves in hunting after recondite and mystical -meanings in the text where nothing of the kind exists.’ Before reading -the prophets, in particular, he would therefore ‘have every one make -himself acquainted not only with the Hebrew tongue, but with Hebrew -history; for the prophets, without exception, followed history to the -letter, although they also prefigured future events in their writings, -led as they were by inspiration to conclusions having reference to -the mystery of Christ. The power of the Scriptures, indeed, is of -a fertilizing or prolific kind. Under a waning literal sense, they -possess a vivifying spirit of renovation. It were, therefore, well -that their meaning, apprehended as pointing in one direction, should -not be overlooked as also pointing in another; and this the rather, -seeing that the historical sense comes out ever the more clearly when -the prospective bearing, which has Christ for its object, is kept in -view--veiled under types and figures, indeed, and so not seen of the -Jews, blinded by their prejudices, but now revealed to us in such wise -that we seem to see the very face of our God.’ - -‘In our Commentaries,’ concludes the Expositor, ‘it will consequently -be found that we have made it our particular study to elicit and -present the old historical, but hitherto neglected, sense of the -Scriptures. In this view, and to make available the author’s -annotations, of which he has left a great many, we have taken no small -amount of pains--_non parum est nobis desudatum_. Nor, indeed, had we -to do with his annotations only; for the text of the copy we followed -is corrected in numberless places by the hand of the author himself. -I may, therefore, venture to affirm that Pagnini’s translation, as it -now appears, approximates more closely to the meaning and spirit of the -Hebrew than any former version. But the Church, and those learned in -the Hebrew tongue, must be the judges here--any others are incompetent.’ - -From what he says, Villanovanus would therefore lead us to believe -that he had had the privilege of working from a copy corrected and -annotated by Pagnini himself, the author of the translation. But on a -somewhat careful collation of the Villanovanus edition of 1542 with -that of Lyons of 1527-28 (the _editio princeps_, we apprehend), and -the reprint from this by Melchior Novesianus of Cologne, of 1541, -we are forced on the conviction that Villanovanus followed no copy -corrected and annotated by Pagnini, but the fine edition of Novesianus, -admirably edited by the learned publisher himself. The text of this is -in fact identical with that of Villanovanus, and the headings to the -chapters and references to corresponding and corroborative texts are -all but uniformly alike in the two. There are no variorum readings, if -we recollect aright, in the Novesianus; but neither are there any of -the slightest significance in the Villanovanus--unless perchance the -reader should think that the text is improved by Noah being directed in -building the Ark to ‘pitch it with pitch’--_picabis eam pice_, instead -of bitumen--_bituminabis eam bitumine_! - -That Villanovanus followed Novesianus, and not any copy corrected -and annotated by Pagnini, is, as it were, demonstrated by this, that -each page of the Address to the Reader, with the single exception -of the first, begins and ends with the very same word in the two -editions--which could not have been accidental: the compositor followed -the copy he worked from page for page, line for line, word for word. -We are sorry, therefore, to find our editor taking credit to himself -in directions where none was due, and seeking, as it might seem, to -shelter himself under the pious cowl of the orthodox Pagnini for the -new and daring interpretation he himself puts upon so many passages of -the Psalms and Prophets. Pagnini, one of the most learned hebraists -and classical scholars of his country, was also a thoroughly orthodox -monk, and would assuredly have been not a little astonished, and hardly -pleased, we imagine, could he have seen himself in the guise in which -he is presented by Michael Villanovanus. Had we but a single note from -the hand of the learned Italian--and to the best of our belief we have -not one--it could not have failed to be of the most rigidly orthodox -kind, his own edition having the _imprimatur_ of no fewer than two -Popes, and a laudatory epistle from Jo. Franciscus Picus, nephew of -the celebrated Joannes Picus de Mirandola, distinguished alike as a -philosopher and theologian. - -Villanovanus’s procedure in respect of the Pagnini Bible, on the face -of the matter, is much to be regretted, and indeed is hardly to be -understood. He may possibly have had an annotated copy of his author -supplied him by his publisher; but if he had, in so far as we can -see, he has followed Novesianus to the letter in his text and has -given no comments but his own. The times in which Servetus lived, -though different from ours in so many respects, were, as it seems, -somewhat like them in so far as the _meum_ and _tuum_ in literature are -concerned. Did we judge from the instance before us, we should say that -they were still less respected three hundred years ago than they are -in the present day. Calvin refers to Villanovanus’s ‘Pagnini’ in the -course of the Geneva trial, and subsequently also in his ‘Déclaration -pour maintenir la vraye foye.’ But he seems not to have known of the -Novesianus edition, or he would certainly have challenged more than -the comments, and had better grounds possibly than any he adduces for -saying that the editor had dexterously filched--_avait grippé beau et -belle_--five hundred livres from the publisher for his labour. - -But all this, though illustrative of one element in the character -of the subject of our study, and not to be passed over by us, is of -less moment than the insight we gain through the comments--assuredly -referable to him alone--into the intellectual side of his nature. In -so far as we know, Servetus is nowhere even named as a biblical critic -and expositor; yet did he precede by more than a century Spinoza, -Astruc, Simon, Eichhorn, and others, founders of the modern school of -Scriptural exegesis. The Old Testament texts referred by the writers of -the New Testament to events still in the womb of time--to the coming -especially of a liberator from their misery for the people of Israel in -the shape of an anointed King, the conception of a late epoch in Jewish -history--Servetus maintained had individuals in view who were alive -and influential when the words were written, although he also admitted -that they had a further prophetical or prospective sense of the kind -commonly ascribed to them. - -But he who believed in judicial astrology was not likely to have freed -himself from that other still accredited form of superstitious belief -which leads mankind, without so much as the aspects of the heavens to -guide them, to fancy they can see into futurity. He had not divined, -as we have now come to know, that even the oldest portions of the -Hebrew Scriptures, in the shape in which they have reached us, date -from no more remote an age than that which followed the Babylonian -Captivity; that we have the work of two different writers under the -name of Isaiah, the second of whom lived during or after the reign of -Cyrus; and that the Apocalyptic Book of Daniel was written long after -the personages there darkly shadowed forth had lived and died, and the -events referred to had come and gone. - -The narratives of the Pentateuch appear to have been accepted as -properly historical by our editor. He did not, any more than the -commentators who came after him almost to our own day, see them as -mythical tales about individuals who lived, if they lived at all, -and events that occurred, if they ever did occur, thousands--tens of -thousands of years before any account of them could possibly have -assumed the shape of legend, much less have been committed to writing. -He has little, however, to say on the five books ascribed to Moses, -and those of the quasi-historical complexion that follow them. Still -his note on the words put into the mouth of Balaam, which tell of _a -star to come out of Jacob and a sceptre to arise out of Israel_, is -important. The prediction, as he interprets it, applies immediately to -King David, though it has a farther prospective reference to Christ, -with whose advent, as we know, it has long been all but exclusively -connected. Our editor, however, was not helped by his superior -knowledge of the stars to surmise that the writing was of a date long -posterior to the reputed days of Balaam, the soothsayer of Mesopotamia, -and Balak, king of Moab; that the predictions put into the mouth of -the seer were all made after the events they pretend to foretell, and -that King David had lived and died long before a word of the text was -written; neither did he see that the writer who had King David in his -eye could not have been thinking of an anointed king or captain who was -only to appear some six or seven hundred years after Israel’s second -sovereign had been gathered to his fathers. - -Villanovanus is much more copious when he comes to the Psalms. The -words in the second of our collection of these sacred lyrics, so much -made of in dogmatic lore, _Yet have I set my King upon my holy hill of -Zion.... Thou art my son; this day have I begotten thee_--he explains -thus: ‘On the day when David had escaped from his enemy (Saul) he said, -This day do I begin to live; at length I am king.’ - -The words in the fifth verse of that fine Psalm, the eighth, _For thou -hast made him a little lower than the angels, and hast crowned him with -honour and glory_, he also refers immediately to King David, who, in -times of persecution, abased himself; but, subsequently victorious, was -crowned at last. - -The passages, _In Jehovah I put my trust_, and _How say ye to my soul, -flee as a bird to your mountain_, of Psalm xi., he refers to the time -when David in fear of Saul escaped from the land of Judah. - -The comment on the sixteenth verse of Psalm xxii., _They pierced my -hands and my feet_, is again applied to David, when, flying from his -enemies, and scrambling like a four-footed beast over rugged and -thorny places, his hands and feet were lacerated--_fugiente David per -abrupta, instar quadrupedis, manus ejus et pedes lacerabantur_. - -_Sacrifice and offering thou didst not desire_--Psalm xl. 6, signifies, -says our commentator, that David, when a fugitive in the wilderness, -offered no sacrifices. - -In the verse, _Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever_, Psalm xlv. 6, -the word _God_, says our exponent, refers to Solomon, who, like Moses -and Cyrus, is here styled _Divus_--God. - -_They gave me gall for my meat, and in my thirst they gave me vinegar -as drink_, of Psalm xlix. 22, says Villanovanus, is a passage referring -to Nabal’s refusal and churlishness when David asked him for meat and -drink. - -_The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right hand until I make -thine enemies thy footstool_, Psalm cx. 1. ‘This refers to David and -Solomon, types alike of Christ, when David, having set his son on the -throne beside him, addressed him as My Lord, and styled him a priest -after the order of Melchizedek.’ - -Whilst thus in these and in many other instances referring the -statements met with in the Psalms to individuals living or dead at -the time they were written, and to events then in progress or past, -Villanovanus still imagines that everything said, besides its literal -and immediate signification, is also typical of personages and events -to come--a system of exposition that has been pushed beyond all -reasonable lengths by ignorance and superstition since his day. We may -indeed be well assured that the writers of the Hebrew Psalms knew no -more of what would happen five or six centuries after they were dust -than we know of what will be going on in the world five or six hundred -years after we are no more. Prophets, Seers, Diviners, Fortune-tellers -and the like are ignored by the science of our age, although under -the first of these designations they are still acknowledged by pious -persons in the history of the past, and in its bearing on the religion -of the present. The excuse for this is that the Prophets of Israel -were _inspired_, or exceptionally gifted, with the power of seeing -into futurity. But God, as we now conceive God, makes no exceptions to -his laws. As they are, so have they ever been, and so will they ever -continue to be. Said not Servetus himself aright when he declared that -out of man there was no Holy Spirit, or Spirit of Inspiration? - -But it is not on the Psalms that Villanovanus’s exposition, remarkable -as it is, appears the most noteworthy. It is when he comes to the -writings of the Prophets, as they are styled, that he puts forth his -strength and shows his learning. _And it shall come to pass in the -last days that Jehovah’s house shall be established on the top of the -mountain, and all nations shall flow unto it_, says Isaiah (ii. 2 _et -seq._). These words, according to our expositor, refer to the reign -of Hezekiah. Literally seen, they speak of the accession of Hezekiah, -and the return of the captive Israelites to Jerusalem, the Assyrians -having suffered a signal defeat without a battle fought. - -In like manner, commenting on the second verse of the fourth chapter -of Isaiah, where it is said, _In that day shall the branch of Jehovah -be beautiful and glorious_, he says it is still Hezekiah and events -transpiring in his reign that are alluded to, the king nevertheless -being to be seen as a type of Christ. - -The remarkable fourteenth verse of chapter vii. of the same writer, of -which so much has been made, Villanovanus refers immediately to the -times in which it was written. Syria and Ephraim confederate, under -their kings Rezin and Pekah, are at war with Judah and threatening -Jerusalem, whose king, Ahaz, the Prophet comforts with the assurance -that the invasion, however formidable it looks, will come to nothing, -and bids him ask for a sign from Jehovah that such will be the case. -But Ahaz declining to do so, the Prophet volunteers a forecast of what -he declares will come to pass, saying, _Behold, a virgin_ (Almah--a -young marriageable woman) _shall conceive and bear a son, and shall -call his name Immanuel; and before the child shall know good from -evil_ [arrive at years of discretion] _the land will be freed from its -enemies_. ‘The Aramæans,’ says Villanovanus, ‘have come up in battle -array against Jerusalem, and the prophet speaks of a young woman who -shall conceive and bear a son, the young woman being no other than -Abijah, about to become the mother of Hezekiah--strength or fortitude -of God--and Immanuel--God with us--before whose reign the two kings, -the enemies of Judah, will have been discomfited.’ - -The _For unto us a child is born_, &c., of chapter ix., he further -refers to Hezekiah, for it was in his reign that Sennacherib and -the Assyrians suffered such a signal defeat, the angel of Jehovah, -according to the account, having slain in one night an hundred and four -score and five thousand of them. - -_For they shall cry unto the Lord of Hosts in the land of Egypt, and he -will send them a Saviour and he shall deliver them_ (Ib. xix. 20). ‘The -Saviour,’ says Villanovanus, ‘is still no other than Hezekiah. Egypt as -well as Judah, oppressed by the Assyrians, is relieved when the great -army of Sennacherib is wrecked by the angel of Jehovah.’ - -_Then the eyes of the blind shall be opened, and the ears of the deaf -be unstopped_ (Ib. xxxv. 5), _i.e._ ‘Liberation from the yoke of the -Assyrians will do much towards giving the Jewish people clearer and -better ideas of God.’ - -_Comfort ye my people.... The voice of one crying in the wilderness, -Prepare ye the way of the Lord_, &c. (Ib. xl. 1-3). ‘These are words -addressed to Cyrus, praying him to open a way through the desert for -Israel, returning from the captivity of Babylon;’ and the ninth verse, -_O Zion, that bringest good tidings ... say unto the cities of Judah, -Behold your God_, he says, ‘refers literally to Cyrus, who is here -styled God; as does also the eighteenth verse, _To whom will ye liken -God_ (_i.e._ Cyrus), _or what likeness will ye compare unto him_? ‘In -many striking ways,’ adds our expositor, ‘the prophet would lead the -rude Jews, on their redemption from the Babylonian captivity, to cease -from idolatry and to believe in God, the Creator of the world.’ - -_He is despised and rejected of men, a man of sorrows and acquainted -with grief. Surely he hath borne our griefs ... he was wounded for -our transgressions_, &c. (Ib. liii.). ‘In these passages, which also -involve a great mystery referable to Christ,’ says Villanovanus, -‘the Prophet laments over Cyrus, slain, as it were, for the sins of -the people, who, however, will suffer still more under Cambyses, -his successor, when the building of the Temple, now begun, will be -interrupted.’ - -_Arise, shine, for thy light is come.... They from Sheba shall come, -and shall bring gold and incense_, &c., (Ib. lx.), _i.e._ ‘taken -literally, and as it stands, these words refer to the great days of the -Second Temple, when Jerusalem was again in its glory.’ - -_Who is this that cometh from Edom with dyed garments from Bozrah_ (Ib. -lxiii.), _i.e._ ‘Cyrus has inflicted severe chastisement on Edom, and -brought back those who had been carried thither from Jerusalem into -captivity, as we read in the fifteenth chapter, where it is said, _The -redeemed of the Lord shall return, and come with singing unto Zion._’ - -_Behold the days will come, saith the Lord, when I shall raise unto -David a righteous branch_ (Jerem. xxiii. 5). The individual here -referred to our exponent believes to be Zerubabel. - -_Know, therefore, that from the going forth of the commandment to -restore and to build Jerusalem unto the Messiah, the Prince, is seven -weeks, and three-score and two weeks ... and after three-score and two -weeks shall Messiah be cut off and be no more_ (Daniel, ix. 25). ‘The -times specified,’ says Villanovanus, ‘refer to those of the exile and -the return of the captives by favour of Cyrus, who is the Messiah or -Anointed One of God, that is here spoken of. Sixty-two weeks having -passed from the great event, Cyrus will have been cut off, and all have -gone to wreck again.’ - -_Then shall Judah and Israel be gathered together, and appoint -themselves one head_, &c., _i.e._ ‘Judah and Israel will have become -united for a season, as they were under Hezekiah.’ - -The words of the second verse of chapter vi., _After two days will -he revive us; in the third day he will raise us up_, ‘refer to the -extraordinary discomfiture of the Assyrians in the reign of Hezekiah.’ - -_For behold, in those days when I shall bring again the captivity of -Judah and Jerusalem, I will also gather all the nations_, &c. (Joel, -iii. 1). ‘These words have a literal application to the defeat of -the Assyrians and the glories of Hezekiah’s reign. Disasters many -have befallen the chosen seed; but their oppressors will in turn be -desolated, and Judah, restored, shall dwell for ever in Jerusalem.’ - -The texts in MICAH generally spoken of as exclusively prophetical -of Christ, our commentator thinks refer literally to Hezekiah -and times subsequent to the defeat of the Assyrians. _But thou, -Bethlehem-Ephratah, out of thee shall he come forth to be a ruler -in Israel_, viz., ‘Hezekiah, who will deliver the people from the -Assyrian.’ - -_Rejoice greatly, O Daughter of Zion; shout, O Daughter of Jerusalem; -behold, thy King cometh unto thee lowly, and riding upon an ass, even -on a colt, the foal of an ass._ This text, which is referred to Christ -in Matthew (chapter xxii.), is connected by Villanovanus with the -compassionate Zerubabel and his entrance into Jerusalem. - -No one will be surprised to learn that these comments of the learned -Villanovanus did not escape the notice of the great ecclesiastical -centres of his day. That of Lyons is by-and-by found condemning -outright both them and the book they pretend to illustrate. That of -Madrid is content to order by far the greater number of the glosses to -be expunged, but leaves the Bible itself available to the privileged; -whilst that of Rome, less tolerant, not only condemns the expositions, -but puts the book upon the _Index prohibitorius_. The perusal of such -comments, preparatory to drawing the pen through them, it was surmised -by the far-sighted ecclesiastics of Rome might lead to independent -thought, and this is precisely what the Church they represent would -have every man, woman, and child in the land most carefully to eschew. - -Calvin, we may imagine, was not likely to think any better of -Villanovanus’s annotations than the heads of the Church of Rome; on -the contrary, pinning his faith on its text as prophetical in the -very strictest sense of the word, any attack on its sufficiency as a -ground for dogmatic conclusion was felt by him to be a matter much -more serious than by the Church of Rome, which sets its own traditions -as equipollent to, where not even of higher authority than, that of -the Bible on all matters of faith. To see the Scriptures of the Jews -otherwise than as Calvin and the Reformers saw them was, in their eyes, -to question the infallible book they had substituted for the infallible -Pope so lately abandoned by them. We should therefore expect to meet -Calvin, with occasion serving, making a point against our expositor -on the ground of the Pagnini; and accordingly we find Servetus’s -comments brought up against him in the most marked manner during his -Geneva Trial, whilst in the Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foye, -and the Defensio orthodoxæ Fidei, they are spoken of as impertinences -and impieties, the Publisher being said at the same time to have been -nothing less than cheated out of the money he paid the editor for -his work. ‘Who,’ says Calvin, ‘shall venture to say that it was not -thievish in the editor when he took five hundred livres in payment for -the vain trifles and impious follies with which he encumbered almost -every page of the book?’ (‘Opusc. Theol. Om.’ p. 703). - -Notwithstanding the great Reformer’s denunciations, however, though we -may not agree with Villanovanus in all his conclusions, nor approve -of his passing without mention Melchior Novesianus, to whom he was -indebted for his text, when we look on the beautiful volume he aided -in producing, and think of him as the one man of his age who had -independent opinions on the real or possible meaning of the poetical -writings of the Hebrew people, consonant as these are in so many -respects with the views entertained by the most advanced biblical -critics of the present day, we are not disposed to think that he was -overpaid. Had the Church dignitaries of Vienne seen the Pagnini Bible -of Michael Villanovanus with the same eyes as the hierarchs of Rome, -Madrid, and Lyons, the matter he added must needs have seriously -compromised him with them. His numerous, excessively free, and highly -heterodox interpretations of the Psalms and Prophets, nevertheless, in -so far as we have been able to discover, appear to have lost Villeneuve -neither countenance nor favour at Vienne, which is not a little -extraordinary. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -ENGAGEMENT AS EDITOR BY JO. FRELON OF LYONS--CORRESPONDENCE WITH CALVIN. - - -The Pagnini Bible out of hand, Villanovanus’s time would seem not yet -to have been so fully occupied by his profession as to debar him from -continuing to engage in a good deal of miscellaneous literary work for -his friends the publishers of Lyons, among the number of whom we have -now particularly to notice John Frelon, a man of learning, like so many -of the old publishers, entertaining tolerant or more liberal views of -the religious question, inclined towards, if not openly professing, the -Reformed Faith, and the personal friend of Calvin. - -For Frelon Villeneuve edited a variety of works, mostly, as it seems, -of an educational kind, such as grammars, accidences, and the like; -translating several of these from Latin into Spanish, for the laity; -and, as the priesthood of the Peninsula appear not to have cultivated -the classical languages of Greece and Rome to the same extent as -those of France and Germany, also turning the _Summa Theologiæ_ of -St. Thomas Aquinas, a work entitled _Desiderius peregrinus_, and -another, the _Thesaurus animæ Christianæ_, into their vernacular for -them.[55] Brought into somewhat intimate relationship with Villeneuve, -whom Frelon at this time could not have known as Michael Servetus, -the Reformation, its principles, its objects, and the views of its -more distinguished leaders, would hardly fail to come up as topics -of conversation between him and his learned editor. Frelon must soon -have seen how much better than common Villeneuve was informed in this -direction; and it has been said, not without every show of truth, that -at his suggestion Servetus, under his assumed name of Villeneuve or -Villanovanus, was led to enter on the correspondence with Calvin which -we believe had so momentous an influence on his future fate. Frelon -saw Villeneuve full of unusual ideas on many of the accredited dogmas -of the Christian faith; and, not indisposed, though indifferently -prepared, to discuss these himself, he very probably suggested the -great Reformer of Geneva as the man of all others the most likely to -feel an interest in them, as well as the most competent to give an -opinion on their merits. Hence the correspondence which, begun in 1546, -went on into 1547, and may even have extended into the following year. - -That Frelon was the medium of communication between Villeneuve and -Calvin is satisfactorily shown by the publisher’s letter to the -Spaniard, inclosing one for him just received from the Reformer. The -correspondence, however, must have already been started and Villeneuve -been complaining to Frelon that he had been long without an answer to -the last of his letters. Frelon, in turn, would seem to have written to -Calvin, reminding him that his friend Villeneuve had for some time past -been expecting to hear from him. Writing at length under his well-known -pseudonym of Charles Despeville, in reply to Frelon, Calvin says:-- - - ‘Seigneur Jehan, Your last letter found me on the eve of my - departure from home, and I had not time then to reply to the - inclosure it contained. I take advantage of the first moment I - have to spare since my return, to comply with your wishes; not - indeed that I have any great hope of proving serviceable to - such a man, seeing him disposed as I do. But I will try once - more if there be any means left of bringing him to reason, and - this will happen when God shall have so worked in him that he - become altogether other than he is. I have been led to write - to him more sharply than is my wont, being minded to take him - down a little in his presumption; and I assure you there is no - lesson he needs so much to learn as humility. This may perhaps - come to him through the grace of God, not otherwise, as it - seems. But we too ought to lend a helping hand. If God give him - and us such grace as to have the letter I now forward turn to - profit, I shall have cause to rejoice. If he goes on writing - to me in the style he has hitherto seen fit to use, however, - you will only lose your time in soliciting me farther in his - behalf; for I have other business that concerns me more nearly, - and I shall make it matter of conscience to devote myself to - it, not doubting that he is a Satan who would divert me from - studies more profitable. Let me beg of you therefore to be - content with what I have already done, unless you see most - pressing occasion for acting differently. - - ‘Recommending myself to you and praying God to have you in his - keeping, I am your servant and friend-- - - ‘CHARLES DESPEVILLE. - - [Geneva] ‘this 13 of February, 1546.’ - -This is surely neither an indifferent nor an unreasonable letter; -yet does it give us to know that the epistle it enclosed, both in -manner and matter, was likely to give offence to one with the haughty -and self-sufficing nature of Michael Servetus. He had addressed the -Reformer on transcendental dogmatic subjects, and probably urged -his views with the warmth that strong conviction lends to language, -and without anything like the deferential tone to which Calvin was -accustomed. This proved particularly distasteful to the head of -the Church of Geneva, who had certainly thought as deeply, and may -even have entertained as serious misgivings, on some of the topics -propounded, as his correspondent. Hence the unwonted _sharpness_ of the -reply; hence, also, the fire which Villeneuve caught at being lectured -like a schoolboy; and hence, in fine, the irritating, disrespectful, -and regrettable character on either side of the correspondence that -followed. - -In transmitting Calvin’s letter to Villeneuve, Frelon addresses him -thus:-- - - ‘Dear Brother and Friend! You will see by the enclosed why you - had not sooner an answer to your letter. Had I had anything - to communicate at an earlier date, I should not have failed - to send to you immediately, as I promised. Be assured that I - wrote to the personage in question, and that there was no want - of punctuality on my part. I think, however, that with what - you have now, you will be as well content as if you had had it - sooner. I send my own man express with this, having no other - messenger at command. If I can be of use to you in anything - else, I beg to assure you, you will always find me ready to - serve you. Your good brother and friend, Jehan Frelon. - - ‘To my good brother and friend, master Michael Villanovanus, - Doctor in medicine, Vienne.’ - -It is matter of deep regret that with the exception of the first -communication of Calvin to Villeneuve, which is in the form of an essay -rather than a familiar epistle, and was written some time before the -stinging missive sent through Frelon, we have nothing from him that -would have enabled us to judge of the general style and character -of his letters, though of this we may form an estimate from his -subsequent writings. Calvin was far too much engaged to make copies -of his letters, and we may feel certain that Villeneuve, on the first -intimation of danger threatening him from the authorities of Vienne, -destroyed every scrap of writing he had ever had from the Reformer, -calculated as it was to compromise him in the eyes of Roman Catholics. -Forced, for the sake of his French correspondents, to resort to a -pseudonym, Calvin had probably addressed Villeneuve in his proper -name. The letter to Frelon and the one from Frelon to Villeneuve must -have been overlooked, or thought to contain nothing that could be -adversely interpreted, and so found their way to the Judicial Archives -of Vienne, whence they were recovered and published by Mosheim.[56] - -The letters of Villeneuve to Calvin, or a certain number of them, at -all events, have been transmitted to us by their writer in a section -of his work on the Restoration of Christianity; and we turned to them -with the interest of expectation, thinking we might there find a key -to the singular and persistent hostility with which Calvin shows -himself to have been animated towards his correspondent. Nor were we -disappointed. The style of address indulged in by Villeneuve, as the -correspondence proceeds, is as if purposely calculated to wound, if -not even to insult, a man in the position of John Calvin, conscious of -his own superiority, jealous of his authority, and become so sensitive -to everything like disrespectful bearing on the part of those who -approached him. But of deference or respect, save at the outset, there -is not a trace in any of the letters of Villeneuve. On the contrary, -they have often an air of something like familiarity that must have -been extremely disagreeable to Calvin. Add to this the unseemly and -disparaging epithets with which he pelts the irritable Reformer, and -we have warrant enough for our assumption that, mainly out of this -unfortunate epistolary encounter, was the enmity engendered which took -such hold of Calvin’s mind as led him to see in a mere theological -dissident a dangerous innovator and deadly personal foe. - -The correspondence at the outset, however, had nothing of the unseemly -character it acquired as it proceeded. Villeneuve approached the -Reformer at first as one seeking aid and information from another -presumed most capable of giving both; and this was precisely the style -of address that suited Calvin. The subjects on which he desired the -Reformer’s opinion were theological, of course, and of great gravity, -involving topics of no less moment than the sense in which the Divinity -and Sonship of Christ, the Doctrine of Regeneration, and the Sacraments -of Baptism and the Lord’s Supper, were to be understood. - -In a letter to a friend of a later date Calvin speaks as if he believed -that these questions had been proposed in mockery, or to get him -into difficulty; but this was an afterthought, and when he had come -to persuade himself that Servetus was a man devoid of all religious -principle. Nothing of any suspicion of the kind he hints at appears -in his reply to the first communication he received, for it is sober, -earnest, and to the point, each subject being taken up in succession -and discussed, now in conformity with his own particular views, and -then with the interpretation of the Churches. - -Servetus’s questions to Calvin, three in number, were propounded -categorically, and in the following order:-- - -1st.--Was the man Jesus, who was crucified, the Son of God; and what is -the rationale of the Sonship (filiatio)? - -2nd.--Is the Kingdom of heaven in man; when is it entered; and when is -regeneration effected? - -3rd.--Is Baptism to be received in faith, like the Supper; and in what -sense are these institutions to be held as the New Covenant? - -To the first, Calvin replies: ‘We believe and confess that Jesus -Christ, the man who was crucified, was the Son of God, and say that -the Wisdom of God, born of the Eternal Father before all time, having -become incarnate, was now manifested in the flesh. Therefore do we -acknowledge Christ to be the Son of God by his humanity; therefore, -also, do we say that he is God--_sed ideo quod Deus_. As by his human -nature, he is engendered of the seed of David, and so is said to be the -Son of David; by parity of reason, and because of his divine nature, is -he the Son of God. Christ, however, is One, not Two-fold; he is at once -the Son of God and the Son of Man. You own him as the Son of God, but -do not admit the oneness, save in a confused way. We, who say that the -Son of God is our Brother, as well as the true Immanuel, nevertheless -acknowledge in the One Christ the Majesty of God and the Humility of -man. But you, confounding these, destroy both; for, acknowledging God -manifest in the flesh, you say the divinity is the flesh itself, the -humanity God Himself.’ - -To the second he answers: ‘The Kingdom of God, we say, begins in men -when they are regenerated; and we are said to be regenerated when, -enlightened by faith in Christ, we yield entire obedience to God. I -deny, however, that regeneration takes place in a moment; it is enough -if progress be made therein even to the hour of death.’ - -To the third he says: ‘We do not deny that Baptism requires faith; but -not such as is required in the communion of the Supper; and in respect -of Baptism we see it as nugatory until the promise of God involved in -the rite is apprehended in faith.’ He concludes by assimilating the -sacraments of Baptism and the Lord’s Supper to the Circumcision and -Passover of the olden time. - -Calvin, we thus see, addressed himself not only to the questions sent, -but also in answer to the letter which doubtless accompanied them, in -which the writer must have given some intimation of his own views. - -That Calvin’s communication, couched in rigidly orthodox terms, though -unobjectionable in style, was not calculated to satisfy Villeneuve, we -cannot doubt. His mind was already as thoroughly made up--even more -thoroughly made up, we apprehend, on some of the points advanced--than -Calvin’s. We are not surprised, therefore, to find that the Genevese -Reformer’s expositions were repudiated as little satisfactory by the -physician of Vienne, or to discover that the correspondence on his part -was not suffered to drop. He appears to have replied immediately, and -must have written in sequence no fewer than thirty letters to Calvin -on his favourite theological subjects, so many being printed in the -‘Christianismi Restitutio.’ In answer to these Calvin must also have -sent him more than one or two, though certainly many fewer than thirty; -for by the letter to Frelon, written evidently at an early period of -the correspondence, we see him already weary of it. - -With his hands more than full in administering the affairs of the -Genevese Church, holding his political opponents the Libertines -in check at home, and corresponding with friends and the heads of -all the other Reformed Churches abroad, it is not wonderful that, -besides feeling disquieted by the matter and offended with the manner -of Villeneuve’s addresses, he had soon made up his mind to have -nothing more to do with the writer. He saw, moreover, that he made no -impression on him, each new epistle being, as he says to a friend, but -‘a wearisome iteration of the same cuckoo note.’ Calvin’s vocation, -however, was to be helpful in what he believed to be God’s work, and to -preach the Gospel as he apprehended it. True to his trust, therefore, -and by way of meeting his troublesome correspondent’s further -importunities,--as a balsam competent to heal the wounds and strengthen -the weak places in the soul of the distempered man, he seems to have -thought he might escape further molestation by referring him to his own -‘Institutions of the Christian Religion,’ his master work, the canon of -the Church of which he was the founder and acknowledged head. In this -view, as we venture to presume, Calvin sent Villeneuve a copy of his -‘Institutions,’ and referred him to its pages for satisfactory replies -to all his propositions. - -It is impossible to imagine that Servetus had continued until this time -unacquainted with Calvin’s writings; he had doubtless read them all; -but he may not have made the ‘INSTITUTIONES RELIGIONIS CHRISTIANÆ’ the -subject of the particular study on which he was now forced, as it were, -by its author, and with the result that might have been foreseen: there -was hardly a proposition in the text that was not taken to pieces by -him, and found untenable, on the ground both of Scripture and Patristic -authority. - -In the course of the correspondence hitherto, Calvin had stood on the -vantage ground, as critic of his correspondent’s views; but matters -were now reversed, for Villeneuve became the critic of the Reformer. He -by and by returned the copy of the ‘Institutions,’ copiously annotated -on the margins, not only in no terms of assent, but generally with the -unhappy freedom of expression in which he habitually indulged, and so -little complimentary to the author himself, as it seems, that Calvin, -in writing to a friend and in language not over-savoury, says:--‘There -is hardly a page that is not defiled by his vomit.’ The liberties -taken with the ‘Institutions,’ we may well imagine, were looked on as -a crowning personal insult by Calvin; and, reading the nature of the -man as we do, they may have been that, super-added to the letters, -which put such rancour into his soul as made him think of the life of -his critic, turned by him into his calumniator, as no more than a fair -forfeit for the offence done. - -It was at this time precisely, as it appears, that Calvin wrote that -terribly compromising letter to Farel, so long contested by his -apologists, but now admitted on all hands--as indeed how could it be -longer denied, seeing that it is still in existence?--in which he says: -‘Servetus wrote to me lately, and beside his letter sent me a great -volume full of his ravings, telling me with audacious arrogance that I -should there find things stupendous and unheard of until now. He offers -to come hither if I approve; but I will not pledge my faith to him; for -did he come, if I have any authority here, I should never suffer him to -go away alive.’[57] - -Nor is this the only letter written at this time by Calvin which -shows with what despite he regarded Servetus. Jerome Bolsec, a quondam -monk, now a physician, opposed to the Papacy and but little less -hostilely inclined to Calvin, speaking of the Reformer’s persecution -of Servetus--‘an arrogant and insolent man, forsooth,’--and of -Servetus having addressed a number of letters to him along with the -MS. of a work he had written, and a copy of the ‘Institutions of the -Christian Religion,’ full of annotations little complimentary to the -author,--goes on to say: ‘Since which time Calvin, greatly incensed, -conceived a mortal antipathy to the man, and meditated with himself -to have him put to death. This purpose he proclaimed in a letter to -Pierre Viret of Lausanne, dated the Ides of February (1546). Among -other things in this letter, he says: “Servetus desires to come hither, -on my invitation; but I will not plight my faith to him; for I have -determined, did he come, that I would never suffer him to go away -alive.” This letter of Calvin fell into my hands by the providence of -God, and I showed it to many worthy persons--I know, indeed, where -it is still to be found.’ Bolsec says further that Calvin wrote to -Cardinal Tournon denouncing Servetus of heresy, some time before making -use of William Trie in the same view to the authorities of Lyons and -Vienne, and that the Cardinal laughed heartily at the idea of one -heretic accusing another. ‘This letter of Calvin to Cardinal Tournon,’ -says Bolsec in continuation, ‘was shown to me by M. du Gabre, the -Cardinal’s secretary. William Trie also wrote several letters to Lyons -and Vienne at the instigation of Calvin, which led to the arrest of -Servetus; but he escaped from prison.’ - -These statements of Bolsec, like the letter to Farel, have been called -in question and their truth denied by Calvin’s apologists; but they -tally in every respect with what else we know, and explain some things -that would have remained obscure without them. If Calvin wrote to Farel -in the terms he certainly did, we have no difficulty in believing -that he addressed his _alter ego_, Viret, in the same way. What is -said of the letter to Cardinal Tournon, also, has every appearance of -truth. The Cardinal took no notice of the heresy proclaimed from such -a quarter as Geneva; or if he hinted at the matter to his friend the -Archbishop of Vienne, Paumier’s good report of Doctor Villeneuve put a -stop to further inquiry.[58] - -More has probably been made of the letter to Farel, by the enemies of -Calvin, than is altogether fair. Grotius, who was the first to notice -it, says: ‘It shows that Antichrist had not appeared by Tiber only, but -by Lake Leman also.’ When Calvin wrote to Farel, however, he did not -contemplate the likelihood of Servetus ever falling into his hands. -Neither, indeed, though grievously offending, had the Spaniard yet -shown himself utterly incorrigible, a lost creature, fore-ordained of -God, as it seemed, to perdition. At the time Calvin wrote the letter of -February, 1546, to Farel - - His murder yet was but fantastical, - -It was at a later period, when the guilt as he held it of the man he -persistently regarded as the enemy of God and all religion as well as -of himself, was full-blown, and the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ appeared -in print, that the threat of bygone years took the shape of present -stern resolve. - -Had we but Calvin’s letter to Villeneuve, ‘written more sharply -than was his wont,’ we should, beyond question, find matter little -calculated to flatter the somewhat presumptuous self-confident man, -and may be fully as certain that the terms in which any future missive -was couched, were not more soothing or conciliatory. But Servetus -had come to look on himself as commissioned in some sort by God to -proclaim a purer form of Christianity to the world; and any assumption -of superiority on the part of Calvin, was met by a four-fold show of -independence from himself. Yet does Servetus, once embarked in the -correspondence, satisfy us that he had fallen under the spell of the -great Reformer; fascinated as it seems by him and, far from being -repelled by either his coldness or his harshness, finding it impossible -to forbear making ever new attempts upon his patience for recognition, -were it even of a little complimentary kind. - -The ‘great volume full of ravings,’ spoken of in the letter to Farel, -must have been a MS. copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ already -written, but not perhaps finally revised. Upon this work it does -not appear that Calvin ever condescended to offer any strictures; -although it was doubtless accompanied by a letter--not printed among -the thirty--requesting an opinion on its merits. But even as he never -had anything of the kind, neither, although repeatedly asked for, both -directly and through others, as we learn, could Servetus ever get back -his manuscript. Whether retained in mere contempt, or as evidence -against the writer, with occasion presenting, as has been surmised, we -do not know; but certain it is that Calvin remained persistently deaf -to all the writer’s entreaties to have his work returned to him. If -not purposely retained in view of the contingency hinted at, it was -eventually used in such wise; for it was among the Documents furnished -by Calvin through Trie to the authorities of Vienne with the immediate -effect of bringing about the arrest of its writer and imperilling his -life. - -Turn we to the letters to Calvin, less in view of their theological -import--the point from which alone they have hitherto been regarded -by the biographers of Servetus--than as calculated to let us into -the secret of the misunderstanding and enmity that took such entire -possession of the mind of the Genevese Reformer. In Servetus’s style -of address, as we have said, we at once note an entire absence of the -obsequiousness to which Calvin was accustomed. Far from approaching -the Reformer as a Gamaliel at whose feet he was to kneel and take -lessons, Servetus assumes the part, not merely of the equal, but -often of the superior, and is by no means nice in the terms in which -he challenges the points he holds erroneous in the doctrines of the -great man he is addressing. In the very first of the thirty epistles -he wrote, whilst stating an opinion which he knew Calvin must think -heretical or even blasphemous, he ‘desires him to remember--_memineris -quæso_, &c.--that the Man, Jesus Christ, was truly begotten of the -substance of God;’ and in the second of the series informs him quite -bluntly that he is mistaken in his interpretation of Paul’s Epistle to -the Romans. He even attempts to fix him on the horns of a dilemma by -showing that Calvin’s view, if accepted, would lead to the assumption -not of one Son of God, but of three Sons of God. ‘But all such -tritheistic notions,’ he continues, ‘are illusions of Satan, and they -who acknowledge the Trinity of the Beast (i.e. of Papal Christianity) -are possessed by three spirits of demons. False are all the invisible -Gods of the Trinitarians, as false as the gods of the Babylonians. -Farewell!’ This at the outset is certainly not very respectful from the -physician of Vienne to the Spiritual Dictator of Geneva! - -The third epistle commences in the same easy style: ‘_Sæpius te -monui_--I have repeatedly admonished you.’ It is on the way in which -he imagines Christ to have been engendered by God, and so to be truly -and naturally His Son; adding that he has always taught the eternity -of the Divine Reason, styled The Word, as prefiguring Christ, in whose -face at the Incarnation, he says, Man first verily saw the face of -God. ‘You are offended with me,’ he proceeds, ‘for speaking as I do of -the human form of Christ; but have patience and I shall lead you up to -my conclusion--_te manducam_,’ etc. Fancy John Calvin feeling himself -taken in hand by Michael Servetus! - -The fourth, sixth, and seventh epistles are remarkable for their -pantheistic views. ‘God,’ says Servetus, ‘is only known through -manifestation, or communication, in one shape or another. In Creation -God opened the gates of His Treasury of Eternity,’ says he very -grandly. ‘Containing the Essence of the Universe in Himself, God is -everywhere, and in every thing, and in such wise that he shows himself -to us as fire, as a flower, as a stone.’ Existence, in a word, of -every kind is in, and of, God, and in itself is always good; it is -act or direction that at any time is bad. But evil as well as good he -thinks is also comprised in the essence of God. This is indicated, -he conceives, by the Hebrew word, ‘π’ (ihei); and he illustrates -his position by the text: ‘I form light and create darkness.’ All -accidents, further, are in God; whatever befals is not apart from God. -Without beginning and without end, God is always becoming--_Semper est -Deus in fieri_. - -In the eighth and ninth letters he informs Calvin that he ‘would have -him know how the _Logos_ and _Sapientia_, the Divine Word, the Divine -Reason, were to be understood, in order that he should not go on -abusing these sacred words;’ and it is here that we meet with various -expressions which only acquire significance when the pantheistic -ideas with which he is full are borne in mind. Here, too, we find the -reason why he would not concede that Calvin and the Reformers held the -true belief in Christ as the Son of God:--_Ille est vere filius Dei -quem in muliere genuit Deus, non ille quem tu somniasti!_ Neither did -the Reformers, in his eyes, rightly apprehend JUSTIFICATION, which, -according to him, only comes through belief in the Sonship of Christ as -he conceives it. - -In the eleventh epistle he says he thinks it will be labour well -spent if he exposes the error into which his correspondent falls in -his interpretation of the Doctrine of James. Calvin and his sect, we -know, set little store by works of charity and mercy. ‘All that men -do,’ proceeds our letter-writer, ‘you say is done in sin and is mixed -with dregs that stink before God, and merit nothing but eternal death. -But therein you blaspheme. Stripping us of all possible goodness you -do violence to the teaching of Christ and his Apostles, who ascribe -perfection or the power of being perfect to us: “Be ye therefore -perfect, even as your Father in heaven is perfect.” (Matt. v. 48.) -You scout this celestial perfection because you have never tasted -perfection of the kind yourself. In the works of the Saintly, I say, -there is nothing of the corruption you feign. The works of the Spirit -shine before God and before men, and in themselves are good and proper. -Thou reprobate and blasphemer, who calumniatest the works of the -Spirit--_Tu improbus et blasphemus qui opera Spiritus calumniaris!_’ - -Can we wonder at Calvin’s rage with the man who dared to address him in -such language as this? On his trial at Geneva Servetus tells his judges -that the correspondence between him and the Reformer degenerated by -degrees on both sides into mutual recrimination and abuse. In the above -objectionable passage we see, if not the beginning, yet a significant -sample of this unhappy style, which continues even to the end. Had we -Calvin’s letters, we should certainly find them not more guarded in -expression--for Calvin was a master of invective, with a superabundant -vocabulary of epithets at command, and never choice in the use of -those he applied to opponents--rascal, dog, ass, and swine being found -of constant occurrence among them--had there been any stronger than -scoundrel and blasphemer, they would assuredly have been hurled at -Servetus. - -Referring to the subject of Justification, Calvin, as we presume, must -have said, in one of his letters, that Justification is _imputed_ by -God, and that no change takes place in him who is justified. To this -Servetus, in his thirteenth epistle, exclaims: ‘What do I hear? The -spirit of man suffers no change through sin! But if sin cause change, -then must there also be change when sin is taken away. He, forsooth, -who sits in darkness differs in nothing from him who sits in light! -Your justification is Satanic merely if the conscience within you -remains as it was before, and your new life of faith differs in nothing -from the old death. God grant, O Calvin, that, ridding you of your -magical fascinations, you may abound to overflowing in all good things; -but Peter’s disputation against Simon Magus refutes you, teaching, as -it does, the excellence of works even in the heathen. The justification -you preach, therefore, is mere magical fascination and folly.’ - -In another of his letters Calvin must have asked Servetus where the -Apostle John teaches that we in this world are such as was Christ? -Which his correspondent answers by referring him to the fourth chapter -of the Epistle general, where he would find these words: ‘Because as -he is, so are we in this world.’ We can fancy how vexed Calvin must -have been with himself for the slip he had made, as well as angry with -the triumph of his opponent, who continues: ‘But you neither rightly -understand Faith in Christ, nor good works, nor the Celestial Kingdom. -In the New Covenant a new and living way was inaugurated; but you, true -Jew--_tu vero Judaico_--would shame me by a show of zeal and whelm me -with contumely because I say with Christ, “He who is least shall in -this Kingdom be greater than Abraham.”’ - -If Calvin neither understands the nature of Faith, nor of -Justification, we shall not wonder when we find that no more is he -credited with comprehending Regeneration, ‘You have not understood -true Regeneration, nor the Celestial Kingdom, whereof Faith is the -gate. Regeneration, I maintain, comes through baptism; you say that -Christ thought nothing of the water. But is it not written that we -are born anew by water? and is it not of water that Paul speaks when -he designates baptism the Laver of Regeneration, saying, “We are -cleansed from sin by washing with water?” Men, you say, are regenerate -when they are enlightened; you must therefore concede that they who -are baptized in their infancy, being without understanding and so -unenlightened, cannot be regenerated. Yet do you contend that they -are properly baptized. Dissevering regeneration from baptism you make -baptism a sign of adoption; but you deceive yourself in this, the -Scriptures declaring that adoption is effected when to the believer is -given the spirit of the divine Sonship--πνεύμα Ὑωοθεσίος. On your own -showing, then, infants, being unregenerate, can enter the Kingdom of -Heaven neither by faith nor by hope; and thou, thief and robber--_tu -Fur et Latro_(!)--keepest them from the gate. As a prelude to Baptism -Peter required repentance. Let your infants repent, then; and do you -yourself repent and come to baptism, having true faith in Jesus -Christ--_pœniteat te igitur, et vere Jesu Christi fide ad baptismum -accede_--to the end that you may receive the gift of the Holy Spirit -promised therein. But you satisfy yourself with illusions, and say that -the infants who die [unbaptized?] were predestined, impudently misusing -sacred speech as is your wont; for in the Scriptures predestination is -not spoken of save in connection with belief and believers. God, I say, -sees no one justified from eternity unless he believes.’ Let us think -of Calvin, spiritual dictator to one half of reformed Christendom, -schooled in this style by the poor body-curer of Vienne! called thief -and robber to his face, and all the more irate with his teacher from -feeling, as we fancy he must have felt, that he had not always the best -of the argument. Servetus’s dialectic is at least a match for his own. - -But our restorer of Christianity has not yet done with his -pædo-baptism: the subject is continued in the next letter, which closes -with a prayer in the very finest spirit of piety, but to Calvin may -possibly have seemed profane, he having made up his mind that Servetus -was not only without religion himself, but bent on effacing religion -from the heart of man. Here is the prayer:-- - -‘O thou, most merciful Jesus, who with such signs of love and blessing -didst take the little ones into thine arms, bless them now and ever, -and with Thy guiding hand so lead them that in faith they may become -partakers of Thy Heavenly Kingdom. Amen!’ - -Calvin, we believe, treats the ‘Descent into Hell’ as legendary. -Servetus thinks the Hebrew word _Scheol_ signifies the _grave_ as well -as the traditional _hell_, and seems to make it a kind of resting-place -for the unregenerate until the resurrection. Adam, he says, by his -transgression fell both soul and body into the power of the Serpent. -But where can the soul of him be after death who is the slave of such -a master? Are not the gates of Paradise closed against him?--is not -the whole man given over to the power of the mighty tyrant? ‘Who shall -set him free? No one, assuredly, but Christ’--and so on, in terms -entirely unobjectionable, and in complete conformity with accredited -opinion; but tending, we imagine, to what is called _Universalism_, -Servetus believing, as we read him, that all men would be saved in -the end, though ordinary sinners would have to wait until the day of -Judgment. He nowhere speaks of any lake of burning brimstone, fanned -by the Devil, in which the wicked are tortured throughout eternity. -Annihilation, with him, is the penalty of unpardonable sin. - -The Twentieth Epistle is especially interesting as showing us the -very heart of the writer; letting us into his secret, as it were, -and showing us the ideas that led him to his scheme of restoring the -lapsed faith of mankind in Christ as the naturally begotten Son of -God, and of reconstituting his Church, long vanished from the face of -the earth. The true Church, however, is not to be thought of as an -institution made by man, but as a foundation originated by Christ. -And the question as to where this true Church exists, is not difficult -of determination if the authority of the Scriptures be admitted as -paramount in matters of belief. But the authority of the Scriptures, -and of the true Church represented by those purified by the water of -baptism and governed by the Holy Spirit, he says, is equal ‘_The true -Church of Christ, indeed, is independent of the Scriptures. There was -a Church of Christ before there was any writing of the Apostles._ But -where is now the Church? Ever present in celestial spirits and the -souls of the blest, it fled from earth as many as 1260 years ago. It -is in heaven, and typified by the woman adorned with the sun and the -twelve stars (Revelation). Invisible among us now, it will again be -seen before long. We with ours, the congregation of Christ, will be -the Church. Towards the restoration of this Church it is that I labour -incessantly; and it is because I mix myself up with that battle of -Michael and the Angels, and seek to have all the pious on my side, -that you are displeased with me. As the good angels did battle in -heaven against the Dragon, so do other angels now contend against the -Papacy on earth. Do you not believe that the angels will prevail? But -as the Dragon could not, so neither can the Papacy, be worsted without -the angels. The celestial regeneration by baptism it is that makes us -equals of the angels in our war with spiritual iniquity. See you not, -then, that the question is the restoration of the Church driven from -among us? The words of John show us that a battle was in prospect: -seduction was to precede, the battle was to follow; and the time is now -at hand. Who, think you, are they who shall gain the victory over the -Beast? They, assuredly, who have not received his mark. Grant, O God, -to thy soldier that with thy might he may manfully bear him against the -Dragon, who gave such power to the Beast. Amen!’ - -In the above we have the whole mystical being of the man laid bare -before us, and the nature of the cause in which he was engaged made -known. Servetus certainly believed that he was an instrument in the -hand of God for proclaiming a better saving faith to the world. It was -by a certain Divine impulse, he says himself, that he was led to his -subject, and woe to him did he not evangelise! He seems even to have -thought that he had his vocation shadowed out to him in his name. The -angel Michael led the embattled hosts of heaven to war against the -Dragon; and he, Michael Servetus, had been chosen to lead the angels -on earth against Antichrist! The Roman interpretation of Christianity, -with its Pope and hierarchy, its assumed sovereignty, its pompous -ceremonial and ritualistic apparatus, had failed to make the world -either wiser or better; the entire system was rotten to the core; hence -the revolt of such scholarly monks as Erasmus and Luther, and of such -learned priests as Zwingli, Calvin, Melanchthon, Bullinger, Bucer, and -the rest. But they, too, still showed more or less of the ‘mark of the -Beast.’ They had rid themselves of the Mass and Transubstantiation, of -compromises for sin by payments in money, of monkeries, nunneries, the -invocation of saints, prayers to the Virgin, and so on; but they had -retained much that was objectionable--particularly a Trinity of persons -in the Godhead (tantamount, said Servetus, to the recognition of three -Gods instead of one God), and infant baptism. - -By their strenuous insistance on the effects of Adam’s transgression -as compromising mankind at large, and Abraham’s readiness to sacrifice -his only son, they had moreover interspersed the religion of Christ -with such an amount of Judaism that their Christianity was in many -respects a relapse into the bonds of the Law, from which Christ had set -us free. A reformation of the Church had been commenced, therefore, -but was by no means completed; much still remained to be done; the -world was waiting, in fact, for a better interpretation of Christ’s -life and doctrine as contained in the Gospels, and this the studies -and meditations of Michael Servetus, he believed, qualified him in no -mean measure to supply. Hence the books on Trinitarian Error and the -Restoration of Christianity; and hence, also, the hostility of Calvin -and his followers, who were minded that they had already reformed and -restored, and verily represented, or were in fact, the true Church. - -Like the leaders of other bands of enthusiasts of which the world -has seen so many, Servetus, relying on the New Testament record, -thought that the day was at hand when Christ should appear in the -clouds to judge the world and consummate all things. He overlooked -the fact that Paul, whom he resembled in so many respects, had had -the same fancy fifteen hundred years before him, and that matters had -nevertheless gone on much as they had always done, without the day of -judgment having dawned. Calvin with his educated understanding and -his experience of the world, ought to have seen Servetus as the pious -enthusiast he was in fact, and not as the enemy of God and Religion, -as well as of himself. Failing to cure him of his extravagant fancies, -he might safely have left him to indulge them, as being little likely -to compromise his own or any other system of Christianity, the Papacy -perhaps excepted, to which the would-be Restorer was truly much more -violently opposed than the Reformer. But hate had blinded Calvin; -considerations personal to himself had complicated and in some sort -superseded such as were associated with religion. - -On the subject of Faith, to which Calvin’s system gave much less free -play than Luther’s, we find Servetus siding with him of the North -rather than him of the South. Neither of them, however, as we have -seen, had any conception of faith in the way Servetus understood -it. Faith, says he, consists in a certain compliant state of mind, -proclaimed by unquestioning assent. This, the true saving faith, is -of the kind avowed by Peter when he declared Jesus to be the Christ, -the Son of the living God. Yet faith even of this kind, distinctly as -it has the lead in Servetus’s Christology, is not yet all in all: to -become efficient or saving, it must be conjoined with Charity. ‘If -faith be not clothed with charity,’ says he, ‘it dies in nakedness; -and as habit is strengthened by action, the body by exercise, and -the understanding by study, so is faith strengthened by good works.’ -The subject-will and fatalism, asserted by Calvin in his doctrine of -predestination and election, have therefore no real foundation in -Scripture; nay more, there is unreason in the assumption of such a -principle, and in the admonition given to mankind to do that which it -must be known beforehand they cannot do. ‘You speak,’ says our writer, -‘of free acts, yet really say that there is no such thing as free -action. But who so devoid of understanding as to prescribe free choice -to one incapable of choosing freely! It is mere fatuity besides to -derive subject-will from this: that it is God who acts in us. Truly God -does act in us; but in such wise that we act freely. He acts in us so -that we understand and will, choose, determine, and pursue. Even as all -things consist essentially in God, so do all things proceed essentially -from him. The Spirit of God is innate in man, and as the power to do is -one thing, so is the necessity to do another. Although God elects us as -the potter does his clay, it by no means follows that we are nothing -more than clay. Paul’s simile deceives you; it is not universally -applicable.’ - -The Law of Moses, Calvin has said, is still in force and to be observed -by us as truly as it was by the Jews; violating it, he says, we -violate the Law of God. Servetus’s reply to this is the burden of the -Twenty-third and three following Letters. ‘I fancy I hear some Jew or -Mussulman speaking here,’ says our respondent. ‘But to what is violence -done--is it to a stone, or to certain letters cut in a stone? Christ, -I say, accomplished the Law and then it was abrogated; in him we have -the New Covenant, the Old superseded; in him are we made free. The law -of Moses was unbearable; it slew the soul, it increased sin, it begat -anger; virtue itself through it became at times transgression, and -in compassion for our frailty it was annulled. You make God exercise -a rude and miserable people in a mill-round. What would you say were -some tyrant to require mountains of gold or the stars of heaven from -your Genevese, and threaten them with death for non-compliance with -his demands? But the Old Law bound men to impossibilities. Art thou -not then ashamed of slavery and tyrannical violence? Insisting on the -observance of this law, you yet go on dreaming with your Luther, and -saying that no one ever entirely fulfilled the commandment which says -“thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart and soul.” -David and others, then, who said that they sought God with all their -heart and strove with all their might to keep his commandments, -are but liars to you. _And what, after all, are the laws of Moses? -If conformable to Nature then are they the laws of God, the author -of Nature, older than Moses, and to be observed of Christians -independently of Moses._ But God never required obedience of the kind -you imagined; he but asks of each according to his strength. Cease -then, O Calvin, to torture us with the law of Moses, and to insist on -its observance. It looks as if you had a mind to be pitied of God in -your impotency--of God who may be said so often to have had to take -pity on the Jews when they were under the law.’ Who shall say that -Michael Servetus was not in advance of John Calvin? - -The twenty-seventh, eighth, and ninth epistles are only significant -as expositions of doctrinal views in their bearing on social life. -Is it lawful, he asks, for a Christian to assume the magistracy? to -administer the laws of the land and to take the lives of evil-doers? Of -course it is. The order of the world is maintained by law and justice. -But then to take life? Where there is hope of amendment, as in the case -of the woman taken in adultery, we see the penalty of death remitted: -Go, said Jesus to her, and sin no more. But even where there is malice -and unyielding obstinacy, recourse is to be had to chastisement of -other kinds than taking life. Among these, banishment, approved by -Christ, and excommunication, practised by the Church, are to be -commended. Schism and heresy were punished in this way whilst traces -of apostolic tradition remained. Criminals, in matters not pertaining -to the faith, are variously punished by the laws of every country; and -this is in conformity with natural law. They bear the sword aright and -lawfully who bear it in the cause of justice and to the repression of -crime; and it is not against gospel precepts that we serve as soldiers -in defence of our lives and possessions. - -Servetus, we find, accords rather extensive powers to Bishops, whom, -in opposition to Calvin, he recognises, and to Ministers of the Church -generally. Bishops, like good shepherds, are to know their flocks, and -to take care that no infection gets in among them; ministers again--he -does not use the word priests--are privileged to reconcile sinners to -God, and to punish unbelievers by excommunicating them and delivering -them over to Satan and spiritual death. Their authority, however, is -only to be exercised under the guidance of the Spirit--what spirit he -does not say. Confession, too, he approves of, but the minister is not -to be consulted save in case of some grave doubt or difficulty arising. - -Our writer is greatly displeased with Calvin’s interpretation of the -parable of the labourers in the vineyard, in which like wages are given -to those hired at every hour of the day; from which the Reformer infers -that there is no difference or distinction in glory, in faith, or in -works. ‘To you truly,’ says Servetus, ‘there needs no distinction as -to less or more; for with you these are all alike of non-avail, some -as you maintain being saved with, as some are saved without, merit of -their own. But it is faith that of the impious makes the pious, of the -dead the living. Ignorant of all gospel truth is he who does not attach -supreme significance to faith in Christ as the Son of God.’ - -The concluding epistle of the series must have given great offence to -Calvin, the writer reproaching him with setting the Christian on no -higher level than the vulgar Jew. ‘They are alike to you, indeed, alike -carnal, because to you are the benefits of Christ’s coming unknown; -to you who in the Supper partake of nothing more than a trope or -figure, and who treat baptism as the equivalent of a Levitical rite, -the sign of a thing that is not. But in the Supper we, nourished by -immortal food, for a terrestrial have a new celestial life imparted -to us, and how should he perish who has once partaken of Christ? May -God give you to receive all these things with a true understanding, -led by the spirit of truth, by Jesus Christ and the Father. Amen.’ -Scouting the Roman Catholic dogma of transubstantiation, as he did, we -here find Servetus speaking as if he believed that it was the body of -Christ indeed that was partaken of in the Supper! To understand this -in him his pantheistic notions must again be taken into account. But -pantheism, when not detached from the idea of _personality_, in the -usual acceptation of the word, leads inevitably to such absurdity. -Speaking as he does now, Servetus forgets his philosophy and yields -himself up to his mysticism. With as much justice might he have said -that Cannibals partake of God when they eat one another, as that the -Christian communicant partakes of Christ when he joins the simple, -solemn, commemorative feast. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO’--THE RESTORATION OF CHRISTIANITY--DISCOVERY -OF THE PULMONARY CIRCULATION. - - -We have seen that Servetus could never recover his MS. of the -Restoration of Christianity from the hands of Calvin. But he had not -sent his work for the review of the Reformer without retaining a copy -for himself, and this he determined now to have printed and sent -abroad into the world. With this view he forwarded the Manuscript to -a publisher of Basle, Marrinus by name, with whom--if we may infer so -much from the address of the publisher’s letter to him declining the -work--he must have been on terms of intimacy. Marrinus’s letter is -short, to the point, and in the following terms:-- - -‘Gratia et pax a Deo, Michael carissime!--the grace and peace of God be -with you, dearest Michael! I have received your letter and your book; -but I fancy that on reflection you will see why it cannot be published -at Basle at this present time. When I have perused it [more carefully] -I shall therefore return it to you by the accredited messenger you -may send for it. But I beg you not to question my friendly feelings -towards you. To what you say besides I shall reply at greater length -and more particularly on another occasion. Farewell! Thy - - MARRINUS. - - ‘Basle, April 9, 1552.’ - -The MS., even on a cursory perusal, had evidently frightened the worthy -publisher of Basle: he would have nothing to do with it; but this did -not put our author from his purpose of publication. Not going so far -afield as Basle, he took Balthasar Arnoullet, bookseller and publisher, -and William Geroult, manager of his printing establishment, both of -Vienne, into his confidence, giving them to understand that though the -book he wished to have printed was against the doctrines of Luther, -Calvin, Melanchthon, and other heretics, there were many reasons why -neither his name as the author, nor Vienne as the place of publication, -should appear on the title-page. - -Arnoullet, like Marrinus, must have had misgivings about the reception -the book was likely to meet with from the clergy of France, and, aware -of the danger he incurred who printed and published aught out of -conformity with the doctrines of the holy Roman Catholic and Apostolic -Church, he too must have declined in the first instance to undertake -the work. But Michel Villeneuve had been prosperous; he had money in -his purse, and engaging not only to take the whole of the expenses on -himself, but to add a gratuity of 100 crowns to the cost, Arnoullet -consented at last to run the risk of publication, meaning, however, -that the world at large should know nothing of him as instrumental in -the business. No one then knew that Secerius of Hagenau had printed -the ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ or that its author, Michael Servetus, -was Doctor Villeneuve. Why should it ever transpire that Balthasar -Arnoullet of Vienne had printed the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ or -that Monsieur Michel Villeneuve the physician was its writer? To keep -the secret within their own circle, therefore, the work must not -be composed in the usual place of business, and none but the most -indispensable hands be employed upon it. A small house, away from the -known printing establishment, was accordingly taken; type cases and -a press were there set up, and the work once entered on proceeded -regularly without interruption during a period of between three and -four months, when the impression, consisting of 1,000 copies, was -successfully worked off. - -Arnoullet, although we shall by and by find him declaring his entire -ignorance of the burden of the book, and charging his manager, Geroult, -with having deceived him on this head and by misrepresentations induced -him to meddle with the publication at all, must nevertheless have been -well aware of its nature. The measures taken to keep the outside world -in ignorance of what was going on, the arrangement with the author to -be his own reader for press, and the premium paid, give the lie to -all his asseverations. Servetus, too, in his determination to keep -his name from the title-page, and leave this blank of the place of -publication, shows that neither was he blind to the danger that waited -on the production of such a book as the Restoration of Christianity -in Roman Catholic France. The printing press, though eagerly welcomed -on all hands at first, soon fell out of favour with the Church of -Rome, and so continues with that conspiracy against the rights, the -liberties, and the progress of mankind. But Michael Servetus was too -vain, too thoroughly persuaded of his own apostolic mission to the -world, to leave his book, the crowning labour of his life, without some -sufficient mark of its paternity. On the last page, accordingly, we -find the initials of his name and designation in capital letters, thus, -M.S.V., immediately over the date MDLIII., the year of the intended -publication. But even so much was not wanted to proclaim the author. -Innocently or inadvertently he says in his Preface that he had formerly -treated briefly of the subjects he is now about to discuss at greater -length; and in the body of the work he may even be said to make his -appearance in person, and in his proper name; for we there have Michael -and Peter as interlocutors, precisely as in the old ‘Dialogi ij de -Trinitate’ of the year 1532. - -Printed with every precaution to secure secrecy, with nothing -intentionally about it to lead the uninitiated to suspect what was -meant by the M.S.V. at the end, or a hint, even had it been divined -that Michael Servetus Villanovanus was thereby indicated, to show that -he and Michel Villeneuve of Vienne were one and the same personage, it -is obvious that the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ was not intended for -publication or sale either in Vienne or France--probably not even in -Basle or Geneva, in the first instance. Villeneuve would keep the place -where he lived, and the country that sheltered him, as well as the -nearest neighbouring land, out of the storm which he plainly foresaw -would be raised by his daring innovations on accredited Christian -doctrine, and his more than Luther-like denunciations of the Papacy. -The whole impression was therefore made up into bales of 100 copies in -each, of which five were confided to the safe keeping of Pierre Merrin, -typefounder of Lyons--a brother in all likelihood of the Marrinus of -Basle, with whose name we are already acquainted--in view of their -being forwarded by water to Genoa and Venice. A bale or two we know -were sent by Arnoullet to his agent at Frankfort; and as Frelon was now -in the secret of Servetus, we can hardly doubt of his having taken some -share in the venture and despatched at least a bale to the same great -emporium of the book trade. It must have been from Frelon, indeed, that -Calvin by and by obtained the couple of copies of the ‘Restitutio’ he -required for the purposes of the prosecution he had instituted against -its author; and it is almost certainly to him, not to Robert Etienne, -the bookseller of Geneva, as has been said, that Calvin refers in -his letter to the Frankfort Clergy ‘as a well-disposed person who -will put no obstacle in the way of the seizure and destruction of the -obnoxious book which he has learned had been sent for exposition and -sale among them.’ The remainder of the impression--and there could now -have been little of it left on hand--for safe stowage away from the -Archiepiscopal city of Vienne, was confided by Arnoullet to the custody -of a friend, Bertet by name, resident at Chatillon.[59] - -The book on the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’[60] often spoken -of, though so rare as seldom to be seen, comprises a series of -disquisitions on the speculative and practical principles of -Christianity, as apprehended by the author; thirty letters to John -Calvin; a disquisition on as many as sixty signs of the reign of -Antichrist, and an apologetic address to Philip Melanchthon and his -followers. - -‘The task we have set ourselves here,’ says the Author in his Preface -or Introduction, ‘is truly sublime; for it is no less than to make -God known in his substantial manifestation by The Word and his divine -communication by the Spirit, both comprised in Christ, through whom -alone do we learn how the divineness of the Word and the Spirit may -be apprehended in Man. Hidden from human sight in former times, God -is now both manifested and communicated to the world, manifestation -taking place by the Word, communication by the Spirit, to the end -that we may see him face to face as it were in Creation, and feel him -intuitively but lucidly declared in ourselves. It is high time that -the door leading to knowledge of this kind were opened; for otherwise -no one can either know God truly, read the Scriptures aright, or be a -Christian.’ - -How much the writer is in earnest is farther proclaimed by the -Invocation to Christ and the Address to the Reader with which he -concludes his Introduction: ‘O Christ Jesus, Son of God, Thou Who -wast given to us from heaven, Thou Who in Thyself makest Deity -visibly manifest, I, Thy servant, now proclaim Thee, that so great a -manifestation may be made known to all. Grant then to Thy petitioner -Thy good Spirit and Thy effectual Speech; guide Thou his mind and his -pen that he may worthily declare the glory of Thy Divinity, and give -pious utterance to the true faith concerning Thee. The cause indeed is -Thine, for by a certain Divine impulse it is that I am led to speak of -Thy Glory from the Father. In former days did I begin to treat of this, -and again do I enter upon it; for now am I to be made known to all the -pious; now truly are the days complete, as appears from the certainty -of the thing itself and the visible signs of the times. The Light Thou -hast said is not to be hidden; so woe to me do I not evangelise! - -‘It rests with thee, then, O Reader, that thou show thyself well -disposed towards Christ, even to the End, and that thou hear our -subject discussed at length in words of truth without disguise.’ - -After a somewhat careful perusal of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -we know not how it could be better or more briefly characterised, -in its theoretical portion at least, than as a paraphrase and -new interpretation of the Gospel according to John, in which the -Neo-platonic doctrine of the Logos is particularly discussed, and -copiously interfused with pantheistic ideas, whilst the dogmatic -teaching of the Church of Rome and its practical application is -repudiated _in toto_, and the chief doctrines of Lutheran and -Calvinistic Christianity are controverted. - -Assuming the leading positions of the writer as guides, we should say -that in his philosophy he regards the world as a manifestation and -communication of God in time and space, manifestation taking place, -as he says, through the Word, communication through the agency called -Spirit. The first of things in which God showed Himself, he says, was -Light, which he speaks of as uncreated--_lux increata_, essence or -first principle of things--all existence, all generation being effected -by the energising power of light. In, and of, and first manifested -by light, God, however, is not identified therewith, any more than -with the things of creation, in all of which he is still held to be -immanent. God indeed in himself is supersensuous and incomprehensible, -for he transcends all things--mind as well as matter. When not sought -to be defined by negatives, God is to be thought of as Absolute Being, -and all existence, as deriving from him, is to be accounted divine, -although in diverse degrees. - -The manifold manifestations which God makes of himself in nature are -referred to a single dispensation or mode, the mode of the Plenitude of -Substance, which comprises all other modes or dispensations in their -endless diversity, patterns or types of all things that be having -been present in the mind of God before they were in themselves. An -architypal universe is therefore assumed as having existed before the -actual world came into being, and this, says Servetus, is the Logos -of Scripture and Philosophy--the Divine Reason, wherein reflected -all things showed themselves visibly. _Ea ipsa erat λὀγος erat ratio -mirifica in qua omnia visibiliter relucebat._ The Logos--Divine -Word, Divine Wisdom, God himself, in fact--it is that is revealed -or manifested in Creation, as in the fulness of time it also became -incarnate in Christ; for, even as before Creation the world existed -ideally in God, so before the incarnation was Christ potentially -present in the Divine mind as the Divine word, in the same way as the -future plant is extant in the seed. From the beginning, therefore, it -was a virtual or potential Son, not any actual co-eternal Son, who -existed beside the Father, the Son first acquiring form and substance -in the womb of the Virgin Mary, and being made participant of the -Holy Spirit at the moment of his birth when he began to breathe; for -Servetus assimilated the abstraction entitled Spirit to breath or wind: -God, say the Scriptures, breathed into the nostrils of man and he -became a living soul. - -Possessed, as he was, by the principles of the Neo-platonic and -other more ancient philosophies, Servetus assimilates Christ to -the Demiurgos, and makes of him the architect and fashioner of the -world--_ille mundi Architectus Christus_--Creator even of the elements -from which, intermingled, are educed the substantial forms of things. -How this was brought about if Christ only became a reality at his -birth, he does not say. But it is not a little interesting to note how -nearly our own Great King of transcendental song approaches some of -these fancies of our author, for Milton too speaks of Light as - - Offspring of heaven firstborn, - Or of the eternal coeternal beam; - Since God is light, - And never but in unapproached light, - Dwelt from eternity, dwelt then in thee, - Bright effluence of bright essence increate. - -A little further on he also has the Son as Agent in Creation:-- - - And thou, my Word, begotten Son, by thee - This I perform: speak thou and be it done. - -Creation ended, he continues:-- - - The filial Son arrived and sat him down - With his great Father! - -Into what labyrinths are men led when they give the rein to -imagination, and the demon of speculation divorced from science is -suffered to have his uncontrolled way! - - * * * * * - -Coming to a more particular analysis of the ‘Restitutio,’ we find the -first book treating of the man Jesus, in which he is shown to be, 1st, -Man; 2nd, Son of God; and 3rd, God. - -I. The name Jesus [Joshua, Hebraice], says Servetus, is the name of a -man and was given on the day of the Circumcision; the cognomen Christ -[Χρίστος, Græce, the anointed], was bestowed by the Disciples, but -never admitted by the Jews, who only knew Jesus as the son of Joseph. -There was indeed frequent discussion among the disciples themselves, -whether Jesus was the Messiah or not; and we know that kings, in virtue -of the anointing at their coronation, were entitled Christs--Cyrus, for -instance, is called Masach by the Prophet, the word Christ being no -more than the Hebrew title translated into Greek. - -II. It is as a Son of God,--υἵος Θεοῦ--that Jesus is spoken of in the -Scriptures. But if so, then is he to be thought of as engendered by -God as thou by thy father. God, it is true, is in a certain sense the -Father of all men as he is of Jesus; but we are his sons by adoption -as Jesus is his Son by nature. Jesus, indeed, was believed to be -the son of Joseph, but he was truly the Son of God, having, without -any sophistry, been engendered of his substance: the Word of God -overshadowed the Virgin like a cloud, and acted in her as generative -dew, comparable to the shower from heaven that causes the earth to -bring forth flowers and fruit. It follows, therefore, that the son of -the Virgin is also truly, naturally, the Son of God. - -III. Christ is God, and is so called because in him is God -substantially, corporeally present; for he is God by his geniture as -by his flesh he is man (p. 15), God and man being truly conjoined in -one substance and made one body, one new man. As the Father is true -God, so, in bestowing his divineness (_Deitas_) on his only Son, did he -cause it to be that the Son should be true God. - - * * * * * - -Having spoken of God and Christ, he treats next of the Trinity. In the -beginning, it is said, was the word, Ὁ λὀγος, an expression whereby -inward Reason and outward Speech are implied. Some, says the writer, -have held that God can be defined no otherwise than by negations: ears -have not heard God speak, save by the voice of man; hands have not -touched Him, for He is incorporeal; place holds Him not, for He cannot -be circumscribed; and time gives no measure of Him, for, infinite, He -is without beginning and without end. But all this only speaks of what -God is not; it does not teach what God is. Now, no one knows God who -is ignorant of the mode in which He has willed to manifest Himself to -us, plainly exposed though it be in the sacred oracles. These, however, -the Sophists do not believe, because they will not see God in Christ -(p. 111). In the Word made flesh, in the face of Jesus Christ it is -that we see the Light--God Himself--shining upon us. In thinking of the -engenderment of Christ, and his appearance on earth, the veil of any -intervening time is to be rejected; Christ being to be conceived of as -having been eternally engendered in the mind of God, but only begotten -of his substance in time in the womb of the Virgin Mary. The man Christ -is therefore, and because of this, fitly spoken of as the first-born -Son of God, begotten before all worlds (pp. 56, 57), substantially -visible before creation, and possessed of eternal substance--_visibilem -cum_ (_Christum_) _substantialiter ante omnia fuisse et substantiam -æternam habere_ (p. 57)--the meaning of which we imagine to be this: -that the idea of Christ, present in the mind of God from eternity, took -form by his immediate agency in the womb of Mary, the wife of Joseph, -whose son the man Jesus was believed by his contemporaries to be, -though he was indeed the Son of God. - -One of the items of transcendental belief, therefore, in which Servetus -differed wholly from the Reformers, had reference to the coeternity -of the Father and the Son. On this head he says particularly, ‘If -there were in eternity two incorporeal beings alike and equal, then -were these Twins rather than a Father and Son; and were a third Entity -added, like and equal to the other two, then were there a threefold -Geryon produced.’ These words, and others of corresponding import, were -found highly objectionable or blasphemous by the Reformers, as we have -already had occasion to say. - -In connection with this part of his subject the writer adds several of -the comments he had appended to the Pagnini Bible, particularly the one -in which he discusses the verse of Isaiah, beginning: ‘A virgin shall -conceive and bear a son,’ &c., in which he maintains that the Almah, -the marriageable woman mentioned, refers immediately to Abija, the -youthful wife of Ahaz, then pregnant with Hezekiah. - - * * * * * - -Thus far advanced, it is now that we find the pantheistic conceptions -of our author most fully enunciated. Referring to the words quoted by -St. Paul, ‘In God we live, and move, and have our being,’ Servetus -maintains that God is in all things, and all things are in God; in his -own words, ‘It is God who gives its ESSE or essential being to every -existing thing--to inanimate creation, to living creatures in general, -and to man in especial.’ - - * * * * * - -The fifth book treats of the Holy Spirit. ‘As the essence of God is -the Word,’ says our author, ‘in so far as manifestation is made in -the world, so, and in so far as communication is made, it is Spirit; -manifestation and communication, however, being ever co-ordinate and -conjoined. It is spirit that is the architype, eternally present in -God, from whom it proceeds’ (p. 163). And it is in this place that our -author explains or illustrates some of his metaphysical positions by -a reference to Anatomy, with which in various interesting particulars -he shows himself more satisfactorily intelligible than in his -transcendental speculations. - -‘There is commonly said to be a threefold spirit in the body of man, -derived from the substance of the three superior elements--a natural, -a vital, and an animal spirit; there are, however, not really three, -but only two distinct spirits. One of these, the first, characterised -as _natural_, is communicated from the arteries to the veins by -their anastomoses, and is primarily associated with the blood, the -proper seat or home of which is the liver and veins. The second is -the _vital_ spirit, whose seat or dwelling-place is the heart and -arteries. The third, the _animal_ spirit, comparable to a ray of light, -has its home in the brain and nerves. In each and all of these is the -force--_energeia_--of the one spirit and light of God comprised. Now, -that the natural spirit is imparted from the heart to the liver, and -not from the liver to the heart, is proclaimed by the formation of man -in the womb; for we see an artery associate with a vein sent from the -mother through the navel of the fœtus; and in the adult body we always -find an artery and a vein conjoined. But it was truly into the heart of -Adam that God breathed the breath of life or the soul. From the heart, -therefore, it is that life is communicated to the liver; for by the -breathing into the mouth and nostrils it was that the soul was first -truly imparted, the breath tending directly to the heart. - -‘The heart is the first organ that lives, and, situate in the middle of -the body, is the source of its heat. From the liver the heart receives -the liquor, the material as it were of life, and in turn gives life -to the source of the supply. The material of life is therefore derived -from the liver; but, elaborated as you shall hear, by a most admirable -process, it comes to pass that the life itself is in the blood--yea -that the blood is the life, as God himself declares (Genes. ix.; Levit. -xvii.; Deut. xii.). - -‘Rightly to understand the question here, the first thing to be -considered is the substantial generation of the vital spirit--a -compound of the inspired air with the most subtle portion of the blood. -The vital spirit has, therefore, its source in the left ventricle -of the heart, the lungs aiding most essentially in its production. -It is a fine attenuated spirit, elaborated by the power of heat, of -a crimson colour and fiery potency--the lucid vapour as it were of -the blood, substantially composed of water, air, and fire; for it is -engendered, as said, by the mingling of the inspired air with the -more subtle portion of the blood which the right ventricle of the -heart communicates to the left. This communication, however, does not -take place through the septum, partition or midwall of the heart, as -commonly believed, but by another admirable contrivance, the blood -being transmitted from the pulmonary artery to the pulmonary vein, by -a lengthened passage through the lungs, in the course of which it is -elaborated and becomes of a crimson colour. Mingled with the inspired -air in this passage, and freed from fuliginous vapours by the act of -expiration, the mixture being now complete in every respect, and the -blood become fit dwelling-place of the vital spirit, it is finally -attracted by the diastole, and reaches the left ventricle of the heart. - -‘Now that the communication and elaboration take place in the lungs -in the manner described, we are assured by the conjunctions and -communications of the pulmonary artery with the pulmonary vein. The -great size of the pulmonary artery seems of itself to declare how the -matter stands; for this vessel would neither have been of such a size -as it is, nor would such a force of the purest blood have been sent -through it to the lungs for their nutrition only; neither would the -heart have supplied the lungs in such fashion, seeing as we do that the -lungs in the fœtus are nourished from another source--those membranes -or valves of the heart not coming into play until the hour of birth, -as Galen teaches. The blood must consequently be poured in such large -measure at the moment of birth from the heart to the lungs for another -purpose than the nourishment of these organs. Moreover, it is not -simply air, but air mingled with blood that is returned from the lungs -to the heart by the pulmonary vein. - -‘It is in the lungs, consequently, that the mixture [of the inspired -air with the blood] takes place, and it is in the lungs also, not in -the heart, that the crimson colour of the blood is acquired. There -is not indeed capacity or room enough in the left ventricle of the -heart for so great and important an elaboration, neither does it -seem competent to produce the crimson colour. To conclude, the septum -or middle partition of the heart, seeing that it is without vessels -and special properties, is not fitted to permit and accomplish the -communication and elaboration in question, although it may be that some -transudation takes place through it. It is by a mechanism similar to -that by which the transfusion from the _vena portæ_ to the _vena cava_ -takes place in the liver, in respect of the blood, that the transfusion -from the pulmonary artery to the pulmonary vein takes place in the -lungs, in respect of the spirit. - -‘The vital spirit (elaborated in the manner described) is at length -transfused from the left ventricle of the heart to the arteries of the -body at large, and in such a way that the more attenuated portion tends -upwards, and undergoes further elaboration in the retiform plexus of -vessels situated at the base of the brain, in which the _vital_ begins -to be changed into the _animal_ spirit, reaching as it now does the -proper seat of the rational soul. Here, still further sublimated and -elaborated by the igneous power of the soul, the blood is distributed -to those extremely minute vessels or capillary arteries composing the -choroid plexus, which contain or are the seat of the soul itself. -The arterial plexus penetrates even the most intimate part of the -brain, its constituent vessels, interwoven in highly complex fashion, -being distributed over the ventricles, and sent to the origins of the -nerves which subserve the faculties of sensation and motion. Most -wonderfully and delicately interwoven, these vessels, although spoken -of as arteries, are really the terminations of arteries proceeding to -the origins of nerves in the meninges. They are in truth a new kind -of vessels; for, as in the transfusion from arteries to veins within -the lungs we find a new kind of vessels proceeding from the arteries -and veins, so, in the transfusion from arteries to nerves, is there a -new kind of vessels produced from the arterial coats and the cerebral -meninges.’ ‘Chr. Rest.’ p. 170. - -There can be no question as to the fact that, in the above quotation, -the passage of the blood from the right to the left side of the heart -through the lungs by the pulmonary artery and vein, is proclaimed, -and a farther transmission of its more subtle part at least from the -left ventricle of the heart to the arteries of the body is indicated. -After so much said, however, the account halts. There is no notice of -any transfusion from the arteries to the veins of the body, and so -of a _return_ of the blood by their means to the right side of the -heart--nor do we believe that anything of the kind was present to the -mind of the writer. The truth is that Servetus was not thinking of -a circulation of the blood in the sense in which we understand the -term, but of a means of engendering the vital and animal spirits. ‘The -blood,’ he says happily and well, ‘is not sent to the lungs in such -large quantity for their nourishment only. As in the fœtus, so in the -adult are they nourished from another quarter.’ To Servetus as to his -age the liver was the fountain of the blood, and the venous system -connected with it the channel by which materials for the growth and -nourishment of the body were supplied. The heart again was the source -of the heat of the body, and, with the concurrence of the lungs, the -elaboratory of the vital spirits; the arterial system in connexion with -it being the channel by which the spirit that gives life and special -endowment to the bodily organs is distributed. - -Though Servetus saw that the black blood which is attracted, as he -says, by the diastole of the heart from the vena cava acquires the -florid colour in its passage through the lungs, he never hints at -the black blood of the systemic veins having been the florid blood -of the arteries. We are not, however, to overlook his remark, though -it is only by the way, of ‘the natural spirits being communicated -from the arteries to the veins by their _anastomoses_.’ Servetus may -consequently have had an _intimation_ of the systemic circulation; but -he did not think out his thought. He does not speak of an intermediate -system of vessels between the arteries and veins of the body as of -certain other corresponding vessels of the lungs; and when we find -him making the arteries of the brain terminate in the nerves or -meninges--the source of the nerves to the old physiologists, we can -only conclude that he believed the arteries of the body to end in like -manner in the several tissues to which they are distributed. From what -he says further concerning the life of the fœtus in utero, we learn -positively that Servetus had not divined the systemic circulation. ‘The -embryo lives through the soul of the mother,’ says he, ‘it is as it -were a part of the mother, the vital spirit being communicated to it by -the umbilical arteries.’ Instead of _afferent_ canals of the blood from -the heart of the fœtus to the placenta of the mother, consequently, -Servetus believed the umbilical arteries to be _efferent_ channels of -the vital spirit of the mother to the heart of the fœtus. He at the -same time, doubtless, saw the umbilical veins as the channels by which -material for its growth and nutrition was brought from the mother to -be distributed by the venous system proceeding from the liver and vena -cava, in conformity with the physiological views of his age. Servetus -did not think of the fœtal heart save as the passive recipient of life. -He never heard its rapid tick tack, nor dreamt of it any more than he -did of the heart of the adult as the agent in the general distribution -of the blood in a great circle from arteries to veins, from veins to -arteries, unbroken in the embryo, but complicated when independent life -is assumed by the necessary passage through the lungs. - -Imperfectly, incompletely, therefore, as the great function of the -circulation is conceived by Servetus, his account of so much of it as -belongs to the pulmonary system is all his own and an immense advance -on aught that had been imagined before. Had his ‘Restoration of -Christianity’ been suffered to get abroad in the world and into the -hands of anatomists, we can hardly imagine that the immortality which -now attaches so truly and deservedly to the great name of Harvey would -have been reserved for him. But save to a few theologians, who gave -no heed to his physiological speculations, Servetus’s book remained -unknown in the republic of letters, for more than a century after it -had fallen from the press--no naturalist had seen it during all that -time. So effectually had it been hunted out and made away with, that -of the thousand copies printed, two only, as we have seen, are now -known to survive. The ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Michael Servetus, -consequently, never influenced either speculation or discovery in -connection with the circulation of the blood. But reading the book -as we are now suffered to do, let us not overlook in its author the -Physiological Genius of his age. Who shall say what amount of influence -the ‘Restoration of Christianity’ might have had upon both Science -and Religion had it been suffered to see the light! For it is not the -possession only, but the pursuit of truth that truly ennobles man; and -in Servetus’s incomplete induction in the sphere of physics we see -the path fairly entered on that has given to modern science all its -triumphs. Nor pause we here: in the domain of letters and criticism, -he is nowise less in advance of his age than in physiology. Who -among biblical scholars before Servetus had seen the applicability -of so much that is said in the Psalms and prophetical books of the -Jewish Scriptures to men and events contemporaneous with, when they -had not preceded, the times in which their authors lived? Servetus’s -contemporaries among the Reformers without exception set out from the -_letter_ of the New Testament as the source of their faith, the warrant -for the conclusions they built upon its text. But he declared that -_there was a Christian Doctrine before there was any New Testament_; -and we now know that this came not into existence until thirty, forty, -sixty, and in parts as many as 150, years had passed after the great -moral teacher of Nazareth had expiated his superiority to the shows and -superstitions and errors of his day by the cruel death of the cross. - -Had biblical criticism become a science a century sooner than it did, -the world might now by possibility be nearer the goal of truth as -regards the Religious Idea than it is, and grave doubts have sooner -arisen as to the competency of the barbarous Jews to solve the mystery -of the ‘Something not ourselves’ which we are led by our nature to -conceive and think of as _Cause_, and to imagine as over and above this -‘bank and shoal of Time,’ whereon we pass our lives. - -Quitting physiological discussion for his proper subject, our author -approaches the practical part of his theory of Christianity. Faith -is the first element, and is spoken of as an emotion rather than a -cognition--a spontaneous movement of the heart, not an act of the -understanding, its essence being belief in the man Jesus Christ as -the Son of God (pp. 297-300). The end and object of the whole New -Testament teaching, he says, is to lead men to a belief of this kind -(p. 293), whereby they are reconciled and made acceptable to God, -conceive a detestation for sin and become exemplars and exponents of -the Christian virtues--Love, Hope, and Charity. ‘Faith of this kind,’ -he continues, ‘makes us aware of our poverty, of our misery. For if we -believe that the man Jesus is the Son of God, the Saviour of the world, -we already admit that the world lies in sin and so needs saving.’ - -Unlike the other Reformers of the Church, Servetus, in this his latest -work as in his first, makes much less of the Fall of Man and the wrath -of God as consequences of Adam’s transgression. Original sin can hardly -be said to have a place in his system. Sin, he even says, was not -brought forth on earth, but arose in heaven, through a revolt of the -angels under Satan, who, utterly opposed to God in all things, seduced -man from his allegiance and so obtained the empire which it was the -purpose of Christ’s coming to regain. Instead of holding the heart of -man as utterly evil and corrupt, he says, ‘that good works are proper -and spontaneous to the individual. By the death of a sinless being on -whom, as sinless, Satan had no hold, he was thrown out of the law, -forfeited the rights he had acquired, through the disobedience of man, -and God recovered the empire he had lost.’ Satan, therefore, performs -a highly important part in the Christology of Servetus; but it differs -notably from that both of the Roman Catholic and Reformed Churches, in -this: that Christ does not suffer death to satisfy divine justice and -reconcile God to mankind, but to traverse the Devil in the rights he -had acquired by guile. But all such speculations belong to a former age -of the world. They are the fossils of the speculative stratum in the -nature of man, and only of interest now to reasonable people as records -of the chimæras and incongruities that are engendered by imagination -dissevered from science, when the understanding, instead of leading, is -led, and the unknowable is assumed as foundation adequate to support -conclusions affecting the lives of men in this world and their fate in -Eternity. - -Servetus then makes little or nothing of the ‘Corruption of human -nature’ as consequence of Adam’s transgression, so much insisted on by -the Reformed Clergy, and he entirely rejects their assumption of man’s -incompetence of himself to do anything good. Satan, however, is still -seen as the opponent of God in the Restored as in the Reformed system. -‘The Devil intruded himself into all flesh,’ says our ‘Restorer.’ -‘_Satan is Sin dwelling within us_, and to us is disease and death (p. -385); these being the consequences of Adam’s transgression (p. 358).’ -So much our author felt himself bound to accept in a literal sense, -for so he finds it written; but he proceeds forthwith to interpret -the text in his own way, and declares that _Adam’s transgression -brought no real guiltiness on mankind; for such can never be incurred -through another’s, but only through each man’s own deed_, a previous -knowledge of what is good and evil being the indispensable condition to -responsibility. But as a knowledge of good and evil is only attained -when men arrive at years of discretion, so did Servetus think that -mortal sin was not committed, nor even guilt incurred, before the -twentieth year (pp. 363 and 387). Though made subject to corporal death -and _scheol_ by Adam’s fault, men do not for this die spiritually; -they will be restored at the last day when Christ comes to judge the -world: ‘As in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all be made alive’ (1 -Corinth. xv.), say the Scriptures [of the apostle Paul]; and these -words, according to our author, mean that men will not be condemned to -the second or spiritual death because of Adam’s disobedience, but only -when, knowing good and evil, they have done much amiss of themselves. -Servetus, therefore, speaks of that as a punishment for sin to which -teeming nations of the East look forward as reward for the ills of -life--Nirwana, a state of unconscious, everlasting rest! Servetus -himself has no special place,--no hell either of temporary or eternal -torture for wrong-doing. - -We do not remember to have met with the word _atonement_ in Servetus’s -writings. He had evidently passed beyond the idea of the vengeful -Hebrew God and the shedding of blood as a propitiatory means believed -in by the Christians of his day, and still so commonly accepted in our -own; Servetus’s religion was as comprehensive as that of his great -Master. ‘Turks,’ says he, ‘pray aright when they address themselves -to God, though they neither know nor believe that God ever promised -anything to the patriarchs.’ - - * * * * * - -JUSTIFICATION is the dogma that is next entered on, and is said to be -by _grace_: ‘We are justified,’ says Servetus, following Paul, ‘when we -believe in Christ as the Son of God,’--in the way he apprehended the -sonship, being of course to be understood. But, escaping from leading -strings, we find him elsewhere declaring, and still in advance of his -day, that all who of their own natural motion lead good lives, be -they Jews or Pagans, are justified before God, and that the good life -suffices to have men resuscitated in glory. ‘God,’ says he, ‘does not -repute us just of his own good grace only, but also by the merits of -our works; in other words, of our lives.’ - - * * * * * - -In the book on the perdition of the world and its restoration -by Christ, which follows, our author has much on the subject of -baptism--the means or preliminary, in his eyes, to REGENERATION. He -will not, however, allow that unbaptized infants can possibly be -looked on as lost souls. ‘The little children whom Christ blessed,’ -says he, ‘were not baptized. How should the most clement and merciful -Lord condemn those who had never sinned? Did he ever say to the little -ones unbaptized: Go ye accursed into everlasting fire? How should -he curse those he blessed? They seem to me to attempt to befool me -who say that the salvation of an unconscious infant depends on my -will to baptize or to leave it unbaptized.’ Opposed to the baptism of -infants as a meaningless and inefficient ceremony, Servetus was all the -more emphatic in his insistence on the indispensableness of the rite -performed later in life. ‘Jesus was circumcised indeed as an infant,’ -says he, ‘but only baptized when he was thirty years of age. We ought -not, therefore, to approach the LAVER OF REGENERATION before this age -if we would imitate Christ.’ ‘Pædobaptism,’ says he, ‘is a detestable -abomination, an extinction of the Holy Spirit in the soul of man, a -dissolution of the Church of Christ, a confusion of the whole Christian -faith, an innovation whereby Christ is set aside and his kingdom -trodden under foot. Woe to you, ye baptizers of infancy, for ye close -the kingdom of heaven against mankind--the kingdom of heaven into which -ye neither enter yourselves, nor suffer others to enter--woe! woe!’ He -who is baptized in his infancy, consequently, who believes that he is -properly baptized and so neglects the regenerative rite in years of -discretion, according to Servetus, loses his chance of instant entrance -into Christ’s kingdom on his death. In his comprehensive charity, -however, we fancy Servetus must have a salvo for such neglect, though -we have missed it. If he has failed to set it forth in words, we feel -assured that it was nevertheless alive in his heart. - -In the book on the Power of Satan and Antichrist, Servetus attacks -the Papacy in terms of measureless reprobation, likening the Pope to -the Antichrist of the Apocalypse, calling him the son of perdition, -and speaking of his dominion as the reign of God’s opposite on earth -(p. 393). In exalting himself above his fellow-men and requiring them -to look on him as a god, the Pope has usurped the forbidden kingdom. -The imposition of a spiritual papacy, he maintains, has brought more -mischief on the spiritual world than the carnal Adam brought on the -world of flesh. For his sin was Adam condemned to the pain of corporeal -death, and for theirs are the beast and his ministers (the pope and his -council) doomed in the Apocalypse to the pains of everlasting fire (p. -394). - -Against monastic vows of all kinds, Servetus is here most vehemently -outspoken. According to him, they are mere sacrileges of tradition. -He does not object to the celibate life, however, which he says he -has chosen for himself; but Peter, he thinks, would be amazed did he -see the shaven, cowled, and bedizened priests engaged in their mimic -play, whereby they lead the people to the most open idolatry. But it -is the mendicant monk that he has in more especial abhorrence. Him he -compares to the locust, which, eating up everything it encounters, -leaves desolation behind. ‘The locust,’ he says, ‘has by nature a sort -of monk’s cowl; add to this a wallet, and you have a begging friar -complete; in other words, a hooded devil.’ - -In the book on the Lord’s Supper, our author speaks of course of the -papistical transubstantiation, the annihilation of the _bread_ as bread -and its transmutation into mere _whiteness_. ‘I rather wonder,’ says -he, ‘whether Satan was the circumcisor of common sense from the brains -of those who of _bread_ make _not-bread_, and in its stead produce a -vendible whiteness; for these puny sacrificators, for a mouthful of -whiteness given without wine, make us count out our money (p. 510). -To such degradation of mind are these men brought that they call that -the true body of Christ, which, in the whiteness they imagine, rats -and dogs might devour. Never was there any such blindness as this -among the Jews--blindness the more notable as the Papists say they are -infallible (p. 511). But as circumcision of the foreskin makes the Jew, -and circumcision of the heart the Christian, so does circumcision of -the scalp make the sham Jew, the papal sacrificial priest and slave of -Antichrist.’ - -He is scarcely more complimentary when he speaks of the views of -the Reformers on the subject of the Supper, styling the Lutherans -_Impanators_, and the Calvinists _Tropists_, the Roman Catholics being -of course _Transubstantiators_. If we understand him aright, he looks -on the Supper as something more than a simple commemorative feast, -to be first partaken of immediately after adult baptism, to which it -is the necessary complement; but we are startled after what, as we -interpret it, he has just said in this sense, when we by and by find -him speaking as if he believed that the body and blood of Christ were -really partaken of in the Christian Communion (p. 281 and Letter xxx. -to Calvin). The contradictory statements met with in the writings of -Servetus, however, as we have had occasion oftener than once already to -say, can only be harmonised by taking note of his pantheistic views. In -the instance before us, for example, on the pantheistic principle, as -God is in and of the substance of all things, so was He in Christ, or -Christ, in so far, was God. In consonance with the _letter_, therefore -the bread and wine of the solemn rite are flesh and blood. The language -of mysticism, however, is often little intelligible to the naturalist, -who in his incapacity here may be likened to those who, with ears -otherwise acute, cannot distinguish certain extremely acute or grave -sounds, or who, with eyes otherwise excellent, see no difference -between such opposite colours as red and green. Like the Reformers of -all denominations, Servetus maintained the CUP to be an indispensable -element in the celebration of the Supper. In the Papal Mass, he says, -there is no true Communion. The bread is not broken in common, and -the wine is appropriated by the Sacrificator, even as the Babylonian -Priests of old appropriated the oblations of the altar: ‘Quorban,’ says -the Popish Priest as he drinks, to the lookers on, ‘it will do you -good, too.’ (p. 522). - -Singularly enough, when we think of what he has to say in disparagement -of the Roman Catholic priesthood, we find him recognising in -_ministers_ a power to absolve men from their sins and reconcile them -to God--_potestas ministris est remittendi peccata et reconciliandi -homines Deo_ (p. 516). This, we can only conclude, is said because of -what he found in the Sacred Text;[61] no word of which, as we know, -would he gainsay. But that Michael Servetus, mystic though he was, -believed in his soul that one man can absolve another of his sin, we -do not think possible. He did not surmise that the fourth gospel was -only written a hundred and fifty years after the death of Jesus, and by -a Neo-platonic philosopher, presumably of Alexandria, fashioner, like -Paul of Tarsus, of a Christology and Christianity of his own. - -In illustration of the character of the man, the study of whose -life engages us, the prayer with which he concludes the book on the -‘Restoration of Christianity’--for here the work does end in fact, all -that follows being but by way of appendix--ought not to be overlooked. -It is in immediate sequence to a renewed phillipic against the -baptizers of infants, and to the following effect:-- - -‘Almighty Father! Father of all mercy, free us miserable men from -this darkness of death, for the sake of thy Son Jesus Christ Our -Lord. O Jesus Christ, thou Son of God, who died for us, help us, lest -we perish! We, thy suppliants, pray to thee as thou hast taught us, -saying, Hallowed be thy Name; thy kingdom come; and do thou, Lord, -come! thy bride the Church, praying in the Apocalypse, says, Come! The -spirits of thy children, praying here, say, Come! Let all who hear this -pray and cry aloud, and with John exclaim, Come! Thou Who hast said, I -come quickly (Apocalypse xxii.) wilt surely come, and with thy coming -put an end to Antichrist. So be it. Amen!’ - - * * * * * - -The first of the additions to the system of ‘Restored Christianity’ are -the thirty letters to Calvin, which we have already analysed, in what -seemed the appropriate place. - -The book or chapter on the ‘Sixty signs of the reign of Antichrist, and -of his presence among us,’ which follows, need not detain us. The signs -are for the most part arbitrarily assumed by the writer, on the ground -that his own views are the truth, those of the Papists and Reformers -mistaken, false, or short of the truth. Having shown to his own -satisfaction that every evil-doer, in the shape of an exalted personage -who has ever appeared in the world, even from Satan, Nimrod, and -Nebuchadnezzar, prefigured the Pope, and that the Pope is Antichrist, -he then very logically concludes that all the dogmas and doctrines -sanctioned by the Papacy are of the Devil. Under this category he -places the doctrine of the Trinity in the foremost rank, then the -Baptism of Infants, the Mass, Transubstantiation, all but everything, -in short, characteristic of Roman Catholic Christianity. As in so many -other places, he is here also ready with a prayer, which we quote as -ever-recurring testimony to the sincerely, but misunderstood, pious -nature of the man:-- - -‘O Christ Jesus, Son of God, most merciful Liberator, who hast so often -freed thy people from their straits, free us too from this Babylonian -Captivity of Antichrist, from his hypocrisy, his tyranny, his idolatry! -Amen.’ - -The concluding part of the ‘Restoration of Christianity’ is an address -to Melanchthon and his colleagues on the Mystery of the Trinity and -the discipline of the ancient Church. We have seen that Melanchthon -of all the Reformers was the one who seemed to be most taken by the -theological speculations of the seven books on Trinitarian error. ‘I -read Servetus a great deal,’ says he to his friend Camerarius; and -if he found the work objectionable in many respects, as he says, it -yet contained matter that would not be put aside, but that forced -itself on his attention, and may be presumed to have influenced his -final conclusions on some of the highest and most difficult doctrines -of orthodox Christianity. Certain it is that the first and earlier -editions of his highly popular work, the ‘Loci Theologici,’ differ -notably from those that appeared subsequently to the publication -of Servetus’s ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis.’ In the first and earlier -editions there is nothing said of God, whether as One or Triune, -of Creation, the Incarnation, and other purely speculative matters. -‘These subjects,’ he says, ‘are wholly incomprehensible, and we more -properly adore than attempt to investigate the mystery of Deity. What, -I ask you,’ he continues, ‘has been the outcome of the scholastic -and theological discussions that have gone on for all these ages?’ -But the metaphysics of Christianity were not passed over in any such -way by Servetus. His earliest work even meets us in some sort as a -complementary criticism of the ‘Loci’ of Melanchthon, and that it was -so held by the Reformer seems to be demonstrated by the many changes -and additions to be noticed in the revised edition of the work of the -year 1535, the first that was published after the appearance of the ‘De -Erroribus Trinitatis’ and ‘Dialogi duo de Trinitate.’[62] - -Finding himself very freely handled in the revised editions of the -‘Loci,’ his _errors_, as they are designated as matter of course, being -assimilated to those of Paul of Samosata and others, and his references -to Tertullian and the ante-Nicæan Fathers proclaimed irrelevant, -Servetus retorts, and, throwing moderation to the winds, proceeds -in the diatribe we have before us to pour out the vials of his -displeasure on the head of the great Wittemberg scholar and theologian. -Our Restorer of Christianity does, it is true, see Melanchthon as -somewhat nearer the mark than Luther, Calvin, and Œcolampadius; but the -references made to Athanasius, Augustin, and the Fathers who came after -the Council of Nicæa, are all put out of court--their conclusions are -of non-avail; for they had all bowed the knee to the Beast, and bore -his mark. The true Church of Christ had already forsaken the earth in -their day, and their teaching on the Trinity, Baptism, the Supper, &c., -was nought. Strange to say, as proceeding from a scholar, himself no -indifferent master of the Latin tongue, he reproaches Melanchthon with -the elegance of his Latinity. The Holy Ghost, says he, never spoke in -fine phrases! (P. 674.) - - * * * * * - -It is difficult to conceive a man not utterly bereft of reason and -common sense, living among Roman Catholics and in times of deadly -persecution for heresy, writing in the style of Servetus on the Papacy -and the most accredited tenets of Christianity. Yet is it impossible -to imagine that he was blind to the danger he incurred in doing so; -neither do we believe that he knowingly and advisedly staked his life -against the cause he certainly had so much at heart. He may have said, -indeed, that he believed he should die for his opinions; but we see him -taking what he must have meant as sufficient precautions against such -a contingency; and when first brought face to face with the prospect -of accomplishing the destiny he foreshadowed, we find him showing -anything but the recklessness of the true martyr. We presume that the -security in which he had dwelt so long under his assumed name, the -immunity from suspicion of heresy he had enjoyed since the publication -of his first work, and the latitude allowed him by his clerical friends -of Vienne in discussing the heresies of the Reformers--and it may be -also some of a minor sort of their own--misled him. His seven books on -erroneous conceptions of the Trinity appear to have been little, if at -all, known to the ecclesiastics of France; and he probably imagined -that in appealing to the press again and keeping his work from the -booksellers’ shops of the country of his adoption, he would continue -to be overlooked. Anything of a heretical nature he should publish now -might possibly be challenged by the German and Swiss Reformers; but -they were heretics in the eyes of the Viennese, and, provided he did -not openly proclaim himself the author, their ill report, if perchance -it ever reached France, would do the author of the ‘Restoration of -Christianity’ no harm, if it did not even tend to exalt him among -orthodox adherents of the Church of Rome. - -Every reasonable precaution therefore taken that the new book on the -Restoration of Christianity should not get abroad in France, Servetus -seems to have thought himself safe against detection and pursuit. He -was in fact altogether unknown, as we have said, in the place of his -residence as Michael Serveto, alias Revés, of Aragon, in Spain. He -was M. Michel Villeneuve, Physician of Vienne, and living under the -patronage of its Archbishop. There was, however, so strong a family -likeness between the ‘Seven Books and Two Dialogues on Trinitarian -Error’ and the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’ or the views therein -contained, that the most cursory comparison of the two works would -have disclosed their common parentage, even if the writer of the -‘Restoration’ had not himself hinted plainly enough at the fact. He -must have thought himself perfectly safe in his incognito at Vienne, -and seems not to have dreamt of danger from abroad. There could be no -reason, therefore, why Calvin, and through him the other Reformers -of Switzerland, should not be made aware of what he had been about. -He would in truth take his place beside or above them all as the -real Restorer of Christianity, proclaimer, as he believed himself to -be, of the true doctrine concerning Christ as the naturally begotten -Son of God; of the Salvation to be secured by faith in him as such; -of the Regeneration to be effected by baptism performed in years of -discretion, and of the absurdity implied in imagining division in the -essence of God, and instead of the One great Creator of heaven and -earth, having a Three-headed chimæra for a Deity! In this view, as we -conclude, he sent a copy of his book to Calvin; and with consequences -which it will now be our business to follow to their disastrous -conclusion; for all that remains of the life of Michael Servetus, cut -short in the flower of his age, is entirely subordinated to influences -brought to bear on it through the printing of this work and the -interference of the Reformer of Geneva.[63] - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -CALVIN RECEIVES A COPY OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO.’ - - -Frelon, the publisher of Lyons, whom we already know as the medium of -communication between Villeneuve and Calvin in their correspondence, -was probably by this time in the secret of the Spaniard. The friend of -Calvin as well as intimate with Villeneuve, had he not already been -confided in by the subject of our study, he must have been informed by -Calvin who Michel Villeneuve really was. The correspondence had long -ceased, but the intercourse between the Bookseller and the Reformer -continued, and the ‘monthly parcel’ was still the vehicle for new books -and literary gossip between Lyons and Geneva. By Frelon’s February -dispatch of the year 1553, we therefore conclude that there went a -copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ hot from the press, specially -addressed to Monsieur Jehann Calvin, Minister of Geneva. That it was -accompanied by a letter from Frelon we may also presume, giving in all -innocency and confidence--little recking what use would be made of the -information--those particulars connected with the printing of the work -which Frelon must have had from Villeneuve, and which Calvin by and by -imparted to the authorities of Lyons and Vienne. - -Frelon may be supposed not yet to have read the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio;’ but aware of Villeneuve’s appreciation of the Church -of Rome, and trusting to the author’s own account of his work as -especially hostile to the papacy, he may have thought that it would not -be otherwise than well received by Calvin. It is only with Frelon as -go-between that we can account for the book having reached Calvin at -the early date it did, and for the particular information he possessed -concerning Arnoullet as the printer, and the precautions that had been -taken to keep the world ignorant of what had been done. That there was -no intention of betraying trust on Frelon’s part, we need not doubt; -and still less, as we believe, need we question the fact that it was -not only with the author’s consent, but by his express desire, that the -first copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ sent abroad went to the -Reformer. - -Servetus himself could at this time have had as little idea, as Frelon, -of the deadly hate with which Calvin was animated towards him. They -had corresponded and differed, had quarrelled and called each other -opprobrious names; but controversialists did so habitually, when they -got heated; and the epithets then so freely bandied about were scarcely -seriously meant, and hardly ever seriously taken: they were but the -seasoning to the matter, nothing more. Servetus was in truth far too -vain, and at the same time too much under the spell of Calvin, to -leave him of all men else in ignorance of the important work of which -he had just been happily delivered. With the earliest opportunity -therefore that occurred, and before the book had been seen by another, -as we believe, he sent a copy to Calvin, meaning it doubtless as -a compliment--a return perhaps for the copy of the ‘Institutiones -Religionis Christianæ’ we credit him with having received from its -author. - -It is not difficult to imagine the alarm that must at once have taken -possession of Calvin’s mind when he saw the errors, the heresies, the -blasphemies, as he regarded them, which in bygone years he had vainly -sought to combat, now confided to the printed page and ready to be -thrown broadcast on the world. And more than this: if his ire had been -already roused by the strictly confidential correspondence to the -extent of leading him to threaten the life of the writer, did occasion -offer, what additional anger must now have entered into his heart, -when, besides the offensive heretical matter of the book, he found -himself taken to task, publicly schooled, declared to be in error, and -his most cherished doctrines not only controverted, but proclaimed -derogatory to God, and some of them even as barring the gates of heaven -against all who adopted them! What, too, on second thoughts, may have -been his exultation when, in perusing the book, he found his enemy -committing himself so egregiously in abusing the Papacy, and supplying -evidence that would convict him at once of blasphemy against God and -the Church, and, in sending him to the stake--as he foresaw it must in -a Roman Catholic country--would rid the world at once of an agent of -Satan, and a personal enemy! - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -CALVIN DENOUNCES SERVETUS THROUGH WILLIAM TRIE TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL -AUTHORITIES OF LYONS. - - -Calvin’s mind must have been immediately made up after perusing the -‘Restoration of Christianity.’ He would denounce its author as a -heretic and blasphemer to the ecclesiastical authorities of France, -and--_Deus ex machina_--an instrument was at hand to further his -purpose. There lived at this time in Geneva a certain William Trie, -a native of Lyons, a convert from the Romish to the Reformed faith, -and, as proselyte, well known to Calvin. Trie, it would appear, had -not been left altogether at peace in his new profession of faith. He -had a relation, Arneys by name, resident in Lyons, who did not cease -from reproaching him by letter as a renegade, and exhorting him to -think better of it, and return to the faith he had forsaken. Trie would -seem to have been in the habit of showing his letters to Calvin, and -of having aid and advice from him in answering them; Calvin, it was -said, upon occasion even dictating the epistles in reply. But now he -could use the neophyte in his own as well as the general behalf, and -set about the business forthwith under cover of a letter from the -convertite Trie to his relation Arneys:-- - - Monsieur mon Cousin,--I have to thank you much for your fine - remonstrances, and make no question of your friendly purpose - in seeking to bring me back to the point from which I started. - As I am not a man of letters like you, I do not enter on the - points and articles you bring up against me. Not, indeed, but - that with such knowledge as God has given me, I could find - plenty to say in the way of reply; for, God be praised, I am - not so ill-grounded as not to know that the true Church has - Jesus Christ for its head, from whom it cannot be dissevered, - and that there is neither life nor salvation apart from Holy - Scripture. All you say to me of the Church, I therefore hold - for phantasm, unless Christ, as having supreme authority, - presides therein, and the Word of God is made the foundation of - its teaching. Without this, all your formulas are nothing.... - As to what you say about there being so much more of freedom, - or latitude of opinion, with us here than with you, still we - should never suffer the name of God to be blasphemed, nor - evil doctrines and opinions to be spread abroad among us, - without let or hinderance. And I can give you an instance - which, I must say, I think tends to your confusion. It is - this: that a certain heretic is countenanced among you, who - ought to be burned alive, wherever he might be found. And - when I say a heretic, I refer to a man who deserves to be - as summarily condemned by the Papists, as he is by us. For - though differing in many things, we agree in believing that in - the sole essence of God there be three persons, and that his - Son, who is his Eternal Wisdom, was engendered by the Father - before all time, and has had [imparted to him] his Eternal - virtue, which is the Holy Spirit. But when a man appears who - calls the Trinity we all believe in, a Cerberus and Monster - of Hell, who disgorges all the villainies it is possible to - imagine, against everything Scripture teaches of the Eternal - generation of the Son of God, and mocks besides open-mouthed - at all that the ancient doctors of the Church have said--I ask - you in what regard you would have such a man?... I must speak - freely: What shame is it not that they are put to death among - you who say that one God only is to be invoked in the name - of Christ; that there is no service acceptable to God other - than that which He has approved by His word; and that all the - pictures and images which men make are but so many idols which - profane His majesty?... What shame, say I, is it not, that - such persons are not only put to death in no easy and simple - way, but are cruelly burned alive? Nevertheless, there is one - living among you who calls Jesus Christ an idol; who would - destroy the foundations of the faith; who condemns the baptism - of little children, and calls the rite a diabolical invention. - Where, I pray you, is the zeal to which you make pretence; - where are your guardians and that fine hierarchy of which you - boast so much? The man I refer to has been condemned in all - the Churches you hold in such dislike, but is suffered to live - unmolested among you, to the extent of even being permitted to - print books full of such blasphemies as I must not speak of - further. He is a Spanish-Portuguese, Michael Servetus by name, - though he now calls himself Villeneuve, and practises as a - physician. He lived for some time at Lyons, and now resides at - Vienne, where the book I speak of was printed by one Balthasar - Arnoullet. That you may not think I speak of mere hearsay I - send you the first few leaves as a sample, for your assurance. - You say that our books, which contain nothing but the purity - and simplicity of Holy Scripture, infect the world; yet you - brew poisons among you which go to destroy the Scriptures - and all you hold as Christianity. I have been longer than I - thought; but the enormity of the case causes me to exceed I - need not, I imagine, go into particulars; I only pray you to - put it somewhat seriously to your conscience, and conclude for - yourself, to the end that when you appear before the Great - Judge you may not be condemned. For, to say it in a word, we - have here no subject of difference or debate, and ask but this: - That God himself may be heard. Concluding for the present, I - pray that He may give you ears to hear, and a heart to obey, - having you at all times in His holy keeping. - - (Signed) GUILLAUME TRIE. - - Geneva, this 26th of February [1553]. - -This on the face of it is no letter from one young man to another. -It is the artful production of the zealot and bigot in one, well -informed of the antecedents of the man he is denouncing, and but poorly -disguised by the name under which he is writing. The letter from first -to last is Calvin’s, and was accompanied by the two first leaves of -the newly printed book, the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ containing the -title and table of contents, sufficient, as Calvin knew full well, to -alarm the hierarchs of Papal Christianity, which in their estimation -needed no restoration, and was indeed susceptible of none; whilst any -discussion of such transcendental topics as the Trinity, Faith in -Christ, Regeneration, Baptism, and the Reign of Antichrist, smacked at -best of schism when undertaken by a layman even of orthodox views, but -became flat blasphemy when treated by such a one in any adverse sense. - -Cardinal Tournon, at this time Archbishop of Lyons, was the implacable -enemy of all innovators, and in his zeal for what he believed to be -the truth well disposed to resort to the severest measures against -the spread of heresy, which to him and his co-religionists, then as -now, was most especially embodied in the principles of Luther and -Calvin’s Reformation. Exposed as were the south and east of France from -their contiguity with Switzerland to infection of the kind, Tournon -had not relied exclusively on himself and his own subordinate clergy -as watchers over the faith of the district under his charge. He had -further summoned to his aid one of the regularly trained inquisitors -from Rome, Matthew Ory by name, who designated himself: _Pénitencier du -Saint Siége Apostolique, et Inquisiteur général du Royaume de France et -dans toutes les Gaules_. This man, as we may imagine, had a real relish -for his calling and was watchfulness itself in ferreting out heresy, -as, with all of his kind, he was relentless in pursuing it to the death. - -The notable letter of Trie to Arneys was immediately brought under the -notice of the clergy of Lyons, as Calvin intended and foresaw that it -would be; and by one of them, was communicated to Ory, the Inquisitor, -and to Bautier, Vicar-General, and Canon of the Cathedral Church of -Lyons. Here was work of more than common interest to the Inquisitor, -who proceeded forthwith, under date of March 12, 1553, to write to -Villars, Auditor of Cardinal Tournon, absent at the moment from Lyons, -but no farther away than his Château of Roussillon, a few miles distant -from Vienne. - -The letter of Ory is highly characteristic of the jesuitical, stealthy, -and underhand style of dealing with all that belongs to free thought -and open speech. Premising a few sentences on indifferent and private -matters, he comes anon to the real gist of his letter and says: ‘I -would advise you in all secrecy of some books that are now being -imprinted at Vienne, containing execrable blasphemies against the -divinity of Jesus Christ and the Holy Trinity, the author and printer -of which are both living among you. The Vicar-General and I have seen -one of the chapters of this publication, and are of like mind about -the propriety of your taking an early opportunity of conferring with -Monseigneur (the Cardinal) and making him more particularly acquainted -with the business; so that on your return home the necessary orders may -be given by Monseigneur to M. Maugiron, the Vibailly of Vienne, and -the police. So much at this time M. the Vicar-General desires that you -should know through me; but you are to proceed so secretly that your -left hand shall not know what your right is about--_mais si secrètement -que vostre main senextre n’entend point ce que c’est_. Only whisper -in the ear of Monseigneur and inform us if he has any knowledge of a -certain Villeneufve, a physician, and one Arnoullet, a bookseller, both -of Vienne, for it is to them that I refer.’ - -On the following day the Vicar Bautier left Lyons for Roussillon and -saw the Cardinal, who immediately sent a letter to Louis Arzelier, -Grand Vicar of the See of Vienne, summoning him to Roussillon. -After a long conference, Arzelier was ordered to return to Vienne -and deliver an autograph letter from the Cardinal to M. de Maugiron, -Lieutenant-General of Dauphiny, in which however there is nothing -said of the affair he has at heart (for this he will only trust to be -communicated by word of mouth by M. the Vicar to M. the Lieutenant); -but appealing to the known zeal of his correspondent for the honour of -God and his church, and adding, in anticipation of what he knew would -follow, a request that he should immediately summon the Vibailly to his -assistance, in order that he, on his part, might undertake what M. the -Vicar might see necessary to be done. Two things only are especially -to be required of the Vibailly: the one that he use extreme dispatch, -the other that the business be kept as secret as possible. Roussillon, -March 15, 1553. - -Acting at once on the advice of the Cardinal, Maugiron sent to -the Vibailly, bidding him hold himself ready to act in a certain -unspecified contingency. Next day, March 16, the two Vicars in company -with the Vibailly proceeded to the office of the Sieur Peyrolles, Lay -official of the Primate, before whom Bautier, as the party immediately -interested in virtue of his office, made a deposition to the effect -that within the last few days letters had been received from Geneva -addressed to a personage resident in Lyons, in which great surprise -was expressed that a certain Michael Servetus, otherwise called -Villanovanus, should be then living unmolested at Vienne; that four -printed leaves of a book written by the said Villanovanus had also been -forwarded from Geneva and examined by brother Ory, Inquisitor of the -Faith, by whom they had been found heretical; and, to conclude, that -the Cardinal Archbishop, having been made acquainted with the matter, -had written to M. de Maugiron requesting him to take cognizance of the -business with all secrecy and dispatch. Bautier, at the same time, put -in the Geneva letter of Trie, and the four leaves of the printed book -entitled ‘_Christianismi Restitutio_,’ in support of his allegations; -the letter of the Inquisitor and that of the Cardinal to Maugiron being -added as further documents on which the Procurator of the King and the -Justiciary were to proceed. - -The judicial authorities of Vienne lost no time in obeying their -instructions. On the same day they met at the house of M. Maugiron, -and having consulted with him, they sent to M. Michel de Villeneuve, -desiring his presence and saying they had something to communicate to -him. Being from home when the message arrived, and not appearing for a -couple of hours, the authorities were fearful that he had been somehow -warned of the danger which threatened him and so had fled; but their -fears were unfounded: he came at length, and with a perfectly confident -air, it is said. The authorities informed him that they had certain -informations against him which would make it necessary for them to -visit and search his lodgings for books or papers of a heretical -tendency. Villeneuve replied that he had lived long at Vienne on good -terms with the clergy and professors of theology, and had never until -now been suspected of heresy; but he was quite ready to open his rooms -to them or those they might delegate, to make what search they pleased. - -The Grand Vicar and the Vibailly, accompanied by the Secretary of the -Cardinal Governor of Dauphiny, then proceeded with Villeneuve to his -apartments, which adjoined and were among the dependencies of the -archiepiscopal palace, and made a particular examination of his papers; -but they found nothing more compromising than a couple of copies of his -apology or pamphlet against the Parisian Doctors, of which they took -possession. - -Next day, the 17th, the Judges made a perquisition in the house of -Arnoullet, the publisher and printer, in his absence, he being away -at the time on business at Toulouse; and there also they had Geroult, -the superintendent of the printing establishment, brought before them. -After a lengthened interrogatory of the foreman, in which nothing was -elicited, they proceeded to search the house and printing office, -examining Arnoullet’s papers minutely, but without finding a word -to compromise him in any way. The workmen on the establishment were -then severally examined. They were shown the printed leaves of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio’ and asked if they knew anything of the -book of which the leaves were a part; or if they recognised the type, -or could give any information as to the books they had had a hand in -composing or printing during the last eighteen months or so. But they -all agreed in saying that the four leaves shown them had not been -printed in the office; and among all the books that had issued from -their presses during the last two years, a list of which was supplied, -there was not one in the octavo form. The search and inquiry over, the -officials had the entire staff of the printing establishment brought -into their presence, and cautioned them against saying a word of all -they had been asked about, on pain of being declared suspected or even -convicted of heresy and punished accordingly. - -On the 18th, Arnoullet, having but just returned from Toulouse, was -visited and examined; but all the papers about him being found in -order and his replies in complete conformity with those of his manager -Geroult, he too was dismissed. The authorities found themselves at -fault, but by no means satisfied that the information they had had -from Geneva was groundless. An adjournment was therefore resolved -on, an informal consultation being, however, held meantime at the -archiepiscopal palace of Vienne. And it is not perhaps without -significance that it is only now that we find the archbishop of -Vienne, Pierre Paumier, named in connection with the proceedings, and -his palace spoken of as the place of assembly. It was at this moment -in fact that Paumier had the first intimation of what was going -on. At the meeting it was decided that nothing had been discovered -sufficiently positive to warrant the arrest of anyone. - -The archbishop of Vienne, once made a party to the proceedings, appears -to have taken up the case warmly. The known protector and frequent -associate of Villeneuve the physician, he seems to have thought it -incumbent on him to show the world that he had no sympathy with heresy, -and nothing in common with a suspected heretic. He accordingly wrote -immediately to Brother Ory, the Inquisitor, begging him to come to -Vienne and have some conversation with him on matters touching the -Faith. In the course of the interview which followed, Ory suggested -that, in order to have further or more satisfactory information against -Villeneuve, Arneys should be made to write again to his relation Trie -at Geneva, and ask him to send the whole of the printed book from which -the leaves already forwarded had been cut. Returning to Lyons, Ory -himself, we must presume, dictated the letter which Arneys was required -to write to his cousin Trie. This epistle unhappily has not reached -us. It would have been both curious and interesting to have had the -Inquisitor of three centuries and a half ago brought so immediately -before us, as we should there have had him. But as Ory doubtless led -the pen at Lyons, so did Calvin assuredly guide it again at Geneva -in reply; and as his letter has been preserved, we come face to face -with one who is still more interesting to us than brother Matthew -Ory, Inquisitor of the kingdom of France and all the Gauls--with the -great head of the Reformed Churches of France and Switzerland, at the -zenith of his power, though not without misgivings as to its stability, -zealous as brother Ory could have been in upholding the Faith as he -apprehended it, and as ruthless as Cardinal Tournon in dealing with all -who called it in question. The letter is to the following effect:-- - - Monsieur mon Cousin!--When I wrote the letter you have thought - fit to impart to those who are taxed therein with indifference - and neglect, I thought not that the matter would be taken up - so seriously as it seems to be. My sole purpose was to show - you the fine zeal and devotion of those who call themselves - pillars of the Church, suffering as they do such disorder - among themselves, yet persecuting so cruelly poor Christians - who only desire to obey God in simplicity. As the instance was - so notable, however, and I was advised of it, an opportunity - presented itself, as I thought, of touching on it, the matter - falling, as it seemed, fairly within the scope of my writing. - But as you have shown to others the letter I meant for yourself - alone, God grant that it tend to purge Christianity of such - filth, of pestilence so mortal to man! If your people are - really so anxious to look into the matter as you say, there - will be no difficulty in furnishing you, besides the printed - book you ask for, with documents enough to carry conviction to - their minds. For I shall put into your hands some two dozen - pieces written by him who is in question, in which some of his - heresies are set prominently forth. Did you rely on the printed - book by itself, he might deny it as his; but this he could not - do if his own handwriting were brought against him. In this - way, the parties you speak of, having the thing completely - proven, will be without excuse if they hesitate further, or - put off taking the steps required. All the pieces I send you - now--the great volume as well as the letters in the handwriting - of the author--were produced before the printed work; but I - have to own to you that I had great difficulty in getting these - documents from Mons. Calvin. Not that he would not have such - execrable blasphemies put down; but that, as he does not wield - the sword of justice himself, he thinks it his duty rather to - repress heresy by sound teaching, than to pursue it by force. - I importuned him, however, so much, showing him the reproaches - I might incur did he not come to my aid, that he consented at - length to entrust me with the contents of my parcel to you. - For the rest, I hope, when the case shall have been somewhat - farther advanced, to obtain from him something like a whole - ream of paper, which the fine fellow--_le Galand_--has had - printed. At the moment, I fancy you are furnished with evidence - enough, and that there need be no more beating about the bush, - before seizing on his person and putting him on his trial. For - my own part, I pray God to open the eyes of those who speak of - us so evilly, to the end that they may more truly judge of the - motives by which we are actuated. - - As I learn by your letter that you will not trouble me further - with the old proposals, I, on my side, will do nothing to - displease you; hoping nevertheless, that God will lead you to - see that I have not, without due consideration, taken the step - you disapprove. Recommending myself to your favour, and praying - God to give you his, &c., I remain, - - (Signed) GUILLAUME TRIE. - - Geneva, this 26th of March. - -The art and purpose so plainly to be seen in the foregoing letter need -not be dwelt on. Anxious to escape appearing in the odious light of -informer, Calvin was still eager to furnish the zealots of the Church -he had quitted himself, and by the heads of which he was looked on -as standing in the foremost ranks of heresy, with evidence which he -believed would assuredly bring the man he held in despite to a cruel -death by fire. But Ory, whose special business was the prosecution -of heretics, and who knew much better than Calvin what constituted -evidence against them, was aware that the MS. book and the two dozen -pieces, written as said by Michael Servetus, were not adequate to -convict Michel Villeneuve of the charge against him. Handwriting, -it seems, could be put out of court as evidence in cases of heresy, -through simple denial on oath by the party accused. The point upon -which evidence was particularly required, by Ory and his coadjutors, -was in fact the _printing_ of the book entitled the ‘Restoration of -Christianity;’ and none of the pieces furnished gave any assurance -either that Michel Villeneuve was the writer, or Arnoullet and Geroult -the printers of this. Arneys must therefore be desired to write to -Cousin Trie once more, and ask him to do his best with M. Calvin to -furnish evidence of the kind required. So anxious indeed were Ory and -his friends for this, that they despatched this, the third letter of -Arneys to Trie, by a special messenger, who was ordered to wait and -bring back the answer with all speed. - -The answer came in due course, hardly, however, so soon as we can -fancy it was looked for, but to the following effect:-- - - Monsieur mon Cousin!--I had hoped I should satisfy your - demands, in essentials at least, by sending you, as I did, the - handwriting of the author of the book. With my last letter, - indeed, you will find an acknowledgement by the man himself - of his real name, which he had disguised, and the excuse he - makes for calling himself Villeneuve, when his proper name is - Servetus or Revés. For the rest, I promise you, God willing, - to furnish you, if need be, not only with the entire book he - has just had printed, but with another in his handwriting, in - addition to the letters [already forwarded]. I should indeed - have already sent the book [in MS.] which I refer to, had it - been in this city; but it has been at Lausanne these two years - past. Had M. Calvin kept it by him, I believe he would long - ago, for all it is worth, have returned it to the writer; but - having lent it for perusal to another, it was, as it seems, - retained by him. I have formerly heard Monsieur [Calvin] say - that, having given answers sufficient to satisfy any reasonable - man, to no purpose, he had at length left off reading more of - the babble and foolish reveries, of which he soon had had more - than enough, there being nothing but reiteration of the same - song over and over again. And that you may understand that - it is not of yesterday that this unhappy person persists in - troubling the Church, striving ever to lead the ignorant into - the same confusion as himself, it is now more than twenty-four - years since he was rejected and expelled by the chief Churches - of Germany; had he remained in that country, indeed, he would - never have left it alive. Among the letters of Œcolampadius, - you will see that the first and second are addressed to him - under his proper name and designation: _Serveto Hispano - neganti Christum esse Dei Filium, consubstantialem Patri_--To - Servetus the Spaniard, denying that Christ is the Son of God, - consubstantial with the Father. Melanchthon also speaks of - him in some passages of his writings. But methinks you have - really warrant enough in what is already sent you to dive - deeper into the matter, and to put him on his trial. As to the - printers of the book, I did not send you the table of contents - as any proof that Balthasar Arnoullet and William Geroult, his - brother-in-law, were the parties; but of the fact that they - were so we are well assured, nor indeed will it be possible for - them to deny it. The printing was probably done at the author’s - expense, and he may have taken the impression into his own - keeping; he must have done so, indeed, if you find it has left - the premises of the persons named. I rather think I omitted to - say that when you have done with the epistles, I beg you will - be good enough to return them to me. And now, commending myself - to your good grace, and praying God so to guide you that you - may do all that is agreeable in his sight, - - I am yours, &c., - - GUILLAUME TRIE. - - Geneva, this last day of March, 1553. - -It must still be needless to say that neither is this any letter of -young Trie. What could he have known of the printed works of Michael -Serveto, alias Revés, or of his being condemned by the Churches of -Germany--which by the way he never was--or of his expulsion from that -country--which is also against the fact? What intimation could he have -had that Œcolampadius had written to Servetus, the Spaniard, combating -his heresies and that Melanchthon had mentioned him in sundry passages -of his work, the ‘Loci communes’? Calvin, on the other hand, was not -only well informed of much that had happened to Michael Servetus from -the date of their meeting in Paris in 1534, even to the hour in which -he was now writing by the hand of William Trie, but was himself the -author of some of the statements put into the mouth of that worthy.[64] - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -ARREST OF SERVETUS AND ARNOULLET, THE PUBLISHER.--THE TRIAL FOR HERESY -AT VIENNE--SERVETUS IS SUFFERED TO ESCAPE FROM PRISON. - - -April 4. After the receipt of Trie’s third epistle, a solemn council -was convened within the Archiepiscopal Château of Roussillon, at which -were present the Cardinal Tournon, the Archbishop of Vienne, the two -Grand Vicars, the Inquisitor Ory, and many Ecclesiastics and Doctors -in Divinity. There and then the letters of Trie, the printed leaves of -the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ and more than twenty epistles addressed -to John Calvin, were examined with every care and attention, all being -reported the work of Michael Servetus, alias Revés, living at Vienne -under the assumed name of Michel Villeneuve. The documents being held -of the most seriously compromising character, the Cardinal Archbishop -of Lyons and the Archbishop of Vienne, with the concurrence of the -whole assembly, now gave orders for the arrest of Michel Villeneuve, -Physician, and Balthasar Arnoullet, bookseller, to answer for their -faith on certain charges and informations to be laid against them. - -The Archbishop of Vienne returned home in the afternoon in company -with his Grand Vicar, Arzelier, and having summoned the Vibailly de la -Cour to the Palace, informed him of the resolutions come to and the -pleasure of the Cardinal. In order that nothing might transpire, and no -understanding be come to between the parties incriminated, the Vicar -and Vibailly agreed so to arrange matters that Villeneuve and Arnoullet -should be arrested at the same moment, but imprisoned separately. The -Vibailly accordingly proceeded to the house of Arnoullet, and having -sent in a message desiring him to bring a copy of the New Testament -but just printed, Arnoullet was arrested on the spot, and carried off -to the Archiepiscopal prison. Proceeding next to the house of M. de -Maugiron, the Lieutenant-Governor of Dauphiny, then indisposed, and -on whom it was known that Doctor Villeneuve was in attendance, the -Vibailly informed the Doctor that there were several prisoners sick -and some wounded in the hospital of the royal prison who required -his services, as was indeed the case. Doctor Villeneuve replied that -independently of his profession making it imperative on him immediately -to obey such a summons, he still took pleasure in being so usefully -employed. He therefore went at once; and whilst engaged in his visit, -the Vibailly sent requesting the presence of the Grand Vicar. On his -arrival Villeneuve was informed that certain charges having been made -and informations laid against him, he must consent to hold himself a -prisoner until he had given satisfactory answers to the questions that -would be put to him. The gaoler, Anton Bonin, was then summoned and -enjoined to guard the prisoner strictly, but to treat him respectfully, -according to his quality. He was to be allowed his personal attendant -or valet, Benoît Perrin, a lad fifteen years of age, to wait on him; -and his friends were to have free access to him. - -April 5. Archbishop Paumier now hastened to inform Brother Ory, the -inquisitor, that they had Villeneuve in custody, and begged him to come -immediately to Vienne. Ory, like a vulture swooping on the carcass, -is said to have made such haste--_pressa tellement sa monture_--that -he arrived in an incredibly short space of time at Vienne. As it was -then about the hour of the midday meal, however, the Archbishop and -he, thinking it well to recruit the inward man before entering on -the serious business they had on hand, sate themselves quietly down -to table and dined. The cravings of nature satisfied, Arzelier the -Vicar-General, and De la Cour the Vibailly of Vienne, were summoned -to the Palace--the secular in aid of the spiritual arm--and the party -proceeded to the prison. - -Having had Michel Villeneuve, sworn physician, and now prisoner at -their instance, brought before them in the Criminal Court of the -Palace, they proceeded to question him on matters of which they at the -moment knew more than he, though we may well believe his fears pointed -in the true direction. Informing the prisoner, as a preliminary, that -he was bound to answer truthfully to the interrogatories put to him, -which he promised to do, he was then sworn on the Gospels and asked his -name, his age, his place of birth, and his profession. - -His name, he replied, was Michel Villeneuve, doctor in medicine, -forty-four years of age, and a native of Tudela, in the kingdom of -Navarre, residing for the present, as he had done during the last -twelve years or thereabouts, at Vienne. - -Asked where and in what places he had lived since he left his native -country; he said that some seven or eight and twenty years ago, before -the Emperor Charles V. left Spain for Italy, in view of his coronation, -he had entered the service of brother John Quintana, the Confessor of -the Emperor, being then no more than fifteen or sixteen years old; that -he had gone to Italy in the suite of the Emperor, and been present -at his coronation at Bologna. That he then accompanied Quintana to -Germany, in which country he resided for about a year, when his patron -died; since which time he had lived without a master, first at Paris, -having had lodgings in the Collége de Calvi, and then in the Collége -des Lombards, engaged in the study of Mathematics. From Paris he had -gone to Lyons, and spent some time between that city and Avignon, but -had finally settled at Charlieu, where, having lived practising his -profession, for about three years, he had finally been induced by -Messeigneurs the Archbishop of Vienne and the Archbishop of Maurice, -to quit Charlieu and establish himself at Vienne, in which city, as -said, he had lived since then to the present time. - -Asked whether he had not had several books printed for him? he replied -that at Paris he had a book printed, the title of which was: _Syruporum -universa ratio ad Galeni censuram disposita_--a treatise on Syrups -according to the principles of Galen; and a pamphlet entitled: _In -Leonartum Fussinum, Apologia pro Symphoriano Campeggio_--an apologetic -address to Leonard Fuchs for Symphorian Campeccius. He had further -edited and annotated the ‘Geography of Ptolemy.’ Other than these, -the works now named, he had written none, nor had he had any others -printed for him; but he admitted that he had corrected the text of many -more, without adding to them anything of his own, or taking from them -anything of their writers. - -Being now shown two sheets of paper, printed on both sides and having -marginal annotations in writing, and admonished that the matter of the -writing might bring him into trouble, he was informed, further, that -he, if he were the writer, might be able to explain or to say in what -sense he understood what was there set down. One of the propositions in -the writing was particularly pointed out to this effect: _Justificantur -ergo Parvuli sine Christi fide, prodigium, monstrum dæmonum!_--Infants -therefore are justified without faith in Christ, a prodigy, a portent -of devils! and he was informed that if he understood the words to -say that infants had not by their regeneration [through baptism, -understood] received the perfect grace of Christ and so were acquitted -of Adam’s sin, this would be to contemn Christ. He was therefore -required to declare how he understood the words. He replied that he -firmly believed that the grace of Christ, imparted by baptism, overcame -the sin of Adam, as St. Paul declares (Rom. v.): ‘Where sin abounds -there doth grace more abound;’ and that infants are saved without faith -acquired, but through faith then infused by the Holy Ghost. - -Having shown him how necessary it was that he should alter several -words in the written matter, he promised to do so, saying however that -he was not prepared at a moment’s notice to say whether the writing was -his or not. It was very long, indeed, since he had written anything. -On examining the character particularly, however, he now thinks it -must be his. In all that concerns the faith he yet begs to say that -he submits himself entirely to his holy mother the Church, from whose -teachings he has never wished to swerve. If there be some things in -the papers before the Court open to objection, he believes he must -have written them inconsiderately, or only advanced them as subjects -for discussion. He then goes on to say that, having now looked closely -at the writing on the two leaves, he acknowledges it as his, having -the opportunity at the same time of explaining the sense in which he -would have it understood. If there were anything else, he concluded, -that was found objectionable or that savoured of false doctrine, he -was ready on having it pointed out to him to alter and amend it. The -two leaves paged from 421 to 424, and treating of baptism,[65] were -then ordered to be marked by the clerk of the Court, and with the other -papers produced, to be taken under his charge; after which the sitting -was suspended. - -April 6. Sworn as before upon the Gospels to speak the truth (and from -what we know and have just seen feeling assured how indifferently he -had hitherto kept his word), Villeneuve was further interrogated as -follows: 1st. How he understands a proposition in an epistle numbered -xv., wherein the Living Faith and the Dead Faith are treated of in -terms that seem perfectly Catholic, and wholly opposed to the errors -of Geneva, the words being these, _Mori autem sensim dicitur in nobis -Fides quando tolluntur vestimenta_--now faith dies perceptibly in us -when its vestments are thrown off? To this he answered that he believed -the vestments of faith to be works of charity and mercy. 2nd. Shown -another epistle, numbered xvi., on Free will, in opposition to those -who hold that the will is not free, he is asked how he understands -what is there said? With tears in his eyes he replies, ‘Sirs, these -letters were written when I was in Germany, now some five and twenty -years ago, when there was printed in that country a book by a certain -Servetus, a Spaniard; but from what part of Spain I know not, neither -do I know in what part of Germany he dwelt, though I have heard say -that it was at Agnon (Hagenau in Elsass), four leagues from Strasburg, -that the book in question was printed. Having read it when I was very -young--not more than fifteen or sixteen--I thought that the writer said -many things that were good, that were better treated by him, indeed, -than by others.’ Quitting Germany for France, without taking any books -with him, Villeneuve went on to say, that he had gone to Paris with a -view to study mathematics and medicine, and had lived there, as already -said, for some years. Whilst residing there, having heard Monsieur -Calvin spoken of as a learned man, he had, out of curiosity, and -without knowing him personally, entered into correspondence with him, -but begged him to hold his letters as private and confidential--_sub -sigillo secreti_. ‘I, on my part,’ he proceeds, ‘seeking brotherly -correction, as it were, but saying that if he could not wean me from -my opinions or I wean him from his, I should not feel myself bound to -accept his conclusions. On which I proposed certain weighty questions -for discussion. He replied to me shortly after, and seeing that my -questions were to the same effect as those discussed by Servetus, -he said that I must myself be Servetus. To this I answered that, -though I was not Servetus, nevertheless, and that I might continue -the discussion, I was content for the time to personate Servetus, and -should reply, as I believed he would have done, not caring for what he -might please to think of me, but only that we might debate our views -and opinions with freedom. With this understanding we interchanged -many letters, but finally fell out, got angry, and began to abuse each -other. Matters having come to this pass, I ceased writing, and for ten -years or so I have neither heard from him nor he from me. And here, -gentlemen, I protest before God and before you all, that I had no -will to dogmatise, or to substitute aught of mine that might be found -adverse to the Church or the Christian Religion.’ - -The prisoner being shown a third epistle numbered xvii., on the Baptism -of Infants, in which he says, ‘_Parvuli carnis non sunt capaces doni -Spiritus_--Infants as mere carnal beings are incapable of receiving the -gift of the Spirit,’--was desired to say in what sense he meant these -words to be taken. He answered that he had formerly been of opinion -that infants were incompetent in the matter, as stated; but that he had -long given up such an opinion and now desired to range himself with the -teaching of the Church. Shown a fourth epistle, numbered xviii., its -heading or argument being, ‘Of the Trinity, and the Generation of the -Son of God, according to Servetus,’ he acknowledged it as having been -written by him in the course of his discussion with Calvin, when he was -assuming the part of Servetus; but as he had said of the former letter, -No. xvii., so he says of this, that he does not now believe what is -there set down, everything in the letter having only been propounded -to learn what Calvin might have to advance in opposition to the views -set forth. A fifth letter, the burden of which is, ‘Of the glorified -flesh of Christ absorbed in the Glory of the Deity more fully than it -was at the Transfiguration,’ being handed to him, he said that when he -addressed his correspondent on this subject, he felt at greater liberty -than usual to say all he thought of it individually, and was now ready -to answer any question put to him bearing upon it. None, however, were -asked. - -But the letters to Calvin were not yet done with. A whole bundle of -them, fourteen in number, was exhibited, and the prisoner informed -that the judges found much matter there for which very particular -answers would be required. Having looked at the letters, the prisoner -said he saw that they were all addressed to Calvin long ago, and with -a view to learn from him what he thought of the questions raised, as -already said. But he added that he was by no means now disposed to -abide by all he had written of old, save and except in respect of -such views as might be approved by the Church and his Judges. He was -therefore ready to answer to each particular head on which he might be -interrogated. This the Judges proposed to do at their next meeting, -and meantime having ordered a schedule of the principal points upon -which there appeared to be error against the faith to be drawn up from -the writings, all the documents being duly labelled and signed, the -session was suspended until the morrow. - -Immediately after the second interrogatory to which he was subjected, -Servetus on his return to prison sent his servant Perrin to the -Monastery of St. Pierre to ask the Grand Prior if he had received the -300 crowns owing to him--Villeneuve by M. St. André. The money having -been received, was remitted by the hands of Perrin to his master. Had -Servetus put off his message to the Prior but for an hour, he would -have lost his money, the Inquisitor Ory having given fresh orders to -the gaoler to guard M. Villeneuve very strictly, and to suffer him to -see and have speech of no one without his--the Inquisitor’s express -permission. Ory, we may presume, had not only no favour for Servetus, -but, with so much against him as already appeared, could have had -little doubt of bringing conviction home to him and so having him sent -in smoke as an acceptable sacrifice to heaven. But Villeneuve had -friends among his other judges who were every way disposed to aid him, -if it were possible. Matters certainly looked very black indeed: Michel -Villeneuve was plainly Michael Servetus of evil theological reputation; -flagrant heresy was already manifest in the documents produced, and -his answers to the interrogatories were so little satisfactory that -acquittal from the charges laid against him, even at the outset of -the process, seemed out of the question. The judges, however, were -not all Brother Orys nor Cardinal Tournons, though most of them -were churchmen, and, to their honour, both tolerant and merciful in -circumstances where their creed prescribed intolerance and deadening of -the heart to pity. Servetus had however to be sent back to his prison; -but the door of the cage might be left open and the bird allowed to -fly. And everything leads to the conclusion that this was exactly what -was done. - -Connected with the prison there was a garden having a raised terrace -looking on to the court of the palace of justice; and, abutting on the -garden wall, a shed, by the roof of which and a projecting buttress -on the other side a descent into the court-yard of the palace could -easily be made. The garden as a rule was kept shut, but prisoners -above the common in station were permitted to use it for exercise and -also for occasions of nature. Having enjoyed this privilege from the -first, Servetus appears to have scrutinised everything in the afternoon -of April 6, after the conclusion of his second examination. On the -morning of the seventh he rose at four o’clock and asked the gaoler, -whom he found afoot and going out to tend his vines, for the key of the -garden. The man, seeing his prisoner in velvet cap and dressing-gown, -not aware that he was completely dressed and had his hat under his -robe de chambre, gave him the key and went out shortly afterwards to -his work. Servetus, on his part, when he thought the coast must be -clear, left his black velvet cap and furred dressing-gown at the foot -of a tree, leaped from the terrace on to the roof of the outhouse and -from that, without breaking any bones, gained the open court of the -Palais de Justice Dauphinal. Thence he made for the gate of the Pont -du Rhône, which was at no great distance from the prison and passed -into the Lyonnais--these latter facts being by and by deposed to by a -peasant woman who had met him. Two hours or more elapsed before his -escape became known in the prison, the gaoler’s wife having been the -first to discover it. She in her zeal and alarm committed a hundred -extravagances; and in her vexation tore her hair, beat her children, -her servants, and some of the prisoners who chanced to come in her -way. Her rage that anyone should have had the audacity to break the -dauphinal prison of Vienne, of which her husband was custodier, was -such, that she even ran the risk of her life by clambering to the -roof of a neighbouring house, in her eagerness to find traces of the -fugitive. - -The authorities, informed of what had happened, did all that became -them, ordering the gates of the town to be shut and more carefully -guarded than usual through the next few days and nights. Proclamation -was made by sound of trumpet and beat of drum, and almost every house -not only of the town, but of the neighbouring villages, was visited. -The magistrates of Lyons and other towns, in which it was thought -probable their late prisoner might have taken refuge, were written to -by the Vienne authorities and inquiries made whether or not he had -money in the bank, or had drawn out any he might have had there. -His apartments were again visited, and all his papers, furniture and -effects inventoried and put under the seal of justice. - -In the town of Vienne it was generally thought that the Vibailly De la -Cour had been the active party in favouring the evasion of Villeneuve. -He was known to be intimate with the doctor, who had lately carried -his daughter successfully through a long and dangerous illness, and -had been loud in praise of the skill and devotion that had been shown -with so happy a result. Chorier,[66] the historian of Dauphiny, hints -guardedly at something of the kind when he speaks of the imprisonment -of M. Villeneuve on religious grounds. ‘It fell out,’ says Chorier, -‘that by his own ingenuity and the assistance of his friends, M. -Villeneuve escaped from confinement.’ - -In the record of proceedings after the flight the only thing mentioned -is the fact of the gaoler having given the prisoner the key of the -garden; on all else there is absolute silence; whence, as D’Artigny -says, we may infer that there is mystery of some sort connected with -the escape. We, for our part, should have no difficulty in finding a -key to the mystery, had there been fewer grounds for the presumption of -friendly connivance than there undoubtedly were in the business. John -Calvin, arch-heretic in the eyes of the Gallic Church and its heads, -could not, we must presume, have been held in the highest possible -esteem by the Cardinal Archbishop of Lyons, to say nothing of brother -Mathias Ory, Inquisitor of the king of France and all the Gauls. But -the arrest of Villeneuve and the proceedings against him thus far, had -depended entirely on information supplied by the Reformer of Geneva. - -The managers of the process against Servetus were men much too astute, -much too clear-sighted not to see that it was John Calvin who was -writing under the mask of William Trie; and one among them at least may -have known that the state of feeling between the Reformer of Geneva -and the Physician of Vienne had long been such that he of Geneva might -not be indisposed to make use of them to wreak his vengeance against a -personal enemy under the guise of a common heretic. The Judges indeed -must all have seen from the letters of Villeneuve to Calvin that the -two men were at daggers-drawn, and that the provocation on either part -was neither new nor slight, but of long standing, and, judging by his -present attitude, on Calvin’s side deadly. We can fancy brother Mathias -Ory chuckling over the sweet simplicity of the Viennese mediciner’s -sorry subterfuge in pretending to enact the part of ‘Servetus the -Spaniard, though he was no such personage, and knew nothing of the -place in Spain where he was born!’ - -The authorities of Vienne, however, had no desire to have their friend -Villeneuve burned alive for heresy on testimony gratuitously supplied -by the arch-heretic of Geneva, and thereby give him, whom they hated -and feared far more than a thousand lay schismatics, a triumph not only -over an enemy, but over themselves, for their lack of insight and zeal -as guardians of the only saving faith. And then, and in addition to all -this, there was Monseigneur Paumier to be considered--Paumier, under -whose patronage Villeneuve had settled at Vienne and lived so long in -the very shadow of the archiepiscopal palace, on terms of intimacy with -its distinguished occupant. How should the great man escape suspicion -of heresy himself if it were known that he had been living as a friend -with one who held all the most holy mysteries of the Roman Religion -as mere vanities or inventions of the Devil! The man had lived, it is -true, long and peaceably among them, respected in his life and trusted -in his calling; and if Calvin found heresy and to spare in his writings -against the tenets which he as well as they held in common, they -discovered outpourings enough there against Predestination and Election -by the Grace of God, Effectual calling, Justification by Faith, and the -rest, that formed the groundwork of the objectionable doctrines both of -Luther and Calvin. If M. the Vibailly De la Cour connived at the escape -of Villeneuve, and that he did there can hardly be a doubt, we may be -well assured that he acted with the concurrence of his more immediate -associates in the administration of justice--lay and clerical. The -Vibailly remained unchallenged in his office; the gaoler was not -dismissed, and Arnoullet the printer, for the present at least, was -set at liberty. Nothing of all this could have happened had Justice -not consented to be hoodwinked. The gaoler’s wife, in fact, seems to -have been the only person in downright earnest in the business of the -escape. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -DISCOVERY OF ARNOULLET’S PRIVATE PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT--SEIZURE AND -BURNING OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO’ ALONG WITH THE EFFIGY OF ITS -AUTHOR. - - -The remainder of the month of April was spent in making a renewed -and more particular examination of the books, papers, and letters of -Villeneuve, and in having copies made of the letters addressed to -Calvin, the originals of which were placed for safe custody under the -official seals. And here, if our surmises be well founded: that the -authorities of Vienne had really no wish, on testimony supplied by -Calvin, to convict of heresy a man who had always comported himself as -a good Catholic and still professed himself a true son of the Church, -every way disposed to receive instruction and bow to the decisions -of those who must know so much better than himself what was the true -saving faith--the matter would probably have ended, in so far as those -of Vienne were concerned. But Ory, the Inquisitor, nowise anxious -like the others to hush up so promising an affair, had by some means -been informed in the beginning of the month of May that there had -been a couple of presses kept at work away from the proper printing -establishment of Arnoullet. - -Of this significant fact, no mention had been made either by Villeneuve -or Arnoullet on their examination, and whence Ory had the intimation -we are left to conjecture. There seems hardly room for doubt, however, -that it reached him through the old channel, viz., Arneys; that Arneys -had the news he gave to Ory from Trie, and that Trie had the tale he -told from Calvin. Frelon, as we have seen, must have been in the secret -of Servetus, and Frelon was also the friend of Calvin; from Frelon -alone could Calvin have had the particular information he shows he -possessed concerning the terms on which the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ -was printed; and it was only from Calvin that Trie could have obtained -intelligence of the kind he communicates to his relative Arneys of -Lyons. The process against Servetus, as we know, began from Lyons; and -from Lyons was it now resuscitated. But who living there was so likely -to have heard of a printing press worked privately at Vienne, twelve -miles away, as he who had all he knew about the heretic Villeneuve from -Geneva, and had been the instrument in setting on foot the movement -that was now to proceed to more disastrous issues? - -With the new and important hint but just received, Ory sped off to -Vienne from Lyons, his head-quarters; and he may possibly have used -even greater diligence on this occasion than he did before when he is -said to have spurred his steed so vigorously. Summoning the Vibailly -and Grand Vicar to his side, the three proceeded immediately to the -premises that had been indicated as the private printing place of -the publisher Arnoullet; and entering, sure enough, they found three -compositors at work, Straton, Du Bois, and Papillon by name. It is -not difficult to imagine the terror of these men at the sight of -such visitors. Before proceeding to interrogate them severally, the -Inquisitor took care to address them generally on the enormity of the -crime of which he assumed they had been guilty, and to say that they -deserved the severest punishment for having withheld the important -information they could have supplied. When proceedings were commenced -against their master and M. Villeneuve, he said, they must be aware -that it had been specially enjoined upon all and sundry, under pain of -being dealt with as heretics, to communicate whatever they knew about -the book, which he declared they must have known to be written by -Villeneuve and printed by their master Arnoullet. Stretching a point, -as we may imagine, he told the men further, that he had proofs in his -hands that they were the very parties who had worked at the composition -and printing of the book in question. He now, therefore, exhorted them -to speak the truth and to ask pardon if they had been guilty or hoped -for favour, the authorities he added, indeed, intending correction, not -punishment. - -The workmen, terribly alarmed, fell as with one accord upon their -knees, and Straton, speaking for himself and the others, owned that -they had printed an octavo volume entitled ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -but were not aware that it contained heretical doctrines, being -ignorant of the Latin language in which it was written, and never -having heard that it did, until after the prosecution had been set on -foot. He informed his questioner further that he and his associates -had been steadily engaged on the book from the feast of St. Michael to -January 3 last--over three months--when the printing was completed; -yet more, that they had not dared to give information of their part -in the business for fear of being burned alive; and to conclude, they -now sought forgiveness, and threw themselves on the mercy of the -authorities. More particularly questioned, Straton said that Michel de -Villeneuve had had the book in question printed at his own expense, -and had corrected the proofs in person. To end the tale, and he may -have thought to make amends for his past silence, he said further that -on January 13 he had despatched five bales of the book to the care of -Pierre Merrin, typefounder, of Lyons. - -Delighted with the great discovery just made, inasmuch as they would -now have grounds of their own to proceed upon, the three associates -hastened to communicate the information they had acquired to the -Archbishop of Vienne, who in turn imparted it to Cardinal Tournon. -Next day the Inquisitor Ory and the Grand Vicar Arzelier set off for -Lyons. Proceeding at once to the establishment of Pierre Merrin, they -questioned him as to what he knew of the business, and particularly -about certain bales, five in number, that had lately come into his -possession and were believed to contain heretical books. Merrin, having -no motive for concealment, informed his visitors that about four months -back he had received by the canal boat of Vienne five bales with the -following address: From M. Michel de Villeneuve, doctor in medicine, -these five bales, to be delivered to Pierre Merrin, typefounder, near -Notre Dame de Confort, Lyons. On the day the bales were received, he -added, a priest of Vienne, Jacques Charmier by name, had come to him -and requested him to keep the bales until called for, saying that they -contained nothing but printing-paper. From the time named, however, he -had heard nothing from the sender, neither had anyone called to enquire -after the bales or to take them away; and for his part he knew not -whether they contained white paper for printing as said, or printed -books as now alleged. - -Having finished their interrogatory and seen the bales, the Inquisitor -and Vicar made no scruple about seizing them in the name of the public -authorities. Carrying them off at once, they were taken to Vienne and -deposited in a room of the Archiepiscopal palace. - -The priest Charmier was of course the next person visited and -questioned. He persistently denied all knowledge of the contents of the -bales which he, as he was proceeding to Lyons, recommended to the care -of Merrin, at the request of M. Villeneuve. The mere act of the poor -priest, however, and his known intimacy with Villeneuve, were held to -have compromised him to such an extent that he was put on his trial -some time afterwards, and sentenced to imprisonment for three years! - -The bales once safe in the Archiepiscopal palace of Vienne, were -speedily undone, and there, sure enough, as Straton had said, five -hundred copies of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ complete, were -displayed to the eager eyes of the lookers-on. A single copy was -abstracted and given to Ory, to enable him at his leisure to extract -and take exception to such passages as he might deem heretical; the -rest were left in safe custody under the palace roof. - -Every information up to June 17--for so long had it taken to get at -the facts as they have been stated--having now been acquired, and the -proofs in the process being held complete, the Vibailly of Vienne, in -a session of the Court duly summoned, and in the absence of Michel de -Villeneuve, proceeded to pass sentence on him, finding him attainted -and convicted of the crimes and misdemeanours laid to his charge, -viz., Scandalous Heresy and Dogmatisation; Invention of New Doctrines; -Writing heretical books; Disturbance of the public peace; Rebellion -against the King; Disobedience of the ordinances touching heresy, and -Breach of the Royal Prison of Vienne. ‘For reparation of the crimes -and misdeeds set forth,’ said the Judge, ‘we condemn him, and he is -hereby condemned, to pay a fine of 1000 livres Tournois to the King -of Dauphiny; and further, as soon as he can be apprehended, to be -taken, together with his books, on a tumbril or dust-cart to the place -of public execution, and there burned alive by a slow fire until his -body is reduced to ashes.’ The sentence now delivered, moreover, is -ordered to be carried out forthwith on an effigy of the incriminated -Villeneuve, which is to be publicly burned along with the five bales -of the book in question, the fugitive being further condemned to -pay the charges of justice, his goods and chattels being seized and -confiscated, to the advantage of anyone showing just claims to the -proceeds, the fine and expenses of the trial, as aforesaid, having been -first duly discharged. - -On the same day about noon the effigy of Villeneuve, made by the -executioner of the High Court of Justice, having been put upon a -tumbril along with the bales of the book, was paraded through the -streets of Vienne, brought to the place of public execution, hanged -upon a gibbet erected for the purpose, and finally set fire to, and -with the five bales burned to ashes. - -The matter, however, did not rest here; it was not yet concluded in -all its parts. The secular arm had done what was required of it, -having burned the criminal in effigy, failing his person, along with -his heretical book; but the ecclesiastical authorities must also -have their say in the case. When the utterance came, and it came not -until six months after the civil trial and sham execution, it was in -every particular confirmatory of the sentence already delivered, the -grounds of the decision however being gone into with greater minuteness -than before. Among other matters particularly mentioned now, are -the marginal notes in the handwriting of the culprit on two printed -leaves, cut out of a copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutions;’ Seventeen letters -addressed to John Calvin and acknowledged by Villeneuve to be from -him; his answers to the Inquisitor Ory, the Vibailly, and the rest, -and the minutes which had been made of his escape from the prison; -finally, his books, one entitled ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ and -another in two parts: ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus, Libri septem,’ and ‘De -Trinitate, Dialogi duo.’ ‘From all that has been brought to light,’ the -judgment proceeds, ‘it is made manifest that the said Villeneuve is a -most egregious heretic, and as such is hereby adjudged, convicted and -condemned, his body to be burned, and his goods to be confiscated, the -judicial expenses incurred and yet to be incurred to be defrayed out -of the proceeds of the sale.’ All the books written by Villeneuve are -further ordered to be diligently searched for, and wherever found, to -be seized and burned. - -It is not unimportant to notice that Arnoullet, the publisher and -printer, is associated with Servetus in this ecclesiastical judgment. -‘The said Villeneuve and Balthazar Arnoullet are attainted and to -be held conjoined in the sentence because of their complicity and -connection.’ Arnoullet however was more mercifully dealt with than -Villeneuve; he was not condemned to be burned alive; neither did he -suffer imprisonment for any great length of time, but was by and by -set at liberty on giving security for his good behaviour in future. If -Charmier, the priest, was sentenced to incarceration for three years, -having, as far as we know, done nothing more than deliver a message -from Villeneuve to Merrin the type-founder, we might have imagined that -Arnoullet would scarcely have escaped with so little scath; for to have -aided and abetted in the printing of such a book as that entitled the -‘Restoration of Christianity,’ which impugned the system that placed -the whole of his judges--Cardinal Tournon, Archbishop Paumier, Ory, -Arzelier, and the rest--in positions of affluence and influence, could -only have been looked upon as a crime little less heinous than that -of which the author of the book himself had been guilty. But Charmier -was known to have been on friendly terms with Villeneuve; and Paumier -may have guessed what that implied; for let us not forget that all -we speak of came to pass shortly after Giovanni de Medici, under the -title of Leo X., had been Pope; and that if the Reformation had more -well-wishers in France than dared to proclaim themselves, Scepticism -too, and of the deepest dye, was at the same time rife in high places. -The poor priest Charmier, however, being of the rank and file only, -must pay for having meddled; but let us hope that Archbishop Paumier -interfered in due season and succeeded in greatly abridging the term of -his imprisonment. - - - - -BOOK II. - -SERVETUS IN GENEVA, FACE TO FACE WITH CALVIN. - -[Illustration: Ioanis Calvinus] - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -SERVETUS REACHES GENEVA--DETAINED THERE, HE IS ARRESTED AT THE INSTANCE -OF CALVIN. - - -Escaped from the Dauphinal prison of Vienne, Servetus must, in all -likelihood, have found hiding at first with friends in Lyons. But -there, as indeed anywhere else in France, his life was in imminent -danger; so that for his own sake, as well as that of his friends, -terribly compromised by his presence, he had to seek safety at a -distance--even in another country. Nor was it present safety only that -was in question: the means of living in time to come had further to be -thought of. But master of a profession that is welcome everywhere, he -may have had little anxiety on that score; and he who had lived so long -unmolested as Villeneuve or Villanovanus, after compromising himself as -Serveto, alias Revés, would have been at no loss to find another name -to shield him from recognition. His first thoughts carried him in the -direction of Spain, but he found so many difficulties from the French -gendarmerie, that he turned back; believing then that the best course -he could follow would be to betake himself to Naples, where he knew -there was a large settled population of his own countrymen, among whom -he would find a sufficient field for the exercise of his calling. - -Calvin--erroneously beyond question--speaks of Servetus having wandered -for four months in Italy after his escape from the prison of Vienne. -Had he reached Italian ground at this time, he would not have returned -upon Geneva, and then--presuming that he escaped Calvin’s further -pursuit--he might have lived, usefully engaged, to a good old age, and -died quietly in his bed. Servetus arrived in Switzerland from the side -of France, and must have been in hiding in that country, or wandering -about in disguise from place to place between April 7, the date of his -evasion from Vienne, and the middle of July when he reached Geneva. The -hue and cry from Vienne was probably not of a kind to be heard afar; -they who left the prison door open may have seen to that--Servetus -indeed says himself that they did. It was not such, at all events, -as to prevent his baffling pursuit and escaping recognition: for he -entered Geneva in safety; and feeling the soil of a state beneath his -feet where other than Roman Catholic views of religion prevailed, he -could hardly have thought that he would suffer molestation did he but -keep quiet during the day or two he meant to remain in order to rest -and recruit. - -The experience Servetus had had so lately must have satisfied him -that he could hope for nothing from the forbearance of Calvin; but he -did not mean to put this to the test: his business was to make no -noise, and to be gone as quickly as possible. Though he had made the -latter part of his journey on horseback, the usual mode of locomotion -in those days, he even deemed it prudent, as less likely to attract -attention, to enter Geneva on foot. He therefore discharged his steed -at Louyset, a village a few miles distant, where he passed the night, -and reached the city in the early morning of some day after the middle -of July, 1553. Putting up at a small hostelry on the banks of the lake, -having the sign of the Rose, he appears to have lain there privily and -unchallenged for nearly a month. - -What could have induced Servetus to linger in a place where we see, -from the precautions he took both in arriving and subsequently, that he -could not have thought himself safe, long remained a mystery; but is -cleared up in a great measure by the information we obtain through the -particulars of the trial to which he was immediately subjected, and of -which it is only of late years that a full and entirely satisfactory -account has been obtained. We were disposed, at one time, to ascribe -the delay in setting out for Italy to the fascination which the strong -have over the weak, and to imagine that our wanderer was still anxious -for the personal interview with Calvin he had formerly sought, but -been forced to forego, in Paris, and for which, as we learn by the -letter of Calvin to his friend Farel, he had made fresh proposals at a -later date.[67] He was now aware, however, that it was by Calvin he -had been denounced to the authorities of Lyons and Vienne, arrested in -consequence, put upon his trial, and only saved his life by escaping -from prison. He could not possibly, therefore, have flattered himself -that the man who was so disposed towards him would receive him in any -friendly mood; though it probably never came into his mind to imagine -that the Reformer would be disposed to take the knife in hand himself. - -As we now read the tale, we perceive that Servetus’s presence in Geneva -could not have been unknown to all in the city, even from the day of -his arrival; and our persuasion is, that for some time at least he -was kept there against his will. On his trial we find him stating, -incidentally, that the windows of the room he occupied at the Rose _had -been nailed up!_ What interpretation can possibly be put on this? The -nailing up could not have been done to keep anyone _out_ of a place of -public entertainment. It was therefore to keep someone _in_. Servetus -must in fact have been anxious from the first to be gone; but he was -detained by certain parties in Geneva, not among the number of Calvin’s -friends, who thought to make political capital out of his presence -among them. - -Nor were it hard to imagine that he, smarting as he then was under the -sense of all that had but just befallen him through the interference of -the Reformer, and listening for the moment to the influential persons -who promised him support, and possibly redress, was not altogether -indisposed to pay his enemy back for the irreparable injury he had -suffered at his hands. But there is nothing in all we know of Michael -Servetus that leads us for a moment to think of him as a revengeful -man; and though he may have lent an ear for a while to the suggestions -of his new friends, he must soon have come to conceive misgivings as to -the real meaning of their attentions. - -Even whilst lying hidden in his inn he could hardly have failed, after -a while, to learn something of the state of political partisanship -prevalent in the theocratic republican city of Geneva, and so have been -more than ever anxious to be gone. Hence the nailing up of his chamber -windows. On Sunday, August 13, he had even spoken to the landlord of -the ‘Rose’ to procure him a boat for the morrow, to take him by the -Lake as far as possible on his way to Zürich. But his resolution to -delay his departure no longer was taken too late. Weary of confinement, -and always piously disposed, he ventured imprudently to show himself -at the evening service of a neighbouring church; and being there -recognised, intimation of his presence in Geneva was conveyed to -Calvin, who, without loss of a moment, and in spite of the sacredness -of the day, denounced him to one of the Syndics, and demanded his -immediate arrest. - -To effect this in the city of Geneva of the year of grace 1553 was no -matter of difficulty, little being made in those days of seizing on -the person, and not much of taking the life. The accredited officer, -armed with a warrant, found Servetus in his inn; informed him he was -to consider himself a prisoner; led him away, and threw him into the -common jail of the town. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -GENEVA AND THE STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE DATE OF SERVETUS’S -ARREST. - - -‘The year 1553,’ says Beza, in his life of Calvin, ‘by the impatience -and fury of the factious, was a year so full of trouble that not only -was the Church, but the Republic of Geneva, within a hair’s breadth -of being wrecked and lost; all power had fallen into the hands of the -wicked (i.e., the patriotic party of freethought, opposed to Calvin, -and designated the Libertines), that it seemed as though they were -on the point of attaining the ends for which they had so long been -striving.’ Eighteen years had then elapsed since the Reformation -first found footing in Geneva, and twelve since Calvin had resumed -his position--interrupted during a period of two years--as a sort of -spiritual dictator--‘the Lycurgus of a Christian Democracy’--not only -as Organiser of the Faith, and Minister in the Church, but as regulator -and supervisor of the morals and manners of the people. - -The Reformation, in so far as Geneva was concerned, seems to have been -hailed on political much more than on religious grounds. Emancipation -from the yoke of the Roman Catholic bishop, under which its citizens -had long fretted, meant escape from the political machinations, -through the Priest, of France on the one hand, of Savoy on the other. -The change from Romanism to Protestantism appears to have been due, -in fact, to no particular discontent of the Genevese with the old -Popish forms, or to any zeal for the new doctrines of Luther and his -followers, but to a cherished hope of being suffered to pass their -lives with as little control as might be from authority of any kind, -and that little imposed and administered by themselves. - -Moral discipline was notoriously lax over Europe in the early years of -the sixteenth century, nowhere perhaps more so than at Geneva; and the -liberty after which its people sighed was often understood as license -rather than as life within the limits of moral law. Accident, however, -having brought John Calvin, already a man of mark, to Geneva in the -course of the year 1536, he was seized upon by William Farel, then in -principal charge of the spiritual concerns of the city, and yielding -to his most urgent entreaties--conjured, indeed, in the name of God, -to remain and aid in the work of the Reformation--Calvin consented to -cast in his lot with the Genevese, still jubilant over their lately -recovered liberties and little amenable to discipline of any kind. - -A more unlikely conjunction of elements can hardly be conceived than -that of the ascetic, gloomy Calvin with the lively, self-indulgent -Genevese, to whom life meant present enjoyment, and religion a pleasant -addition to existence on festivals and Sundays, to be put off and on -with their holiday garments and less to be thought of than the next -excursion to the mountains in summer, or the approaching assembly for -merriment and the dance in winter. - -To Calvin life and its import wore a totally different aspect. To him -the present was but a prelude to the future, a discipline preparing for -eternity, and religion therefore the great end and aim of existence. -Anchorite himself in the truest sense of the word, he would possibly -have had herbs the food, the crystal spring the drink of the community. -Fatalist too to a great extent through his doctrine of election and -predestination, the joys of life--if life perchance had any joys--and -its trials--and they were many, were to be taken with like passiveness -and equanimity. Even the inclemencies of the seasons, as dispensations -of providence, were not to be over-anxiously guarded against: the -school-house windows, it is true, were to be glazed or protected in -some sort by diaphanous skins or horn; but this was to be no higher -than their lower halves; and in so much only that the snow-drift, the -wind and the rain might not interfere with the work of the scholars. - -Conscious himself, through natural endowment and added learning, of -superiority to all about him, Calvin had little or no sympathy with the -liberty the Genevese were so proud of having achieved. A despotism -was his ideal of civil government; and his proclaimed purpose from the -first in settling at Geneva was to make the city a stronghold of the -Gospel, its people subjects of the Lord, and their faith and morals a -model of all that had been proposed by the Reformation in the sense in -which he understood it. And how much he differed in this from Luther, -and Zwingli, need not be said. The - - Wer liebt nicht Weiber, Wein und Gesang - Ein Narr ist er und bleibts sein Lebenslang[68] - -of him of the Wartburg, must have sounded as simple profanity to Calvin. - -That Calvin’s heavy hand was borne with by the Genevese for two years, -in the first instance, with no small amount of discontent, indeed, but -with no outbreak of rebellion, must be set down, we imagine, to the -credit of human nature, which endures for a season the irksome and -even the ill, in hope of the good to follow; but when the pressure -is crushing, and there is no prospect of alleviation, resistance, -inevitably, follows in the end. - -Calvin and the special Court he had inaugurated under the title of -the Consistory, had been anxious to impose some new and still more -stringent ordinance on the city, but the Council, whose sanction was -required before any of the consistorial edicts could have way, refused -assent, and the citizens, emboldened by this, forthwith appeared in -open rebellion against what they rightly construed as the tyranny -and self-assertion of the clergy. So unpopular in fact did the whole -clerical party become at this time, that its leader and his colleague -Farel were formally banished from the city, and the subordinate -ministers had to shrink into something like obscurity if they would -escape the necessity of accompanying them. - -In sore displeasure with the ungrateful conduct of the people, as -he regarded it, Calvin sought shelter first in Basle and then in -Strasburg, where he was welcomed by his brother Reformers, and by and -by provided with honourable means of subsistence, by an appointment as -Professor of Theology in the University. - -But he was not destined long to enjoy the leisure of the Professor’s -chair. Before two years had elapsed, the more moderate, orderly, and -pious party had come again into power in Geneva, and he was waited on -by a deputation, headed by Amied Perrin, a man of the highest influence -among his fellow citizens, and entreated to return and save them from -themselves; orderly existence, not otherwise attainable as it seemed, -being seen after all to be not too dearly bought even by heavy payments -in the shape of subserviency to theocratic rule. - -Calvin returned to Geneva, then, and under circumstances that gave him -a great advantage over the difficulties he had formerly encountered -in carrying into effect the system of discipline he was bent on -introducing. Perrin’s appearance at the head of the deputation to -Strasburg, he had seen as an omen of the best augury; for Perrin’s -influence in the Civic Council was very great, and his approval of any -measure proposed, was taken as a sufficient guarantee by the citizens -at large, of its value. But Perrin was ambitious, and certainly -reckoned without his host when he hoped by patronising John Calvin to -make him in any way the instrument of his own selfish or party designs; - - Two stars keep not their orbit in one sphere; - -and if Perrin was bent on power, so was Calvin. - -Perrin, it may be, had never heartily sympathised with the Reformation -in its religious aspects; he certainly sympathised still less with -the Reformer. A man of pleasure at heart, he was perhaps somewhat -indifferent to religion. Ready enough to abet Calvin in his austerities -towards the many, he was minded to keep his own neck and the necks -of his friends out of the yoke. Calvin, however, had no idea of -anything of the kind: his law was of general application, or it had -no significance; his rule was _one_ and it was for all. No wonder, -therefore, that Perrin’s league with the Reformer came to an end ere -long; and that when it was not open dissidence between them, it was -always smouldering enmity. - -Calvin’s grand instrument in enforcing his discipline was the -Consistory, an assembly made up of the entire acting clergy of Geneva, -with a limited number--no more than twelve--of the laity added. This -body was entrusted with very extensive powers, which it may be imagined -were not suffered to lie idle, when we find it pretending to regulate -the head, and even the foot, gear of the women; intruding itself into -the dwellings of the people, too, and looking into their saucepans and -pint pots to see that there was no indulgence in the way of eating and -drinking! - -Supported by a certain number of the native Genevese, Calvin’s hands -were immensely strengthened by the crowd of refugees for conscience -sake who poured into Geneva from France and Italy, to escape the -persecution that had already begun to rage in these countries. Henry -II. of France, having presented his mistress, Diana of Poitiers, -with the proceeds of all confiscations for heresy, her agents were -indefatigable in hunting out converts to the doctrines of Luther and -bringing them to justice, as it was called: the greater the number of -heretics burned, the higher rose the fame for piety of the profligate -king, and in like measure the revenue of the heartless courtesan. - -The refugees as a rule, and almost as a matter of necessity, were -entirely devoted to the Reformer; and having been most liberally met -by the Genevese at first, and put on a footing of all but perfect -political equality, they made themselves felt, through their numbers, -in the frequently recurring elections that formed elements in the -Genevese Republican system. Favoured in all by Calvin, the strangers, -as they increased in numbers, came at length to be ever more and more -disliked and distrusted by the native population; so that Calvin may be -found using language such as this, when, speaking in the same breath of -the fugitives, his friends, and of the people who sheltered both him -and them within their walls:--‘They (the Genevese) are dissatisfied -with you (the Refugees), because you run not riot with them in their -disorderly and barren lives.’ The native population, in a word, found -themselves, ere long, controlled and overcrowed by a host of aliens, -led by a bigoted and intolerant ecclesiastic--a state of things never -to be patiently endured, but to be ended at the first favourable -moment; and it is to the culminating dissatisfaction of the Genevese -with clerical rule in 1553, much akin to that of the year 1538, when -Calvin had been forced to quit the field, that Beza refers in the -passage quoted above. - -So unpopular had Calvin again become in the year 1553, that, in -writing to one of his friends, he speaks of discontent and distrust -as universally prevalent, especially among the more youthful of the -population. ‘The accumulated rancour of their hearts,’ he says, ‘breaks -out from time to time; so that when I show myself in the street, the -curs are hounded on me: hiss! hiss! is shouted to them; and they snap -at my legs and tear my clothes.’ Calvin must in truth have had a trying -time of it during most of the years he lived among the Genevese; -his own bed could as little have been of roses without thorns, as he -suffered the beds of the citizens to be of down; for, save during -brief lulls, he and they seem to have passed their lives in a state of -covert, when it was not one of open, warfare. - -One of the earlier hostile moves of the civil Council in the present -crisis against the Reformer was the exclusion, from the Greater Council -of the State, of some members of the Minor Council, known to be among -the number of his adherents. More than this, his enemies having come -to outnumber his friends in the lately elected Council, he found -himself frequently outvoted in directions in which he had been used to -think of his wish or his will as already the law. Among those who had -now obtained a seat in the Supreme Council, was one whom he had put -under the consistorial ban for some infringement of discipline, and -forbidden, until he showed signs of amendment, to present his child -for baptism. To choose Councillors from among persons such as this, -however, was, in Calvin’s eyes, to fly in the face not only of all -authority, but of the Almighty himself. - -Another move against him was a resolution taken by the Council to -deprive the Refugees of the arms with which they, like the native -population, had been entrusted at an earlier period for the common -defence. This was taken greatly to heart by Calvin, who stigmatised it -as a ‘barbarous and brutal act, perpetrated by enemies of the Gospel -against exiles for Christ’s sake.’ But the Council did not stop here -in showing its hostile mood. The priests, in the olden time, had -been privileged like the rest of the Community to be present at the -deliberations of the Council, and the Ministers, their successors, -had never been challenged in their title to show themselves as -auditors in the same way. They were now, however, by a resolution of -the Council, declared incompetent to appear at its sittings without -special permission given. Of no great moment in itself or politically -considered, this interdict pointed with even needless significance -to mislike and mistrust of the clergy as a body, and of their -distinguished head in particular--the Council would neither have him -nor his followers immediately informed of all the business they had in -hand. - -How keenly all these proceedings were felt by Calvin is apparent from -the tone of the letters he wrote to more than one of his friends at -this time. To his friend Sulzer, of Basle, he says that for the last -two years they pass their lives at Geneva as if they were living amid -the declared enemies of the Gospel! and he complains bitterly of the -interference he suffers in the exercise of his multifarious functions. - -Among the particular incidents that tended to widen the breach between -Calvin with the ecclesiastical party behind him, and the civil -authorities backed by the more liberally disposed of the citizens, -was the case of Philibert Berthelier, one of the Councillors, a man -of note, respected and much looked up to by the Genevese; for he -was the son of that Philibert Berthelier who had nobly striven for -the liberties of the city, in former years, and gone to his death on -the scaffold in their assertion. Berthelier, some eighteen months -or so before, for an offence against one or other of the arbitrary -ordinances of the Consistory--for having gone to a ball with his wife -and daughter, we think, they having further exceeded in the matter -of dress--had fallen under the interdict of the Ministers, and been -forbidden to present himself at the celebration of the Lord’s supper, -until he had made submission and promised amendment. - -Now Berthelier was not only a man of weight in the Republic -politically, but in the opinion of his fellow citizens, of really -irreproachable life and conversation; and, his friends being then in -power, he took steps to have the interdict removed, which kept him from -gratifying his pious feelings by partaking of the commemorative feast. -To this end he presented a petition to the Council, setting forth the -grievance under which he laboured, and praying for relief; and they, -on their part, took it on them forthwith not only to absolve him of -the disability of which he complained, but, proceeding a step farther, -they declared the Consistory incompetent in time to come to pronounce -sentences of Excommunication at all; transferring the right to do so -from the Ecclesiastical Assembly to the Minor Council of the State. - -This was felt by Calvin as the heaviest blow that had yet been dealt -him. Of course he opposed the measure with all his might. Heard in -opposition to its adoption, he declared that if it were maintained -the very foundations of the Reformation, in so far as Religion -was concerned, would be compromised. But all his eloquence was -thrown away; after long and eager discussion the decree was finally -confirmed. Disgusted with the opposition he encountered at every point, -Calvin--though he soon shows that he is anxious to free himself from -any suspicion of the kind--appears at the time to have had serious -thoughts of throwing up his charge and abandoning the city of Geneva to -its own evil devices. It was probably the consciousness that if he left -Geneva he would seem to be turning his back on the whole of the Reform -movement, which kept him from taking the extreme step he may probably -have meditated. He had become accustomed, moreover, to play the despot, -and he who has once indulged in the bitter sweets of arbitrary power -scarcely retires otherwise than by compulsion into the shade of private -life. And then, whither was he to betake himself? Not to France, -though he still looked with longing eyes towards his native country; -for open heresy, such as he must have felt himself bound to profess, -there led inevitably to the stake; neither to Germany, where his own -peculiar views were not popular, and the several centres of the great -and glorious movement towards light and freedom, brought to a head by -Luther, were all adequately occupied. He must stay at Geneva, then, -his ‘coign of vantage;’ abide the storm of the present, and hope for -better days to come. But it was in bitterness of heart, waiting till -reaction had spent itself, and his voice could again be heard as the -voice of authority. - -It was at this moment precisely, whilst debate and dispute, -ecclesiastical and civil, were at their height, that Michael Servetus -reached Geneva, and altogether unwittingly and unwillingly on his part -became a subject of contention between the party of free thought, -now in open rebellion against Calvin and the more rigid of his blind -or compliant followers. And we shall possibly see reason to conclude -that Servetus, though tried for heresy and finally condemned and done -to death by slow fire for blasphemy against God, was in some measure -also the victim of the political situation--the scape-goat of the two -parties contending for supremacy in Geneva. Had there been less of -political rancour there in the year 1553, and Servetus been allowed -competent counsel to defend him, it seems to us, on the most careful -consideration of the whole subject, that the proceedings would not -have been suffered to take the turn they did, which led inevitably -to his condemnation to death, whilst the memory of Calvin would have -escaped the portentous blot that goes so far to obscure all the other -great qualities that attach to his name. The world might then have had -triumphs within the domain of physical science other than the discovery -of the lesser circulation of the blood, from the man of genius; -and the Reformation--type of the holy cause of human progress--have -advanced without the lamentable compromise of principle it suffered -when its leaders sent one of the very foremost men of his age to the -stake. - -In presence of the individual he had come to look on as his personal -enemy as well as the enemy of God, Calvin appears to have forgotten -all his earlier aspirations after toleration. He was not now thinking -of himself as editor of ‘Seneca on Clemency,’ when to the text of -his author enjoining self-control or moderation of mind--_animi -temperantia_--having the power to take vengeance, he adds: ‘It belongs -to the nature of the merciful man that he not only uses opportunities -of vengeance with moderation, but does not avail himself of even the -most tempting occasions to take revenge;’[69]--a noble sentence, but -written in days long past, when he saw persecution for conscience sake -inaugurated by Francis I. Neither had he himself as author of the -earlier editions of the ‘Institutions’ in his mind, where he is as -emphatic in denouncing the ‘Right of the Sword’ in dealing with heresy -as he was now, having become the spiritual dictator of Geneva, ready to -call it at all times into requisition. Calvin’s natural temperament, -in fact, disposed him to severity in furtherance of his purposes and -his will. We have seen him in his letter to Farel of February 1546, -threatening Servetus with death, did opportunity serve; and writing to -a French lady--Madame de Cany--about or a little before the time that -now engages us, in referring to some one who had behaved ungratefully -both to his correspondent and himself, he says: ‘I assure you, madam, -that had he not taken himself off so speedily, I should have held it my -duty, in so far as it lay with me, to have had him burned alive.’[70] - -But everything seemed to conspire against Servetus at the moment of his -reaching Geneva; for almost immediately after his arrival there, and -whilst his presence was still unknown to Calvin, the Reformer received -a letter from a correspondent, Paul Gaddi of Cremona by name, that -must have greatly strengthened his fears of Servetus’s objectionable -influence in the world, and, on theological grounds, confirmed him -in his purpose of pushing matters to extremities and silencing the -dangerous heretic for ever, did he but find the opportunity. Gaddi, -as it seems, had lately reached Zürich from the north of Italy. At -Ferrara, he informs his correspondent that he had had many long and -interesting conversations with the Duchess, who showed the very best -and most friendly dispositions towards the Reformed Faith. But she was -sorely in want of a competent person, ‘a faithful Minister of the word -of God,’ as a guide against those by whom she was surrounded. Gaddi, -therefore, at the desire of the Duchess requests Calvin to send her -some one who would give her true instruction, and free her from the -teaching ‘of the miserable Monk she has at her elbow, who seeks not -after what Christ requires, but after the things that be profitable to -himself.’ - - ‘Much have I seen in these [northern] Italian cities,’ - continues Gaddi, ‘and many have I met with who profess Christ; - but few and far between are those who faithfully serve the - Lord. Various, truly, are the heresies that there abound, so - that the land is, in truth, a very Babylon. This, you may be - sure, I have not beheld without extreme distress of mind and - tearful eyes; but the heresy that flourishes the most of all, - is the doctrine of the proud and Satanic Servetus, insomuch - that many of the faithful entreat you to come forward, and - controvert his writings; a task to which they think you are - the more bound to apply yourself, as he boasts that no one has - yet dared to write against him. I, too, if my entreaty may be - of any avail, beseech you to undertake the business. I know - the influence your writings have with all in Italy, who fear - God. If you deigned to take pen in hand against George [he had - published a tract against predestination], who was every way - unworthy of your notice, for he was plunged in the deepest - ignorance, how much rather ought you to come forward against - this diabolical spirit, who is looked on by so many as having - the highest authority in matters of doctrine. And truly his - teaching, though it be of the most impious and pestilent kind, - is calculated to impose on those whose eyes serve them not to - see far before them. Wherefore, I entreat you yet again, to - undertake the task I propose. Postpone, I pray you, for a few - days your other studies; betake you to this most necessary - work, and be the hammer that shall smite the enemy. - - Your most devoted, - - PAULUS GADIUS CREMONENSIS. - - Zürich, July 23rd, 1553.[71] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -SERVETUS IS ARRAIGNED ON THE CAPITAL CHARGE BY CALVIN. - - -In ordering the summary arrest of Servetus at the instance of Calvin, -as we have seen, the Syndic only conformed with usage. But by the law -of Geneva grounds for an arrest on a criminal charge must be delivered -to an officer styled _Le Lieutenant Criminel_, or the Lieutenant of -Criminal Process--a personage evidently holding a responsible position -in the city--within twenty-four hours thereafter, failing which -the party attached was set at liberty. To prepare the articles of -impeachment required, Calvin must have spent the greater part of the -night, turning over the leaves of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ for -the matter of his charges. These bear very obvious marks of the haste -in which they were put together, several of them being repetitions of -others that had gone before, and scarcely anything like order being -observed in the arrangement of the particulars adduced. Within the -legal time, however, the prosecutor was ready with his articles, no -fewer than thirty-eight in number, upon which, as a preliminary to -further proceedings, it was the duty of the ‘_Lieutenant Criminel_’ to -interrogate the prisoner, and from his replies to determine whether or -not there were grounds to found what we should call a True Bill against -him. - -Nor was this all. Criminal charges must be made at the instance of some -one who should avow himself aggrieved, and not only bind himself over -to prosecute the suit he sought to institute to a conclusion, but be -content to go to prison with the party he accused, and, in conformity -with the requirements of the Lex Talionis, or law of retaliation, -engage, in case his charges were not made good, to undergo the penalty -that would befall the incriminated party if they were substantiated. - -It would of course have been not only inconvenient, but unbecoming for -Calvin, the real prosecutor in the case, to go into durance vile, his -presence in the outer world being so much required. He had therefore to -procure a substitute; and we might have expected to find William Trie -again brought forward, and made to figure in setting on foot the trial -for life or death at Geneva, as he had already lent himself to figure -in that of Vienne. But Trie was not produced; it was a certain Nicolas -de la Fontaine, a French refugee in the service of Calvin, in what -capacity report speaks variously, some designating him cook, whilst -others, to enhance his dignity, call him the Reformer’s Secretary. -Calvin himself speaks of him familiarly as _Nicolaus meus_, my man -Nicolas. That Fontaine was really the Reformer’s cook seems now to have -been satisfactorily ascertained; but he may have been a man of parts -and education for all that; refugees for conscience sake could not -always choose their calling in their new abodes.[72] - -On the morning of August 14th, accordingly, Nicolas de la Fontaine -presented himself before the _Lieutenant Criminel_, Tissot, and the -prisoner having been produced, De la Fontaine declared himself formally -the Prosecutor of Michael Servetus of Villanova on certain criminal -charges, demanding at the same time that the prisoner should, under -penalties, be required to answer truthfully to each of the articles now -to be alleged against him. - -These articles, thirty-eight in number, are taken exclusively from -Servetus’s work entitled ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ which is assumed -as having been published and found detrimental to the public peace -(although it had as yet been seen by no one in Geneva but Calvin -himself), not any of them from the earlier work entitled ‘De Trinitatis -Erroribus,’ the printing of which and its presumed influence in -troubling the Churches of Germany, infecting the world with heresy and -causing many to lose their souls, being nevertheless, as we see, the -first item in the list of its author’s delinquencies. Calvin must have -seen the propriety of producing the treatise on Trinitarian Error, -published two and twenty years ago; but he had not a copy himself, -neither could he hear of one either in Geneva or Lausanne; for he had -written to his friend Viret for aid in the matter. But Viret could not -help him--he had no copy himself; his friend Sonnerius, however, he -thinks, has one; ‘were he at home he would not assuredly refuse us the -use of it.’ Obtaining it on Sonnerius’s return, he will send it with -the least possible delay to Geneva.[73] - -The articles of impeachment, classified and summarised, with the -answers of Servetus, are as follows: - -I. and II. That about twenty-four years ago he began to trouble the -Churches of Germany with his errors and heresies, and published an -execrably heretical book by which he infected many, and for which he -had been condemned and forced to fly the country that he might escape -punishment. - -To this Servetus replies: That he is not conscious of having troubled -any of the Churches of Germany; and though he owns that he had -published a little book at Hagenau, he is not aware that he had -infected anyone, and certainly was never either tried or condemned for -anything he had done in Germany, neither had he been forced to fly from -that country to escape punishment. - -III. and IV. Item: That he has not ceased since then from spreading -abroad his poison, in annotations to the Bible and to the Geography of -Ptolemy, and more recently in a second book, clandestinely printed, -containing an infinity of blasphemies, &c. - -Replies: That it is true he wrote notes to the Bible and to Ptolemy; -but thinks he said nothing in them that is not good; and in the book -lately printed, he does not believe that he blasphemes; but if it be -shown him that he says anything amiss he is ready to amend it. - -V. Item: That having been imprisoned at Vienne, when he saw that the -authorities there would not accept of his retractations, he had found -means to escape from prison. - -Replies: That he was indeed prisoner at Vienne, having been denounced -to the authorities there by Monsieur Calvin and Guillaume Trie, and had -made his escape from prison, because the Priests would have burned him -alive had he stayed; the prison, however, having been so kept that it -seemed as though the authorities meant him to save himself. - -VI., VII., VIII. Item: That he had written, published, and said that to -believe there were three distinct persons: Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, -in the single essence of God was to forge or feign so many phantoms; -to have a God parted into three, like the three-headed Cerberus of the -heathen poets; all this being said in the face of such doctors of the -Church as Ambrose, Augustin, Chrysostom, Athanasius, and the rest, as -well as of many holy men of the present day--Melanchthon among the -number, whom he had called a Belial and Satan. - -Replies: That in the book he wrote on the Trinity, he had followed -the teaching of the Doctors who lived immediately after Christ and -the Apostles; that he believes in a Trinity--Father, Son, and Holy -Ghost--but owns that he does not attach the same meaning to the word -_person_ as do modern writers; and though he admits that he spoke of -Melanchthon in the terms stated, it was not in any printed book or in -public, but in a private letter; whilst Melanchthon, on his part, and -in a printed book, had used language of the same kind towards him. - -IX. to XX. and XXVI. The whole of these articles, with wearisome -prolixity and iteration, refer to the transcendental theological dogmas -that touch on the way and manner in which Christ is to be regarded -as the Son of God; the relationship in which He stands to the ‘Word’ -of the Gospel according to John, and how the Word was made Flesh; in -what respect Christ is God, and in what respect he is Man, and how, -as the Son of God, he could have died like a man. To these recondite -propositions Servetus replies in a way that has a sufficient look of -orthodoxy, and was evidently intended by him so to appear. He avows his -belief in the items generally on which he is challenged with unbelief; -and it may be that he could do so with a clear conscience, he putting -his own interpretation on the language he used. Christ he acknowledged -as the Son of God, but this was because of his having been begotten in -some mysterious way by the Deity in the womb of the Virgin Mary, He -not having existed actually but only potentially in the mind of God -before the epoch of his incarnation. Christ, however, he says, was -_prefigured_ by the angels who make their appearance from time to time -in the Hebrew Scriptures. When _persons_ are spoken of, further, they -are to be thought of as _images_, _formalities_, not real entities or -individuals; so that the three persons he acknowledges in the Godhead -are but so many _dispensations_, _modes_, or _manifestations_ which the -Invisible God makes of himself in creation. - -XXIV., XXV. and XXXV. These articles bear upon Servetus’s conceptions -of the Deity, in whose Oneness of Being he declares that he yet -acknowledges not merely three _hypostases_, as generally said, but a -hundred thousand _dispositions_ or _dispensations_, so that God is part -of ourselves, we part of His Spirit; the _ideas_ or _patterns_ of all -creatures and of all things having been eternally present in the Divine -Mind, though they only acquired form and substance in Creation. - -XXVII. and XXIX. Item: That he had said that the soul of man was -mortal; that there was nothing immortal in fact, but an elementary -breath, the soul having become mortal after Adam’s transgression. - -He replies by denying the allegations, and declares that he never -thought the soul of man to be mortal; all he has said in his writings -in connection with the subject of immortality being to the effect that -the soul was clothed in corruptible elements which perished, not that -the soul itself was mortal or died in its essence. - -XXX., XXXI., and XXXIII. Item: That he had spoken of Infant Baptism as -a diabolical invention, competent to destroy the whole of Christianity. - -He admits that he has said so, and is still of this opinion; believing -as he does that none should be baptized until they had attained to -years of discretion. But he adds, that if it be shown him he is -mistaken in this, he is ready to submit to correction. - -XXXVII. Item: That in his printed book he has made use of scurrilous -and blasphemous terms of reproach in speaking of M. Calvin and the -Doctrines of the Church of Geneva. - -Replies: That he himself had had abusive language applied to him by -Calvin in public; Calvin having said that he, Servetus, was intoxicated -with his opinions; a reproach which had led him to reply in similar -terms to his opponent, and to show at the same time from his writings -that he was mistaken in many things. - -XXXVIII. Item: That knowing his last book would not be suffered, -even among the Papists, he had concealed his views from Geroult, the -superintendent of the office where it was printed. - -Replies: That he corrected the press at Vienne, but did not conceal his -views from Geroult, who knew well enough what his opinions were. - - * * * * * - -_August 15._ The information taken by the Lieutenant in conformity -with the course of procedure required having been communicated to -the Syndics and Council now constituted Judges in a criminal case, -and, the Court of Judicature solemnly inaugurated, the prosecutor and -prisoner were produced; when Nicolas de la Fontaine made a formal -demand that Michael Servetus of Villanova, whom he charged with heresy, -should be put upon his trial. He presented an address or petition, -at the same time, in which the heads of the charges he proposed to -prove against the prisoner were briefly enumerated, namely, the grave -scandals and troubles he had caused among Christians for twenty-four -years or thereabout; the heresies and blasphemies he had spoken and -written against God with which he had infected the world; the wicked -calumnies and defamations he had published against the true servants -of God, more especially against Monsieur Calvin, whose honour as his -Pastor, he--the prosecutor--felt bound to uphold if he himself would -be accounted a Christian, and also because of the discredit that -would attach to the Church of Geneva, did the prisoner go at large, -condemning, as he does, and in an especial manner, the doctrine that -is there preached. ‘In as much, therefore,’ continues Calvin through -the mouth of Fontaine, ‘as the prisoner on his examination yesterday -replied in nowise satisfactorily and simply by yea or nay to the -questions put to him, as you must have perceived, the greater number of -his answers being mere frivolous songs, may it please your Lordships to -compel him to answer formally, without divergence or circumlocution, to -each of the articles proposed; to the end that he be not suffered to -go on mocking God and your Excellencies, and that the proponent be not -frustrated in his rights. - -‘Now the proponent having _prima facie_ made good his allegations and -satisfied you that the prisoner has been guilty of writing heresy and -dogmatising in the manner alleged, he begs you humbly to recognise the -prisoner Michael Servetus as a criminal deserving of prosecution by -your attorney-general; and that he, the proponent, be now declared free -of all charge, damage, and interest in the business. Not that he shuns -or declines to follow up a cause of the kind, which every child of God -ought indeed to pursue to the death, but in compliance with the usages -of your city, and because it is not for him to undertake duties that -belong to another.’ - -Having taken this petition into consideration, and determined that -there was _prima facie_ evidence of criminality on the part of the -prisoner, the Council proceeded in the afternoon of the same day to -the old Episcopal Palace, now turned into the Court in which criminal -causes were tried, and commenced proceedings according to the forms in -such cases used and provided. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE TRIAL IN ITS FIRST PHASE. - - -Formally installed in the Court of Criminal Judicature, Nicolas de la -Fontaine and Michael Servetus were ordered to be brought before them -by the Judges; and the prosecutor declaring that he persisted in his -allegations, and the prisoner being put on his oath to speak the truth -under penalties to the extent of 60 sols, the Trial commenced. - -To the question as to his name and condition, the prisoner replied that -his name was Michael Serveto, of Villanova, in the kingdom of Aragon, -in Spain, and that by profession he was a physician. The articles of -impeachment already produced were then restated seriatim, and to each -he was required to answer categorically. This he did, and generally -in the terms he had used in his preliminary examination, but accusing -Calvin, and Calvin alone, more imperatively than before, of having -provoked his arrest and prosecution at Vienne, adding that had Calvin -had his way, he--the prisoner--would assuredly have been burned alive. -To all that had reference to the Doctrine of the Trinity, the Nature -of Christ, the relations between God and created things, he spoke as -he had already done. He again and pointedly denied that he had ever -said the soul was mortal; but admitted having written that he thinks -man commits no mortal sin before the age of twenty years, adding that -‘under the Law God had so ordered it.’ The Baptism of Infants he -acknowledged to be in his eyes a diabolical invention, and calculated -to corrupt the whole of Christianity; declaring however, as formerly, -that if it were shown he erred in this opinion he was ready to retract -and amend. - -As to the alleged attacks on the Church of Geneva through the person of -Calvin, he answered as before, and now added that all he had written -against Calvin was with no view or desire to calumniate or injure him, -but only to show him his errors; and he now offers in open congregation -to make good his words by a variety of reasons, and the authority of -the Scriptures. - -This was to throw down the gauntlet to Calvin and offer him battle on -ground he could not decline, since he too acknowledged no authority -but holy writ, and we need not doubt of his readiness to take up the -pledge: there was nothing indeed, as he declared, for he was present -in Court watching the proceedings, that he desired more than to show -himself in such a cause before all the world.[74] The Court may be -excused for having imagined that in agreeing to such a wordy duel -between Calvin and Servetus they would be letting the question slip -out of their proper hands; or, as M. Albert Rilliet[75] suggests, the -friends whom Servetus had among its members, measuring the mental -calibre of the two men, may have feared to see him they favoured -worsted by his redoubtable opponent, whose dialectical skill and -theological lore were so well known to all. Deciding against the -proposal of the prisoner, therefore, the tribunal determined that the -trial should proceed in the usual way. - -So far as they had gone we can readily conceive that the answers -of Servetus must have seemed little satisfactory to the Court. On -even a large proportion of the allegations made, they may have felt -their incompetency to form an opinion; but upon a few they believed -themselves fully able to come to a conclusion. What he had said on -Infant Baptism in particular was greatly calculated to prejudice him -in the minds of his Judges; the doctrine he held being one among the -dangerous moral, social, and political principles of the Anabaptists, -though the whole of these were emphatically disavowed and condemned -by Servetus, who really appears to have had nothing in common with -the dreaded sect but the opinion that Baptism should not be performed -until years of discretion were attained, and that the rite should be -solemnised by immersion or affusion, not by merely sprinkling the face -with water. - -The decision of the Court at the end of the day’s proceedings was to -the effect that, as the answers of the prisoner Michael Servetus -implied criminality, the trial should go on; but that the prosecutor, -Nicolas de la Fontaine, whilst bound over to continue the suit, might -be released on the production of sufficient bail; and this being -immediately forthcoming in the person of Monsieur Antoine Calvin, -brother of the Reformer, Calvin’s substitute and _Chef de Cuisine_ -was discharged from custody, whilst Servetus was remanded to gaol. -Thus formally constituted prisoner on a criminal charge, Servetus now -delivered to the gaoler all the money and valuables he possessed, the -coin amounting to ninety-seven gold crowns, the valuables being a gold -chain of the value of twenty crowns, and as many as seven gold rings -set with a table diamond, a ruby and other stones of price. - - * * * * * - -August 16, the Court, constituted as usual, was observed to be less -numerously attended than on the day before, but with two important -additions: Philibert Berthelier among the Councillors, by right, -and Germain Colladon, introduced as Counsel for De la Fontaine. -Between these two men, says M. Rilliet, more perhaps than between any -other notable members of the Republic of Geneva, the contrast was -striking and complete. They might even severally have been assumed as -representatives of the parties which divided the state and contended -for mastery. Berthelier was the acknowledged head of the patriotic -party, mostly native Genevese, the Libertines as they were called, -from their zealous defence of the immunities and privileges of the -citizens against the old tyranny of the Roman Catholic Bishops and the -recently introduced consistorial rules and regulations of the Reformer. -As son of one of the martyrs to the public liberties of Geneva, and -possessed of wealth and influence, Berthelier had long been opposed to -the authority of Calvin; his patriotism and his self-respect revolting -against the domineering character of the man and the stringency of his -religious and sumptuary regulations, so that the struggle in which he -and Colladon now engaged, with the unhappy Servetus as their subject of -contention, was but an interlude in the strife that had been carried on -between Berthelier and Calvin for years. - -In Calvin’s arrest and prosecution of Servetus there can be no question -that Berthelier, making light of the theological grounds on which the -Spaniard was arraigned, and trusting to the strength of his party in -the Council, believed he saw a means and opportunity of worsting his -old irreconcilable enemy. He thought little, and it may be perhaps felt -somewhat indifferent as to the fate that would befal the individual -whose cause he espoused, did he fail in the purpose he proposed to -himself. Hate of Calvin blinded him to more remote contingencies. - -Colladon, engaged of course by Calvin on behalf of Nicolas de la -Fontaine and the prosecution, was a man of a totally different -stamp from Berthelier. A refugee from France, his native country, -for conscience sake, and seeking in Geneva freedom to enjoy his -religious convictions; austere in disposition, rigid in morals and -punctilious in outward observance, he had been forced to fly from his -home in consequence of zeal too openly expressed for the cause of -the Reformation. Safe in Geneva, he gave himself heart and soul to -Calvin, and was found by him among the most useful of his auxiliaries -in formulating his discipline and enforcing its observance, Colladon’s -familiarity with business and his legal knowledge qualifying him in -every way for the part he was ambitious to play. The party of which he -was a distinguished member were now in the minority, but did not so -remain for long. Within two years of the time that engages us, they had -gained the ascendency, and were not slow to avenge themselves on the -legitimate sons of Geneva by forcing them in numbers into banishment, -and filling their places by naturalising the French and Italian -refugees, who continued pouring into Geneva in crowds, to escape the -persecution that then raged in their native countries. - -The fiery dispute in which Berthelier and Colladon engaged at this -day’s sitting, seems to have concerned Calvin much more than Servetus, -its ostensible subject: the French _Reformer_ of Christianity far more -than its would-be Spanish _Restorer_, was the true object of the attack -and defence. The debate in the old episcopal palace, in a word, was -between the representatives of the two factions that contended for -supremacy in Geneva. - -We have unfortunately no complete account of what transpired on this -the first encounter between Berthelier and Colladon. The Records of the -Criminal Court are significantly silent on the subject; but that it was -violent there can be no question, so violent that the morning sitting -had to be suspended before the usual hour of rising. Yet are we at no -loss to divine the ground on which the presumed altercation arose, -when we note the point where the blank in the proceedings occurs, -coming as it does in immediate connection with the articles having -reference to the subject of the Trinity. Servetus, in the course of the -interrogatory to which he was subjected, having replied equivocally -or unsatisfactorily as to the sense in which the word person is to -be understood in speaking of the Trinitarian Mystery, Colladon must -have contended that he could show by various passages of the printed -book before the Court, that the prisoner now spoke otherwise of the -Trinity than he really believed, and proceeded to handle him somewhat -sharply, in the way Counsel learned in the Law are still wont to treat -those they have under cross-examination; somewhat unfairly, too, as -Berthelier may have thought, so that he interposed, and must even have -said something not only in defence of the prisoner, but of the opinions -incriminated. And here it was, and in consequence of the warmth of the -debate, that the proceedings had to be suspended. - -Before breaking up, a number of books, which had been produced by the -Counsel for the prosecution in support of his case, were directed to -be left with the clerk of the Court; and each party in the suit, having -noted its case, was ordered to be in readiness to go on at the next -sitting. The books in question were the works of Melanchthon and the -letters of Œcolampadius, the Geography of Ptolemy, and the Bible of -Pagnini; the two last of which the prisoner owned to having edited and -annotated. The most important of all, however, was the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ upon the interpretation of some of the passages of which, -in contrast with the present replies of the prisoner, arose the -altercation that led to the momentary suspension of the proceedings. - -From the Registers of the Grand Council we learn that on the morrow of -the stormy session of the sixteenth, Calvin presented himself before -the Council and demanded an audience. He had learned, he said, that -Philibert Berthelier had meddled in the suit against Michael Servetus, -and even spoken in defence of some of the incriminated passages of the -prisoner’s book--a mortal offence in Calvin’s eyes, and an indication, -not to be mistaken, of hostility to himself as virtual pursuer of the -obnoxious heretic. The time had come, in fact, when, throwing aside -disguise, Calvin must come from behind Nicolas de la Fontaine, avow -himself the prosecutor, and nip in the bud, if he could, the new growth -of rebellion against his rule for which Servetus, he saw, was now to be -made the pretext. - -In the interference of Berthelier, which we see must have given -such umbrage to Calvin, we have the first open indication by the -Libertine party of their sympathy with the prisoner; sympathy, real -or pretended, that may be said to have sealed the fate of the unhappy -Servetus; for the issue, though continuing to be debated on the ground -of speculative theology, on which so many questions might be raised -and doubts entertained, was henceforth to a certain extent transferred -to the domain of politics, on which there was the one practical issue -involved, as to who or which party that divided the state of Geneva -should have the upper hand. - -It may be fairly presumed that Calvin, with the great advantage he had -in natural talent and acquirements, had no difficulty in satisfying the -majority of the Judges of the culpability of Servetus on theological -grounds; his opinions differed too obviously from all they had ever -been led to believe concerning the Trinity and Infant Baptism, -especially, to leave them in any doubt as to this. Servetus differed, -in fact, on every point brought forward, from the doctrine familiar to -the mind of Geneva--enough of itself to lay him under suspicion; and, -accepting Calvin’s interpretation of the incriminated passages of his -book, which his Judges must have felt bound in some sort to do, they -could have had nothing for it, had the prosecution now insisted on -having made out their case, but to proceed to judgment, and pronounce -the prisoner guilty. But this was not done; the Judges appear not only -to have felt no kind of hostility towards the solitary stranger in the -singular and painful position in which he stood, but even to have been -moved to something like compassion in his behalf. - -After the suspension of the early sitting of the 16th in consequence of -the stormy scene between Berthelier and Colladon, and a pause to permit -the minds of all to regain a state of calm befitting the circumstances, -proceedings of an informal kind only were taken later in the day. -These are interesting, nevertheless, because of the recommendation of -the Judges to Calvin in sequence to his avowal of himself as virtual -prosecutor, to use every fair endeavour to bring the prisoner to what -were thought to be better views, as well as to furnish the Court with -further and more satisfactory evidence of his heretical guiltiness. -To this end Calvin was requested by the Court to visit the prisoner, -‘the better to show him his errors--_affin que myeux luy puyssent -estre remonstrées ses erreurs_: to assist him, _à assister luy_, and -to do what he could with him in respect of the interrogatories put to -him, _et qu’il vouldra avec luy aux interrogatoires_. This surely is -both interesting and important. The Court would have spared the man, -and given him an opportunity of coming to an understanding with the -prosecutor on the difficult matters in debate between them. We shall -accordingly find by-and-by that Calvin, accompanied by a number of -ministers, in compliance with the benevolent intentions of the Court, -paid Servetus a visit in prison; but with results that might have been -foreseen--not only not advantageous to him, but damaging in the highest -degree to his interests. - -On the resumption of proceedings next day, August 17, Calvin took his -seat on the Bench, and under him, in the area, were seen a number of -ministers, his colleagues, specially introduced, as said, to show the -prisoner his errors, but all, like their leader, we fear, rather bent -on convicting the dangerous heretic than hopeful of convincing and -winning over the mistaken theologian. - -Colladon, as counsel for the prosecution, now went on with his -interrogatories as at the last meeting; and various particulars which -had hitherto remained in the shade were brought prominently forward. -Among others it was positively averred that the prisoner had been tried -and condemned in Germany, a point only hinted at before; and passages -from private letters by Melanchthon and Œcolampadius were quoted in -support of the allegation. In these the severest censure is certainly -passed on the views of the prisoner; but, as he observed, the adverse -opinions of the Reformers referred to by no means implied that he -had ever been the subject of any judicial trial or condemnation in -Germany; a remark for which Colladon had no better rejoinder than to -say that had he and his printer been apprehended and tried, they would -undoubtedly have been condemned. - -Questioned as to who was the printer of his book on ‘Trinitarian -Error,’ he said it was Joannes Secerius of Hagenau. On this, Colladon -went on to say that the book was full of heretical poison, and that it -was impossible it should not have infected many persons. But there was -no evidence adduced to show that it had; and it is not unimportant to -observe that Colladon’s statements here are based on a document which -is not before the Court, a copy of the book on ‘Trinitarian Error,’ -though eagerly sought after, as we have seen, not being anywhere to be -found. - -On the note or scholium in the Ptolemy, calling in question the truth -of the Bible account of Judæa as a land flowing with milk and honey, -on which he was challenged, Servetus declared that it was not by him, -but quoted from another writer, adding incautiously, from himself, -however, that the note contained nothing reprehensible or that was not -true. This aroused the ire of Calvin, who now interposed, not certainly -in agreement with the recommendation of the Court to show the prisoner -that he had been led into error through false information, as he might -have done, but to declare that he who approved the words of another -characterising Judæa as no land flowing with milk and honey, but as -meagre, barren, and inhospitable, necessarily inculpated Moses; and -that to use such language was egregiously to outrage the Holy Ghost. - -Servetus, however, would not agree to this, coolly denying any such -conclusion; insomuch so, as Calvin himself tells us, in no very choice -terms, that ‘the villainous cur--_ce vilain chien_--though put to -shame by the obvious reasons adduced, did but wipe his muzzle, _ne -fit que torcher son museau_, and say: Let us go on, there is no harm -here--_passons oultre, il n’y a poynt là de mal_’.[76] - -Another important article of the impeachment brought into prominence -in this day’s proceedings was from among the prisoner’s annotations -to the reprint of Santes Pagnini’s Bible, which he supervised, as we -know, for Hugo de la Porte, the publisher of Lyons. This Bible was -said by the prosecution to be encumbered with many glosses or comments -totally opposed to the Faith; the one most notably so of all perhaps -being appended to the thirty-third chapter of Isaiah, where the servant -of God who took on himself the sins of the people is spoken of by the -Prophet. ‘This passage,’ said Calvin, ‘is referred by the prisoner to -Cyrus, whilst every Christian Church refers it to Jesus Christ.’ But -Servetus was again bold enough to maintain his position in so far as -to say that the interpretation he had given of the passage was borne -out in some sort by the opinions of the old Doctors of the Church, -who acknowledged, as he said, a twofold sense in the Scriptures--one, -literal and historical, applying to contemporaneous personages and -events; another, mystical and prophetic, bearing on Christ and the -future. ‘In speaking of the individual referred to, as he had done, and -calling him Cyrus, he said that he nevertheless held the prophetical -and most important bearing of the text to be on Christ.’ But this did -not satisfy Calvin. He would by no means accept such an explanation, -and far from attempting by reason and kindness to win the prisoner -to views which he himself believed to be more in conformity with the -truth, he launched out in passion, and declared that ‘the prisoner -would never have had the hardihood thus villainously to corrupt so -grand a passage had he not, abandoning all shame, taken he knew not -what diabolical pleasure in getting rid of the whole Christian faith.’ -The cool way in which Servetus stood this outburst appears to have -irritated the Reformer extremely. Servetus was in truth far in advance -of Calvin and his age in his exegesis. He was not blind, like all about -him, to the true import of the Hebrew writings styled prophetical, -but divined their only possible bearing upon events and individuals -contemporaneous with their writers--in some cases even past and gone. -It was to escape doing violence to the idea of the inspiration under -which Servetus credited these ancient writings to have been composed, -that he acknowledged a prospective reference to incidents still in the -womb of far distant time. - -The printing of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ was next adduced and -made a principal topic of accusation against the prisoner. To the -question what object he had proposed to himself in having the book -printed, he replied that his main purpose was to ventilate his opinions -and have them controverted in case they were seen to be erroneous. But -Calvin rejoined that it was by no means necessary to print in order to -obtain correction of erroneous opinions, and this more especially in a -case such as his, where, as writer, he had already been admonished of -his errors. - -The delicate, difficult, and most essential element in the impeachment, -that, namely, having reference to the Doctrine of the Trinity, was -now and again brought into the foreground. Particularly questioned on -this subject, Servetus maintained, that previous to the Council of -Nicæa no Doctor of the Church had used the word _Trinity_; and that -if the Fathers did acknowledge a distinction in the Divine Essence, -it was not _real_ but _formal_; that the _persons_ were nothing more -in truth than _dispensations_ or modes, not distinct entities or -_persons_ in the usual acceptation of that word. If he had called -the Doctrine of the Trinity, as commonly understood, a dream of St. -Augustine and an invention of the Devil, which he did not deny; if -he had further characterised the Trinity of modern theologians as a -three-headed monster, like the Cerberus of the poets, and styled -those who overlooked the true Trinity, which he himself recognised, -as Tritheists, it was solely because he believed the unity of God -to be denied or annulled by such a procedure. Colladon on this--and -prompted we may presume by Calvin--maintained that the views imputed -to the Fathers of the Church by the prisoner were false as well as -mischievous, and that he could adduce none but apocryphal writings full -of absurdities in support of what he said. - -Most of the other views and opinions of the prisoner which were -quoted as heretical in the act of impeachment were either owned to -by him, interpreted in the way he understood them, or were taken as -proven by the Court; passages in support of this conclusion having -been referred to not only in the printed copy of the ‘Restoration of -Christianity,’ but in the manuscript sent privately six years before -to Calvin for his strictures. There is one particular, however, not -mentioned in the record of proceedings, but given by Calvin,[77] that -is not uninteresting, as showing the extreme pantheistic views to -which Servetus had attained, and may have prejudiced him not a little -in the eyes of his Judges, the air of offensive absurdity which the -pantheistic doctrine--adversely understood--assumes when pushed to -extremes, being made so prominently to appear. The question had turned -on the relations between the Divine substance and the substance of -creatures and things. ‘All things, all creatures,’ said Servetus, -‘are portions of the substance of God.’ Speaking in his own person, -and interposing at this point, Calvin says: ‘Annoyed as I was by so -palpable an absurdity, I answered: What, poor man, did one stamp on -this floor with his foot and say he trod on God, would not you be -horrified in having subjected the Majesty of God to such unworthy -usage?’ He, on this, replied: ‘I have not a doubt but that this bench, -this table, and all you can point to around us, is of the substance -of God.’ When it was then objected to him that on such showing the -Devil must be of God substantially; he, smiling impudently, said: ‘Do -you doubt it? For my part,’ continued he, ‘I hold it as a general -proposition that all things whatsoever are part and parcel of God, -and that nature at large is His substantial manifestation.’ Calvin, -we imagine, might have spared Servetus on this head when we call to -mind how he commits himself to pantheistic views in that passage of -his ‘Institutions’ we have already referred to, where he says he only -objects to call Nature God because of the harshness and impropriety of -the expression. He might further, with reference to the Devil, have -bethought him of the verse of Isaiah xlv. 7, where these words occur -as coming from Jehovah himself: ‘I form the Light and create Darkness; -I make peace and create evil.’ Or of this from Amos iii. 6: ‘Shall -there be evil in a city and the Lord hath not done it?’ Or yet this of -Ezekiel xx. 25: ‘I gave them statutes that were not good,’ &c. The -Jews, through by far the greater part of their history, as a people -acknowledged no Dualism in their Deity, as, indeed, they only looked -on their God Jahveh as the greatest among the Gods. He was the good -and the evil principle in one. But it is easy to imagine the damaging -impression which Servetus’s logical but terribly unorthodox statement -must have made on the minds of his Judges, ill-informed presumably as -they were on such questions. Had Calvin been minded to help instead of -determined to crush Servetus, he might even have quoted Luther, who -speaks in this wise in his Table Talk: ‘God is present in all created -things, and so in the smallest leaflet and tiniest poppy-seed--Gott -also gegenwärtig ist in allen Creaturen; auch im geringsten Blättlein -und Mohnkörnlein.’ - -Nor were the personal griefs of Calvin overlooked in the inculpation of -the prisoner. Beside the thirty letters printed in the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ addressed to the Reformer, a copy of his ‘Institutions’ -was now laid before the Court. This, like the MS. of the ‘Restitutio,’ -sent privately and confidentially to Calvin, was covered on the margins -with numerous annotations, little in conformity, as may be supposed, -with the accepted tenets of the Church of Geneva, and more rarely still -complimentary to the author. At such insolent procedure we know that -Calvin was greatly offended, as appears by the language he thought fit -to use when writing to Viret and incidentally noticing the liberties -that had been taken with him by the annotator: ‘There is not a page of -the book,’ he says, ‘that is not befouled with his vomit.’ - -Neither was the tergiversation of the prisoner in what he had said -about Geroult’s part in the printing of the ‘Restitutio’ unnoticed. He -is now reproached with the variations in his replies on the subject to -the Lieutenant on the 14th, and to the Court on the 15th. His first -answer we believe was truthful--Geroult knew all about the book, as we -shall find from a letter of Arnoullet to his friend Bertet; his second -was untruthful, but uttered to shield the man who had aided him in his -enterprise, compromised, as he had come to see, by what he had said -before. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE, WITH THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF GENEVA AS -PROSECUTOR. - - -Arrived at this stage, all the documents on which it was proposed to -proceed being before the Court, and something more than a presumption -of the prisoner’s heretical opinions having already been made to -appear, Nicolas de la Fontaine, on his petition to that effect, and -his bail, Anthony Calvin, were formally discharged as parties to the -suit, its further prosecution being handed over to Claude Rigot, the -Attorney-General of the city of Geneva. - -Before breaking up, however, and as if to occupy the time until the -usual hour of rising, a number of questions irrelevant to the main -plea, but tending to gratify the curiosity of the Court, were put to -the prisoner. Among the number of these he was asked particularly how -he had contrived to escape from the prison of Vienne. He informed the -Judges, that he had only passed two nights there; that the Vibailly, De -la Cour, was well disposed towards him, he having been of great service -to M. Maugiron, an intimate friend of the Vibailly, who had ordered -the gaoler to use him well, and allow him the freedom of the garden. -Taking advantage of this, he had scaled the wall and got away in the -manner already described, the Vibailly having taken care that he should -not be pursued and recaptured. - -He added that he had intended and even tried in the first instance to -get to Spain, his native country; but finding the obstacles so many, -and fearing arrest at every moment, he retraced his steps and made his -way to Geneva, purposing to proceed to Italy. - -Questioned further about the printing of the ‘Restitutio -Christianismi,’ he said it had been thrown off to the extent of -1,000 copies, of which the publisher had sent a bale to Frankfort in -anticipation of the Easter book-fair of that great mart. This was -a piece of information that was not lost on Calvin. He wrote a few -days after, having meantime gained further information, to one of the -Frankfort members, giving him intimation of what had been done, telling -him where the packet was bestowed, and recommending its immediate -seizure and destruction, for which he seems also to have furnished some -sort of warrant or authority, how obtained we are not informed, though -it was probably from Frelon. - -Interrogated as to the money he had about him when imprisoned at -Vienne, he replied that his cash and valuables had not been taken from -him on his arrest there, but were still in his possession when he -reached Geneva. - -The result of the unwarranted and eventful prosecution of which he was -the subject had thus far been anything but favourable to the prisoner. -The intervention of Berthelier, above all, may be said to have been -highly prejudicial by bringing Calvin into the field in person, and -supplying him with an additional motive for urging the suit to the -issue that could alone prove satisfactory to him--the condemnation -capitally of his insolent, personal, and dreaded theological opponent, -now associated with his political enemies. Calvin was in truth much -too formidable a personage to be gainsaid on trifling grounds. More -than one member of the Court who might have been disposed to favour -the prisoner, could it have been done without open defiance of the -Reformer, quailed under his glance, and shrank from the responsibility -of opposing him, when the direction the prosecution had taken came to -be understood. It was even said to be more dangerous to offend John -Calvin in Geneva than the King of France on his throne! The prisoner -whose life was in debate was a stranger, unknown to the majority of -the Councillors; and it was doubtless thought better by the timid to -leave him to his fate, than to compromise themselves by taking part -with one who on his own admission entertained opinions adverse not only -to the doctrine of the Church of Geneva, but to all they had ever had -presented to them as characteristic of the Christian faith. There could -be no doubt that the man was a schismatic, a heretic; and heretic in -Geneva meant an opponent of the head of its Church and the form of -Christianity it represented. - -Having by this time arrived at a better knowledge of the state of -affairs around him, and more than ever aware of the possible danger -in which he stood; beginning moreover to feel less confidence in the -support which we may be certain had been privately promised him, face -to face in fact with the man who had already sought his life and so -nearly succeeded in bringing him to a fiery death, Servetus seems now -to have seen the necessity of changing the somewhat confident tone he -had hitherto maintained in defending his opinions: reticence takes the -place of open assertion, and instead of any clear avowal or defence of -the views he held, he is now found fencing with the obvious meaning -of the language he has used, and the conclusions to which it leads, -prevaricating too at times; in a word, doing all in his power to appear -not to have written in the way the charges brought against him show -from his works that he had. - -The trial from this time may be said to have acquired new significance. -The private prosecutor and his bail discharged, and the further conduct -of the suit handed over to the public prosecutor of the city, gave -it additional importance in the eyes of the community at large, and -heightened the interest felt in the issues involved. - -Thrown into fresh hands, proceedings were necessarily stayed for a few -days to give the State Attorney time to get ready his case, so that -there was no meeting of the Court until the 21st. Between this date -and that of the suspension on the 17th, Calvin is said to have been -busy among those of the Council he reckoned either as friends or not -as avowed antagonists, satisfying their doubts or strengthening their -presumptions of the prisoner’s guilt; showing them the importance -to the cause of religion and society that he should be convicted; -picturing him as perhaps even less dangerous, if that were possible, -on account of the particular theological grounds set forth, than as -the enemy of all religion, sole foundation, as he said, of the entire -social fabric. The man had been already tried, convicted, and condemned -to death by the Roman Catholics of Vienne. Would they, the Senators -of Geneva, show themselves less zealous than the Papists of France in -the cause of God and their own true faith? Surely they would not, but -doing their duty and finding on the evidence, which Calvin relied on as -overwhelming, declare the prisoner guilty of the heresies laid to his -charge. - -Whether seen from a Popish or Protestant point of view, though the -matters in debate had no more to do with real piety, with morality, -or the foundations of society than with the course of the seasons, -Servetus certainly entertained opinions on various topics of -transcendental theology different from those commonly received, and -in so far was a heretic. Of this much Calvin had no difficulty in -satisfying his supporters, who consequently felt themselves absolved -of any scruples they might have entertained about condemning one to -death on purely speculative grounds which they did not even pretend to -understand.[78] - -Although what is said above about Calvin’s private interference -with the course of justice has been questioned, when we know that -he denounced his opponent from the pulpit in no measured terms, and -tampered with the ministers of the Swiss Churches when they were -consulted on the case, we need not be too scrupulous in accepting the -statement as true. He may have been alarmed by reports of something -like wavering on the part of certain members of the Court, and even of -questions raised as to the propriety of continuing a suit involving -matters so much out of the usual course of criminal procedure as known -at Geneva, and the competence of laymen to take such subjects into -consideration at all. Rumours to this effect reaching his ears may -have led him into a course the impropriety of which in calmer moments -he might possibly have understood. But Calvin was wholly without that -freedom from passion and that sense of relative equity which go to the -constitution of the judicial mind. He lived in a perpetual imbroglio -of quasi-criminal proceedings, mostly begotten by his own arbitrary -legislation; and he was in the constant habit of interfering in suits -before the Courts of Geneva, less as jurisconsult than as judge--as -judge, too, in causes so commonly his own. Clerical writers who have -lauded his comments on the criminal proceedings of Geneva have not seen -these in their true bearings, or they would have expressed themselves -more guardedly than they have done.[79] - -That proposals had really been made at the meeting of the 21st to -abandon further proceedings against the prisoner, though overruled -by the majority, seems to be proclaimed by the resolution then come -to, viz., ‘Inasmuch as the heresies charged against Michael Servetus -appear to be of great importance to Christianity, resolved to continue -the prosecution.’ Such a resolution, though we have no intimation of -that which led up to it, coupled with Calvin’s activity out of doors, -suffices to show that Servetus had really had a chance of escape from -the grip of his pursuer at this particular moment. But the occasion -passed; and by way of strengthening themselves in their determination -to go on with the questionable business in which they were engaged, -we now find the Councillors of the Protestant city of Geneva actually -writing to the Popish authorities of Vienne, and making inquiry of them -as to the grounds on which Michael Servetus of Villanova, physician, -had been imprisoned and prosecuted by them, and how he had escaped from -confinement. - -To confirm themselves still further in their purpose to proceed, it -was moreover resolved that the Councils of Berne, Basle, Zürich, and -Schaffhausen, together with the ministers of their Churches, should be -written to and informed of what had thus far been done and was still -in progress. In yielding to the instigations of Calvin, the Court in -these last acts is plainly enough seen to hesitate, and be indisposed -to trust entirely to his guidance. They would have the authorities of -the other Protestant cantons of Switzerland informed of what was going -on, and feel the pulse of their confederates as to the propriety of -proceeding farther, they, under all the circumstances, being likely -to be more impartially disposed than the Church of Geneva and its -distinguished head. - -The Council of Geneva had in fact already had occasion to know that -where simple justice, whether in the interest of the General or the -Individual, was concerned, Calvin’s lead should not always be too -blindly followed. In the case of Jerome Bolsec, whom Calvin had -arraigned for heresy two years before, against whom he had used all his -influence to secure a conviction, and in which he would have succeeded -(and the man, almost as much a personal enemy as Servetus, would -have been beheaded) had he not been foiled by the recommendations of -the Swiss Churches and Councils, which were unanimous in counselling -moderation, the minor Council of Berne even went so far as to express a -distinct opinion against the enforcement of pains or penalties of any -kind in cases of imputed heresy. - -But Calvin in his prosecution of those who opposed him always shows -himself both vindictive and pitiless. Speaking of the way in which -he would have had Bolsec disposed of he says: ‘It is our wish that -our Church should be so purged of this pestilence that it may not, -by being driven hence, become injurious to our neighbours.’ These -words will bear one interpretation only--Calvin would have had Bolsec -put to death. But he was withstood in his design, and mainly so by -the Church of Berne, the language of which must have been highly -displeasing to him; for the Reporter, in counselling moderation, says: -‘How much easier is it to win a man by gentleness than to compel -him by severity;’ and still more displeasing perhaps was that which -follows: ‘It cannot be said of God that He blinds, hardens, and gives -to perdition any man, without at the same time assuming that it is God -who is the Author of human blindness and reprobation, and therefore the -cause of the sin committed.’ Now Bolsec’s offence had been in saying -that men are not saved because elect, but are elect because of their -faith. ‘None are reprobate,’ continues the Reporter from Berne, ‘by the -eternal decrees of God, save those who of their own choice refuse the -election freely offered to all. How shall we believe that God ordains -the fate of men before their birth; foredooming some to sin and death, -others to virtue and eternal life? Would you make of God an arbitrary -tyrant, strip virtue of its goodness, vice of its shame, and the -wicked of the reproaches of their conscience?’ But this is to cut the -ground from under the feet of Calvin. No wonder, therefore, that as -the proud man would not, and the self-satisfied man could not, bring -himself to admit his error, he would have had him who exposed and led -to such an exposition of it put out of the way.[80] - -It was whilst expecting replies from Vienne, and waiting the -convenience of M. Rigot, the Attorney-General, that the Court proceeded -to make inquiries of the prisoner concerning his relations with -Arnoullet, the printer of the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’ a letter -of his to a friend of the name of Bertet having now been put in and -read to the Court. In this letter, dated July 14, 1553, Arnoullet -informs his friend Bertet that he is still in prison, but is promised -his liberty next week, having got six substantial sureties for his good -behaviour in time to come. He had been villainously deceived, he says, -by his manager Geroult, who corrected the rough proofs of the book, but -never said a word of the heresies it contained. - - ‘I asked him,’ the letter proceeds, ‘whether it was all - according to God? And he replied that it was; and further, - that it contained a number of Epistles addressed to Mons. - Calvin, which he was minded to translate into French. But this - I forbade--without the permission of the author, which was - refused. When last in Geneva, Geroult saw and informed M. - Calvin that I had lately been there, without having waited on - him. The truth is, that I did not think he would have me in - such friendship now as in times past--by reason of my having - had anything to do with such a monster, whom God look after! - Geroult was in fact in league with the writer, and never let - fall a syllable to me until after your departure for Frankfort - [in charge of the Bale of the “Christianismi Restoratio” among - other book merchandise]. This, as you know, gave occasion to - your speaking to me so seriously as you did about the book in - question. - - ‘As to what you say about my sending someone else to - Frankfort,--understand me, that I will have no one go but - yourself, and that you are to see every copy of the book - destroyed, so that there shall be left of it neither a leaf nor - half a leaf. Understand, too, that this is to be done without - prejudice to anyone. I am only sorry that we have all been so - grossly deceived in the business; but if God, our Father, leave - us the other goods we possess--more by far than those we shall - destroy--it will be well. As to what you say of my having known - that Villanovanus had been rejected by the Christian Churches, - and that avarice had something to do with my having undertaken - the work, let it suffice that I deny this; and our long - intimacy must have made you so well acquainted with me, that - you will not doubt I now speak the truth. How the Inquisitor - came to have your name, I cannot tell. I can only assure you - that in all the interrogations to which I have been subjected - by him I never named a living soul; nor indeed was there ever - mention made of you in my hearing.... Be good enough to say - to Mons. Calvin that I shall not be in Geneva again without - seeing him; and that if I have not done my duty towards him in - all respects, beg him to find some excuse for me. He who is - the cause of this [meaning Geroult, doubtless] is now there; - and when Monsieur Calvin shall have spoken with me, he will - understand the reason of my saying nothing more at present. - Make my respects to him meantime, and forgive me if I do not - now write more particularly of our affairs.’ - -This letter we see by the date was written either shortly before or -about the time of Servetus’s arrival in Geneva, whither Geroult, who -was a native of the city, had betaken himself for safety on the arrest -of Servetus and Arnoullet. Bertet, fearing that Arnoullet might suffer -in the estimation of Calvin, seems to have thought that the best -means of exculpating his friend of complicity with the writer of the -heretical book was now to show the letter he had lately received from -Vienne to Calvin; and he, we must conclude, laid it forthwith before -the Court, with no purpose assuredly of aiding the prisoner in his -defence. Arnoullet’s letter in exculpation of himself goes far, as we -see, to compromise Geroult; and he being at this time in Geneva, his -liberty, perhaps even his life, was brought into danger.[81] - -The letter to Bertet being shown to the prisoner, he averred that -he could not take it upon him to say whether it was from Arnoullet -or not, he never having seen any of the publisher’s handwriting; he -said, however, that it certainly was at Arnoullet’s establishment that -the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ was printed, and that Arnoullet had -been arrested and imprisoned at the same time as himself. Arnoullet’s -disclaimer of having known anything of the burden of Servetus’s book -must certainly be untrue. Unless all else we know in connection with -the business be false, he must have had shrewd suspicions of its -nature, and the suppression of his name as publisher, and of Vienne as -the place of publication, shows that he was not without misgivings of -possible unpleasant consequences following the appearance of the work -were it known that he had had anything to do with it. - -Arnoullet’s letter gave Calvin a hint which he did not fail to -improve upon; for he too wrote to Frankfort informing his friends, -the Protestant ministers there, of the bale of Servetus’s books that -had been sent to their city--by Frelon, as I believe, not by Robert -Etienne, the bookseller of Geneva, as has been said,[82]--recommending -its seizure and the destruction of its contents. - -Calvin begins his letter thus:-- - - ‘I doubt not you have heard of Servetus, the Spaniard, who - more than twenty years ago infected Germany with a villainous - book, full of sacrilegious error of every kind. The scoundrel - having fled from Germany and lain concealed in France under - a false name, has lately concocted a second book out of the - contents of the first, but replete with new figments, which - he has had printed clandestinely at Vienne, a town not far - from Lyons. Of this book we learn that many copies have been - sent to Frankfort, in prospect of the approaching Easter fair. - The printer, a pious and respectable person, when he came to - know that the book was a mere farrago of Errors, suppressed - the copies he had on hand. It were long did I enumerate the - many Errors, the prodigious blasphemies against God, that are - scattered over its pages. Imagine to yourselves a rhapsody made - up of the impious ravings of every age; for there is no kind of - impiety which this wild beast from hell has not appropriated. - You will assuredly find in every page matters that will horrify - you. The author is now in prison here at the instance of our - magistracy, and I hope will shortly be condemned and punished. - But you are to aid us against the further spread of such - pestiferous poison. The messenger [the bearer of this] will - tell you where the books are bestowed and their number; and the - bookseller to whom they are consigned will, I believe, make no - objections to their being given to the flames. Did he throw - any obstacle in the way of this, however, I venture to think - you are so well disposed, that you will take steps to have the - world purged of such noxious corruption. You shall not want - authority, indeed, for what you do in the business. If you - are allowed to have your way, it will not then be necessary - to seek the interference of your magistrates. But I have such - confidence in you, that I feel persuaded my hint will suffice - to guide your action. The matter, nevertheless, is of such - moment, that I entreat you, for Christ’s sake, not to allow the - occasion of showing yourselves zealous in your office to pass - unheeded. - - ‘Farewell, &c. - - ‘Geneva, 6 Calends of September, 1553.’ - -The session of the 21st, preliminaries ended, was occupied in the -beginning with a dispute between the prisoner and Calvin, who came into -Court on this occasion again accompanied by a number of ministers, his -colleagues, introduced, says the Record of proceedings, to maintain the -contrary of the prisoner’s allegations in respect of the authorities -he cites as favouring his views. Calvin thereupon, taking the lead, -proceeded to interpret the passages of the Fathers referred to by the -prisoner in a sense different from that put upon them by him, and -showed satisfactorily that the word Trias or Trinity had really been -used by writers before the date of the Nicæan Council. - -It was on this occasion, as we learn from Calvin,[83] that on a copy -of Justin Martyr being produced by him in support of his statement, -Servetus expressed a wish to see a Latin translation as well as -the original Greek, a slip which Calvin did not fail to turn to -the prisoner’s disadvantage, for knowing that there was no Latin -translation of Justin, he immediately challenged the prisoner with -being ignorant of Greek. ‘Look’ee,’ says he in his _Déclaration pour -maintenir la vraie foy_, ‘this learned man, this Servetus, who plumes -himself on having the gift of tongues, is found to be about as much -able to read Greek as an infant to say the A. B. C. ‘Seeing himself -thus caught’ continues Calvin, ‘I took occasion to reproach him -with his impudence. What means this, said I? The book has not been -translated into Latin, and you cannot read Greek. Yet, you pretend you -are familiar with Justin. Tell me, I pray you, whence you have the -quotations you produce so freely as if you had Justin in your sleeve? -But he with his front of brass, as was his wont, though he had leapt -from the frying pan into the fire--_sauta du coq à l’ânc_--quite -unabashed, gave not the slightest sign of feeling shame.’ No one, -however, who has been at the pains to look into the works of Servetus -will doubt for a moment that he was not only a competent Greek scholar, -but well advanced in the Hebrew also, with both of which languages he -shows that he was even critically acquainted. Seeing himself beaten -on the occurrence of the word Trinity in the Greek of Justin, he may -have thought to find a makeweight in a Latin translation against the -original produced by Calvin. There is indeed an ample display both of -erudition and linguistic accomplishments even in Servetus’s first work, -the seven books on Trinitarian Error. - -Another and still more significant discussion now arose between the -Reformer and the prisoner--and in these ever-recurring debates we -see the persistency with which Calvin stuck to his opponent--as to -the sense in which the expression Son of God was to be understood. -Servetus maintained that it was not properly applied to him who bore -it until the moment of his birth. Calvin, on the contrary, insisted -that in conformity with the usual interpretation of the first chapter -of the Gospel according to John, the authority of the Creeds and the -teaching of the Churches, the words must be held to refer to the Divine -Word which became incarnate in Jesus Christ, having until then been -a distinct subsistence in the essence of God from Eternity. In reply -to this, Servetus explained and said that the common interpretation -of the language of John was mistaken; the Son, as he declared, having -only existed _formally_ or as an idea, dispensation or mode in the -mind of God previous to the Incarnation and Birth of Christ, not as an -entity--a _person_, in the usual acceptation of the word, possessed of -distinct individual existence. - -Speaking authoritatively now and as from himself, Calvin rejoined that -if the Word had not been a distinct _reality_ in the essence of God, -it could not have united itself as such with the humanity of Christ; -that the body of Christ must then have been wholly of the substance of -God; and being so--not being perfect man as well as perfect God--the -redemption of mankind could not have been effected by his death. Why -the impossibility, thus assumed, is not said. But let us pause an -instant and think of one pious man tried for his life by another pious -man, on grounds such as these!--grounds on which neither the one nor -the other could find footing for a moment. - -Without opposing his prosecutor by urging his own views more -particularly at this stage, Servetus now requested that he might be -furnished with the books necessary to him in his defence, and have -pens, ink, and paper supplied to him, with which to write a petition -to the Council. Calvin on this agreed to leave the volumes he had -brought into Court in the hands of the prisoner, and the Judges ordered -that any others he required should be purchased for him at his proper -cost. The jailer finally was directed to supply him with writing -materials; the paper, however, being limited to a _single sheet_! and -to see particularly to his being kept secluded--indication in either -case, we must presume, that the prisoner was believed not to lack -friends or prompters from whom Calvin thought it would be well to keep -him apart. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE--_continued_. - - -When the Court assembled, on August 23, a series of articles, embodying -what may be characterised as a new Act of Impeachment, was presented -to it by M. Rigot the Attorney-General, headed as follows: ‘These are -the questions and articles on which the Attorney-General of Geneva -proposes to interrogate Michael Servetus, prisoner, accused of heresy, -blasphemy, and disturbance of the peace of Christendom.’ - -The questions and articles now presented differ materially from those -proposed in the first instance by Calvin in the name of his man, -Nicolas de la Fontaine. These, we have seen, refer almost exclusively -to the speculative theological opinions of Servetus, his disrespectful -treatment of Calvin, and his challenge of the doctrine preached in the -Church of Geneva. The articles of the Attorney-General bear on matters -more purely personal to the prisoner; on his antecedents; his relations -with the theologians of Basle and Germany; the printing of his books, -more particularly the last of them, and the fatal consequences that -must follow from its publication; his coming to Geneva, and so on. -Save his views on Infant Baptism, his other dogmatical opinions are -not particularly specified or brought prominently forward; and his -differences with Calvin and the Church of Geneva are not even hinted -at. The theological element in the prosecution, in a word, is almost -entirely abandoned for denunciations of the socially dangerous nature -of the prisoner’s doctrines, and his persistence in their dissemination. - -In the present mood of the Court, and aspect of the prosecution, it -would almost seem that had Servetus been guilty of nothing more than -offences in the region of speculative theology and the use of uncivil -language towards Calvin and the Church of Geneva, his delinquencies -would not have put him beyond the pale of escape from all but -punishment of a secondary or insignificant kind. The Attorney-General’s -articles appear in fact to have been framed under the mistaken idea -that Servetus, through the whole course of his life, had been an -immoral and so a dangerous and turbulent spirit, of the kind with which -he was himself, perhaps, but too familiar in the City of Geneva. He did -not, any more than Calvin and the other Reformers, think of Servetus as -he was in truth--a speculative, yet perfectly pious scholar, intent on -bringing the Reformation of Christian doctrine, begun by Luther, still -nearer to the simplicity of Apostolic, or even of pre-Apostolic, times; -for Michael Servetus had the mind to see and to say that there was a -Christian Religion, based on love of God and man, with added faith in -its Author, before there were any Gospels; so that these are truly but -the varying and often discrepant reports of the Master’s teaching, with -mythological accretions and interpolated Greek philosophoumena. - -Rigot appears from his articles, which have no look of having been -dictated by Calvin, to have regarded Servetus as one whose efforts from -first to last had been directed to the confusion of society through the -teaching of an immoral doctrine and the example of a dissolute life. -To force an avowal of so much from the lips of the prisoner himself -was therefore the main drift of the Attorney’s interrogatories. Must -not the prisoner be aware, said he, that his teaching gives licence to -youth to overflow in debauchery, adultery, and other social crimes, -as he maintains that there is neither sin nor misdemeanour in such -misdeeds, and no punishment due to them under the age of twenty years? -Why had he not himself entered into the holy state of matrimony? Had he -not studied the Koran and other profane books for arguments in favour -of Jews, Turks, and the like, and to controvert the doctrines of all -the Christian Churches? Had he not been imprisoned elsewhere than at -Vienne through having been guilty of various crimes and misdemeanours? -Had he not been a party to quarrels in which he had wounded another as -well as been wounded himself? If he had not led a dissolute and immoral -life, showing neither care nor zeal for all that became a Christian, -what could have induced him to treat adversely so much that lies -at the root of the Christian Religion? Had he not come, in fact, to -Geneva with a view to spread his doctrines and to trouble the Church as -there established? With whom had he had communication since he came? -Had he not spoken with William Geroult, and was not Geroult aware of -his intention to come to Geneva? and so on, in the same strain, the -questions amounting to as many as thirty. - -But this was ground on which Servetus felt himself secure; he could -reply to all that was asked of him now with a clear conscience, and -without reticence or prevarication. He had nothing to hide in his past -life. No moral delinquency had been laid to his charge, and though he -may have had a squabble with the Faculty of Paris, the doctors were -notoriously a contentious crew, always quarrelling among themselves, -though they never, like the theologians, went the length of burning -one another. There was little, therefore, to be said on that head; for -the rest, he had lived soberly, honourably, industriously; earning his -bread in the sweat of his brain, and for the last twelve or fourteen -years had been incessantly engaged in the practice of his profession, -neither using the sword nor the spear, but salving the bruises and -stanching the wounds that men in their madness inflict on one another, -and nobly ministering to the yet longer list of ills in the shape of -fevers, fluxes, consumptions, apoplexies, cancers, dropsies, &c., &c., -that waylay us on our course and give us rest at length. - -The task which the public Prosecutor had set himself of showing up -Servetus as an ill-conditioned and quarrelsome person, as a debauchee -and evil-liver, and in the imputed licentiousness and irregularities of -his life to find a motive for his attack on the dogmas of the Christian -faith, was, therefore, a complete failure. - -The Attorney-General of Geneva did not imagine, as it seems, that the -man who differed in his speculative theological opinions from the -masses, who follow their leaders like sheep, could be other than an -enemy to both God and man. - -All the charges in the direction now taken, unsupported as they were by -a shadow of evidence, fell to the ground. Servetus could say with truth -that he was no disturber of the peace--had never in the whole course -of his life provoked a personal quarrel, and if he had once drawn his -sword, as hinted, it was not as aggressor, but in self-defence. By -physical constitution he said he was indisposed to matrimony; his not -having entered into that holy state being, as we have seen, one of the -items laid to his charge! Far from having failed in chastity of life, -he declared that he had been ever studious of Scripture precepts on the -subject, and was even bold enough to think that he had always lived as -a Christian. And truly and in so far as aught to the contrary was made -to appear in the course of the protracted and searching trial to which -he was subjected, Servetus must be held to come out stainless. The -logical conclusion, however, that speculative theological opinions, -whether in conformity with or adverse to accredited systems of belief, -had no influence one way or another on man’s moral conduct, was lost -upon Calvin and his age; and the vulgar world of to-day cannot yet be -said to have bettered their opinion. - -The prosecution, losing ground the longer it continued on this tack, -reverted to what for it was the surer course--the assumed danger to the -cause of society and the peace of Christendom from the publication of -books having the character ascribed to those written by the prisoner. -In spite of all the warnings he had had, said Mr. Attorney Rigot, the -kind and repeated admonitions of learned theologians, sole authorities -on such subjects, and the unanimous condemnation his first publication -had encountered, he not only continued to adhere to his errors, but -with a view to spread them farther had written and printed a second, -which was in fact but a reproduction and enlarged edition of the first. - -To this Servetus answered that he thought he should have offended God -had he not done so; ‘he had acted,’ he said, ‘with as perfect sincerity -as if his salvation had been in question.’ ‘Our Lord,’ he continued, -and quoting the tenth chapter of Matthew, ‘commands us to speak in -Light that we have been told in Darkness; and in the fifth chapter, the -Evangelist says further that we are not to put the Light we have under -a bushel, but to set it where it may be seen of all.’ Taking God and -his conscience for guides, therefore, he thought he was but following -the injunctions of the Scriptures and the ancient Doctors of the Church -in all he had written, nor does he now think that he has done amiss, -for his intentions were good; and, as the Evangelist already quoted -(ch. v.) declares: ‘If the eye be single then is the whole body full of -Light,’ he therefore believes that his intention having been good, the -deed which followed must be accounted good also. As to the printing of -the book entitled ‘The Restoration of Christianity,’ he had no regrets. -He had written and had it printed because he hoped to bring back to -its primitive meaning much that he thought was erroneous in current -interpretations of Christian Doctrine; his title of itself showed that -he intended _the Restoration, not the Destruction_, of Christianity, -with which he had been charged. With all this, however, he did not -presume to say that they who had written before him, and in a different -sense, understood nothing of the Christian Religion; he only thought -they had misconceived and misconstrued some things, they especially who -had formulated their opinions subsequently to the date of the Council -of Nicæa. - -To the particular charge that he had spoken of the Doctrine taught in -the Reformed Churches as being nowise Christian, and condemned all who -did not think with himself, he replied that he never imagined that the -Churches of Geneva and Germany were doomed to perdition because of -their teaching; he only thought their ministers mistaken on some things. - -At this point, a private letter addressed by the prisoner to Abel -Poupin, one of the Ministers of Geneva, written many years before, -was produced and read to the Court. Whence it came, or how it was -obtained, is not said; but as highly characteristic of the writer, and -foreshadowing the fate that was to befal him, it must have a place in -our story. - - Monsieur Abel!--Although it is most plainly shown, in my - twelfth letter to Calvin, that the Law of the Decalogue had - been abrogated, I shall add a few words that you may the better - understand the innovation brought about by the advent of - Christ. If you turn to Jeremiah xxxi., verse 31 _et seq._, you - will find it stated distinctly that the law of the Decalogue - was to be annulled. The prophet teaches that the Covenant - entered into with the Fathers, when they left Egypt, was - to be no longer in force. But this was the Covenant of the - Decalogue. For in I Kings, chapter viii., it is said that the - Covenant or Testimony--the Decalogue, to wit--was in the Ark - with the Fathers at their exodus from Egypt, whence the Ark is - called the Ark of the Covenant, that is of the Tables, or Ten - Commandments of the Law. Now this was the form of the Covenant: - God promised the Israelites that they should be his people, if - they did according to the words of the Law, and they on their - part engaged that they would obey them. Such was the Covenant. - And it is of this Covenant that Jeremiah (chapter xviii.) - speaks as being repealed, as does Ezekiel (chapter xvi.), and - Paul likewise in his Epistle to the Hebrews. If God took us - for his own under that Law, we should lie under the curse, and - perish by its pressure. The Law therefore was repealed. God - does not now receive us as his children but by faith in his - beloved Son, Jesus Christ. See then what becomes of your Gospel - when it is confounded with the Law. Your Gospel is without the - One God, without true faith, without good works. For the One - God you have a three-headed Cerberus; for faith a fatal dream, - and good works you say are vain shows. Faith in Christ is to - you mere sham, effecting nothing; Man a mere log, and your God - a chimæra of subject-will. You do not acknowledge celestial - regeneration by the washing with water, but treat it as an idle - tale, and close the kingdom of heaven against mankind as a - thing of imagination. Woe to you, woe, woe! - - This, my third Epistle, is addressed to you with the wish - that you may be brought to better thoughts, and I mean not to - admonish you any more. It offends you, perchance, that I meddle - in those battles of the angel Michael, and seek to bring you - into the strife. But study the part I refer to carefully, and - you will see that there are men who do battle there, exposing - their lives for Christ’s sake. That the Angels speak truth - is proclaimed by the Scriptures. But see you not that the - question is of the Church of Christ fled from Earth these - many years? Is it not of division, of difference that John - himself makes mention? And who is the Accuser challenging us - with transgression of the Law and its precepts? Accusation and - seduction of the world, he says, were to precede the battle; - the battle therefore was to follow, and the time is at hand, as - he also tells us. And who are they who shall gain the victory - over the Beast? They who do not accept his mark. I know for - sure that I shall die in this cause; but my courage does not - fail me because of this; I shall show me a disciple worthy of - my master. - - I much regret that, through you, I am not allowed to amend some - places in my writings now in Calvin’s hands. Farewell, and look - for no more letters from me. - - I stand to my post and meditate, and look out for what may - further come to pass. For come it will, surely it will come and - that without long delay.[84] - -This remarkable letter, interesting in so many respects, is -unfortunately without a date; it is the last of three he had written, -however, and must have been produced either in 1546, or early in 1547. -Highly characteristic of the self-confidence and assurance of the -writer, we see him as ready to challenge the Reformers as they were -eager to denounce him. He does not call them heretics and blasphemers, -it is true, nor does he speak of having them punished for the mistaken -views they entertain; and therein he shows himself their superior. -Crying woe upon them for their errors, he never hints at the propriety -of burning them alive, though he is not blind to the great probability -of being subjected himself to a fate of the kind. - -The letter to Abel Poupin, said Servetus to his Judges, contains -scholastic disputations on difficult subjects, in the course of which -controversialists make use of strong language with no purpose but -to enforce their views or bring their opponents to the same way of -thinking as themselves, and not because they believe them to be lost -souls by reason of the dissimilar opinions they entertain. For himself, -he continues, he had had more objectionable terms of reproach applied -to him, than any he had used to others; and these not by word of mouth -or in private letters like his own, but through printed books both in -the French and Latin tongues. What he had written to M. Abel, now more -than six years ago, was with no view to publicity, but simply to elicit -the truth--certainly with no intention of slandering the Republic of -Geneva and its Churches. - -On the important question of baptism, he admitted being of opinion that -they who were baptized in their infancy were not truly baptized; but -added, that if it were shown him he was mistaken in this, he was ready -to amend and ask forgiveness. - -The prosecutor reverting to the book lately printed and asking the -prisoner if he did not think it was calculated, through the doctrine it -taught, to bring great troubles on Christendom? he replied that he did -not think his book calculated to introduce dispute or difference among -Christians; on the contrary, he thought it would be found profitable, -and give occasion to the better spirits among men to speak better -things; and the truth, once admitted and proclaimed by the few, would -by and by spread to the many. - -Challenged with having come to Geneva to disseminate his doctrines -and sow dissension among the Churches, he gave sufficient reason for -his presence among them when he said that he had only come on his way -to Italy, having been turned from his first intention of trying to -reach his native country, after his escape from the prison of Vienne, -through fear of arrest by the police of France. - -It is but fair to infer, as M. Albert Rilliet observes, that the -present bearing of Servetus, and the moderation and pertinence of his -replies to all the questions put to him, must have made a favourable -impression on the Court. He was not now confronted with Calvin, -in whose presence he seemed to lose all self-control, neither was -he pressed upon questions of speculative theology, upon which he -either dared not declare himself openly, or, if he did, was at once -in opposition to all his Judges knew of religion. In Rigot as his -questioner he had nothing more than an officer discharging a public -duty, not the hostile partisan he had encountered in Colladon who, -as agent of Calvin, may have thought it incumbent on him to give the -most unfavourable turn to everything capable of being construed to the -advantage of the prisoner. The good impression presumed could hardly -fail to be strengthened by the petition of the prisoner addressed to -the Court and read on the next day of the trial, August 24, to this -effect: - - -_To the most honourable my Lords, the Syndics and Councillors of -Geneva._ - - The Petition of Michael Servetus, now lying under a criminal - charge, humbly showeth--That it is a thing new and unknown - to the Apostles, Disciples, and ancient Churches, to make - the interpretation of the Scriptures, and questions thence - arising, grounds of criminal accusation. This is clearly - seen from Chapters xviii. and xix. of the Acts of the - Apostles, where accusers are referred to the Churches, - when the matters in question bear upon Religion only. So - too in the time of Constantine, when the Arian heresy was - broached, and accusations were brought on the part both of - Athanasius and Arius, the great Emperor, by his Council and - the Councils of the Churches, decided that, according to the - old doctrine, suits of the kind could not be entertained by - civil tribunals--not even in the case of such notorious heresy - as that of Arius,--but were to be taken into consideration and - decided by the Church. Further, that heretics were either to - be brought to reason by argument, or were to be punished by - banishment, when they proved refractory and refused to amend. - Now that banishment was the award of the ancient Churches - against heretics can be proved by a thousand histories and - authorities. Wherefore, my Lords, in consonance with Apostolic - teaching and the practice of the ancient Church, your - petitioner prays that the Criminal Charge under which he lies - may be discharged. - - Secondly, my Lords, I entreat you to consider that I have - committed no offence within your territory; neither, indeed, - have I been guilty of any elsewhere: I have never been - seditious, and am no disturber of the peace. The questions I - discuss in my works are of an abstruse kind, and within the - scope and ken of men of learning only. During all the time I - passed in Germany, I never spoke on such subjects save with - Œcolampadius, Bucer, and Capito; neither in France did I ever - enter on them with anyone. I have always disavowed the opinions - of the Anabaptists, seditious against the magistrate, and - preaching community of goods. Wherefore, as I have been guilty - of no sort of sedition, but have only brought up for discussion - certain ancient doctrines of the Church, I think I ought not - to be detained a prisoner and made the subject of a criminal - prosecution. - - In conclusion, my Lords, inasmuch as I am a stranger, ignorant - of the customs of this country, not knowing either how to speak - or comport myself in the circumstances under which I am placed, - I humbly beseech you to assign me an Advocate to speak for me - in my defence. Doing thus, you will assuredly do well, and our - Lord will prosper your Republic. - - In the City of Geneva, the 22nd day of August, 1553. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, - - In his own cause. - -This well-worded, and in its demands most reasonable address, strange -to say, received no notice beyond an order to the clerk of the Court -to enter it on the minutes; the prisoner being at the same time curtly -admonished to go on answering the questions addressed to him. But how -hardly the poor man was being used by his self-constituted Judges we -shall see by the tenor of the next petition he addressed to them. He -had been thrown into one of the foul cells or dungeons appropriated to -criminals of the vilest class, accused of crimes against person and -property; and there, in addition to mental anguish, he had to suffer -all the bodily miseries that filth, foul air, cold and vermin inflict. - -The feeling evinced of late by the Court, in the prisoner’s favour, -appears now to have extended to the town; the liberal party, the native -Genevese, opposed to Calvin, making of his prosecution of the solitary -stranger a handle against him; his friends on the contrary speaking -of it as proclaiming him the undaunted defender of the cause of God -and religion! The trial we therefore see had become the occasion of -alarm to one political party in the state, of hope to another, and of -peculiar significance to both. Under present circumstances, matters -proceeding in nowise to his satisfaction, Calvin must come again to -the front; and we have it on unquestionable authority that it was at -this, the very crisis in the fate of Servetus, that the Reformer was -guilty of the crying injustice of availing himself of his pulpit, -and in the face of numerous congregations denouncing and vilifying -his opponent in no measured terms, exposing his unorthodox opinions -in their most glaring and repulsive aspects, proclaiming what he -characterised as their impious, blasphemous, demoralising nature, and -thundering reproaches on the mistaken sympathy that had lately begun -to be entertained for the author of such infamies. By right or by -wrong Calvin was resolved that his old theological enemy, now turned, -as he believed, into their tool for his humiliation by his political -opponents, should not escape him. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE TRIAL CONTINUED--THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL RECEIVES FRESH INSTRUCTIONS -FOR ITS CONDUCT. - - -In the course of this extraordinary trial there seems never to have -been the slightest difficulty made about shifting the grounds of the -Accusation. The particulars on which the prisoner was interrogated -were scarcely the same in all respects on any two successive days, and -often wide as the poles asunder of the proper articles of impeachment -produced against him. The petition just presented by the prisoner -was thus, without scruple as without challenge, now made the ground -of a series of questions and harangues by the prosecutor, studiously -calculated to prejudice him in the eyes of his Judges. - -Rigot had in fact made a great mistake in his own articles of -inculpation. The prisoner, as it seemed, was even likely to escape -through his mismanagement; but, otherwise advised, and as if to make -amends for the line he had taken at first, he now showed himself either -indisposed or afraid to follow further the dictates of his own more -equitable nature. He had been in conclave with Calvin and received -fresh instructions from him, as Servetus affirmed without being -contradicted. Rigot, in truth, was no longer free, but cowed by the -stern resolve of the man of mind and iron will.[85] - -_August 28._--Abandoning the moderate tone he had hitherto observed, -and taking the petition of the prisoner for his text, Rigot now -entered on the task prescribed him of showing that the early Christian -Emperors, contrary to the allegation in the petition, did take -cognisance of heresy, and by their Laws and Constitutions consigned all -who denied the doctrine of the Trinity to death. ‘But the prisoner,’ -said Rigot, ‘his own conscience condemning him and arguing him -deserving of death, would have the magistrate deprived of the right -to punish the heretic capitally. To escape such a fate it is that he -has now put forward the false plea that for false doctrine the guilty -are never to be summarily punished. Not to seem to favour the errors -of the Anabaptists, moreover, ever rebellious against the authority of -the magistrate, it is that the prisoner in his petition now pretends -to repudiate their doctrines; yet can he not show a single passage in -his writings in which he reprobates their principles and practices.’ -All this was obviously most unfair to the prisoner. He was certainly -opposed to infant baptism, and in so much agreed with the Anabaptists; -but, far from declaring himself inimical to the constituted authorities -of the state, he is emphatic in proclaiming the necessity of upholding -them in the exercise of their lawful authority, and on the duty -incumbent on subjects to obey.[87] - -‘The further allegation of the prisoner,’ continued the public -prosecutor, still harping on the petition, ‘that he never communicated -his opinions to anyone, is manifestly false; for here we have had -him saying that he should think he offended God did he not impart to -others that which God had revealed to him. How shall we believe that, -for the thirty years during which he has been engaged in elaborating -and printing his horrible heresies, he has never communicated a word -of them to anyone? Bethink ye, that he began at the age of twenty--an -age when young people invariably communicate their views and opinions -to one another, their friends and fellow-students--and by this judge -of the kind of conscience the man puts into his answers with a view to -abuse justice--as if he repented in any way of his horrible misdeeds! -for though now saying that he is ready to submit to correction and ask -pardon, he again and far oftener audaciously maintains that he has said -nothing and done nothing amiss.’ - -Whether influenced by Calvin, to whose party in the State Rigot -appears to have belonged, or involved in the suit, and believing -it his duty to do all in his power to obtain the conviction of the -prisoner, we see him now speaking as if he were intimately persuaded of -Servetus’s culpability, and even looking on him as already condemned; -hence the indignation with which he repels the petitioner’s request to -have Counsel to assist him in his defence. This, indeed, was a demand -that could by no means be granted without taking the case from the -criminal category in which it had been placed by Calvin from the first. -It is not so very long since the felon or the incriminated for felony -among ourselves was denied the advantage of Counsel, and we are not to -wonder at the same rule obtaining in the Republic of Geneva more than -three hundred years ago. - -Had Servetus succeeded in obtaining Counsel, he could not, by the laws -of Geneva, have been dealt with capitally; and this would not have met -the views of Calvin, it being impossible in his opinion adequately -to punish the crime of which he held the man had been guilty by any -infliction short of death. Rigot therefore became eloquent on the -petitioner’s insolence, as he called it, in asking for Counsel to -aid him in his defence. ‘Skilled in lying as he is,’ said M. Rigot, -‘there is no reason why he should now demand an advocate. Who is there -indeed,’ he proceeds, ‘who would or who could consent to assist him in -his impudent falsehoods and horrible propositions? It has not yet come -to this that such seducers as he have been allowed to speak through -Counsel; and then there is not a shadow of the simplicity that might -seem to require assistance of the kind. Let him therefore be disabused -of any hope he may have conceived that so impertinent a demand can for -a moment be entertained, and ordered to reply by yea or nay to the -further questions to be put to him.’ Rigot, we might fancy, must have -thought that artful lying was a principal part of a counsel’s duties to -his client. - -Descending to further particulars suggested by the petition, the -prisoner was asked, ‘On what grounds he rested the statement he makes -concerning the judgment of heretics in the ancient church?’ To which -he answered: ‘On the histories we have of Constantine the Great.’ -‘In the course of his law studies at Toulouse, however,’ said the -prosecutor, ‘the prisoner must have made acquaintance with the code of -Justinian, with the chapters in particular which treat of the Trinity, -of the Catholic Faith, and of Heresy and Apostacy, in which he must -know that opinions such as those he professes are condemned.’ The -prisoner replied that ‘it was now twenty-four years since he had seen -Justinian, and indeed he had never read him save in a cursory way, as -young men at school or college are apt to do; and then,’ he went on to -say, ‘Justinian did not live in the age of the primitive church, but -in times when many things had become corrupted; when Bishops had begun -to tyrannise and had already made the Church familiar with criminal -prosecutions.’ To this most pertinent reply, no answer was attempted. - -Reproached with having calumniated the Ministers of the Word of God as -teachers of false doctrine--which on his part, said Monsieur Rigot, -amounts to a capital crime--Servetus admitted that calumny of the kind -deserved the severest punishment, but maintained nevertheless that in -disputation it was common and not unpardonable for opponents to gainsay -one another in strong language, without being held guilty of calumny or -defamation, and so of deserving punishment by the civil authorities for -what they say. - -Referring next to his intercourse with Œcolampadius and Capito, to -whom he had ascribed conformity with his views, although, said Rigot, -he must know that they were both doctors well approved by the reformed -churches, and consequently could not possibly be of his mind on the -subjects in debate; he replied ‘that consonance in every particular -was not universal either among the Reformers or the reformed churches; -Luther and Melanchthon, for instance, had both of them written against -Calvin on the subject of the sacraments and free will. Without being -in a condition to prove what he says in his petition, he declares -nevertheless that in conversation with Capito, when they were private -and without other witness than God, he--Capito--did assent to his -views. Œcolampadius, he owned, had withdrawn the approval he seemed to -accord in the first instance.’ - -When we refer to Œcolampadius’s letters,[88] we have no difficulty in -believing what Servetus here asserts to be the truth. It was only after -Servetus had more thoroughly exposed his opinions in conversation, that -the Reformer of Basle saw the _unsoundness_, which had not appeared -in the confession of faith sent him at an earlier period by his -correspondent. And here let us observe that, whilst Œcolampadius is -now particularly cited, nothing is said of Capito, still a Minister in -the Reformed Church. Capito, however, was, as it seems, not entirely -to be relied on in his views of the Trinity, that stumbling-block in -the way of the first Reformers, so many of whom we have found giving -but a half-hearted assent to the verbal contradictions it involves: the -Reformers could spare one another as it seems, on the subject, though -they had no mercy for Servetus! - -It being objected to the prisoner that he was in manifest contradiction -with himself when he said he thought he should offend God did he not -impart the doctrine that had been revealed to him; he replied that what -he had stated was his opinion and the truth; not-withstanding which he -had spoken of his views to none but the doctors of the Reformed Church -particularly named; a course he had followed, indeed, in consonance -with the commandment of our Lord, not to cast pearls before swine: ‘I -would not proclaim myself to incompetent persons, and I was living -among Papists in times when there was active persecution going on and -much cruelty practised.’ - -The prosecutor now alleged, but as usual without a tittle of evidence, -that the prisoner had had extensive epistolary relations with Italy, a -country in which it was believed his doctrines had many followers--a -fact, said Rigot, which it was unlikely he did not know, and less -likely, still, not to improve upon, did he know it. To this Servetus -replied by a simple denial: he had had no communications with Italy -by letter or otherwise; adding that his only correspondents had been -Œcolampadius, Calvin, Abel Poupin, and F. Viret, from whom alone the -Court had any information concerning letters of his. Had we no other -intimation of Calvin’s prompting, at this stage of the proceedings, -than the reference now made to the spread of Antitrinitarian doctrines -in Italy, we should feel assured that it was he who was fighting under -the mask of Rigot, as he had formerly fought under that of Trie and -of De la Fontaine. Rigot was not likely to know much of the spread of -Antitrinitarian views in Italy, but Calvin was, as we learn distinctly -through the letter of Paul Gaddi to him, which we have quoted. Calvin, -indeed, makes pointed and angry reference to such a state of things -both in his ‘Refutatio Errorum’ and ‘Déclaration pour maintenir la -vraie Foy.’ - -The circumstances connected with the printing of the ‘Restoration -of Christianity’ at Vienne were once more brought up, the prisoner -being particularly questioned as to his relations with the publisher -Arnoullet and his manager Geroult. In contradiction to what he had -already admitted on this head, and with the letter of Arnoullet to -Bertet lying open before the Court, he now averred that he had not -had any, even indirect, communication with Geroult on the subject of -his book! This, we regret to think, must necessarily be untrue. The -difficulty he had had to find a publisher, as we see by the letter -of his friend Marrinus; the premium he had paid Arnoullet to have -the work undertaken, the secrecy with which the printing had been -carried on, added to other minor terms of the contract--that all was -to be at his proper cost, that he was to be his own corrector of the -press, &c.---everything, in a word, assures us that both Arnoullet -and Geroult were as well aware of what they were about as the author -himself. Arnoullet, we may be certain, never intended to appear as -either the printer or publisher of the heretical work. It was to come -out in Italy, in Switzerland, in Germany--anywhere, everywhere, save -at Vienne, Lyons, or Paris, the principal emporia of the book trade of -France. Neither, indeed, did Michel Villeneuve, the Physician, intend -to show himself at once as its author. The M.S.V., on the last page, -was a private mark by which the child might be known and claimed by the -parent at some future time, when his fame had spread over Europe, when -he had been eagerly enquired after by an admiring world, and raised -above the heads of Luther, Melanchthon, Œcolampadius and Calvin, as -the great ‘Restorer of Christianity’! - -The persistence with which Servetus stuck to the untruth now uttered is -not difficult of explanation: his first admission of complicity on the -part of the Viennese publisher and his manager was made inadvertently -and without forethought; his retractation and denial came of reflection -and better feeling, when he saw that the admission was calculated to -bring the two men who had aided him in his undertaking into the same -trouble as himself. In spite of what M. Rigot says, Michael Servetus -never meets us save as a man of a perfectly guileless nature--more -guileless perhaps than truthful. - -As every point in the several indictments was made subject of renewed -inquiry, so do we now find further questions addressed to the prisoner -on his life and social habits; for the prosecution, as we have seen, -held it matter of moment to present him, if possible, as a person -of immoral and ill-regulated life. They had not now, however, any -more than formerly, a particle of evidence to show that he had ever -lived otherwise than soberly, chastely, and respectably; and as to -the allegation, brought up against him for the second time, that he -had said women were not such paragons of virtue as to make matrimony -necessary to secure their more intimate converse, he declared, as he -had done already, that he had no recollection of ever having said -anything of the kind; but if he had, it was by way of bravado, and to -conceal a certain infirmity under which he laboured which indisposed or -incapacitated him, as he believed, from entering on matrimony.[89] - -Making an abrupt change of front, the prosecutor now inquired of the -prisoner what he meant by the passage in his book where he says that, -‘The Truth begins to declare itself and will be accomplished for all -ere long.’ ‘Do you mean that your doctrine is the Truth, and will -shortly be universally received?’ ‘I mean to speak of the progress of -the Reformation,’ said Servetus; ‘the truth began to be declared in the -time of Luther, and has gone on spreading since then until now.’ Had he -stopped here, all would have been well and the answer must have been -scored to his credit; but he went on to particularise and to say that -‘the Reformation would have to advance upon some matters which in his -opinion were not yet well set forth.’ - -This was immediately seized upon as a challenge by the men who believed -that the Reformation had already been accomplished or completed through -them; so that he was forthwith required to explain what he meant by -such language. Here, however, he dared not be outspoken; and though -he made no denial of his doctrine, which was seen of all to be in his -estimation the complement and crown of the Reformation, he diverged -into a variety of topics, floundered, and wound up by proposing to -enlighten the Court by a reference to the Bible and the Fathers, or to -explain himself more fully than he had done in his book if they would -grant him a conference, in their presence, with one or more men of -learning. Pressed further, he said that he could not divine whether his -doctrine would ever be generally accepted or not; but he believed and -should continue to believe that it was founded in truth until shown -to be otherwise. ‘Such things,’ said he in conclusion, ‘are commonly -enough denounced and condemned as erroneous at first, but are by and by -acknowledged for truth and universally accepted.’ - -The prisoner had much the same difficulty in justifying his singular -opinion that persons under the age of twenty were not accountable -agents, or incapable of sin, and so not obnoxious to punishment for -their misdeeds. He, in fact, made but an indifferent escape from such -a paradox by declaring that, in speaking as he did, he had capital -punishment only in view; not that he thought there should be penalties -of no kind for evil-doers under age. They, he said, might be properly -punished by flogging, seclusion, and the like. From what he says on -another occasion we see that this fancy of Servetus was founded on a -literal and arbitrary interpretation of the text where Jehovah, to -punish the Israelites, determines that no one over twenty years of -age is to enter the Land of Promise; all others are to leave their -carcasses in the wilderness. - -Having said a few words in his book implying no disapproval of the -infidel Alkoran, the prisoner, in reply to the reproaches made him for -having spoken without reprobation of such a personage as Mahomet and -his book, now averred that he had only adduced Mahomet and the Koran -to the greater glory of the Lord Jesus Christ, and even ventured to -add: ‘That though the book generally is bad, it nevertheless contains -good things, which it is lawful to use’--language that was looked on as -little short of blasphemy by his auditors, but that to us proclaims the -superiority of the speaker over the bigots around him. - -The last question in this day’s proceedings referred to a sojourn he -was said to have made in Italy immediately before coming to Geneva, and -how he had passed his time since he arrived there. And here again we -find Calvin the prompter; for it is he who speaks of Servetus having -wandered for four months in Italy before reaching Geneva. Any such -journey or sojourn, however, as that now hinted at, Servetus positively -denied; ‘and for such information as the Court might require of his -doings since he had entered their city, he referred them to his host of -the Rose, where he had had his quarters before being thrown into their -prison.’ It is not difficult to see the drift of the latter clause of -the question; but Servetus was on his guard now, and did not commit -himself or his prompters, the Libertines, as he had done when the -printer of his book was in question. - - * * * * * - -_August 31._--After the lapse of three days an answer was received -to the letter addressed by the Syndics and Council of Geneva to the -authorities of Vienne. In this missive the Genevese were informed that -it was impossible to comply with the request they had made to have -the documents connected with the trial of Michel Villeneuve sent to -them, inasmuch as the authorities of Vienne could not sanction any -review or possible inculpation of their proceedings. They therefore -only forwarded duplicates of the warrant of arrest and sentence of -death passed upon the said Villeneuve, and for themselves they demanded -‘the delivery of that individual into their hands, in order that the -sentence passed upon him might be carried into effect,’ engaging, as -they went on to say, ‘that it should be of a sort that would make any -search for further charges against him unnecessary.’[90] - -To this communication from Vienne, the Council ordered a gracious -answer to be returned; but they declined to send back the prisoner, -‘inasmuch as he was at present under trial before themselves for -matters in which they, too, promised that strict justice should -be done.’ To be sent back to Vienne, Servetus knew would be to be -consigned to certain death at the shortest possible notice; so that -to the somewhat needless question now put to him by the Court, their -own expressed determination considered: ‘whether he preferred remaining -in the hands of the Council of Geneva, or to be sent back to Vienne? -he fell on his knees and entreated to be judged by the Council in -presence, who might do with him what they pleased; but he begged them -in no case to send him back to Vienne.’ There he knew that the stake -was driven, and the faggots piled, whilst in Geneva, we must imagine -from his bearing, he did not at present fear that anything of the kind -could possibly come into requisition. - -The business of Vienne thus brought into prominence, the Council -proceeded to inquire of the prisoner concerning the trial there; -touching once more on his escape from the prison, his coming to Geneva, -and any communication he might have had since his arrival in the city -with persons resident therein. On the subject of the trial and escape -he could be open and communicative; but he denied explicitly that since -he reached Geneva he had spoken with anyone save those who waited on -him and brought him his meals in the hostel where he lodged--a denial -against the truth of which more than suspicion may fairly be allowed. -But let us observe that Servetus’s swervings from the absolute truth -are mostly to screen others rather than to save himself. On the vital -question of his religious opinions be never blenched before his judges -of Geneva. - -It was now that the prisoner mentioned incidentally the singular fact -that the windows of the room he occupied in the Rose Inn had been -nailed up. But why this was done he did not say; neither, strangely -enough, was any notice taken of it by the Court. There can be little -doubt, however, as we interpret the matter, that it was to prevent -him from taking himself off without the knowledge of his prompters of -the Libertine party. Realising the full hostility of Calvin, knowing -that his life was aimed at, he was anxious to be gone; but Perrin and -Berthelier had resolved to keep him and play him off against their -tyrant and the Clericals, reckless of the risk he was thereby made to -run, so as they might use him for their own selfish ends. Hence the -otherwise inexplicable delay of the month in Geneva before his presence -became known to Calvin--the fatal delay that cost him his life! - -How it happened that Servetus was ever made an object of interest -to the Libertine party, detained as he certainly was by them in his -passage through Geneva, is a question not altogether irrelevant. -That he was unknown even by name to the chiefs of this party, and to -everyone else resident in Geneva, save Calvin, seems certain; and -Calvin who had not seen his Parisian acquaintance for nearly twenty -years, had no intimation of his presence there for nearly a month. But -William Geroult, the printer of Vienne, was in Geneva when Servetus -reached the city. Having heard of his escape from prison, he may have -been on the look-out for the possible coming of the fugitive. Geroult, -though of the Reformed Faith, we have seen reason to believe was not -among the number of Calvin’s admirers. But native of Geneva and of the -Libertine party, we venture to think it was through him that Servetus -was made known to Perrin and Berthelier; such particulars being further -communicated as suggested to them the use that might be made of the -fugitive against their clerical enemy. We have seen the proceedings -of August 23rd concluded by a number of questions having reference to -those with whom the prisoner might have held communication since he -reached the city, and particularly if he had not seen and spoken with -William Geroult, and if Geroult did not know that he intended to come -to Geneva? - -That they might leave no incident in the previous history of the -prisoner unnoticed, the Court now questioned him on his opinions -touching the Mass, which it was known he had declared to be a mockery -and a wickedness, his habit nevertheless having been to attend its -celebration during his residence at Vienne. To this, put to him -reproachfully, he replied that he had but imitated Paul, who frequented -the synagogue like the Jews in general, though he had inaugurated a -new religion of his own; but for himself, he added that he had sinned -through fear of death, and regretted what he had been obliged to do. - -Confronted with the gaoler of Vienne, who had brought the missives of -his masters to Geneva, and asked if he knew the man, he replied that -of course he did, having been under his charge in prison for two days; -but he exonerated the gaoler from all complicity with his escape. -Furnished with a certificate to this effect, the gaoler was dismissed, -and returned to Vienne. - -_September 1._--At the sitting on this day a letter was received from -M. Maugiron, Lieutenant-General of the King of France for Dauphiny, -which gave fresh occasion for recurrence to the affairs of Vienne. In -his letter Maugiron informed the Syndics and Council of Geneva that -the goods and chattels and debts due to Michel Villeneuve, estimated -to amount to 400 crowns, had been escheated by his Majesty the King, -and given to his--Maugiron’s--son; but that to come into possession it -was necessary to have a list of the parties indebted to the doctor. He -therefore requested the Council to interrogate their prisoner on this -head, and furnish him with a list of the names and surnames of debtors -to the prisoner’s estate, as well as of the sums severally due by each. -The noble correspondent, Lieutenant of the King of France for Dauphiny, -must have been oblivious of the professional services of the physician -Villeneuve when he consented to write as he did to the Syndics and -Council of Geneva; for we have seen that Servetus was actually taken -from the house of this Monsieur Maugiron when in attendance on him, to -find himself a prisoner. Anxious to clear himself of all suspicion of -having aided and abetted in the evasion from the prison of Vienne, -Maugiron goes on in his letter to express himself ‘rejoiced to know -that Villeneuve is now in the hands of Messieurs de Geneve, and I thank -God,’ he continues, ‘for the assurance I feel that you will take better -care of him than did the Ministers of Justice of Vienne, and award him -such punishment as will leave him no opportunity for dogmatising, or -writing and publishing heretical doctrines in time to come.’ - - ‘Blow, blow, thou winter wind, - Thou art not so unkind - As man’s ingratitude!’ - -Let us not doubt that the heart of Michael Servetus swelled with -indignation and contempt at this exhibition of heartlessness and -meanness on the part of the man he had tended in his sickness. The -experience of the physician, however, leads him to form no very high -estimate of the world’s thankfulness for services in sickness: the fee -at the moment is mostly held to close the account. Sick men are weak; -and when they recover are usually well-disposed to forget not only -their weakness, but the physician who has seen it. - -The appeal made to the self-esteem of the Council of Geneva, and a -possible desire on their part to enter into rivalry with the judicial -tribunal of Vienne, may have contributed in some measure to the final -condemnation of Servetus. We do not read that they took the becoming -course at once of declining to question the prisoner on matters having -not even the most remote connection with the cause; they seem actually -to have tried to elicit information from him, that would have been -of use to M. Maugiron, in making the gift of his Majesty the King of -France of much avail; but Servetus positively declined to give any -information of the kind desired, as having no bearing on the matters -for which he was now on his trial, and being likely to distress many -poor persons who were indebted to him. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -SERVETUS IS VISITED IN PRISON BY CALVIN AND THE MINISTERS. - - -We have seen symptoms of something like a leaning of the Court towards -the prisoner. They had requested Calvin and others of the Clergy to -visit and confer with him, and do their best to bring him to what -all regarded as a better understanding; and it would appear that -immediately after the last sitting, Calvin, accompanied by several -Ministers, proceeded to the gaol and had an interview with the -prisoner. Calvin of course was the spokesman, and opened upon him with -an address in which he strove to show him not only the load of error -under which he laboured in his exposition of Scripture generally, but -the grave offence he had committed in attacking the particular dogma -of the Trinity, as interpreted by the Churches, and in calling all who -believed in it Tritheists and even Atheists. - -From what we already know we may divine how little a visit from John -Calvin with such an exordium was likely to lead to any satisfactory -conclusion; Servetus appears at first, indeed, to have declined even to -hear his visitors: he was too much oppressed by sorrow, sickness, and -long confinement, he said, to enter on any defence of his views, and a -prison was no fit place for theological discussion. - -Stern, bigoted, and uncompromising as he was by nature, Calvin would -have been false to his calling as a Minister had he not striven, though -thus encountered, to bring even a personal enemy to what he believed -to be proper thoughts of the Trinity, the nature of the Logos and the -Sonship of Christ; and we do not question his will and inclination to -do so; but in Servetus Calvin saw the man who had insulted and so had -mortally offended him, whilst in Calvin, Servetus beheld the individual -who so lately, by underhand means and the violation of his confidential -correspondence, had wrecked his fortunes and sought his life; the man, -moreover, at whose instance he was now in prison and subjected to what -he rightfully regarded as unworthy usage and an unauthorised and unjust -trial. - -We can but excuse the irritation that mastered Servetus now, and -lament that with Berthelier’s disastrous countenance misleading him, -he neglected the chance that was undoubtedly offered him to save his -life, had it been but by a show of moderation and conciliatory bearing. -Calvin, however, must have persevered for a while with the unfortunate -physician, and brought him to reply to more than one of the principles -of his system produced against him. Among others, we find him reported -as maintaining that wherever the word _Son_ is met with in the -Scriptures, it is the _man_ Jesus that is to be understood; and when -_Christ_ is spoken of as the Word and the Eternal Son, the language is -to be taken in a _potential_ not in an actual sense; neither Light, -Logos, nor Son having existed otherwise than in the mind of God before -creation; the actual or real Son in particular having only begun to -be when engendered in the womb of the Virgin Mary--and so on, the -discourse turning upon matters transcending man’s power to know, and -falling wholly within the domain of faith or belief. On the last topic -brought under review, Servetus from the beginning of his career was -always empathic. ‘Si unum iota mihi ostendas quo Verbum illud Filius -vocetur, aut de Verbi generatione fiat mentio, fatebor me devictum. -Ubi Scriptura dicit Verbum, dicit et ipse Verbum; ubi Filius, Filius; -scilicet: olim Verbum, nunc vero Filius.’ These are his words in his -earliest work, and from their tenor he never swerved.[91] - -The interview ended as we may imagine it could only end--with increased -irritation on the part of the Ministers at the obstinate self-will -of the heretic, as they interpreted it, and without a ray of new -light having made its way into the mind either of the prisoner or his -visitors. His would-be enlighteners, however--he thinking that they -stood much in need of enlightenment from him--were particular, before -taking their leave, in insisting on the right of the temporal power in -the state to repress and punish theological error. Heretics, as they -said, being liable by the Justinian Code, still in force over Europe, -to be proceeded against and punished as criminals; and he having, in a -highly objectionable manner, attacked many among the most sacred of the -divine ordinances, would have no reason to complain did he find himself -dealt with in the severest fashion as a blasphemer of the Church of -God, and disturber of the peace of Christendom. - -But neither, as we may imagine, were the words of the deputation in -this direction found of any avail in leading the prisoner to their -views. Civil tribunals, he maintained, were utterly incompetent in -matters of faith, and had no right of the sword in cases of imputed -heresy. The Code of Justinian was in truth no authority, having -been compiled in times when the Church had already lapsed from its -original purity. The violent repressive measures it sanctioned were -wholly unknown to the Apostles and their immediate successors. Besides -all this, he held the Church of Geneva to be specially precluded -from giving an opinion or pronouncing a judgment upon his views; -his opponent and personal enemy, Calvin, wielding such paramount -authority there, as to make him in fact and in himself the Church. -How little all this, however true (and all the less, perhaps, because -true), was calculated to win either Calvin or his followers to more -friendly feelings, may be imagined; but it shows us the brave, -consistent, conscientious, religious man, face to face with fate, and -a proffered opportunity to conciliate and save his life, abiding by -his convictions, and, with the warning but just given him, rather than -belie himself, verily courting death. What would have happened had -Galileo been as conscientious and firm as Servetus? - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE COURT DETERMINES TO CONSULT THE COUNCILS AND CHURCHES OF THE FOUR -PROTESTANT CANTONS. - - -It was at this time and on the suggestion of Servetus--as Calvin -affirms, of the Council, according to its own minutes--that a -resolution was come to, by which the Church of Geneva was no longer -to have the sole say in the final decision of the guilt or innocence -of the prisoner. The Councils and the other reformed Churches of -Switzerland, it was resolved, were to be consulted on the merits of the -case. There was a precedent for such a course; it had been followed -only two years before, under somewhat similar circumstances, when -Jerome Bolsec was tried for heresy at the instance of Calvin. Calvin -and the Ministers were consequently directed by the Court to extract -from the works of the prisoner, and to deliver in writing, but without -note or comment, the particular passages involving the erroneous or -heretical opinions in debate between the prosecution and him. - -This appeal to the Swiss Churches we cannot help thinking of as fatal -to Servetus. If his own concluding reply to the deputation which -visited him in prison did not lead to it, it was probably suggested to -him by Berthelier, who knew that it had saved Bolsec. But Berthelier -was not theologian enough correctly to appreciate the dissimilarity of -the propositions involved in the two cases; and he certainly took no -note of the difference in the political circumstances of the several -times, or he would not have given the advice we presume he did. - -From the letters which Calvin now wrote to several of his friends, -particularly to Sulzer, of Basle, we learn that he was much averse to -the idea of this appeal to the Churches. Having been foiled by them in -his prosecution of Bolsec, he must have feared that what had happened -before might happen again. He knew that he was less considered abroad -than at home, and seems not to have apprehended that the appeal now -resolved on, was not only to ensure his own triumph, but to make -the Reformed Churches of Switzerland participators in his sin of -intolerance and abettors of the error (to give it no worse name) he -committed when he brought Servetus to his death. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE TRIAL IS INTERRUPTED THROUGH DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CALVIN AND THE -COUNCIL. - - -The Churches were to be appealed to, then, and Calvin applied himself -immediately to make the best he could of the case as it stood. With -the diligence that distinguished him, we need not doubt of his having -been soon ready with the Articles upon which the trial of Servetus may -be said to have entered on its third, if it were not its fourth and -definite, phase.[92] But a notable interval elapsed before we find the -Council giving any heed to the new Articles of Indictment, or taking -steps to have them despatched to the Cantons. The Council had business -of another kind to engage them, with Calvin and his friends as their -opponents on grounds of policy, instead of their instigators and guides -in a trial for heresy. It was at this precise time that the struggle -to which we have alluded in our review of the political situation took -place between Calvin and the Council on the right exercised by the -Consistory to excommunicate or deprive of Church privileges those who -were known to have infringed one or another of its arbitrary religious, -moral, or sumptuary regulations. Philibert Berthelier, having offended -in this direction, had fallen under the ban of the Consistory some time -before; but, having now appealed to the Council for redress against -what he held to be an unjust award, his party were powerful enough not -only to obtain a decision in his favour, but to have the Consistory -deprived of the right to excommunicate at all. - -This was felt, of course, as a heavy blow by Calvin and his supporters. -Berthelier, formally absolved of the Consistorial interdict, was -declared at liberty to present himself at an approaching celebration of -the Solemn Supper. And he would probably have shown himself there, and -an unseemly scene would have ensued; for Calvin was as resolute to have -his authority respected within the walls of St. Peter’s Church, as the -Council could have been to have theirs upheld within the precincts of -the City. Berthelier himself, however, being advised that though he was -fully entitled to present himself at the Table, it would perhaps be as -well did he abstain from doing so for the present, took the hint and -stayed away. But several members of the Libertine party--each of whom -we must presume, in Calvin’s estimation, might have subscribed himself -as - - Parcus Deorum cultor et infrequens, - -uninformed of this, and expecting countenance from the presence of -their leader, offered themselves among the other communicants. Being -all well known to Calvin, however, they were resolutely warned off -by him. Covering the typical Bread and Cup with his outspread hands, -he declared that they should sooner hack them off than bring him to -minister to those he looked on as notorious scoffers at religion and -its most solemn rites. Here the minister was in his place and within -the pale of his office; so that they who came to browbeat and humble -him had to retreat from his presence with shame to themselves and -damage to their party, whilst he stood erect in the fearless discharge -of his duty, and rose higher than ever in the estimation of all lovers -of law and order, even of the stringent kind that prevailed in the -theo-autocratic city of Geneva. - -The letter which Calvin wrote, at this stormy time, to his friend -Viret, of Lausanne, is too interesting and characteristic not to have a -place here: - - ... I had thought to have been silent about our affairs of - Geneva, fearing that I should only add needlessly to your other - anxieties; but lest rumours reaching you from other quarters - should distress you more than knowledge of the truth, I think - it best to tell you exactly what has happened. - - When Ph. Berthelier was forbidden to present himself at the - Lord’s Table some year and half ago, he then appealed to the - Council against the decree of the Consistory. We were called - into court to hold the scoundrel (_nebulo_) in check; and - when the case had been heard, the Senate declared that he had - been properly excommunicated. From that time until now he has - been quiet; whether in despair of mending matters or through - indifference, I know not. But now, and before the Syndicate - of Perrin expires, he would have himself reinstated by the - Council in spite of the Consistory. I was again summoned, and - in copious words I showed that this could with no propriety be - done; that it would not be lawful, indeed, to counteract in - any such way the discipline of the Church. When my back was - turned, however, the Consistory not having been further heard - or represented, permission was given him by the Council to - present himself at the Table. This being told to me, I took - care immediately to have the Syndic summon a special meeting - of the Council, at which I entered with such fulness into the - question, as to leave nothing which in my opinion could be said - further to make them change their mind--now vehement, now more - persuasive, I strove to bring them to a right way of thinking. - I even declared that I would sooner die, opposing their decree, - than profane the Sacred Table of the Lord.... The Senate - nevertheless replied that they saw no reason to depart from the - judgment already given. - - From this you will perceive that I should have nothing for - it but to quit my ministry, did I suffer the authority of - the Consistory to be trodden under foot, and consented to - administer the Supper of Christ to the openly contumacious - who declare that we Pastors of the Church are nothing to - them. But, as I say, I would sooner die a hundred deaths than - subject Christ to so foul a mockery. What I said yesterday - at two meetings, I need not recapitulate. But the wicked and - lost among us will now have all they desire. In so far as I - am concerned, it is the Church’s calamity that distresses me. - If God, however, give such licence to Satan that I am to be - thwarted in my ministry by violent decrees, I am as good as - dead in my office. But he who inflicts the wound will find the - salve; and truly, when I see how the wicked have gone on all - these years with such impunity, the Lord perhaps prepares - some judgment for me, in respect of my unworthiness. Whatever - befals, it is nevertheless for us to submit to his will. - Farewell, and may God be with you always, guide you and protect - you! Pray incessantly that He consider this our miserable - Church! - - Geneva, The day before the nones (4th) of September, 1553. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE TRIAL IS RESUMED ON THE NEW ARTICLES SUPPLIED BY CALVIN. - - -It fell out, unfortunately for Servetus, that the decree of the Council -against the Consistory was the immediate prelude to the resumption of -his trial. The decision come to had been warmly contested by Calvin, -as we see by the preceding letter, he looking on any interference of -the civil magistrate in questions which he regarded from a purely -ecclesiastical point of view, as a blow not only to his spiritual -authority in Geneva, but to the cause of religion. He saw the late -awards of the Council in favour of Berthelier and against the -Consistory in the light of triumphs of his enemies over himself, and -mainly due to the influence of his particular opponent, Amied Perrin, -under whose presidency the adverse decisions had been obtained. - -On the resumption of the Servetus trial, then, the hot blood engendered -by the recent struggle had not yet had time to cool; and Calvin, on -taking his place in the reconstituted Criminal Court, found himself -once more not only face to face with his theological opponent, but -set beside his chief political enemies, Perrin and Berthelier. Elate -with the advantage just gained, they had kept their seats on the -Bench, intending doubtless to do what in them lay to secure a further -victory through Michael Servetus over the uncompromising Reformer. It -is not difficult to imagine the influence, in the present state of -affairs, which the attitude of these men had on the fate of our unhappy -Servetus; for Calvin, with his many supporters acting as his spies, was -well informed of the countenance they had given the prisoner privately, -and seems to have construed their presence at this particular moment -as a public demonstration in his favour. To convict Servetus was -therefore to thwart them, and the discomfiture of the solitary stranger -had become more than ever a personal and political necessity to the -Reformer. - -The articles from the works of Servetus from the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio’ exclusively, on this occasion, thirty-eight in number, had -been laid before the Court so long back as September 1, and are headed: -‘Opinions or Propositions taken from the Books of Michael Servetus -which the Members of the Church of Geneva declare to be in part impious -and blasphemous, in part full of profound errors and absurdities, all -of them alike opposed to the Word of God and the orthodox assent of the -Church.’ - - * * * * * - -_September 15._--The Court constituted in the usual manner, with -Servetus before them sworn to speak the truth, Calvin, who seems now to -have taken the place of the Attorney-General, proceeded to interrogate -the prisoner on the new Articles of Impeachment. One of the first of -these, referring to the relationship of the Son to the Father in the -mystery of the Trinity, appears to have given rise to another long, -and we may imagine excited debate between Calvin and the prisoner; -from which, however, the judges were able to gather so little light -that they interposed, and came to a resolution to have any further -discussion that might arise carried on in writing and in the Latin -tongue, instead of by word of mouth and in French as heretofore. - -The substitution of Latin for French had in fact become a necessity -when the determination to consult the other Reformed Churches of the -Confederation was adopted. Native to Geneva with its French-speaking -population, French was little understood at Berne, Basle, Zürich, -and Schaffhausen with their German inhabitants; but the liberally -educated among them were generally familiar with Latin. Calvin, we must -therefore presume, had presented his new Articles in French, so that -they had to be translated and turned back into Latin; but the trial -appears to have suffered no particular delay on this account. Presented -anew in the Latin tongue and approved by the Court, they were ordered -by it to be submitted to the prisoner, with the intimation that he -was required to answer them, and to feel himself at liberty to alter -or retract anything he might now think he had written unadvisedly; to -explain anything he had said that was misunderstood; and to defend -such of his opinions as were challenged, by the citation of Scripture -in their support. Nor was he to be hurried in sending in his replies; -he was to take his own time, and to enter as fully as he pleased into -every question. - -As it is part of our business here to learn on what grounds men of -the highest culture burned one another to death three hundred and -twenty-four years ago--and it is thought by some that there still -remains such an amount of ignorance, bigotry, and intolerance in the -world as might lead to a rekindling of the fires, were the power to do -so but added to the will--we feel bound to make a somewhat particular -study of the Articles on which the unfortunate Servetus was finally -incriminated and doomed to die. We therefore proceed to lay before -the reader, in slightly condensed form, these Articles, which will -be seen, on the most cursory perusal, to involve none but topics of -transcendental dogmatic theology--a subject which to reasonable men has -now lost almost all the significance it once possessed, but which has -still a large historical interest as showing, in contrast with present -views, the progress that has been made from darkness into light; and -as illustrating the great, yet persistently neglected, truth, that -the religious feelings are no safe guides of conduct when dissevered -from the other emotional elements of human nature in balanced action -among themselves, enlightened by science and associated with reason. -Religion has in fact at no time been the civiliser of mankind, as so -commonly said, but has itself been the civilised through advances made -in science or the knowledge of nature, and in general refinement. -Brutal and blood-stained among savages and the barbarous but policied -peoples of antiquity, Assyrians, Chaldæans, Egyptians, Hebrews; cruel -and intolerant among Newer Nations well advanced in art and letters, -but ignorant of the world they lived in and the universe around them, -religion has only become humane as Science has been suffered to shed -her ennobling light, and will first prove truly beneficent when Piety -is seen to consist in study of the laws of nature, which are the laws -of God, and Worship is acknowledged to be comprised in reverential -observance of their behests. What adequate idea of God could be -formed--if, indeed, it be possible for man to form any adequate idea of -God!--so long as this earth--this mote in the ocean of Infinity--was -thought of as the centre of the universe, the one object of God’s -care, and a single family among the myriads that people it as the sole -recipients of his revealed word and will! - -But turn we to our Articles, which we proceed to pass under review -in connection with the answers made to them by Servetus. In these we -shall now find him more intemperate than he has yet shown himself; -more aggressive, too; not only indisposed to yield in jot or tittle, -but negligent of opportunities to defend his conclusions, and eager to -attack his pursuer; ready to call him opprobrious names, and to charge -him with wilful misrepresentation and malignity. The recent triumph -of Perrin and Berthelier had obviously infected Servetus, and not only -lost him his chance of continuing to improve his position with his -judges, but even made him careless of making any serious effort to -prove himself in the right. - -At the very outset of his replies, and by way of preface, assuming -the Articles to be Calvin’s and Calvin’s alone, Servetus says: ‘It is -impossible not to admire the impudence of the man, who is nothing less -than a disciple of Simon Magus, arrogating to himself the authority -of a Doctor of the Sorbonne, condemning everything according to his -fancy, scarcely quoting Scripture for aught he advances, and either -plainly not understanding me or artfully wresting my words from their -true significance. I am therefore compelled, before replying to his -_Articles_, to say, in brief, that the whole purpose of my book is to -show, _first_, that when the word Son is met with in Scripture it is -always to the man Jesus that the term is applied, he having also the -title Christ given him; and, _second_, that the Son or second Person -in the Trinity is spoken of as a _person_ because there was visibly -relucent in the Deity a Representation or Image of the man Jesus -Christ, hypostatically subsisting in the Divine mind from eternity. It -is because this _rationale of the Person_ is unknown to Calvin, and -because the whole thing depends thereon, that I refer as preliminary to -certain passages from the ancient Doctors of the Church on which I rest -my conclusions.’ - -Passages sixteen in number, from Tertullian, Irenæus, Clemens Romanus, -and others, are then cited to justify the sense he attaches to the -words Person and Son; from which we see that Servetus, following his -authorities, adopts the Neo-platonic view of the Son as a pre-existing -_idea_ in the Divine mind, not as an _entity_ distinct from the essence -of God, having a proper life and subsistence of its own, and only -proceeding in time to become incarnate in the man Jesus. - -We were interested, of course, in referring to these passages from -the Fathers (they are given at length in Calvin’s Refutation); and, -though disappointed in finding them less cogent and conclusive than -we had expected, we yet discover the germs of almost all that is -more fully developed by Servetus in connection with the subjects of -which they speak. ‘Tertullian,’ says he, ‘declares, that to conform -with things human, God, in former times, assumed human senses and -affections, and made himself visible to man in the divinity of Christ; -and that the words Person and Son of God are used in Scripture because -God, invisible, intangible in himself, was made visible in Christ. -He who spoke with Adam in the garden, with Noah, with Abraham, and -came down to see what the Babylonians were about, and so on, was no -other than Christ or a prefiguration of Christ. He who spoke with -Moses, too, at different times was Christ--the Relucent visible Image -or Figuration of the invisible Deity. In the essence of God there -is no real distinction between the Father and the Son; they do not -constitute two invisible entities such as the _Tritheiti_ imagine; -it is no more than a _formal_ distinction that is made between the -invisible Father and the visible Son. It is the idea of prolation or -procession of one thing out of another that has given occasion to -certain _dispositions_, _dispensations_, or _modes_ in the Deity being -turned into so many entities, and so into a Trinity of Persons. Quoting -St. Paul, Tertullian says that “in the face of Christ is seen the very -light of God;” and to this I myself refer repeatedly in my Third Book -on the Trinity; but Calvin, persisting in his blindness, will not see -God thus.’ - -From Irenæus we find little that is not repetition of what is said by -Tertullian. ‘The Jews,’ he says, ‘did not know that he who spoke with -Adam and Abraham and Moses in human form, was the Word, the Son of God. -But Jesus, as the Image, as the Word, was then the Divine manifestation -of God, being at once, but without real distinction, both Word and -Spirit; for in the spiritual substance of the Father was comprised -the figuration and representation of the Word. Abraham was taught and -knew that the Angel who visited him was the representative of the Word -which was, or was to be, the future man, the Son of God--dost hear, -Calvin?--the Word was the figuration of the man Jesus! The Word is -always spoken of as something visible; so that when John says, “In -the beginning was the Word,” we are to understand the prefiguration -of Christ in the Deity: invisible in himself, God the Father is -visible in the Son. The Logos and the Spirit imply nothing of personal -distinction in God so that, when it is said, “God made all things by -his Word,” it is himself as Creator, and not another, that is to be -understood: the Word and the Holy Ghost are not to be thought of as -distinct entities, but as dispositions in God.’ - -_The Thirty-eight final Articles of Impeachment, and Servetus’s -Replies._ - -ARTICLE. - -I.-IV. Servetus, says Calvin, maintains that all who believe in a -Trinity in the essence of God are Tritheists, or have three Gods -instead of one God; or they are Atheists, and properly have no God at -all, their God being tripartite or aggregative, not absolute. That -the three Persons of the Trinity are Phantoms; and that there should -be distinct entities in the one God is a thing impossible; so that a -Trinity of Persons in an Unity of Being is a dream. Further: That the -Jews, resting on numerous authorities, wonder at the Tripartite Deity -we acknowledge; and, yet more, That it was the admission of _real_ -distinctions in the Incorporeal Deity which led Mahomet to deny Christ. - -REPLY. - -I.-IV. From the authors quoted, it is evident that in the Essence and -Oneness of God there is no _real_ distinction into three invisible -entities. That there is a figurative or personal distinction between -the Invisible Father and the Visible Son, however, I admit; so that -in this way I religiously believe in a Trinity, though denying it -as usually understood. The truth of what I say about the Jews and -Mahometans, I maintain to be amply borne out by history and what we see -among the Turks of the present time. - -ARTICLE. - -V. To colour his infamous opinions, he speaks of a personal distinction -in the Godhead; but this is external only, not internal, or inherent -in the Essence of God; the Word, according to him, having been Ideal -Reason from the beginning—mere Reflection, Figure, or Semblance; Person -only in the sense of appearance; and that this prefigured the future -Man, Jesus Christ. - -REPLY. - -V. I have always acknowledged the subsistence of the Son in God, both -externally and internally. And you contradict yourself; for if the -Reason was Ideal, then was it Internal. It plainly appears you know not -what you say. - -ARTICLE. - -VI. Confounding the Persons, the Wisdom of Scripture is said to -have been formerly both Word and Spirit, no real distinction being -acknowledged between them; the mystery of the Word and Spirit being -defined to have been the effulgent glory of Christ. - -REPLY. - -VI. Irenæus thus interprets the matter; Wisdom, he says, was the Holy -Spirit. So does Tertullian. Solomon understands the wisdom that was -given him as the Holy Spirit. And in my Eighth Letter, I show that the -whole mystery of the Word and the Spirit was to the glory of Christ, -because in him was the plenitude both of the Word and the Spirit. O -wretched man, thus to go on condemning what you do not understand! - -ARTICLE. - -VII. Denying any real distinction in the Persons of the Godhead Christ -is said 408 to have been invested with such glory as to be not only God -of God, but very God from whom another God might proceed. - -REPLY. - -VII. Did I say another God? I meant another mode of Deity. But if it -offend you that I say another God, say another Person [i.e. as Servetus -understands the word, another manifestation] of Deity. Why quote that -against me which I have myself corrected? But you show your candour on -all occasions! - -ARTICLE. - -VIII. Christ is said to be the Son of God not only and in as much as he -was engendered by God in the womb of the Virgin Mary; and this, not by -the virtue of the Holy Ghost, but by God of his proper substance. - -REPLY. - -VIII. Is not he rightly called the son of him by whom he is begotten? -Therefore do I say that God from eternity and of his substance produced -[protulit] this Son; and therefore is he said to be of God naturally. - -ARTICLE. - -IX. The Word of God coming down from heaven, is said to have been the -flesh of Christ; so that the flesh of Christ is from heaven, his body -being the body of God, his soul the soul of God; both his soul and body -having existed from Eternity in the proper substance of Deity. - -REPLY. - -IX. The Word, I say, is now the flesh of Christ by hypostatical union. -I say well, therefore, that the flesh of Christ is from heaven, and -indeed is the heavenly Manna. What else I say, I admit in the sense in -which I conceive it. You fasten on such things as these, and neglect -the main truth! - -ARTICLE. - -X. The essence of the soul and body of Christ is declared to be the -Deity of the Word and the Spirit, and Christ to have existed from the -beginning in respect of his body as well as his soul, 409 the substance -of the Deity being not only in the soul but in the body of Christ. - -REPLY. - -X. Essence is spoken of as that by which anything is sustained. Art -thou not ashamed to calumniate me, or dost thou think that with thy -savage barking thou wilt dull the ears of the Judges? - -ARTICLE. - -XI. As if to show that to him the divinity of Christ is mere mockery, -he says that it means the wisdom, the power, and the splendour of God; -as if it were only a certain wisdom and power that in him was excelling. - -REPLY. - -XI. You do unjustly ever; you quote me falsely. I do not say what you -charge me with saying. and the splendour of God; as if it were only a -certain wisdom and power that in him was excelling. - -ARTICLE. - -XII. The man Jesus is said to have been from the beginning in his -proper person and substance, in or with God; and yet two persons are -elsewhere ascribed to Christ. - -REPLY. - -XII. What you say first is most true, and I wish you understood it. -Christ in himself is one person; but in him verily is the Holy Spirit, -who is also a person. - -ARTICLE. - -XIII. Having said that the Word of God was made man, he says that this -Word was the Seed of Christ; also that it was different from the Son; -and that the Word by which the world was created, was produced by the -grace of God; whence it would follow that Christ was not the Word in -question. It is said, further, that the Word of God was the Dew, the -natural engenderer of Christ in the womb of the Virgin, similar to the -generative element of animals; and, yet further, that the Son 410 of -God was naturally begotten of the Holy Ghost by the Word. - -REPLY. - -XIII. I speak here as do Tertullian, Irenæus, Philo, and others. In -the passage you quote, the Word is taken for the voice from heaven -saying, ‘This is the Son of God.’ Who does not see that the Word of God -is something other than the man his Son? You have not read me aright, -neither do you understand me. What else you say, I admit. - -ARTICLE. - -XIV. The Word of God is said to be itself the seed generative of -Christ; and as the generative element is in creatures, so is it in the -Deity, in whom was the seed of the Word before the son was conceived of -Mary; the paternal element in God acting in the engenderment of Christ -in the same way as that of our fathers in us. - -REPLY. - -XIV. All this I admit. God acted as generator in the way I explain in -my first Dialogue. [The Celestial influence overshadowing the Virgin -acted in her as the dew or the rain of heaven acts on the ground, and -brings forth herb and flower.] - -ARTICLE. - -XV. The Divine Word, it is said, mingling with created elements, -was the agent in the generation of Christ. The divine and the human -elements coalescing, there came forth the one hypostasis of the Spirit -of Christ, which is the hypostasis of the Holy Ghost; though it had -been asserted previously that the three elements in Christ were of the -substance of the Father. - -REPLY. - -XV. I grant everything here if you understand what you say as having -reference to the paternal elements, so called because of their -existence as ideal reason in God. - -ARTICLE. - -XVI. To corrupt what the Apostle says—viz. that Christ did not take on -himself the nature of the angels, but that of the seed of Abraham—it is -said, by way of explanation, 411 that he delivered us from death. - -REPLY. - -XVI. I corrupt nothing, but accept both interpretations; you, however, -quote everything falsely and teach falsely also. - -ARTICLE. - -XVII. God, he says, is father of the Holy Ghost. But this is nothing -less than to confound the persons—even such persons as he feigns. - -REPLY. - -XVII. The confounding is in your own mind, so that you cannot -comprehend the truth. - -ARTICLE. - -XVIII. Playing with the word Person, he says there was one sole -personal image or face, which was the person of Christ in God, and was -also communicated to the angels. - -REPLY. - -XVIII. I play fast and loose with nothing. I make use of the language -of those I quote, which you treacherously pervert. - -ARTICLE. - -XIX. As from either parent there are in us three elements, so are there -three in Christ; but in him the material element is derived from the -mother only. Whence it would follow that Christ had not a body like to -ours, and this were to do away with our Redemption. - -REPLY. - -XIX. The body of Christ, I say, is like to ours, sin excepted; excepted -also this: that his body is participant of Deity. - -ARTICLE. - -XX. The celestial Dew, overshadowing the Virgin and mingling with her -blood, transformed her human matter into God. - -REPLY. - -XX. The Transformation referred to here is Glorification. - -ARTICLE. - -XXI. Confounding the two natures, he says that the created and -uncreated light were in Christ one light; and that of the Divine Spirit -and the human Soul there was constituted 412 one substantial Soul in -Christ; so that the substance of the flesh and the substance of the -Word were one substance. - -REPLY. - -XXI. He, I say, who is of and in God, is with Him one Spirit. Is there -confusion when two unite in one? Are soul and body confounded when -they constitute an individual man? Wretch that thou art, thou dost not -understand the principles of things! [See the letter to which this -remark gave occasion.] - -ARTICLE. - -XXII. Partaking of the nature of God and man, Jesus Christ, it is said, -cannot be spoken of as a creature, but as a partaker of the nature of -creatures. - -REPLY. - -XXII. And what then? - -ARTICLE. - -XXIII. One and the same Divineness which is in the Father, it is -said, was communicated immediately, bodily, to his Son, Jesus Christ; -from whom, mediately, by the ministry of the Angelic Spirit, it was -communicated to the Apostles. That in Christ only is Deity implanted -bodily and spiritually; all of the Divine that others have, being given -through him by a holy substantial halitus, or breath. - -REPLY. - -XXIII. This, I say, is the Truth. - -ARTICLE. - -XXIV. As the Word went into the flesh of Christ, so, it is said, did -the Holy Ghost enter into the souls of the Apostles. - -REPLY. - -XXIV. In some sort, in a certain way, as I show in the place you refer -to. - -ARTICLE. - -XXV. Confounding the Persons, he asserts that the λὀγος was naturally, -voluntarily, 413 ideal reason and procession,—the resplendence of -Christ with God, the Spirit of Christ with God, and the light of -Christ with God; whence it would follow that the λὀγος was nothing -substantial, inasmuch as it was the figure only of a thing that was not -yet in being, and yet did not differ from the Spirit. - -REPLY. - -XXV. You confound yourself in what you say, and do not understand what -you speak about—as if that which subsisted hypostatically in God was no -real substance! - -ARTICLE. - -XXVI. Before the advent of Christ, he says, there was no visible -hypostasis of the Spirit. Whence it would follow that there was neither -hypostasis nor real person, seeing that there can be no person that is -not visible, as he declares in his book and asserts in his answers; -speaking also, as he does in another place, of the Spirit of God, as -The Shadow in the Creation of the world. - -REPLY. - -XXVI. Person in the Word is called a visible hypostasis, and in the -Spirit is spoken of as a perceptible hypostasis. - -ARTICLE. - -XXVII. As all things are said by Servetus to be in God, so and in the -same order were they in God before creation, Christ being first and -foremost of all—such being the kind of Eternity he allows to the Son of -God. Further, that God, by his Eternal Wisdom, decreeing 414 to himself -from Eternity a visible Son, gives effect to his decree by means of the -Word. - -REPLY. - -XXVII. All this is good, and you would see it so were you not -perversely minded. - -ARTICLE. - -XXVIII. Christ, he says, so long as he abode in the flesh, had not -yet received the new Spirit which was to be his portion after the -resurrection, and was verily afterwards imparted to him; so that he now -possesses hypostatically the glory both of the Word and the Spirit, -prefigured by the dove descending on him in Jordan. - -REPLY. - -XXVIII. There is nothing here that is not true, would you but be -willing to understand it. - -ARTICLE. - -XXIX. In God, he maintains, there are no parts and partitions as -in creatures, but Dispensations, and this in such wise that in the -partition or imparting of the Spirit every portion is God. Beside this, -he says that our spirits substantially are from Eternity, and so are -consubstantial and coeternal; although he elsewhere declares that the -spirit wherewith we are enlightened may be extinguished. - -REPLY. - -XXIX. All you say here at first is true; but I do not say that the -Spirit of God in itself is extinguished, because, when we die, the -spirit departs from us. - -ARTICLE. - -XXX. The Divine Spirit, it is said, was infused into us in the -beginning by the breath of God. - -REPLY. - -XXX. This is most true; and you, miserable man, deluded by Simon Magus, -ignorest it. Making a slave of 415 our will, you turn us into stocks -and stones. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXI. When we find it stated in the Law that the Spirit of God is in -any one, this is not to be taken as meaning the Spirit of regeneration. - -REPLY. - -XXXI. The words quoted, I say, are for the most part so to be -understood. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXII. Angels, he says, were worshipped by the Jews of old; so that he -calls Angels their Gods; but, this being so, the true God could never -have been worshipped by them—by Abraham in particular—but Angels, only, -prefiguring Christ. - -REPLY. - -XXXII. Almost everything, I say, presented itself to the Jews in the -way of Figure. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXIII. Admitting that Christ or the Word had no hypostatic [actual] -existence from the beginning, he nevertheless declares that Angels and -the Elect were verily in God from the first. - -REPLY. - -XXXIII. What you mix up and make me say here, is false. Nothing -created—no creature—existed before the moment of its creation. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXIV. He maintains that the Deity is present substantially in all -creatures. - -REPLY. - -XXXIV. God, I say, is present in all creatures by his essence and -power, and himself sustains all things. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXV. Having mixed up many vain, perverse, and pernicious dreams about -the substance of Souls, he concludes at length that the Soul is from -God and of his substance; 416 that a created inspiration was infused -into it along with its divineness; and that in respect of substance it -was united through the Holy Spirit by a new inspiration into one light -with God. - -REPLY. - -XXXV. Take away the words, of his substance, you will find the rest to -be true; and that it is you yourself who dream with Simon Magus. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXVI. Though the soul is not primarily God, yet does it become Divine -or is made God by the Spirit, which, indeed, is very God, so that it -is improper to doubt that our Souls and the Holy Spirit conjoined with -Christ are of the same elementary substance as the Word conjoined with -the flesh. Further, that created and uncreated things combine and unite -in one substance of Soul and Spirit. - -REPLY. - -XXXVI. This is so; many things thus unite in one—bones, flesh, nerves, -soul, spirit, and form, for instance, to make the one substance of Man. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXVII. He has written and published horrible blasphemies against the -Baptism of Infants, and has said that mortal sin is not committed -before the age of twenty years. - -REPLY. - -XXXVII. I own to having written so; but when you have convinced me that -I am in error in this, I will not only acknowledge my fault, but kiss -the ground under your feet. - -ARTICLE. - -XXXVIII. The Soul, he says, was made mortal by sin, even as the flesh -is mortal—not meaning to say that the Soul is annihilated, but that -deprived by pain of the vital 417 actions of the body, it languishes, -and is shut up in hell as if it were to live no more. Thence he -concludes that the Regenerate have souls other than they had before, -new substance, new divineness being added to them [by the Water of -Baptism]. - -REPLY. - -XXXVIII. The passage you quote against me, shows that you act -perfidiously. I there say that it is as if the Soul died, and, -languishing, is detained in Hell. But if it languishes, it still lives. -See what I have elsewhere said of the ‘Survival of the Soul,’ pp. 76, -229, and 718 [of the Chr. Rest]. The souls of the regenerate, I say, -are other than they were before; even as a thing is said to be new or -altered by the accession of new properties.[93] - -But enough of this--more than enough, indeed, is before the reader to -enable him to judge of the kind of matter that never yet influenced -man in his conduct towards either God or his fellow, on which Michael -Servetus was adjudged to die. - -The answers of Servetus to the incriminated passages of his book -are obviously by no means either so full or so satisfactory as he -might easily have made them; neither are they always so worded as -unequivocally to express his proper views; but of more moment than all, -they are given without the references to Scripture which the Court had -suggested, and would certainly have had greater weight with it than -aught else that could be urged. Though he uses the words person and -hypostasis, we know that he did not understand them in the same way as -theologians generally. He did not acknowledge any proper personality -in the nature of God, who to him was invisible, all-pervading Essence, -inscrutable too, save as manifesting and making himself known in -Creation. Servetus’s persons and hypostases are modes or manifestations -of God in nature, and, not limited to three, are, in truth, infinite in -number, and proclaimed in an infinity of ways. To accommodate himself -in some sort to such conceptions as were current on the subject of the -Trinity, he uses language at times which it seems might fairly bring -him within the pale of orthodoxy, were we not aware of the arbitrary -meaning he attaches to the terms employed: God, Father, all-pervading -Being; Christ, Son, visible manifestation of God to man; Holy Ghost, -Angel--ἐνέργεια, actuating force in nature. Such, as we -understand him, was the kind of Trinity formulated by Servetus. - -The answers of the prisoner to the new articles of incrimination were -now ordered by the Court, which has nothing to say to them itself, -to be put into the hands of the Reformer for his strictures. This -gave Calvin the opportunity which he did not fail to turn to the best -advantage. Treating Servetus’s Replies in a very different spirit from -that in which the Spaniard had treated his Articles, he proceeded -elaborately to criticise and refute them; in other words, and more -properly, to demonstrate the incongruity and incompatibility of -Servetus’s admitted beliefs and opinions touching the transcendental -propositions involved, with the orthodox conclusions of himself and the -Churches generally. To a theologian like Calvin such a task presented -no difficulties; but the thoroughness of his exposition or refutation, -and the length to which it runs, assure us of the pains he bestowed -on the work. Calvin is said to have spent no more than two or three -days in the composition of this elaborate paper; had the time been two -months and more, it would have been little, and few men, we apprehend, -could have got through the work in less time. - -Signed by as many as thirteen ministers beside himself--for Calvin -would not forego the backing of his colleagues in such a cause--the -Refutation of the prisoner’s replies to his prosecutor’s Articles -of Inculpation was laid before the Court at their next meeting; and -in a spirit of entire judicial fairness, was by them ordered to be -forthwith submitted to the prisoner, for his observations in assent to, -or dissent from, the interpretations put upon his words. He was even -particularly told, as he had been before, that he was at liberty to -answer in the way and at the length he pleased. - -The understanding of the Court when giving Calvin his instructions, -was that his Extracts were not to be accompanied by either note or -comment--they were to be ‘word for word’ from the writings of the -prisoner. But we see that he gave little heed to this injunction; for -many of the Articles are either prefaced or concluded by a comment; -Art. XVI. for example, begins in this way: ‘That he may corrupt the -saying of the apostle,’ &c.; XVII.: ‘To say that God is Father of the -Holy Ghost, is to confound the persons,’ &c.; XVIII.: ‘To show that -he plays with the word person,’ &c.; XXXV.: ‘After jumbling together -many insane and pernicious notions on the substance of the soul,’ &c.; -XXXVIII.: ‘That he has written and published horrible blasphemies -against the baptism of infants,’ &c. Calvin, in short, could not resist -the opportunity of helping the Judges to a conclusion in consonance -with his own views, and therefore adverse to those of his opponent. - -When we turn to Calvin’s Refutation of the Errors of Michael Servetus, -we observe him setting out by saying that he will not imitate the -prisoner in the use of uncivil language, but confine himself strictly -to the matters in question. He would not be John Calvin, however, -did he keep his word; and truly his language is at times little less -offensive than that of Servetus; whilst his comments, uniformly -adverse, are ever studiously calculated to damage the prisoner in -the eyes of his Judges. ‘Whosoever,’ says Calvin in concluding his -work, ‘will duly weigh all that is here adduced, will not fail to see -that the whole purpose of Servetus has been to extinguish the light -we have in the true doctrine, and so put an end to all religion.’ -But we, for our part, say, after some pains bestowed, that whoever -peruses the writings of Servetus without a foregone conclusion that -_any one among the various formulated systems of religious doctrine -he sees around him is the_ ABSOLUTE TRUTH, _and alone essential to -constitute Religiousness_, will not fail to discover that not only had -Servetus no thought of putting out the light of religion in the world, -but that he was animated by a most earnest desire, through another -interpretation of the Records which he, too, looked on as Revelations -from God, to set Christianity on another, and, as he believed, a -better foundation than it had yet obtained from the labours of Luther, -Calvin, and the rest of the Reformers. Servetus was, in truth, but one -among the host of Reformers of every shade and colour who made their -appearance on the field at the trumpet-call of Luther, and who had -but this in common: hostility to the ignorance and immorality of monk -and priest, to the pride and lust and abuse of power so conspicuous -in Pope and Roman Hierarch. And shall we in these days think of him -as impious and irreligious who held that it was less than reasonable -to speak of the coeternity of a Father and a Son, taking the words -in any common-sense acceptation; and that a single entity could not -be conceived as subdivided into three distinct entities or persons, -without loss of its essential unity, nor three distinct entities or -persons be thought of as amalgamated into one without loss of their -several individualities? Who said, moreover, that he believed God to be -the all-pervading essence and order of the universe; man to be fitted -for his state, each individually answerable for his own sin, not for -the sin of another, and that faith in the highest exemplar of humanity -as he conceived it, that had ever appeared on earth, added to a good -life and its associate charities, was that which was required for -salvation? Shall we, we ask, think of such a man as less pious, less -religious, less likely to be acceptable to God than one who believed -that there was a certain Word which was with God from the beginning, -and was indeed God, and yet another than God; or that God, beside his -proper all-sufficing substance, was supplemented by several hypostases -or offsets, which were at once himself, yet other than himself; that -from eternity God had elected and fore-ordained a relatively limited -proportion of mankind to salvation and eternal life, and doomed an -infinitely larger proportion to perdition and everlasting death? -Shall we, we say further, think that the man who was tolerant of the -speculative opinions of others, and whose business in life it was to -visit the sick and reach the healing potion, was less of a good, and a -true, and a useful member of society, than he who aspired through the -unseen, the unknown and the unknowable, to rule the world with a rod of -iron, who was utterly intolerant of other speculative opinions than his -own, and in enforcing his arbitrary rules for the regulation of life -and conversation, was merciless in the use of the scourge, the branding -iron, the sword, and the slow fire? Surely we shall not. Were greatness -associated in the world with true nobility of nature, light-bringers, -like Michael Servetus, would assuredly be set on a higher level than -conquerors of kingdoms. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE TRIAL IS CONTINUED, AND SERVETUS ADDRESSES LETTERS TO CALVIN AND -HIS JUDGES. - - -On returning to his dungeon after his examination on September 15, -Servetus addressed his prosecutor in the following characteristic -epistle, which the reply to Art. XXI. appears to have suggested: - - To John Calvin, health!--It is for your good that I tell you - you are ignorant of the principles of things. Would you now - be better informed, I say the great principle is this: _All - action takes place by contact_. Neither Christ nor God himself - acts upon anything which he does not touch. God would not in - truth be God were there anything that escaped his contact. All - the qualities of which you dream are imaginations only, slaves - of the fields as it were. But there is no virtue of God, no - grace of God, nor anything of the sort in God which is not God - himself; neither does God put quality into aught in which he - himself is not. All is from him, by him, and in him. When the - Holy Spirit acts in us, therefore it is God that is in us--that - is in contact with us, that actuates us. - - In the course of our discussion I detect you in another error. - To maintain the force of the old law, you quote Christ’s - words where he asks: ‘What says the law?’ and answers himself - by saying: ‘Keep the commandments.’ But here you have to - think of the law not yet accomplished, not yet abrogated; - to think further, that Christ, when he willed to interpose - in human things, willed to abide by the law; and that he to - whom he spoke was living under the law. Christ, therefore, - properly referred at this time to the law as to a master. But - afterwards, all things being accomplished, the newer ages were - emancipated from the older. For the same reason it was that - he ordered another to show himself to the priest and make an - offering. Shall we, therefore, do the like? He also ordered - a lamb and unleavened bread to be prepared for the Passover: - Shall we, too, make ready in this fashion? Why do you go on - Judaising in these days with your unleavened bread? Ponder - these things well, I beseech you, and carefully read over again - my twenty-third letter. Farewell.[94] - -How little likely this epistle, however reasonable in itself, was -calculated to win the favour of Calvin, need not be said. To pretend to -set John Calvin right in anything could, indeed, only be taken by him -as an impertinence. - -In the present disposition towards the prisoner--the purely -metaphysical and undemonstrable nature of the matters in debate, taken -into account--we may reasonably conclude that the Judges had hoped he -would be able to explain away the offensive and heretical sense in -which his views were regarded by the head of their Church--and indeed, -and in so far as they could be understood, as they must have been seen -by themselves. - -But Servetus, unhappily for himself, did not improve the opportunity -presented him of righting himself in any way with the Court by the -manner in which he set about dealing with Calvin’s strictures on his -replies to the incriminated passages of his book. He does not now, -as he had done before, however curtly and imperfectly, reply to the -Reformer’s refutations, and show wherein he is misinterpreted or -misunderstood; neither does he present his views in another and more -questionable light than they are set by his accuser, which he could -readily have done in numerous instances at least; and, where this was -impossible, he might have appealed to the reason and common sense -of his Judges for latitude in interpreting matters that really lie -beyond the scope of the human understanding. He, however, did nothing -of all this, but proceeded as though he thought it neither necessary -nor worth his while to defend himself or his opinions any further--he -did not even take paper of his own for his reply, but contented -himself with jottings on the margins and between the lines of Calvin’s -elaborate refutation! the remarks he makes, moreover, being rarely in -the way of answer or explanation. They are mostly curt expressions of -dissent, or simply abusive epithets applied to the Reformer, who is -called Simon Magus, liar, calumniator, persecutor, homicide, and more -besides. Instead of persisting in his legitimate plea that he was but -another in the ranks of the Reformers, interpreting the Scriptures by -the understanding he had by nature and his education, or declaring, -as he had done before, that he would be found ready to abjure those -of his opinions that were shown him to be opposed to their teaching, -and adverse to the peace of the world, he threw down the gauntlet on -the whole question, not to Calvin only, but to the religious world at -large. But this, the point of view from which the religious question -was regarded in the middle of the sixteenth century, considered, was -simply to ensure his condemnation. Men less bigoted, and, above all, -less under the influence of the most intolerant of bigots, might -possibly have been led to take pity on the writer, and to see him for -what he was in truth--a sincerely pious zealot of irreproachable life, -if much mistaken, as they believed, in his theological conclusions; and -so, and save in the use of intemperate language, excusable on every -ground of Christian charity. But this, perhaps, was more than could -possibly be expected in the fifteen-hundred-and-fifty-third year of the -Christian æra. - -In returning the document so unhappily annotated, Servetus appears -to have felt that an apology was due to the Court for the style of -response he had adopted. He therefore accompanied it with the following -letter, in which he seeks to excuse himself for the course he has taken: - - My Lords,--I have been induced to write on Calvin’s paper as - there are so many short, interrupted expressions which, apart - from the context, would have neither sense nor signification. - But doing as I have done, setting the _pros_ and _cons_ in - juxtaposition, Messieurs the Judges will be able more readily - to decide on the questions in debate. Calvin must not be - offended with me for this, for I have not touched a word of his - writing; and it was not possible, without infinite confusion, - to do otherwise than as I have done. Be pleased, my Lords, to - let those who may be appointed to judge or report, have the two - books now sent, as they will be thereby spared the trouble of - searching out the passages referred to, these being all duly - indicated. If Calvin makes any remarks on what is now said, may - it please you to communicate them to me. - - Your poor prisoner, - - MICHAEL SERVETUS. - -This epistle, like the petitions presented to them, received no notice -from the Council, which at this time was seriously engaged with -business more interesting to them in their civil and administrative -spheres; so that for some fourteen days no heed was given to the -unfortunate Servetus rotting in the felon’s gaol of Geneva, or to -the preparation and despatch of the documents to be submitted to the -Councils and Churches of the four Protestant Cantons. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CALVIN ANTICIPATES THE JUDGES IN THEIR APPEAL TO THE SWISS CHURCHES. - - -Calvin, unlike Servetus, was never remiss. Sedulous to leave as little -as might be to accident, and nothing, if he could guard against it, -to independent conclusion, he did not fail to take advantage of the -pause in the proceedings that now occurred, by being beforehand with -the judges, and writing to the leading ministers of the Swiss Churches, -every one of whom was of course personally known, and, with few -exceptions, even servilely devoted, to him. Addressing Henry Bullinger, -on September 7, he says:-- - - The Council will send you, ere long, the opinions of Servetus - in order to have your advice. It is in spite of us that you - have this trouble forced on you; but the folks here have come - to such a pass of folly and fury that they are suspicious of - all we say. Did I declare that there was daylight at noon, I - believe they would question it. Brother Walter [Bullinger’s - son-in-law] will tell you more [of the state of affairs here]. - -Calvin, it would therefore appear, did not like the appeal to the -Churches. We have said that he had formerly been baffled in his pursuit -of Jerome Bolsec, by the moderation they recommended when consulted -on the case. He would have had his own and the Church of Geneva’s -decision suffice; the motion for appeal to the wider sphere, moreover, -seems really to have come from Servetus, and this of itself would have -sufficed to make it distasteful to Calvin. The Council’s giving in to -it must have been regarded by him, if not as an insult, yet as a mark -of distrust: hence his angry allusion to the fury and folly of the -Genevese. He made the best of the matter, however, as we have said, by -having the start of the Council; and not only writing to the chiefs of -the four Churches, but in the case of Zürich at least, by sending a -messenger--Brother Walter--specially commissioned to give Bullinger, -its head pastor, information of a kind he would not trust to writing. - -Bullinger, in reply to the written and verbal communication, informs -Calvin that-- - - ‘Walter’s news has indeed saddened and disquieted him greatly.’ - In some sort of trouble himself, as it seems, Bullinger can - heartily sympathise with his brother of Geneva; yet is he - ‘without fear for the future, though there be in the town - around him more dogs and swine than he could desire! Still many - things are to be put up with for the sake of the Elect, and we - have to enter the Kingdom of Heaven through great tribulation. - But do not, I beseech you, forsake a Church which has so many - excellent men within its pale. Bear all for the sake of the - Elect. Think what cause of rejoicing your retreat would give to - the enemies of the Reformation, and with what danger it would - be fraught to the French refugees. Remain! The Lord will not - forsake you. He has, indeed, now presented the noble Council - of Geneva with a most favourable opportunity of clearing itself - from the foul stain of heresy, by delivering into its hands - the Spaniard Servetus. You will have heard, of course, that - he has put forth another book, wherein he surpasses himself - in impiety; but if the blasphemous scoundrel be dealt with as - he deserves, the whole world will own that the Genevese have - the impious in horror, that they are forward to pursue the - obstinate heretic with the sword of justice, and well disposed - to assert the glory of the Divine Majesty! Nevertheless, and - in any case should they not do so, you ought not to abandon - your post and expose the Church to new misfortunes. Fight on - bravely, then, trusting in God.’[95] - -From what he says, we see that Bullinger had not been informed of all -that had taken place in Geneva, and that the printing of ‘the other -book,’ which he could not yet have seen, had been the occasion of its -author’s arrest and trial. But the letter to Calvin, prompted by the -news he had received through Brother Walter, satisfies us that Calvin -at this time felt little at his ease in Geneva, and in nowise sure of -the support he was to have from his friend Bullinger. He had no doubts -as to the theological criminality of Servetus; neither had he any -qualms as to the kind of punishment he designed for him; but he was -wroth with the Council for the impartiality it showed towards one who -had dared, as he believed, to beard him in his own domain, and ventured -to subscribe himself as having the support of the great heavenly head -of all the Churches. As Calvin interpreted the latest proceedings of -the Council, they appeared simply hostile to himself. Failing now -in his prosecution of the Spaniard, his social influence would be -compromised, and with the check he had just received in the affair of -Berthelier, and the power of the Consistory to excommunicate, whereby -his religious foothold was seriously shaken, he must have threatened, -if he did not really contemplate, the extreme step of abandoning the -Genevese to their own evil devices. Bullinger probably took Calvin’s -threat of quitting his charge in Geneva, as conveyed to him by Brother -Walter, too literally. From the suspicion of any such purpose, we find -him anxious immediately to clear himself by the letter he forthwith -addressed to the Zürich pastor: - - ‘From your letter, most excellent Brother (he says), I learn - that you have not been so accurately informed of the griefs - whereof I complain as I could have wished. The wicked people - about me, knowing that I am irritable, my stomach troubling me - often and in various ways, have lately been striving to get - the better of my patience. But sharp as the struggle has been, - they have not succeeded in turning me in the slightest measure - from my course. I have been armed against all the arrows they - have aimed at me. The Lord may have put me of late so sorely to - the proof among this people, that I might learn by experience - what heavy trials have to be borne by his ministers. He who has - upheld me hitherto will not, I trust, fail to possess me with - less fortitude in time to come. Wherefore, trusting in his aid, - I have never been really minded to quit the station in which he - has placed me. Never once, when your Walter was here lately, - did I think of giving way and yielding to the contumelies - and indignities that were heaped upon me. The report to the - contrary was raised by the factious, that they might injure me.’ - - Calvin then goes on to inform his friend of the affair of - Berthelier, and the permission he had received from the Council - to present himself at the Lord’s Supper, and continues: - ‘Knowing the brazen face of the man who, with every occasion - given him, has still stood in my way; and believing that he - would be disposed to vanquish me if he could, I declared to - the Council that I would not administer to him, and said that - I would sooner die than prostitute the bread of the Lord by - giving it to dogs or such as made a mockery of the Gospel, and - trod the ordinances of the Church under foot. You have not - understood aright what I said. Do not imagine that anything - is changed. Something more may possibly be attempted at the - next meeting of the Council. May the Lord lead the perverse to - desist from their efforts! For my part, it is certain that I - will never suffer the discipline sanctioned by the senate, and - the decree of the people, to be set aside. If I am prevented - from discharging the duties of my office, I may have to yield - to force, but I will never renounce the liberty I possess; - for, that abandoned, my ministry would be in vain. I am not - made of such stubborn stuff, however, as not to feel sorely - distressed when I think of the future scattering of this flock; - but whilst I have the power, I shall do all I can to hold them - in the right way. Do you with your prayers come to our aid, and - entreat that Christ may keep to himself his flock of this place. - - Things go on no better in France. Wherever there is the - pretext, they do not spare bloodshed. Three are condemned to - death at Dijon, if they be not already burned; and the danger - is that the commotions we hear of in Scotland will add fuel to - the fires. Seven or eight youthful persons have been thrown - into prison at Nemours, and in several other French towns many - more have met with a like fate. Farewell! - -The letter which Calvin wrote about the same time to Sulzer, pastor -of Basle, also deserves a place here, as showing the pains he took -to influence the minds of his friends in his own favour and against -Servetus. - - The name of Servetus, who, twenty years ago, infected the - Christian world with his vile and pestilent doctrines, is - not, I presume, unknown to you. Even if you have not read his - book, it is scarcely possible that you should not have heard - something of the kind of opinions he holds. He it is of whom - Bucer, of blessed memory, that faithful minister of Christ, - a man otherwise of the most gentle nature, declared that ‘he - deserved to be disembowelled and torn in pieces.’ As in days - gone by, so of late he has not ceased from spreading abroad his - poison; for he has just had a larger volume secretly printed at - Vienne, crammed full of the same errors. The printing of the - book having been divulged, however, he was thrown into prison - there. Escaping from prison--by what means I know not--he - wandered about in Italy for some four months; but driven hither - at length by his evil destiny--_tandem hic malis auspiciis - appulsum_--one of the syndics, at my instigation, had him - arrested. - - Nor do I deny that I have been led by my office to do all in - my power to restrain this more than obstinate and indomitable - individual, so that the contagion should continue no longer. - We see with what licence impiety stalks abroad, scattering - ever new errors; and we have also to note the indifference of - those whom God has armed with the sword to vindicate the glory - of his name. If the Papists approve themselves so zealous and - so much in earnest for their superstitions, that they cruelly - persecute and shed the blood of innocent persons, is it not - disgraceful in Christian magistrates to show so little heart - in defending the assured Truth? But where there is the power - of prevention, there are surely limits to the moderation that - suffers blasphemy to be vented with impunity. - - As regards this man, then, there are three things to be - considered: First, the monstrous errors with which he corrupts - all religion, the detestable heresies with which he strives to - overthrow all piety, and the abominable fancies with which he - surrounds Christianity, and seeks to upset from the foundation - every principle of our Faith. Secondly, the obstinacy with - which he has comported himself, the diabolical persistency - with which he has despised all the counsels given him, and - the desperate insistance wherewith he has been forward to - spread his poison. Thirdly, the daring with which he, even - now, produces his abominations. So far is he from showing - any sign or giving any hope of amendment, that he does not - scruple to fasten his plague-spot on those holy men, Capito - and Œcolampadius--as if they were his associates! Shown the - letters of Œcolampadius, he said he wondered by what spirit - he, Œcolampadius, had been induced to depart from his first - opinion!... - - There is but one thing more on which I would have you advised, - viz.: That the Questor of our city, who will deliver you this, - is of a right mind in the business, which is, that the prisoner - shall not escape the fate we desire--_ut saltem exitum quem - optamus non fugiat_. - - I say nothing now of French affairs; there being no news here - of which I imagine you are not as well informed as we, unless - it be that on last Sabbath-day three of our pious brothers - were burned to death at Lyons, and a fourth met a like fate in - a neighbouring town. It is scarcely credible how these men, - illiterate, but enlightened by the spirit of God, and ennobled - by the perfections of the Doctrine, behaved on the occasion; - with what unswerving constancy they met their fate. But it - is not there only; in other parts of France burnings of the - same sort go on incessantly; nor seems there any prospect of - mitigation. Farewell! - - Geneva; v. of the Ides (19) of Septr. 1553. - -Calvin, we see from this epistle, believed that he would be fully -justified in having Michael Servetus burned alive at Geneva because -they differed in their interpretation of the Trinity; but that the -Papists of Lyons were inexcusable for sending to a fiery death those -who with himself did not acknowledge the Pope as God’s vicegerent on -earth, and Romish doctrine as the true and only saving faith. It is -the _evil destiny_ of Servetus, too, that has led him into the toils -of the Reformer; and to be of a _right mind_ in the business of the -prosecution, then proceeding is, so to play into the hands of the -prosecutor that his victim shall not escape the death designed him! - -It was of Zürich, however, more than of any of the Churches consulted, -that Calvin felt most in doubt. The tolerant views of Zwingli were in -some sort hereditary there; and Bullinger, who was its chief pastor, -had disappointed him in the case of Bolsec. But he must also have had -strong misgivings of Basle, when he was induced to write the long -and particular letter to Sulzer, its leading minister, which we have -just perused. The more refined and delicate tone that is said to -have pervaded society in the city of Basle indisposed its people to -violence or extremes; and ‘Thorough’ was always the word on Calvin’s -banner. - -If he had doubts of Zürich and Basle, Calvin could place implicit -reliance on Neuchatel, where Farel, his oldest, most devoted, and most -obsequious friend presided as head of the Church. Addressing Farel soon -after the arrest of Servetus, he writes: - - It is even as you say, my dear Farel,--we are indeed variously - and sorely tried and tossed about by storms! We have now a - _new_ business with Servetus--_jam novum habemus cum Serveto - negotium_. His intention may, perchance, have been to pass - through this city; but it is not precisely known why he came - hither. When he was recognised, however, I thought it right - to have him arrested, my man Nicholas presenting himself as - accuser on the capital charge, and binding himself by the law - of retaliation, to proceed against him. Articles of accusation - under as many as forty heads were presented in writing on the - day following the arrest. He prevaricated at first, which led - to our being called in. Recognising me, he behaved as though - he held me obnoxious to him. I, as became me, gave no heed to - him. The senate, in fine, approved of all the charges, and he - was sent back to prison. On the third day after, my brother - becoming bail for Nicholas, he was set at liberty. - - I say nothing of the effrontery of the man; but such was his - madness that [in the course of the interrogatory] he did not - hesitate to say the Devil was in the Deity--_Diabolus inesse - Divinitatem_--and more, that in so many men there were so - many gods, Deity being substantially communicated to them, - as, indeed, he said it was to stocks and stones! _I hope the - sentence will be capital at the least--Spero capitale saltem - fore judicium_; but I would have the cruel manner of carrying - it out remitted. Farewell! - -Calvin’s charge was therefore, as we see, to no halting or half-way -conclusion. He proceeded from the first for a capital conviction--he -hoped it would be nothing short of this; and being so, he knew the kind -of death the man must die. It is a poor show of humanity, therefore, -that he makes at the end of his letter. But there is a phrase at -the beginning of the epistle which deserves very particular notice: -‘_Iam novum habemus cum Serveto negotium_--we have now on hand a _new -business_ with Servetus.’ But there was no _older business_ with -Servetus at Geneva. It was at Vienne that this took place. Writing to -Farel, his oldest and most trusted friend, Calvin reverts in mind to -the fact, and his words reflect or echo back his inward thought. Of -the justice of this surmise we seem to find confirmation in Viret’s -letter of August 22, which we have seen in reply to the one in which -Calvin inquires after a copy of the book on Trinitarian Error; for -there the pastor of Lausanne says: _Nunc vobis est alia cum Serveto -disputatio_--and now you have _another_ contention with Servetus;[96] -an obvious reference to a passage in one of the Reformer’s letters of -the same tenor as that he has just addressed to Farel. Calvin, it is -notorious, always shirked acknowledgment of the part he played in the -affair of Vienne. Even the self-complacency that comes of theological -zeal did not permit him to find an excuse for underhand dealing, -and the violation of a correspondence that was private and entirely -confidential. He was, by no means, insensible to the infamy that -cleaves to an act of the kind, however, and in his own case could say, -‘Zebedæus has been perfidiously showing confidential letters of mine, -which I wrote to him fifteen years ago from Strasburg!’[97] - -Farel’s reply to the last epistle of Calvin, dated from Neufchatel on -September 8, is as follows: - - I have returned from Normandy, restored to my usual good state - of health.... It is a wonderful dispensation of God that has - brought Servetus to this country. I wish he may come to his - senses, late though it be. It will indeed be a miracle if - he prefer death, and, turning to God, consent to edify the - spectators--he dying one death who has caused the death of so - many others! - - Your judges will only show themselves hard-hearted contemners - of Christ, enemies of the true Church and of its pious - doctrine, if they prove insensible to the horrible blasphemies - of so wicked a heretic. But I hope God will so order it that - they may merit commendation by putting out of the way the man - who has so long and so obstinately persevered in his heresies - to the perdition of so many! In desiring to have the cruelty - of the punishment mitigated, you appear as the friend of him - who has been your greatest enemy. There are some, however, who - would let heretics be doing--as if there were any difference - between the office of the pastor and that of the magistrate! - Because the Pope condemns the faithful for the crime of heresy, - and hostile judges cause innocent persons to undergo the - punishment that should be reserved for blasphemers, it is - absurd to conclude that heretics are not to be put to death, - in order that the faithful may be preserved. But do you act, - I pray, in such a manner as to show that in time to come no - one will be suffered to promulgate new doctrines and to throw - everything into confusion, as this Servetus has done. For my - own part, I have often said that I should be ready to suffer - death did I teach aught that was opposed to the true doctrine, - and should deem myself deserving of the most terrible tortures - did I turn even one from the faith that is in Christ. I would - not, therefore, apply to another a different rule. - -Farel is neither an elegant nor an agreeable, still less a logical, -writer; but he is zealous in behalf of the true doctrine--the doctrine, -to wit, he holds himself. God, the father of mankind, who sends the -rain and the sunshine indifferently on all, has, in the opinion of -this poor bigot, by a special dispensation of his providence, led a -sincerely pious man, according to his lights, to Geneva, there to be -first harshly and ignominiously treated by another sincerely pious man, -according to his lights; and finally through the influence he exerts -over its clergy and magistracy, to be put to a lingering death by slow -fire! Farel never thought of himself, with his ‘True Doctrine,’ as a -heretic in the highest degree in the eyes of his neighbours the Roman -Catholics of France with _their_ ‘True Doctrine.’ - -It is more than questionable, indeed, whether Farel had ever read a -word of Servetus’s writings. He was a man of action, fearless, full of -fiery zeal, and a ready talker, but with no great amount of scholarly -acquirement, and still less of philosophy. In anything of his we have -seen, and save in what is said of his harangues, he never meets us -otherwise than as a man of narrow mind, utterly intolerant and entirely -under the influence of Calvin. If Servetus had sinned by persevering -in heresy, and corrupting souls, so had he, so had Calvin, so had -Melanchthon and the rest, in the estimation of their neighbours the -Papists of neighbouring lands; and, though he speaks glibly of myriads -who had lost their chance of salvation through Servetus, there was -never a tittle of evidence adduced on the trial to show that even a -single individual had been influenced by his writings. On the contrary, -all who are brought forward in connection whether with the man or his -works--Œcolampadius, Bucer, Melanchthon--are proof and more than proof -against both him and them. Calvin and Farel, as we see, had made up -their minds that Servetus was to be condemned to death weeks before the -conclusion of his trial. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -SERVETUS SENDS A LETTER AND A SECOND REMONSTRANCE AND PETITION TO HIS -JUDGES. - - -Smarting under a sense of the unjustifiable treatment to which he was -so relentlessly subjected, and weary of the delays that had taken place -through the disputes between the Consistory represented by Calvin, and -the Council, Servetus now gave vent to the pent-up storm within him in -the following characteristic remonstrance. Alluding to the backing his -persecutor received from the clergy, and the number of names attached -to the Refutation of his Replies, he exclaims: - - Thus far we have had clamour enough and a great crowd of - subscribers! But what places in Scripture do they adduce - as their authority for the Invisible Individual Son they - acknowledge? They refer to none; nor, indeed, will they ever be - able to point to any. Is this becoming in these great ministers - of the Divine Word, who everywhere boast that they teach - nothing that is not confirmed by distinct passages of Holy - Writ? But no such places are now forthcoming; and my doctrine, - consequently, is impugned by mere clamour, without a shadow of - reason, and without the citation of a single authority against - it. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, - - who signs alone, but has Christ for his sure protector! - -Engaged with more immediate and interesting business in the political -and administrative sphere of their duties, the Council had, in fact, -left that in which their prisoner Michael Servetus was so particularly -concerned unnoticed for something like fourteen days. This long delay -gave him reasonable cause for complaint, and furnished him with grounds -not only for the outburst given above, but for a further petition and -remonstrance to the following effect: - - _To the Syndics and Council of Geneva._ - - My most honoured Lords!--I humbly entreat of you to put an - end to these great delays, or to exonerate me of the criminal - charge. You must see that Calvin is at his wit’s end and knows - not what more to say, but for his pleasure would have me rot - here in prison. The lice eat me up alive; my breeches are in - rags, and I have no change--no doublet, and but a single shirt - in tatters. - - I made another request to you, which was for God’s sake; but to - prevent your granting it, Calvin alleged Justinian against me. - It is surely unfortunate for him that he brings against me that - which he does not himself believe. He neither believes nor does - he agree with what Justinian says of the Church, of Bishops, of - the Clergy, nor of many things besides connected with religion. - He knows well enough that [in Justinian’s day] the Church was - already corrupted. This is disgraceful in him--all the more - disgraceful as he keeps me here for the last five weeks in - close confinement, and has not yet adduced a single passage [of - Scripture] against me. - - I have also demanded to have counsel assigned me. This would - have been granted me in my native country; and here I am a - stranger and ignorant of the laws and customs of the land. Yet - you have given counsel to my accuser, whilst refusing it to - me, and have further set him at large before having taken any - true cognisance of my cause. I now demand that my cause may be - referred to the Council of Two Hundred. If I am permitted to - appeal to it, I hereby appeal; declaring, as I do, that I will - take on me all the expenses, damages, and interests, and abide - by the award of the Lex Talionis as well in respect of my first - accuser [De la Fontaine] as of Calvin his master, who has now - taken the prosecution into his own hands. - - From your prison of Geneva, this 15th of Septr. 1553. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, - - in his own cause. - -The Council appear to have been nowise moved by this very reasonable -petition. The request for counsel, here reiterated, was not noticed--it -had already been disposed of, and could not be granted; but the -petition to have his case referred to the Council of the Two Hundred -was discussed and rejected: the tribunal before which he was on his -trial was competent in every respect by the laws of the State. Orders, -however, were given that the articles of clothing he required should -be procured for him at his proper cost; but as it seems to have been -the business of no one to see the order carried into effect, or because -the Council and custodians of the gaol of Geneva were accustomed to see -their prisoners in rags and devoured by vermin, it was unheeded at the -time, although attended to at a somewhat later period in this eventful -history. - -Had there been no resolution to take the opinion of the Councils and -Churches of the confederate Reformed Cantons, everything necessary -to a decision was again before the Court. The term had indeed been -exceeded within which by the law of Geneva the proceedings ought to -have ended--the law positively forbidding the protraction of a criminal -suit beyond the term of a calendar month. The law had, therefore, been -violated; but there was no one to urge the point in behalf of the -prisoner, any more than there had been to expose Calvin’s disobedience -of the Council’s orders to present his Articles of Incrimination -without note or comment. Neither the Clerical nor the Libertine party, -however, had yet done with the unfortunate Servetus, although it was -not before their meeting of September 21 that the Council found itself -at leisure to take up the tangled skein of the Servetus-prosecution -again, and to order the necessary documents to be prepared for -submission to the Councils and Churches they had determined to consult. -Before despatching these when ready, they seem to have thought it would -be well to show Calvin the short demurrers of Servetus to his elaborate -Refutation; expecting, probably, that he would have something to say to -them, but not meaning to let Servetus see anything Calvin might think -proper to add. There was no occasion however, as it fell out, to act -on this rather partial reservation. The Reformer did not think fit to -notice even one of the unhappy annotations of his enemy, in which the -lie direct is given him something like fifty times; and the epithet -_nebulo_--knave--is not the most offensive that is applied to him. He -did not add a word to what he had already written. A mere glance at the -unhappy jottings sufficed, as it seemed, to make him feel sure of his -suit; Servetus, he saw, stood self-condemned in his neglect to adduce -Scripture authority for his peculiar views, or to show that they had -either been misinterpreted or misunderstood by his pursuer. The abusive -epithets so plentifully heaped on Calvin only recoiled upon himself. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -THE SWISS COUNCILS AND CHURCHES ARE ADDRESSED BY THE COUNCIL OF GENEVA. - - -From the duel as heretofore carried on between Calvin, backed by -the Ministers of Geneva, and Servetus, seconded by Christ alone, as -he said, the process was now to be widened in its scope and debated -between the solitary stranger and the Reformation at large, or so -much of it at least as was represented by the Protestant Churches of -Berne, Basle, Zürich, and Schaffhausen. As many as four copies of the -writings that had passed between the prosecution and the prisoner had, -therefore, to be made, and for this a couple of days were required; -so that it was not until after the third week of September that the -messenger usually charged by the authorities of Geneva with their -despatches was furnished with his credentials to the Councils and -Ministers of the four towns named. The documents forwarded were copies -of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ and of the works of Tertullian -and Irenæus; the thirty-eight articles from the writings of Servetus -extracted by Calvin; Servetus’s replies to these in defence of his -views; and Calvin’s Refutation of his errors, as he characterised -them, having Servetus’s jottings, disclaimers, and abusive epithets -interspersed. Grounding their opinions on these lengthy documents, the -Swiss Churches were requested to declare themselves on the orthodox -or heretical nature of the passages inculpated, and so, in fact, to -pronounce on the guilt or innocence of the prisoner in respect of the -heresy and blasphemy imputed to him; their standard being, of course, -the particular form of Christianity professed by the prosecutor and -themselves. - -In referring to the Churches in communion with that of Geneva, the -Council is careful to say that it would not be supposed to entertain -any doubts of the competency of the Church of Geneva to pronounce -a definitive opinion on the questions at issue; it would only have -further light before coming to a decision in a matter of so much -moment. The style of address adopted by the Council of Geneva to the -Councils and Churches of the Cantons consulted will be sufficiently -appreciated from the letters sent to Zürich. And first the one -addressed to the Ministers: - - Geneva, September 21, 1553. - - Honourable Sirs!--Well assured that you are every way disposed - to persevere in the good and holy purpose of upholding and - furthering the Word of God, we have thought we should do you - an injustice did we not inform you of the business in which we - have been engaged for some time past. It is this. There is a - man now in prison with us, Michael Servetus by name, who has - thought fit to write and have printed certain books on the - Holy Scriptures, containing matters which we think are nowise - according to God and the holy evangelical doctrine. He has - been heard [in his defence] by our ministers, who have drawn - up Articles against him, to which he has replied, and to his - replies answers have been given--all in writing; and we pray - you, for the honour of God, to take the papers now forwarded - to you into consideration, and to return them by the same - messenger with your opinion and advice. We beg you further - to look into the book which will be delivered to you by our - messenger, so that you may be well and fully informed of the - unhappy propositions of the writer. - - In writing thus and asking your advice we desire to say that we - do so without any mistrust of our own ministers. - - * * * * * - - _To the Burgomaster and Council of Zürich._ - - Geneva, September 22, 1553. - - High and mighty Lords!--We know not if your Lordships are aware - that we have in hand a prisoner, Michael Servetus by name, - who has written and had printed a book containing many things - against our religion. This we have shown to our ministers; and, - although we have no mistrust of them, we desire to communicate - the work to you, in order that, if it so please you, you may - lay it before your clergy, together with the replies and - rejoinders that have been made in connection therewith. We - therefore pray you to be good enough to submit the documents - now sent to your ministers and request them to give us their - opinion of their merits, to the end that we may bring the - business, to which they refer, to a close. - -On the result of the course now taken the fate of Servetus evidently -depended. Did the four Swiss Churches find the extracts from his -writings heretical and blasphemous, the Council of Geneva, in their -capacity of criminal judges, would find themselves justified in -passing upon him the extreme sentence of the law; and Calvin’s -determined pursuit not only of his theological opponent and personal -enemy, but of his political antagonist and, in some sort, _rival_, as -he had been made to appear through the espousal of his cause by the -leaders of the Libertine party, would be brought to the conclusion he -desired. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI. - -SERVETUS AGAIN ADDRESSES THE SYNDICS AND COUNCIL OF GENEVA, AND ACCUSES -CALVIN. - - -If Calvin, then, as we apprehend, had every reason to anticipate -an answer in his favour from the Churches, so do we find Servetus -possessed by the assured hope that he would be acquitted, or, at -most, be found guilty of nothing involving a heavier penalty than -banishment from the Republic of Geneva. Of heresy he did not think -for a moment he had been more guilty than every one of the Reformers -whom he had been accustomed to hear spoken of in the polite circles of -Vienne not only as schismatics, but as heretics of the deepest dye. If -his ‘Restoration of Christianity’ had been burned by the hangman of -Vienne, had not Calvin’s ‘Institutions of the Christian Religion’ been -summarily condemned by the whole Catholic world, and put on the Index -of prohibited books by the Roman Curia? So sure does Servetus appear to -have felt of final acquittal at this time--guiltless of blasphemy as -in his soul he knew himself to be, and bolstered by the false hopes -of his false friends, that whilst the scales of justice were still -trembling on the beam, he, from his filthy cell, in rags, and devoured -by vermin, even he aspired to become the accuser of the man by whom he -was himself accused, and subjected to all the indignities he endured! -It could only have been under the excitement of some such persuasion -that he now wrote the following extraordinary letter to the Council:-- - - -_To the Syndics and Council of Geneva._ - - My most honoured Lords,--I am detained on a criminal charge at - the instance of John Calvin, who has accused me, falsely saying - that in my writings I maintain-- - - 1st. That the soul of man is mortal, and - - 2nd. That Jesus Christ had only taken the fourth part of his - body from the Virgin Mary. - - These are horrible, execrable charges. Of all heresies and - crimes, I think of none greater than that which would make - the soul of man to be mortal. In every other there is hope - of salvation, but none in this. He who should say what I am - charged with saying, neither believes in God nor justice, in - the resurrection, in Christ Jesus, in the Scriptures, nor, - indeed, in anything, but declares that all is death, and that - man and beast are alike. Had I said anything of the kind--said - it not in words only, but written and published it, I should - myself think me worthy of death. - - Wherefore, my Lords, I demand that my false accuser be - declared subject to the law of retaliation, and like me be - sent to prison until the cause between him and me, for death - or other penalty, is decided. To this effect I here engage - myself against him, submit myself to all that the Lex Talionis - requires, and declare that I shall be content to die if I am - not borne out in everything I shall bring against him. My - Lords, I demand of you, justice, justice, justice! - - From your prison of Geneva, this 22nd of September, 1553. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, pleading his own cause. - -The letter was followed by a series of articles in form like those -lately brought against himself, headed-- - - -_Articles on which Michael Servetus demands that John Calvin be -interrogated._ - - I. Whether in the month of March last he did not write, by - the hand of William Trie, to Lyons, and say many things about - Michael Villanovanus called Servetus. What were the contents of - the letter, and with what motive was it sent? - - II. Whether with the letter in question he sent half of the - first sheet of the book of the said Michael Servetus, entitled - ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ on which were the Title, the Table - of Contents, and the beginning of the work? - - III. Whether this was not sent with a view to its being shown - to the authorities of Lyons, in order to have Servetus arrested - and impeached, as happened in fact? - - IV. Whether he has not heard since then that in consequence of - the charges thereby brought against him, he, the said Servetus, - had been burned in effigy, and his property confiscated; he - himself having only escaped burning in person by escaping from - prison? - - V. Whether he does not know that it is no business of a - minister of the gospel to appear as a criminal accuser and - pursuer of a man judicially on a capital charge? - - My Lords, there are four great and notable reasons why Calvin - ought to be condemned: - - _First_: Because doctrinal matters are no subjects for - criminal prosecutions, as I have shown in my petition, and - will show more fully from the Doctors of the Church. Acting as - he has done, he has therefore gone beyond the province of a - minister of the Gospel, and gravely sinned against justice. - - _Second_: Because he is a false accuser, as the above articles - declare, and as is easily proved by reading my book. - - _Third_: Because by frivolous reasons and calumnious assertions - he would suppress the Truth as it is in Jesus Christ, as will - be made obvious to you, by reference to my writings; what he - has said of me, being full of lies and wickedness. - - _Fourth_: Because he follows the doctrine of Simon Magus, in - great part, against all the Doctors of the Church. Wherefore, - magician as he is, he deserves not only to be condemned, but to - be banished and cast out of your city, his goods being adjudged - to me in recompense for mine which he has made me to lose. - These, my Lords, are the demands I make. - - MICHAEL SERVETUS, in his own cause. - -Although we have only conjecture to aid us in understanding the temper -that now shows itself in Servetus, and the hope he evidently entertains -of triumphing over his prosecutor, we cannot be mistaken in ascribing -it to the influence of Perrin and Berthelier. They must have imagined -that the same result would ensue from the appeal to the Churches as -had followed the reference made to them in the case of Jerome Bolsec, -and believed that the worst that would befal their puppet would be -banishment from the city and territory of Geneva. If they could but -cross and spite the refugee Frenchman, their clerical tyrant, through -the fugitive Spaniard, their end would be attained, although at -the cost, perhaps, of a certain amount of inconvenience to their -instrument. The conclusion of Servetus’s last address to the Council -shows clearly the opinion he had been led to form of Calvin’s present -position in Geneva. ‘As the magician he is,’ says Servetus, ‘he ought -to be condemned, and cast out of your city, his property being adjudged -to me in recompense for all I have lost through him!’ The Council -appear to have taken no more notice of this last address and demand of -their prisoner than they had of his preceding more reasonable petitions -and remonstrances. - - * * * * * - -The pause in the proceedings that ensued, pending the receipt of -replies from the Churches consulted; the silence of the Council upon -his letter and inculpation of Calvin, combined with the effects of -continued imprisonment, anxiety, and hope deferred, on a body not of -the strongest, would seem before long to have induced a frame of mind -different from that so unmistakably displayed of late by the prisoner. -The petition forwarded three weeks later to the Council is pitched in a -much lower key than the one last presented. - - Most noble Lords,--It is now about three weeks since I - petitioned for an audience, and still have no reply. I entreat - you for the love of Jesus Christ not to refuse me that you - would grant to a Turk, when I ask for justice at your hands. I - have, indeed, things of importance to communicate to you, very - necessary to be known. - - As to what you may have commanded to be done for me in the way - of cleanliness, I have to inform you that nothing has been - done, and that I am in a more filthy plight than ever. In - addition, I suffer terribly from the cold, and from colic, and - my rupture, which cause me miseries of other kinds I should - feel shame in writing about more particularly. It is very cruel - that I am neither allowed to speak nor to have my most pressing - wants supplied; for the love of God, Sirs, in pity or in duty, - give orders in my behalf. - - From your prison of Geneva, - - MICHAEL SERVETUS. - - October 10, 1553. - -This appeal to the duty as well as the compassion of the Council was -the first of any he had addressed to it which met with an immediate -response. One of the Syndics, attended by the Clerk of the Court, was -commissioned to visit the prisoner, and inquire into his state, being -requested, further, to see measures taken to have him furnished with -the articles of clothing he required, so that the resolution formerly -come to in this direction should no longer remain a dead letter. - -_October 19 and 23._ A month had all but elapsed before the messenger -to the Councils and Churches of the Protestant Swiss Cantons returned -with the replies of the Magistrates and Pastors to the Documents -submitted to them by the Council of Geneva. But he came at last. As the -answers were in Latin, translations into French had to be made for the -behoof of those among the councillors of Geneva who were indifferently -versed in the Latin tongue. Some days more were required for this; so -that though the messenger arrived on October 19, the papers in Latin -and French were only ready on the 23rd, when they were laid before the -Council, once more solemnly assembled in its judicial capacity, with -the prisoner before them. - -The Church of Berne which was the first referred to [and had its head -pastor, Haller, as reporter of its conclusion?], blames Servetus not -only for his heresies, but for his insolence and want of respect for -Calvin. - - He seems (says the report) to have thought himself at liberty - to call in question all the most essential elements of our - religion, to upset everything by new interpretations of - Scripture, and to corrupt and throw all into confusion by - reviving the poison of the ancient heresies.... We pray that - the Lord will give you such a spirit of prudence, of counsel, - and of strength, as will enable you to fence your Church and - the other Churches from this pestilence, and that you will at - the same time take no step that might be held unbecoming in a - Christian magistracy. - -The Church of Zürich [of which Bullinger must have been the reporter], -replied at greater length than that of Berne, or, indeed, any of -the other Churches, going minutely into the question of Servetus’s -opinions, which are pronounced to be at once heretical and blasphemous. -The Ministers of this Church are particular also in insisting on the -propriety of upholding Calvin in his prosecution of the heretic. - - We trust (say the pastors of Zürich), that the faith and zeal - of Calvin, your pastor, and our brother, his noble devotion to - the refugees and the pious, will not be suffered by you to - be obscured by the unworthy accusations of this man, against - whom, indeed, we think you ought to show the greater severity, - inasmuch as our Churches have the evil reputation abroad of - countenancing heretics, and even of favouring heresy. But - the holy providence of God, they proceed, waxing in fervour, - presents you at this moment with an opportunity of clearing - yourselves as well as us, from such injurious imputations, if - you but resolve to show yourselves vigilant, and well disposed - to prevent the further spread of the poison. We do not doubt, - indeed, that your Excellencies will act in this wise. - -Schaffhausen was content to subscribe to all that had been said by -Zürich (whose conclusion, consequently, had been communicated to it); -but could not resist insinuating how it thought the Spaniard should be -dealt with. - - We do not doubt (say its Ministers) that you, with commendable - prudence, will so repress this attempt of Servetus, that his - blasphemies shall not be suffered to eat like a gangrene into - the limbs of Christ. To use lengthy reasonings with a view to - free him from his errors, would but be to rave with a madman. - -The pastors of the Church of Basle [with Sulzer as reporter], the last -consulted, are rejoiced to see Servetus in the hands of the magistrates -of Geneva; feeling persuaded that they will not be wanting either -in saintly zeal or Christian prudence, in finding a remedy for an -evil that has already led to the ruin of vast numbers of souls. The -theological culpability of the man is also much aggravated in their -opinion by the obstinacy and insolence with which he persists in his -errors, instead of yielding to the reflections which imprisonment and -the instructions of the pastors of Geneva ought to have led him to make. - - We exhort you, therefore (they conclude), to use, as it seems - you are disposed to do, all the means at your command to - cure him of his errors, and so to remedy the scandals he has - occasioned; or, otherwise, does he show himself incurably - anchored in his perverse opinions, to constrain him, as is - your duty, by the powers you have from God, in such a way that - henceforth he shall not continue to disquiet the Church of - Christ, and so make the end worse than the beginning. The Lord - will surely grant you his spirit of wisdom and of strength to - this end. - -We thus see that the Churches, whilst they all agree in condemning, -refrain from declaring in precise terms the kind of punishment they -would have awarded the prisoner--they do not in so many words say -they would have him put to death; but finding him guilty of heresy -and blasphemy, they knew that by the law of the land he must die. -Condemning him unequivocally, therefore, for his theological views, -they, in fact, pronounce his doom. To have done so directly, would -have been trenching on the rights of the Council of Geneva, by whom, -under the circumstances, a covert wish was sure to be better taken than -an open recommendation. And let us not overlook the base and selfish -motive that underlies the severity counselled: by putting the heretical -Spaniard to death, the Swiss Churches will free themselves from the -imputation of favouring heresy! - -So much for the conclusions and implied wishes of the Ministers. The -Magistrates of the cities consulted, differ but little, if at all, from -their Clergy. The Council of Berne express a hope that their brothers -of Geneva will not allow the wickedness and evil intentions of their -prisoner to make further head, all he says being so manifestly opposed -to the Christian religion, which they think it must be his purpose -to vilipend and do what in him lies to exterminate. They, therefore, -‘entreat the Senate of Geneva so to comport themselves--and they -do not question their inclination in this--that such sectaries and -disseminators of error as their prisoner shall no longer be suffered to -sow in the Church of Christ.’ - -The reply of Berne is said by Calvin to have had greater influence -on the Judges of Servetus than that of any of the other Councils. -Geneva had oftener than once in former years been indebted to Berne -for assistance in her straits, and still continued, to a considerable -extent, under the influence of the Canton that was looked up to as -Chief in the Swiss Confederation. The Magistrates of Berne, moreover, -were more outspoken, perhaps, than those of any of the other Cantons. - -But we discover, after all, that neither the Churches nor Councils were -acting independently and of knowledge self-acquired of the business. -The Clergy were dominated by Calvin, the Councils by the Clergy; and -there appears to have been collusion and concert among the reporters -both of the Churches and Senates. - - Yesterday (September 26), (writes Haller of Berne, to Bullinger - of Zürich) we received the documents in the case of Servetus, - and have since been studying them in view of our reply. But we - should like to know what your answer is before we send ours. We - therefore entreat you immediately to inform us of its tenor. - Yet wherefore so much ado! the man is a heretic, and the Church - must get rid of him. Let me, however, I beseech you, speedily - know the conclusion you have come to. - -The Zürich pastor would seem to have been the most active of all the -ministers in collecting and imparting information of a kind that would -lead to unanimity of conclusion among the Churches and Councils. His -friend, Ambrose Blaurer, acknowledging receipt of a letter from him -communicating the decision of Zürich, says that he ‘had thought the -pestilent Servetus, whose book he had read twenty years ago, must long -since have been dead and buried.’ But the self-righteous man must add -further: ‘We are surely tried by heresies and satanic abortions of the -sort, in order that they who are steadfast in the faith may be made -known.’ Sulzer of Basle has also been primed by him of Zürich, for, in -reply to the intimation he has received of what has been done, he says -that he, Sulzer, ‘is rejoiced to have heard of the arrest of Servetus -in a quarter where it seems he may be effectually kept from infecting -the Church with his heretical dogmas in time to come; although I know -there be some who are violently opposed to Calvin’s proceedings, and -the subserviency of the Senate in the business.’ - -So much for the Churches and Councils of the Cantons consulted; and how -little the latter were disposed to act, or, indeed, were capable of -acting of themselves, and on their own appreciation of the questions -submitted to them, is made manifest by the letter which Haller wrote to -Bullinger at this time: - - I have to give you my best thanks, dear Sir and Brother, for - your diligence in communicating with the Genevese [and, of - course, with the Bernese also] so speedily. Our Council have - been of the same mind as yours in their reply. We, _as ordered - by them_, have exposed the principal errors of Servetus, - article by article. When our Councillors had been made aware - of their nature, they were so horror-struck, that I have no - doubt, had the writer been in prison here, he would have been - burned alive. But as the matters in question were very little - intelligible to them, they desired that I should reply in a - letter as from myself to the Council of Geneva. They added, - however, from themselves, that they exhorted the Genevese so to - deal with the poison that it should not, by any negligence of - theirs, be suffered to spread to neighbouring districts; and, - indeed, it has often happened that commotions in Geneva have - extended from its walls and got footing within ours. I think I - need not send you a copy of our reply, as it agrees so entirely - in every respect with your own. - - Yours most truly, - - J. HALLER. - - Berne: October 19, 1553. - -The Churches and Councils consulted, then, were at one in their -condemnation of Servetus. But it has been presumed that ecclesiastical -conclusion and innuendo backed by civilian assent, might still have -failed to bring matters to the issue aimed at by the prosecution, had -not political considerations intervened to complicate and sway judicial -action. We are ready enough to believe that there was so much common -sense in the Senate of Geneva, and such a feeling of the impossibility -of attaining to absolute certainty in questions of dogmatic theology, -that they were even more indisposed than they plainly show themselves -to have been to come to a final decision in the case of their prisoner. -But to assume that political considerations had the lead in the -condemnation of Servetus, would, we venture to think, be a great -mistake. To remove the prosecution from the sphere of theology to that -of policy, were to take from it its chief interest and significance. -But the arrest was made, the trial was begun, and the sentence was -delivered exclusively on theological grounds. The political element -that got mixed up with the business, was no more than an accident, and -cannot truly be said to have influenced the judgment finally given. The -four Swiss cantonal Councils and Churches which condemned Servetus, -condemned him on theological grounds alone; they knew little or nothing -of the political strife that agitated Geneva, and were not swayed by it -in their decision. - -Servetus himself, ill-advised and misled by those who had access to -him, fully persuaded of the truth of his opinions, and relying on their -consonance with Scripture, as he read it, may be said to have left his -Judges one way only out of the difficult and delicate position in -which they found themselves; and this was by finding him guilty of the -theological errors laid to his charge. He appeared to be opposed not -only to every religious principle as known to them, and as understood -alike by Catholics and Protestants, but he had used such objectionable -language in speaking of subjects held so sacred as the Trinity and -the Baptism of Infants, that even the most tolerant in the present -day would find it inexcusable; how much less warrantable must it have -appeared amid the universally prevalent intolerance of three centuries -ago! Nevertheless, it may be that the mind of every member of the -Council had not yet been made up as to the _degree_ of the prisoner’s -guiltiness, or even granting him guilty of everything imputed to -him, that he, therefore, deserved to die; and die he must if they so -declared him. - - * * * * * - -All the grounds for a definitive decree being before the Court on their -meeting of the 23rd, we must presume that the sense of the members -generally as to the guiltiness of the prisoner had been ascertained, -and that the opinion of the majority to this effect was only not -formulated and pronounced because of the absence of some of the leading -Councillors--that of Amied Perrin, the first Syndic, being particularly -remarked. An adjournment was therefore moved; but to afford no further -excuse for delay in bringing the protracted business of the Servetus -Trial to an end, summonses for a special session on the 26th were -ordered to be issued. Doubtful of the decision, as it might seem, and -anxious for delay in consequence of the tenor of the letters from -the Churches, Perrin had absented himself from the meeting of the -23rd, through indisposition, as he said himself, through _feigned_ -indisposition, according to Calvin, as we learn from a letter of his to -his friend Farel of the 26th, in which he speaks of his great political -antagonist by the derisive title of _Cæsar comicus_. Meantime, the -members of the Court present determined to proceed to the gaol, and -inform the prisoner of their purpose to have him before them with the -least possible delay, to hear their final award. Before taking their -leave, and as if to intimate to the unhappy Servetus what was to -follow, they placed him under the care of two special warders, who were -to hold themselves responsible with their lives for his safe custody. - -The unusual visit of his Judges, and the additional guard set over -him must, we should imagine, have sent a chill to the heart of the -unfortunate Servetus, and gone far to damp out the hope he had been -led to entertain either of acquittal or a sentence short of that which -he knew Calvin had made up his mind from the first to extort. Yet does -he not appear even now to have thought it possible that his Judges -would condemn him to death. Self-conscious rectitude alone, and a -better belief than it deserved in the world’s will to do justly and -mercifully, had blinded him to the fate that awaited him. - -During the three days’ pause that now ensued, some faint show of -sympathy for the prisoner was manifested outside the walls of the -Council chamber; but it came from no one of weight or standing in the -Republic. Zebedee, the pastor of Noyon, a known opponent of Calvin on -some of his theological tenets, and Gribaldo, an Italian by birth, -by profession a lawyer, now a refugee from his home for conscience’ -sake, were bold enough to proffer something in his behalf; Gribaldo -even going so far as to defend certain of his conclusions, and having -a word to say in favour of toleration. But he was not backed by the -congregation of his countrymen, domiciled in Geneva, so that the move -he made had no result. The show of opposition on the part of the -Italian to his sovereign will and pleasure was not, however, forgotten -by Calvin. Denounced by him at a later period for irregularity of some -sort, in contravention of consistorial law, Gribaldo found it advisable -for safety’s sake to quit Geneva. - -Still there were not wanting many, both laymen and clerics, natives -of Geneva, as well as refugees, devoutly attached to Calvinistic -doctrines, who showed a lively repugnance to pushing matters the length -of capital punishment in cases of heresy; the instinctive feeling of -all pointing to this as the conclusion aimed at by the prosecution. -For Reformers--heretics themselves in the eyes of the dominant -European Church--to have recourse to measures that appeared in such -an odious light when brought into requisition by Roman Catholics, -seemed illogical, unwarrantable, and dangerous. But the number who -raised their voices in this direction was small. The prisoner was not -an object of interest to the Libertine party in general; a stranger -in Geneva, he was in some sort the particular puppet of Perrin and -Berthelier, rather than the representative of a principle. Even to the -leaders he was nothing more than a counter in the political game of the -day. In a word, and in so far as anything was known about him to the -public, the man entertained extraordinary, and what seemed blasphemous -opinions on religion, as they had learned to understand the word, and -so must be a wicked and worthless person, who might safely be left to -be dealt with by the ministers and civil authorities in the way they -judged best. - -Calvin, at this momentous juncture, maintained an attitude of entire -confidence as to the pending decision. He had been informed of the -tenor of the letters received from the Swiss cities; and, aware of -their uniform agreement in the theological culpability of Servetus, he -could rely on the effect this must produce on the minds of the Judges. -He seems even to have thought it unnecessary any longer to exert the -special influence he could always bring to bear on any question in -debate before the Council--he refrained from preaching against the -prisoner and holding him up as a blasphemer against God and religion, -as had been his wont. - -_October 26._--The Council, in its capacity of High Court of Criminal -Justice, solemnly convoked for this day, was well attended, though not -quite complete as to numbers; Amied Perrin, cured of his indisposition, -presiding. - -The Governing Body of the Republic of Geneva consisted, as we have -seen, of two extreme and mutually opposed parties--the Libertines, or -patriots, and the Clericals, or abettors of Calvin and theocratic rule. -Each of these had representatives in the Council whose voices could -be implicitly relied on. But--as in all general assemblies that ever -came together, there are still found a certain number of neutrals or -waverers, men of no strong convictions one way or another; too weak in -some cases to rely on themselves and act independently; too strong in -others to be led by any convictions but their own, whose votes could -make the balance incline one way or another, so were they not wanting -in the Council of Geneva at this time. Now, in the fateful meeting of -October 26, it was observed that several of the most constant opponents -of Calvin had absented themselves, whilst not one of his regular -supporters failed to appear. - -The resolution to be come to was delicate, on matters unfamiliar, and -apt to excite the scruples of the conscientious and timid. It was the -life of no brutal offender against person or property, no criminal, in -fact, save by construction, that was in debate, but that of a scholar -of varied accomplishments, against whom no social delinquency had been -charged, or, if charged, which had not been rebutted, and fallen to -the ground. Yet was this man accused of heresy and blasphemy against -God and religion, not only by the distinguished head of the Church -of Geneva and its other ministers, but was now found guilty of these -theological crimes, involving, as they were said to do, disruption of -the entire social fabric, by every one of the Confederate Churches and -Councils consulted. What, forsooth, could be urged in behalf of him who -had spoken of the Trinity as a three-headed monster, comparable to the -hell-dog of the heathen poets, and declared the Baptism of Infants to -be an invention of the devil? - -And then, and yet more, it was not by the Reformed Churches only that -the prisoner had been challenged for heresy, and found guilty; he had -been tried and convicted on this ground by their neighbours the Roman -Catholics of Vienne, been burned in effigy by them along with his -books, and only escaped burning in person by breaking from his prison. -The Genevese, moreover, had been frequently reproached as well by -papists as by professors of other forms of Christianity akin to their -own, with laxity in matters of doctrine, and even called abettors of -heresy and shelterers of heretics; and they had, indeed, been invaded -of late by a host of individuals fleeing for their lives, through -entertaining all manner of new and hitherto unheard-of opinions on -religion. - -Weary on every side of wranglings upon subjects they did not -understand, the clerical party in the Senate would not be thought -less than zealous for the true Faith--the Faith which was their own; -whilst the more timid of their adversaries sought excuse and escape -from responsibility by absenting themselves at the moment the vote must -be given on the guilt or innocence of the prisoner. But everything at -the moment conspired to associate theological dissidence with social -criminality, and to make of the independent critic of particular -religious dogmas the enemy of all religion. - -In the light, therefore, in which Servetus was regarded, his cause -was not seen as one through which, in the event of a decision in his -favour, the Liberal party in the Council of Geneva might hope to find -greater freedom to lead their lives in the way they listed; neither, -through a sentence adverse to him, was it one through which they -foresaw that the iron hand of Calvin would be made either lighter or -heavier than it was. There were, in fact, more reasons for letting -Calvin have his way here than for opposing him--for suffering Servetus -to burn, than for saving his life. The Council had been hard upon the -Reformer of late, and were not disposed to quarrel with him in a matter -that had but a remote connection with their domestic concerns. Backed -as their great theologian was by the Swiss Churches, they believed that -they might safely and with propriety now show themselves on his side, -by condemning the heretic to death. - -The meeting of the Court on the 26th, then, not so fully attended as we -have said by the usual opponents of Calvin as by his supporters, had -to face the painful duty of pronouncing sentence on their prisoner at -last. A resolution finding him guilty of the charges alleged, and so -deserving of death, must now have been moved by one of the members--by -whom we are not informed--for we find it immediately met, on the part -of Perrin, by a counter-resolution, declaring him not guilty. Perrin, -we must presume, maintained that the charges were not of a nature that -fell properly under their cognisance as a Court of Criminal Justice. -Nothing had been brought home to the prisoner that showed him to be a -disturber of the public peace, and so came within the sphere of what -he held to be their proper jurisdiction. Perrin must, therefore, have -argued that the Court could only pronounce him not guilty. But this -would plainly have been to stultify the whole of their proceedings -during the last two months and more. The Court, by the laws of -the country, was competent in causes of every complexion, and the -prosecution had proceeded from the first on the ground of theological -criminality. The proposition of the First Syndic, consequently, could -not be entertained, but was rejected as a matter of course. Perrin -then moved that the cause should be remitted to the Council of the Two -Hundred. But this proposal was also negatived: the General Council in -its capacity of Criminal Court, could not waive its right of decision -in a case in which its competence was recognised, and such ample -pains had been taken to get at the merits of the case. Perrin must -then, doubtless, have pleaded for some punishment short of the extreme -penalty of death awarded to the heretic by the law of the land. This -last effort failing like the others, and the Records of the Court -giving no intimation of any further motion in favour of the prisoner, -the following resolution was moved, and by a majority of votes adopted: - -‘Having a summary of the process against the prisoner, Michael -Servetus, and the reports of the parties consulted before us, it -is hereby resolved, and, in consideration of his great errors and -blasphemies, decreed, that he be taken to Champel, and there burned -alive; that this sentence be carried into effect on the morrow, and -that his books be burned with him.’[98] - -The sentence once resolved on, appears to have been immediately -communicated to Calvin, and he in the same hour proceeded to inform his -most intimate friend Farel of the result. In anticipation of the event, -he had, indeed, written to Farel some days before, begging him to come -to Geneva. The clergy of the city having acted with Calvin to a man -in the prosecution, it was thought more seemly that a stranger should -attend the prisoner in his last moments, than one of themselves; hence -Calvin’s first letter of October 14, in anticipation of the final -sentence, and to the following effect: - - I have no words, my dear Farel, adequately to express my thanks - to you for your great solicitude in respect of ourself and our - Church. I purposely abstained from writing to you for fear of - inducing you to take horse so soon (Farel had been dangerously - ill), and I would not be troublesome to you until time pressed. - You say, indeed, that you do not thank me for sparing you; and - I know how willing, nay, how eager you are at all times to - labour for the Church of God, how ready ever to come to our aid. - - As to the state of affairs with us, I imagine you are already - well informed, through Viret, or rather through my letters - to him, which, however, were really meant for you both in - common. The enemy is now intent on the business that comes on - for discussion before the General Council about the Ides of - November, and I think it would be well were Viret to come to - us then; but I would have you here somewhat sooner--about the - time when the affair of Servetus will be drawing to a close; - and this I hope will be before the end of the ensuing week.... - I would not, however, incommode you, or have you stir, where no - immediate necessity compels. - -Farel had not arrived so soon as Calvin expected, so he writes again on -the 26th, and informs his friend that answers had been received from -the Churches unanimous in their condemnation of Servetus. Alluding to -the proceedings during the last few days of the trial, when Perrin, -the First Syndic, made vain attempts by delay and entreaty to save the -prisoner’s life, Calvin speaks of the merciful man by the nickname -under which he was wont to characterise his great Libertine opponent, -and says: - - Our comical Cæsar having feigned illness for three days, - mounted the tribune at length with a view to aid the wicked - scoundrel--_istum sceleratum_--to escape punishment. Nor did he - blush to demand that the cause might be remitted to the Council - of the Two Hundred. But in vain, all was refused, the prisoner - was condemned, and to-morrow he will suffer death. - -Self-centred, resolute as he was, we yet see in Calvin’s anxiety to -have Farel beside him, that he felt the want of such support as an -all-devoted friend alone can give in supreme moments of our lives. His -last letter could not have reached Farel in such time as would have -enabled him to be in Geneva on the day of the execution; but when it -was despatched Farel was already on his way from Neuchatel, and reached -Geneva in the evening of the 26th, so that he had the news of all that -had taken place, and of the fate that awaited the unhappy Servetus on -the morrow, from the mouth of Calvin himself. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII. - -THE ATTITUDE OF CALVIN--THE HOPES OF SERVETUS. - - -Informed of the decree of the Court, Calvin tells us that he bestirred -himself to have the sentence carried out in the way usual in criminal -cases, by beheading with the sword, instead of burning by slow fire. -The heretic must be got rid of, he must die, but the Reformer would -give a civil rather than an ecclesiastical complexion to the business, -and escape imitation of the Roman Catholic cruel mode of putting God’s -enemies, as heretics were called, to death. The Council, however, did -not enter into his views. The Canon Law, still in force over Europe, -condemned the convicted heretic to death by fire, and the majority of -the Court determined to abide by the statute as it stood. Bigotry and -intolerance, fanned to fever heat, were in the ascendant, and would -forego none of their most terrible means of punishing the offender, -and striking terror into the vulgar mind. The oblation in such cases -provided, would even have appeared to lose its significance, had it -been presented otherwise than as ‘a sacrifice of a sweet savour made by -fire to the Lord’; for still influenced by the ritual of the old Hebrew -Law, which, in earlier days, required the first-born of man and beast -for the altar, and had criminals of all sorts ‘hung up before the sun,’ -lives forfeited for theological errors, were, in reality, offerings to -appease the wrath or win the favour of the Supreme! - -Servetus, meanwhile, made aware that the trial was at an end, and that -nothing more remained for him but to learn his fate, though he may have -been alarmed by the additional measures taken for his safe custody, -seems not yet, as we have said, to have abandoned the persuasion that -he would either be acquitted or subjected to some minor or merely -nominal penalty. He was not conscience-stricken; he knew himself -guilty of no impiety or intentional blasphemy; his object from first -to last had been to present what he thought were higher, truer views -of the Revelation which he believed God had made of himself to mankind -in the olden time in Judæa; and the proclaimed purpose of his latest -work, as he said himself to his Judges, was the _Restoration_, not -the destruction of Christianity. More than this: he was not now among -Papists bound to intolerance by their creed, but among Protestants -in Geneva--the stronghold of free thought and its necessary logical -adjunct, toleration; among men who had studied, reasoned, and, like -himself, put their own construction on writings which he as well as -they believed to be the Word of God. And then, had he not all along -been upheld by Perrin and Berthelier, in the belief of triumphing -over his persecutor? How should hopes of longer life in view of -further effort in the cause that was dear to him, and of freedom to -shape out thoughts on matters high and holy, have forsaken him? True, -Calvin had aimed at his life through the people of Vienne; and in his -present bonds, and all the unworthy usage he suffered, he could not -fail to realise the persistent hostility of the man who held him in -such despite. Still he was in Geneva, though a prisoner, and Calvin -was not all in all within that Republican city. There was a powerful -party opposed to the tyranny and self-assertion of the ecclesiastic, -the distinguished heads of which gave him their countenance and -support--there seemed hardly room for doubt: he would not be found -guilty of having blasphemed, but would be acquitted and set at liberty. - -Cherishing such hopes and so supported, are we to wonder that the -Sentence of Death took the unhappy Servetus entirely by surprise? -Only imparted to him in the early morning of the day on which he was -doomed to die, he was at first as if struck dumb by the intelligence. -He did but groan aloud and sigh as if his heart would burst; and when -he recovered speech at length, it was only to rave like one demented, -to strike his breast, and cry in his native Spanish, Misericordia, -Misericordia! By degrees, however, he recovered his self-possession and -became more calm. Master of himself, and reverting in thought to his -pursuer, his first coherent words were to request an interview with -Calvin, which he, we need not doubt, was nowise slow to grant, for he -must have thought it both a flattering and a hopeful proposal. Now had -the sinner come to his senses; now would he make a clean breast of it, -abjure the convictions of his life, and with a lie on his lips be made -meet for glory! But nothing of all this was in the mind of Servetus. He -had no misgivings about his theological conclusions; in these he was -securely anchored; but he felt like a true man in the face of impending -fate, and would own that he had not comported himself with all the -respect that was rightfully due to his theological opponent. Hence his -request for the interview. - -Accompanied by two of the Councillors, Calvin entered the prison an -hour or two before noon of the fateful October 27, 1553, and prefacing -the account he has left us of what transpired at the meeting, by saying -that Servetus had received the notice of his sentence and impending -doom with a ‘sort of brutish stupidity--_cum belluina stupiditate_,’ -he proceeds: ‘I asked him what he wanted with me--_quidnam vellet?_ -To which he replied, that he desired to ask my pardon.’ I then said -that I had never prosecuted anyone on merely personal grounds; that I -had admonished him with all the gentleness I could command as many as -sixteen years ago, and not without danger to my own life had spared no -pains to cure him of his errors. But all in vain! my expostulations -appeared rather to excite his bile. Quitting speech of myself, however, -I then desired him rather to ask pardon of the Eternal God, towards -whom he had shown himself but too contumelious, presuming, as he had -done, to take from his Essence the three hypostases that pertain to it; -and saying that were it possible to show a personal distinction between -the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, we should have a three-headed Cerberus -for a God; with much beside that need not now be repeated. Seeing, -ere long, that all I said went for nothing, and feeling indisposed to -trespass on the time of the Magistrates, or to appear something more -than my Master, in obedience to the precept of Paul, I took my leave of -the heretic, αὐτοκατάκριτος--self-condemned.[99] - -But there is a deep-lying truth in the French adage: ‘Qui s’excuse -s’accuse--_he who excuses accuses himself_.’ The first impulse of -the tolerant Servetus, on coming to his senses, was to ask pardon of -the man who had brought him to his death; the first impulse of the -implacable Calvin was to apologise for his deed, and to shift to a -sense of public duty, a course to which his secret soul informed him -he had been mainly prompted by private hate. Nor is that which Calvin -connects with his apology, when he speaks of having imperilled his -life for Servetus’s sake, to be received as true in fact. That he -would have braved any danger that might have accompanied the public -discussion of their opinions proposed by Servetus in 1534, we can well -believe; but he was not required to face it, and all their subsequent -correspondence, private and confidential as it was, could have been -attended with peril neither to him nor Servetus--or if to either it -must have been to Servetus had he been discovered in correspondence -with the arch-heretic of Geneva. We can hardly imagine Calvin to have -been so totally devoid of humanity as to have felt no compunctious -visitings when he stood face to face with the man whom his persistent -enmity alone had brought to such a pass; but he would also have been -other than he meets us in history, and otherwise circumstanced than he -was as αὐτοκράτωρ--despot of Geneva--had he not felt something -of self-gratulation and even of triumph, when pardon was asked of him -by his humbled foe. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII. - -THE SENTENCE AND EXECUTION. - - -An hour before noon of October 27, 1553, the ‘Lieutenant Criminel,’ -Tissot, accompanied by other officials and a guard, entered the gaol, -and ordered the prisoner to come with them, and learn the pleasure of -My Lords the Councillors and Justices of Geneva. - -The tribunal, in conformity with custom, now assembled before the porch -of the Hotel de Ville, received the prisoner, all standing. The proper -officer then proceeded to recapitulate the heads of the process against -him, Michael Servetus, of Villanova, in the Kingdom of Aragon, in -Spain, in which he is charged-- - - _First_: with having, between twenty-three and twenty-four - years ago, caused to be printed at Hagenau, in Germany, a - book against the Holy Trinity, full of blasphemies, to the - great scandal of the Churches of Germany, the book having been - condemned by all their doctors, and he, the writer, forced - to fly that country. _Item._ With having, in spite of this, - not only persisted in his errors and infected many with them, - but with having lately had another book clandestinely printed - at Vienne in Dauphiny, filled with the like heresies and - execrable blasphemies against the Holy Trinity, the Son of - God, the Baptism of Infants, and other sacred doctrines, the - foundations of the Christian religion. _Item._ With having in - the said book called all who believe in a Trinity, Tritheists, - and even Atheists, and the Trinity itself a dæmon or monster - having three heads. _Item._ With having blasphemed horribly, - and said that Jesus Christ was not the Son of God from all - Eternity, but only became so from his Incarnation; that he is - not the Son of David according to the flesh, but was created of - the substance of God, having received three of his constituent - elements from God, and one only from the Virgin Mary, whereby - he wickedly proposed to abolish the true and entire humanity - of Jesus Christ. _Item._ With declaring the Baptism of Infants - to be sorcery and a diabolical invention. _Item._ With having - uttered other blasphemies, with which the book in question is - full, all alike against the Majesty of God, the Son of God, and - the Holy Ghost, to the ruin of many poor souls, betrayed and - desolated by such detestable doctrines. _Item._ With having, - full of malice, entitled the said book, though crammed with - heresies against the holy evangelical doctrine, ‘Christianismi - Restitutio--the Restoration of Christianity,’ the better to - deceive and seduce poor ignorant folks, poisoning them all - the while they fancied they were sitting in the shadow of - sound doctrine. _Item._ With attacking our faith by letters - as well as by his book, and saying to one of the ministers of - this city that our holy evangelical doctrine is a religion - without faith, and indeed without God, we having a Cerberus - with three heads, for our God. _Item._ For having perfidiously - broken and escaped from the prison of Vienne, where he had - been confined because of the wicked and abominable opinions - confessed in his book. _Item._ For continuing obstinate in - his opinions, not only against the true Christian religion, - but, as an arrogant innovator and inventor of heresies against - Popery, which led to his being burned in effigy at Vienne, - along with five bales of his book. _Item._ And in addition to - all of which, being confined in the gaol of this city, he has - not ceased maliciously to persist in the aforesaid wicked - and detestable errors, attempting to maintain them, with - calumnious abuse of all true Christians, faithful followers of - the immaculate Christian religion, calling them Tritheists, - Atheists, and Sorcerers, in spite of the remonstrances made to - him in Germany, as said, and in contempt of the reprehensions - and corrections he has received, and the imprisonment he has - undergone as well here as elsewhere. - - Now, we the Syndics and Judges in criminal cases within this - city, having reviewed the process carried on before us, at - the instance of our Lieutenant having charge of such cases, - against thee, Michael Servetus of Villanova, in the Kingdom - of Aragon, in Spain, whereby guided, and by thy voluntary - confessions made before us, many times repeated, as well as - by thy books produced before us, we decree and determine that - thou, Michael Servetus, hast, for a long time, promulgated - false and heretical doctrine, and, rejecting all remonstrance - and correction, hast, maliciously, perversely, and obstinately, - continued disseminating and divulging, even by the printing - of books, blasphemies against God the Father, the Son, and - the Holy Ghost, in a word, against the whole foundations of - the Christian religion, thereby seeking to create schism and - trouble in the Church of God, many souls, members of which - may have been ruined and lost--horrible and dreadful thing, - scandalous and contaminating in thee, thou, having no shame nor - horror in setting thyself up in all against the Divine Majesty - and the Holy Trinity, and having further taken pains to infect, - and given thyself up obstinately to continue infecting the - world with thy heresies and stinking heretical poison (_tes - heresies et puante poyson hereticale_)--case and crime of - heresy grievous and detestable, deserving of severe corporal - punishment. - - These and other just causes moving us, desiring to purge the - Church of God of such infection, and to cut off from it so - rotten a member, we, sitting as a Judicial Tribunal in the seat - of our ancestors, with the entire assent of the General Council - of the State, and our fellow-citizens, calling on the name - of God to deliver true judgment, having the Holy Scriptures - before us, and saying: In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy - Ghost, we now pronounce our final sentence and condemn thee, - Michael Servetus, to be bound and taken to Champel, and there - being fastened to a stake, to be burned alive, along with thy - books, printed as well as written by thy hand, until thy body - be reduced to ashes. So shall thy days end, and thou be made - an example to others who would do as thou hast done. And we - command you, our Lieutenant, to see this our sentence carried - forthwith into execution. - -The staff, according to custom, was then broken over the prisoner, and -there was silence for a moment. - -The terrible sentence pronounced, the pause that followed was first -broken by Servetus; not to sue for mercy against the final award, from -which he knew there was no appeal, but to entreat that the manner of -carrying it out might be commuted for one less dreadful. ‘He feared,’ -he said, ‘that through excess of suffering he might prove faithless to -himself, and belie the convictions of his life. If he had erred, it was -in ignorance; he was so constituted mentally and morally as to desire -the glory of God, and had always striven to abide by the teachings of -the Scriptures.’ The appeal to the humanity of the Judges, however, met -with no response. Farel, indeed, who was present, interposed, telling -him that to obtain any favour he should begin by acknowledging and -showing contrition for his errors. But he gave no heed to this, and -went on to say that ‘he had done nothing to deserve death; he prayed -God, nevertheless, to forgive his enemies and persecutors.’ Rising from -the suppliant attitude he had assumed, he exclaimed, ‘O God, save my -soul; O Jesu, Son of the eternal God, have compassion upon me!’ - -From the porch of the Hotel de Ville, where the sentence was delivered, -a solemn procession was now formed for Champel, the place of -execution, passing by the Rue St. Antoine, and leaving the city by the -corresponding gate: the ‘Lieutenant Criminel,’ and other officers on -horseback, a guard of archers surrounding the prisoner and Farel, who -accompanied him on his death walk, and did not cease from efforts to -wring from him an avowal of his errors. But in vain; he had no answer -other than broken ejaculations and invocations on the name of God. ‘Is -there no word in your mouth but the name of God?’ said Farel. ‘On whom -can I now call but on God?’ said the unhappy Servetus. ‘Have you no -last words for anyone--for wife or child, perhaps, if you have either?’ -said the well-meaning pastor; but he met with no reply; though when -admonished to do so, the doomed man made no difficulty about asking -the people to join him in his prayers. This gave Farel an opportunity -to say to the crowd, ‘You see what power Satan has when he has taken -possession of the soul. This is a learned man, who perhaps even meant -to do well; but he fell into the power of the devil, and the same thing -might happen to any one of you. Though he has said that you have no -God, he yet asks you to join him in his prayers!’ - -But this is not all we have on the last moments of Servetus. Writing -to his friend, Ambrose Blaurer, soon after the fatal October 27, -Farel says, ‘You ask me about Servetus, so justly punished by a pious -magistracy. I was at Geneva when the sentence was delivered, and with -him when he died. The wretched man could not be brought to say that -Christ was the Eternal Son of God. When I urged him on the subject, he -desired me to point to a single place in the Scriptures in which Christ -is spoken of as the Son of God before his birth. All that could be done -had no effect in turning him from this error; he said nothing against -what was urged, but went on his way; we could by no means obtain what -we desired, viz., that he should own his error and acknowledge the -truth. We exhorted, we entreated, but made no impression. He beat -his breast, asked pardon for his faults, invoked God, confessed his -Saviour, and much besides, but would not acknowledge the Son of God, -save in the man Jesus. Nor was I alone in my exhortations; some of the -brethren also interposed, and admonished him ingenuously to admit and -say that he hated his errors; but he only replied that he was unjustly -condemned to death. On this I said: “Do you, who have so greatly -sinned, presume to justify yourself? If you go on thus I shall leave -you to the judgment of God, and accompany you no farther. I meant to -exhort the people to pray for you, hoping you would edify them; and -thought not to leave you till you had rendered your last breath.” After -this he said nothing more of himself, although when I spoke of the -Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, whom we preach in our churches, and in -whom the faithful believe, he said that it was right and good to do so; -but when I went on to say that he did not really think thus, and had -written otherwise, he would not admit it. He told me by the way that he -had had some things from a man who enjoyed no small reputation among -some of us. But though I do not doubt of Erasmus having been infected -in no trifling degree by the writings of the Rabbins, I know that in -his later works at least he expresses himself otherwise than in those -of earlier date. But the unhappy Servetus could not readily be made to -imbibe the truth and put it to increase; neither could he be cured of -his errors by the sound teaching of others. - -‘It were long did I repeat--I do not think, indeed, I can remember--all -that was said between seven in the morning and mid-day. In sum, -however, although he made no particular confession of his faith, -God hindered his name and doctrine from being impugned by any open -contumelious expression.’ - -When he came in sight of the fatal pile, the wretched Servetus -prostrated himself on the ground, and for a while was absorbed in -prayer. Rising and advancing a few steps, he found himself in the -hands of the executioner, by whom he was made to sit on a block, -his feet just reaching the ground. His body was then bound to the -stake behind him by several turns of an iron chain, whilst his neck -was secured in like manner by the coils of a hempen rope. His two -books--the one in manuscript sent to Calvin in confidence six or -eight years before for his strictures, and a copy of the one lately -printed at Vienne--were then fastened to his waist, and his head was -encircled in mockery with a chaplet of straw and green twigs bestrewed -with brimstone. The deadly torch was then applied to the faggots and -flashed in his face; and the brimstone catching, and the flames rising, -wrung from the victim such a cry of anguish as struck terror into the -surrounding crowd. After this he was bravely silent; but the wood being -purposely green, although the people aided the executioner in heaping -the faggots upon him, a long half-hour elapsed before he ceased to -show signs of life and of suffering. Immediately before giving up the -ghost, with a last expiring effort he cried aloud: ‘Jesu, Thou Son of -the eternal God, have compassion upon me!’ All was then hushed save the -hissing and crackling of the green wood; and by-and-by there remained -no more of what had been Michael Servetus but a charred and blackened -trunk and a handful of ashes. So died, in advance of his age, one of -the gifted sons of God, the victim of religious fanaticism and personal -hate. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX. - -AFTER THE BATTLE--VÆ VICTORIBUS! - - -Even before the trial of Servetus had come to an end we have seen it -attracting the attention of some of the freer minds of Geneva--such as -were not over-awed by the dominant spirit of Calvin or not absorbed -in the political strife of the hour. A criminal suit on the ground -of a new interpretation of Scripture, as it had been made in fine so -clearly to appear, struck reasonable men not only as illogical but as -indefensible in a city whose autonomy and entire religious system were -founded on a right of the kind assumed by itself. Calvin’s dictum, that -Servetus’s purpose was the overthrow of all religion, was not seen to -be borne out by the facts of the case when calmly considered, and, to -the popular apprehension, was wholly belied by the pious bearing of the -man in the last hours of his life. Even Farel, misled as he was by his -fanaticism, could not help saying to the people, that ‘after all the -man may have meant well.’ - -The protracted trial at an end, the sacrifice made, the Councillors of -Geneva seem immediately to have come to their senses, and discovered -that they had transgressed the true limits of their authority in -condemning to death one who owed them no allegiance, who had been -guilty of no crime or misdemeanour whether within the bounds of their -jurisdiction or elsewhere, and whose heresies implied no rejection of -the Scriptures as the Word of God, or of the teaching of Christ and -his Apostles as the means of salvation. Servetus’s heresy amounted -to no more than repudiation of what he maintained to be erroneous -interpretations of the language of the Gospels, of metaphysical -assumptions from heathen philosophies, and mystical procedures -unwarranted by a line whether of the Old or the New Testament. They -overlooked the fact that the presence of the man among them was due to -flight from the fate that waited on all who had the courage of their -opinions amid the blood-stained intolerance of Roman Catholicism; -that he was only another among the host of refugees--their spiritual -Dictator himself not excepted--who now crowded the streets of Geneva; -and that, but for the hostile interference of Calvin, he, like so many -more, would have been welcomed as ‘a bird escaped from the net of the -fowler;’ sheltered had he elected to remain, furthered on his way had -he chosen to depart. - -That thoughts of the kind had taken possession of the Council is -proclaimed by the fact of their quashing the indictment preferred by -Farel and the Consistory against Geroult, Arnoullet’s foreman, three -days after the death of Servetus, on the score of the part he had -had in printing the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ and concealing the -character of its contents from his master. Farel and the clergy in -their blind zeal would have persevered in their efforts to have another -victim. But the civilians interposed. Enough--more than enough had -already been done to satisfy the outer world that the Genevese, if -reputed heretics themselves, were no favourers of heresy of another -complexion than their own. Left to calm reflection, the Council may -well have come to see that they had only lent themselves to theological -intolerance, when they imagined they were fulfilling an important part -of their magisterial duties. - -The entire ground, indeed, on which the trial had been instituted -would not bear close scrutiny. The book, on the presumed publication -and dissemination of which it had been set on foot, had not yet been -seen in Geneva save by Calvin: there was not then another copy in the -city but the one sent, as I believe, by its hapless author through -Frelon to the Reformer. Neither had the ostensible institutor of -the suit, Nicolas de la Fontaine, the shadow of a grievance against -Michael Servetus, the writer of the book. He could never have seen it -out of Calvin’s hands, he was almost certainly unacquainted with the -language in which it was written, and, if he were not, he could still -never have read a word of it but at Calvin’s prompting--he had not, in -all probability, even heard the name of Servetus until he had it from -the mouth of his master! De la Fontaine, moreover, was no citizen of -Geneva any more than Calvin himself[100]--neither of them could have -had a legal title to prefer a criminal charge; master and man were -aliens alike, and in Geneva on the same plea as Servetus; they fleeing -for their lives from the Inquisitors and agents of the concubine of -Henry of France, he from the Inquisitor and Church authorities of -Dauphiny. - -More than this. ‘He,’ it is said, ‘who casts the first stone should be -himself without sin.’ Calvin pursued Servetus to death mainly on the -ground of his divergent interpretation of the Trinitarian mystery. But -was Calvin himself quite sound on this head, and was he equally hostile -to all who called the dogma in question? We have had him saying that he -only objected to speak of God and Nature as signifying the same thing, -because of the harshness or impropriety of the expression. But he who -so delivers himself identifies God and the Universe, and excludes ideas -of personality and subdivision in the essence of the Deity. No wonder, -therefore, that Calvin was oftener than once charged with unorthodoxy -from the Catholic point of view on the subject of the Trinity. In the -Confession of Faith which he formulated for the Church of Geneva in -the year 1536, it is certain that neither the word Trinity nor the -word Person is to be found;[101] and when challenged at a later period -by Caroli, the colleague of Viret at Lausanne, on the matter, he did -not so express himself as to satisfy his accuser. In a remarkable -note, moreover, ‘On the word Trinity and the word Persons,’ written -apparently to meet the surmises suggested by the absence of the sacred -vocables from the Confession, Calvin says: - - ‘Inasmuch as these words, ‘Trinity’ and ‘Persons,’ are found - by us to be very serviceable in the Church of Christ, as by - them the true distinction of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit - is more clearly expressed, and controversial discussions are - better served by their means, we say that we have no such - objection to them as forbids us to receive them from others or - to make use of them ourselves. Therefore, do we again declare, - as we have formerly declared, that we accept the words, - and would not that they ceased to be used in the Churches. - For neither in our expositions of the Scriptures or when - preaching to the people do we shun them; and we have instructed - others [in private]--_docebimus alios_, that they should not - superstitiously avoid them. Did anyone, however, from religious - scruples, feel indisposed to make use of the words--although - we avow that such superstition is not approved by us, and we - shall continue striving to correct it--still, this seems no - sufficient reason why a man, otherwise pious and having like - religious views as ourselves, should be rejected. His want of - better knowledge in this direction ought not to carry us the - length of casting him out of the Church, or lead us to conclude - that he was therefore altogether unsound in the faith. Neither, - meantime, are we to think evilly of the Pastors of the Church - of Berne, if they refuse to admit anyone to the ministry who - declines to use the words.’[102] - -We leave the reader to draw his own conclusions from this, and only ask -him to say, on its showing, what excuse can be found for Calvin’s deed -in burning Servetus? Scattered throughout the writings of the Genevese -Reformer we encounter many expressions which prove plainly enough how -much against the grain he finally confessed partition in the unity of -God. ‘The first principle to be acknowledged in the Scriptures,’ he -says, ‘is the Being of One God; but as the same Scriptures speak of -a Father, a Son, and a Holy Ghost, what have we for it--_quid aliud -restat_--but to own three Persons in the Godhead? These, however,’ he -proceeds in the usual orthodox fashion to say, and in contradiction to -the words first made use of, ‘imply no plurality of persons, neither do -they destroy the essential unity of God; for where were Quaternity to -be found does the one God comprise in himself three properties--_ubi -autem quaternitas reperitur si unus Deus tres in se proprietates -contineat_?’[104] Where, indeed! But the question is of _persons_ not -of properties; as in the affair with Caroli it was of an Eternal Son -not of an Eternal Word. - -In another place we find him using such language as this: ‘The words of -the Council of Nicæa are these: God of God--a hard expression I admit, -for the removal of the ambiguity of which no better interpreter can -be found than Athanasius, who indited it--_Deum a Deo--dura loquutio -fateor, sed ad cujus tollendam ambiguitatem nemo potest esse magis -idoneus interpres quam Athanasius qui eam dictavit_.’ - -Elsewhere, though we have omitted to note the place, he declares that -the Athanasian symbol was never approved by any of the legitimate [i.e. -Protestant] Churches--_cujus symbolum nulla unquam legitima ecclesia -approbâsset_.’[105] Such writing is surely very noteworthy. Calvin’s -acknowledgment of a Trinity is neither of his understanding nor his -faith; it is enforced merely and obviously in opposition to the reason -he had from God for his guidance. But Michael Servetus, whom he sent -to a fiery death, not only does not deny, but expressly, and oftener -than once, avows that he acknowledges a Trinity in the Essence of God. -He, too, found the words Father, Son, and Holy Ghost in the Scriptures; -and, as little disposed as Calvin to gainsay a word they contain, he -actually uses language the simple sense of which is that precisely -under which Calvin seeks to shield himself; only he employs the word -_dispositions_ instead of _properties_. Calvin, when he attempts to -reconcile the idea of a Trinity of persons co-existing with an unity -of Being, and does not use language that contradicts itself, speaks no -otherwise than Servetus, and arrives in fine at the same interpretation -of the Trinitarian Dogma: the _persons_ are _dispositions_ to the one, -_properties_ to the other! - -After the most careful study of the writings of Servetus we have been -able to bestow, we have it forced upon us that had Calvin been so -minded he could from them, more readily, and far more consistently, -have defended their author as a sincerely pious, though in his opinion, -a much mistaken man in his interpretation of Christian doctrine, -than prosecuted him as the enemy of all religion, a monster, as he -says, made up of mere impieties and horrible blasphemies! But to -the intolerant bigot, engrossed by his own conceits and dislikes, -all Servetus’s confiding piety was hypocrisy, his touching prayers -mockery, and his eloquence as becoming in him as a coat of mail to a -hog--‘_qu’une jaserame un Truie_’(!) - -Nor can Calvin have credit given him for religious zeal, as the -principal, still less as the sole ground for his prosecution of -Servetus. He would condone the Church of Berne for repudiating him who -denied the Trinitarian mystery, but could not forgive the Spaniard’s -intemperate and disrespectful style of address to himself. In this lay -the prime cause of offence to the man, accustomed to have all the world -bowing down before him, who was always addressed as ‘_Monsieur_,’ not -as ‘_Maître_,’ like the rest of the clergy, and whose appointments, -however modest in our eyes, equalled those of a dignitary of the Church -in neighbouring lands. One of Nicolas de la Fontaine’s counts against -the man he did not even know, but whom he arraigned for life or death, -is the objectionable language indulged in towards his pastor; and we -have Calvin’s own words against himself when he says that Servetus’s -‘arrogance, not less than his impiety, led to his destruction;’ whilst -he elsewhere owns, that ‘had Servetus but been possessed of even a show -of modesty he would not have pursued him so determinedly on the capital -charge.’ - -By way of conclusion here, let us observe that Calvin’s fundamental -principle of Election by the Grace of God ought to have stayed his hand -from all persecution on religious grounds. He is constantly spoken of -as a man possessed of a peculiarly logical mind. But if it be by the -eternal decrees of God that some are ordained to salvation and some to -perdition, how should Servetus or anyone else come between God and his -purposes? How should the Elect be prejudiced, or the Reprobate made -worse by the act of man? - - - - -CHAPTER XX. - -CALVIN DEFENDS HIMSELF. - - -Dissatisfaction with what had been done appears to have become general -immediately after the execution of Servetus. It extended beyond the -walls of the Council chamber and found wider expression than in the -arrest of proceedings against Geroult. Ballads and pasquinades, little -complimentary to Calvin and his party, circulated freely, and were all -the more persistently spread in private if none dared to utter them in -public or sing them in the streets. Calvin himself acknowledges that -fear alone of consequences repressed for a time any open expression -of abhorrence for the death of Servetus. Certain it is, that before -the year was out, save among friends and obsequious followers, the act -in which he had taken the prominent part came to be so unfavourably -construed that he felt forced to appear as his own apologist, and in -justification of his deed to proclaim his victim not only a heretic -because of theological dissidence, with which the people of Geneva were -familiar enough and not always greatly scandalised, but to hold him up -as wholly without religious convictions himself, the open enemy of all -religion in others, the conspirator against the moral well-being of the -world, and the conscience-stricken craven in face of his impending fate! - -To this task Calvin would seem to have been more especially incited -by Bullinger, who loses no opportunity of showing himself hostile to -Servetus; and even thinks that ‘were Satan to come back from hell and -take to preaching for pastime, he would make use of much the same -language as Servetus the Spaniard.’[106] Writing to Calvin at this -time, and thinking doubtless of the growing unpopularity of his friend, -Bullinger says: ‘See to it, dear Calvin, that you give a good account -of Servetus and his end, so that all may have the beast in horror--_ut -omnes abhorreant a bestia_!’ To which Calvin replies: ‘If I have but a -little leisure I shall show what a monster he was.’[107] - -Such were the inducements Calvin had for entering on the apologetic -defence of himself through denouncing the errors, impugning the -motives, and blackening the fame of Servetus to which he now applied -himself and had ready for publication both in French and Latin -early in the year 1554, the title of the French book in brief being -‘_Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foy_;’ that of the Latin, -‘_Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei de sacra Trinitate contra errores Michaelis -Serveti, &c._’[108] - -In his introduction Calvin informs the reader that he had ‘not at first -thought it necessary to come forward with any formal refutation of the -errors of Servetus,’ the ponderous absurdity of his ravings appearing -so plainly that he imagined it would be like winnowing the wind to do -so, for there was really no danger of anyone of sound mind and ordinary -understanding not being found superior to such follies. ‘But better -informed, knowing the poison to be deadly in its kind, and having -regard to the amount of stupidity and confusion which God, to avenge -Himself, inflicts on all who despise his doctrine, I have felt myself -compelled as it were to take up the pen, and in exposing the errors of -the man to furnish grounds for better conclusions. When Servetus and -his like, indeed, presume to meddle with the mysteries of religion, it -is as if swine came thrusting their snouts into a treasury of sacred -things. May God pay all with the wages they deserve whose vicious -proclivities lead them to burn after one novelty or another, which -they can no more resist than can the man from scratching who has the -itch!--_pas plus que celui qui a la ratelle qui démange_.’ - -‘The punishment that befel Servetus,’ he continues, ‘is always ascribed -to me. I am called a master in cruelty, and shall now be said to mangle -with my pen the dead body of the man who came to his death at my hands. -And I will not deny that it was at my instance he was arrested, that -the prosecutor was set on by me, or that it was by me that the articles -of inculpation were drawn up. But all the world knows that since he was -convicted of his heresies I never moved to have him punished by death. -There needs no more than simple denial from me to rebut the calumnies -of the malevolent, the brainless, the frivolous, the fools, or the -dissolute.’ - -There is much in what precedes to challenge comment, and the language, -self-condemnatory of the writer in one respect, if not purposely meant -to mislead, is yet greatly calculated to do so in another. If Servetus’ -teaching was such ponderous folly that it could by no possibility have -any influence in the world, why did Calvin proceed against him from -the first on the capital charge? It is God, too, who inflicts such -stupidity on mankind as makes the intervention of John Calvin necessary -to set things right; and the denial and vituperative epithets at the -end of the paragraph last quoted do not cover an obvious intention on -his part to have the reader conclude that he had had nothing to do -with the doom which befel the Spaniard. But Calvin knew that by the -law of Geneva the convicted heretic must die; and he had written to -his friend Farel on August 20, within a week of the arrest, that he -hoped the sentence _would be capital at the least_--_spero capitale -saltem judicium fore_. All the favour Calvin ever asked for Servetus -was that he might die by the sword instead of by brimstone and slow -fire. He does not say so much indeed, but it almost looks as if he -would have the world believe that he had moved to save the man’s life! -We have his own acknowledgment, however, of the active part he took in -the prosecution of Servetus at Geneva, and his expressed hope of what -the sentence should be. This much he could not deny; the facts of the -case put it out of his power. But he always shirked complicity with -all that happened at Vienne. There there was underhand dealing and -betrayal of trust, and he would fain have the world believe that he had -had nothing to do with the ugly business. But here, too, everything we -know, is against him, and all he says by way of freeing himself from -the charge of having denounced Servetus to the authorities of Lyons -seems but to strengthen the conclusion that he did. Calvin was an able -man undoubtedly, but he was not a cunning man, and often lets his pen -give expression to thoughts of things gone by, which he would not have -suffered to appear had he been more artful. - - In one of his epistles he says, ‘Nothing less is said of me - than that I might as well have thrown Servetus amid a pack - of wild beasts as into the hands of the professed enemies - of the Church of Christ; for I have the credit given me of - having caused him to be arrested at Vienne. But why such sudden - familiarity between me and the satellites of the Pope? Is it - to be believed that confidential letters could have passed - between parties who had as little in common as Christ and - Belial? Yet why many words to refute that which simple denial - from me suffices to answer! Four years have now passed since - Servetus himself spread this report. I only ask why, if he had - been denounced by me, as said, he was thereafter suffered to - remain unmolested for the space of three whole years? It must - either be allowed that the crime I am charged withal is a pure - invention, or that my denunciation did him no harm with the - Papists.’ - -True, and answers to all he says are not far to seek. Why the -familiarity with the satellites of the Pope? That he might be avenged -through them on one whom he regarded at once as a dangerous heretic -and a personal enemy. How should confidential letters have passed -between parties who had so little in common as himself and the Roman -Catholics of Lyons? Because he would have had them the instruments of -his vengeance. If denounced by him, as said, how did Servetus remain -unmolested for three whole years? Because denunciation for heresy of -one who lived in good repute with his friends as a true son of the -Church, by another standing in the very foremost ranks of heresy, was -taken no notice of by Cardinal Tournon and his advisers.--All that -Calvin says now seems but to demonstrate the truth of what we have from -Bolsec, and may possibly have been the ground of the warning against -the over free expression of his opinions which Servetus is said to have -received long before the _denouement_ that followed the printing of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio.’ Calvin continues: - - ‘Would that the errors of Servetus might have been buried with - him; but as his ashes continue to spread a pestiferous stench I - go on to expose his heresies, a task delayed till now through - no fear of measuring myself with one like him, for I have coped - with adversaries much more redoubtable than he, but because I - had other work in hand of more importance as I believed. He, - however, who contends that it is unjust to punish heretics and - blasphemers, I say, becomes their deliberate associate. You - tell me of the authority of man; but we have the word of God - and his eternal laws for the government of his Church. Not in - vain has He commanded us to suppress every human affection for - the sake of religion. And wherefore such severity, if it be - not for this, that we are to prefer God’s honour to mere human - reason.’ - -But the St. Bartholomew and all the nameless horrors that have been -perpetrated in the name of religion and to uphold what is called the -honour of God, are the logical outcome of principles that lead to -such language. Calvin’s treatment of Servetus was in truth nothing -less than a direct encouragement to the Roman Catholics of France to -persevere in their atrocities towards the Protestants. Geneva, which -had been looked on as the bulwark of independent thought and of freedom -to worship God according to conscience came to be regarded as the -seat of another Inquisition. All and sundry who pretended to think -for themselves, and who did not include Election and Predestination -in their creed, must be silent. Did they speak or say a word against -the rules and regulations of the modern propounder of the doctrine of -God’s partiality, they were mercilessly hunted down, fined, imprisoned, -scourged on the back, branded on the cheek, banished from their homes, -or, as in the case of Servetus, put to death; even as the moving cause -of all these atrocities would himself have been dealt with in France -had he there avowed what were there styled the heretical opinions -he entertained--the damnable doctrines he taught. Persecution which -follows necessarily from the principles on which the Church of Rome is -founded, could not be entered on by the Reformed Churches without a -total abnegation of those to which they owe their existence.[109] - -But it is not with Servetus’s doctrines alone that Calvin occupies -himself in his ‘Declaration’ and ‘Defence.’ He must further darken -the fame of the man whom he slew, for the consistency and fortitude -he displayed when confronted with death, as we have seen him -essaying to detract from the purity and probity of his life on his -trial. ‘Servetus,’ says Calvin, ‘was only bold when he had no fear -of punishment before him; but so overwhelmed was he in face of his -impending fate, that he was lost to all and everything about him. -Praying with the people he had said were Godless, he yet prayed as -if he had been in the midst of the Church of God, and thereby showed -that his opinions were nothing to him! Giving no sign of regret or -repentance, saying never a word in vindication of his doctrines, what, -I ask you, is to be thought of the man who, at such a time, and with -full liberty to speak, made no confession one way or another, any more -than if he had been a stock or a stone? He had no fear of having his -tongue torn out; he was not forbidden to say what he liked; and though -at last he declined to call on Jesus as the eternal Son of God (Calvin -omits to say that he called devoutly with his latest breath on Jesus -as Son of the eternal God), inasmuch as he made no declaration of his -faith, who shall say that this man died a martyr’s death?’ ‘Theological -hatred,’ says a late esteemed writer,[110] ‘never inspired words -more atrociously cruel and unjust than these of Calvin;’ and we do -not hesitate to indorse the dictum. Calvin’s challenge of Servetus’s -fortitude in the face of death is most unjust. Servetus went bravely to -his death; though to him, in the vigour of life, and possessed of all -his powers, - - With thoughts that wandered through Eternity, - -life assuredly was sweet; and to lose it not only for no crime, but for -the avowal of what he believed to be holy truth, was hard indeed. To -Servetus existence was not summed up in ministering to mere material -wants and putting off and on at eve and morn; it meant _doing_ in the -knowable, _speculating_ in that which transcends the known, furthering -knowledge of the world we live in, striving after congruous conceptions -of the Almighty Cause of the good, and ministering to the ill that -befals--a truly noble life! - -But Calvin could no more forgive Servetus his constancy and consistency -than he could endure his theological divergences and his personal -insults. ‘Could we but have had a retractation from Servetus as we -had from Gentilis!’ exclaims he, upon another occasion. Strange! -that men in whom the religious sense is strong should still be blind -to the truth that if there be sincerity in the world, they, too, -who feel strongly though divergently on religion, must be as truly -religious and sincere as themselves; and that convictions in the sphere -of faith--those garments of the soul--cannot be put off and on at -pleasure, like the garments of the body! - -It were needless to say that Calvin’s refutation, or shall we say -_condemnation_ of Servetus, is full and complete, if it be not at all -times of the complexion which unimpassioned weighing of the argument, -considerate appreciation of the purpose, and truthful interpretation -of the language of an opponent would have secured. Both of the forms -in which the book appeared were well received by the public; the -‘_Déclaration pour Maintenir la Vraye Foy_’ having been extensively -read by those who were not masters of the Latin; the ‘_Fidelis -expositio Errorum_’ by those who were. Bullinger, it appears from -what Calvin says, must formerly have urged him on to severity; and, -as we have just seen, now shows himself anxious to have his friend -appear in defence of what had been done. Writing immediately after the -publication of the book, he congratulates the writer on his work; the -only fault he has to find with it being the terseness of the style, -which leads at times to obscurity, and its brevity. Calvin, in reply, -excuses himself for the conciseness of his language and the modest -length of his work. But his letter, in so far as it relates to our -subject, is too important not to have a place in our narrative. - - Your last letter, Calvin says, was duly delivered by our - excellent brother Tho. Jonerus. I was from home at the time, - so that I could not show him the hospitality he deserved, but - it so fell out that the Lord in my absence provided for him - in a way that could not have been bettered.... I have always - feared that in my book my conciseness may have occasioned some - obscurity; but I could not well guard against it. I may say, - indeed, that with the end I had in view other motives led me to - the brevity you speak of. In writing at all it was not only my - principal but my sole object to expose the detestable errors of - Servetus. It seemed to me that the subjects handled were best - discussed in the plainest terms, and that the impious errors - of the man should not be overlaid by any lengthy or ornate - writing of mine. I, therefore, say nothing more of the severity - of the style on which you animadvert. I have, indeed, taken - every possible pains to show the common reader how without much - trouble the thorny subtleties of Servetus may be exposed and - refuted. I am not blind to the fact, however, that though I am - wont to be concise in my writings I have felt myself more bound - to brevity here than usual. But so it be only allowed that the - sound doctrine has been defended by me in sincerity of faith - and with understanding, this is of far more moment than any - regrets I may feel for having been forced on the task. You, - however, for the love you bear me, and led by the candour and - equity of your nature, will judge me favourably in what I have - done. Others may construe me more harshly; say I am a master - in severity and cruelty, and that with my pen I lacerate the - body of the man who came to his death through me. Some, too, - there are, not otherwise evilly disposed, who say that the - world is silent as to what was done, and that no attempt is - made to refute my argument on the punishment of heresy, through - fear of my displeasure. But it is well that I have you for the - associate of my fault, if, indeed, there be any fault; for you - were my authority and instigator. Look to it, therefore, that - you gird yourself for the fight.... - - JO. CALVIN. - - Geneva, November 3, 1554. - -This interesting letter[111] seems to show that Calvin had already -conceived misgivings of his conduct in the affair of Servetus. When -John Calvin condescends to seek support beyond himself, and to charge a -friend with having egged him on to the deed whose memory seems now to -rankle in his mind, he must have felt less sure than was his wont that -all he did was well done - - This even-handed justice - Commends the ingredients of our poison’d chalice - To our own lips; (and tells us) we but teach - Bloody instructions, which, being taught, return - To plague the inventor. - -Self-reliant as he was, and ready else to take on himself the -responsibility of his acts, we yet see that he, the strong man among -the strong, now felt the want not only of sympathy and approval, but -of some one to share the ‘fault, if fault there were,’ in a relentless -pursuit and terrible deed. When he would thus associate Bullinger with -himself in his pitiless persecution of the ill-starred Servetus, Calvin -must refer to the letter he had had from the Zürich pastor of September -14, as well as to the one in which the reply of the Church of Zürich -to the Council of Geneva is couched--reply of which there need be no -question Bullinger was the writer. Of all the ministers of the Swiss -Churches Calvin, we believe, had the highest respect for Bullinger, -who, as he did not always truckle to him, fell out of favour at times, -but only to come back anon with heartier consideration than before. - -Melanchthon, too, whom we have found taking more notice of the work -on Trinitarian Error than any of the other Reformers, would seem to -have gone on to the end of his life increasing in hostility to its -author. He, indeed, shows little of the mildness with which he is -commonly credited whenever in later years the name of Servetus meets -him. Writing to Calvin in October 1554, a year consequently after the -death of Servetus, and when he had probably read the ‘Apologia de -Mysterio Trinitatis,’ addressed to him, and printed at the end of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ Melanchthon congratulates the Reformer ‘for -all he had done in bringing so dangerous a heretic to justice.’ ‘I have -read your able refutation of the horrible blasphemies of the Spaniard; -and for the conclusion attained give thanks to the Son of God who was -umpire in your contest. The Church, too, both of the day and of the -future, owes you thanks, and will surely prove itself grateful.’[112] - -Calvin’s more intimate friends and partisans, with few exceptions, -approved of his zeal in vindicating the honour of God, as they said, -and treading out, as they imagined, the threatening spark of heresy -kindled by Servetus. Later admirers and adherents, again, unable to -condone his deed, attempt to find, and flatter themselves that they do -find, excuse for him in the ruder and sterner temper of the times in -which he lived. But we own, regretfully, that with all we know, we -cannot follow them in this. Calvin was not only a man of the highest -intelligence, he was also possessed of a carefully cultivated mind. An -admirable scholar, deeply read in the humanities, and familiar with -history, he had in earlier life, and in face of the persecution for -conscience’ sake beginning under Francis I., manfully raised his voice -for toleration. He had even gone out of his way, as we have seen, and -spent his money in republishing Seneca’s ‘Treatise on Clemency,’ with -added comments of his own, by way of warning, beyond question, to his -sovereign against the fatal course on which he saw him entering. - -Addressing another among the monarchs of the earth in a later -work,[113] he says: ‘Wisdom is driven from among us, and the holy -harmony of Christ’s kingdom, that makes lambs of wolves and turns -spears into pruning-hooks, is compromised when violence is impressed -into the service of religion.’ And yet again we have him using words -like these: ‘Although we are not to be on familiar terms with persons -excommunicated by the Church for infractions of discipline, we are -still to strive by clemency and our prayers to bring them into accord -with its teaching. Nor, indeed, are such as these only to be so -entreated; but Turks, Saracens, and others, positive enemies of the -true religion, also. Drowning, beheading, and burning are far from -being the proper means of bringing them and their like to proper -views.’[114] - -Calvin had, therefore, got beyond his age and its spirit of -intolerance; and, having turned his back on the Church of Rome, no -shelter can be found for him in an appeal to its sanguinary principles -and practice. Calvin, in a word, is inexcusable for refusing to -Servetus the liberty he arrogated for himself, and for turning the city -that sheltered him into a shambles for the man of whom religiousness -alone had made an enemy, and persecution had driven into his power. - -Servetus, however, it is said, was a heretic, a blasphemer. But what -was Calvin in the eyes of those he had forsaken? The most egregious -of heretics, whose teaching had led thousands from the faith of -their fathers, and imperilled their salvation; a traitor, too, whose -independent principles turned subjects into rebels, and tended to make -despotic rule by Priest and King impossible. And this is true; for we -are not to overlook the fact that it is to Calvin, with however little -purpose on his part, that we mainly owe the large amount of civil and -religious liberty we now enjoy. - -Of Calvin, more truly perhaps than of any man that ever lived, may the -dictum of the poet, where he says: - - The evil that men do lives after them, - The good is oft interred with their bones, - -be held to be reversed. In Calvin’s case it was the ill he did that -died, the good that lived. With no respect for civil liberty himself, -and still less for religious liberty beyond the pale of his own narrow -confession of faith, Calvin must nevertheless be thought of as the -real herald of modern freedom. Holding ignorance to be incompatible -with the existence of a people at once religious and free, Calvin -had the school-house built beside the church, and brought education -within the reach of all. Nor did he overlook the higher culture. He -restored the College of Geneva, founded half a century before by a -pious and liberal citizen, but utterly neglected in Roman Catholic -times; and as a complement to the University he founded the Academy. -Forbidden to set foot on the land of his birth, he was nevertheless -the genius of its religious growth, and in company with this, of its -aspirations after freedom. But for the fickleness and falseness of its -princes, France might have had reformed Christianity for her faith; -and with the intelligence, morality, and true piety of her Huguenot -sons in possession of their homes, might possibly have been spared her -Grand Monarques and despotism, her Revolutions, her Buonapartes, and -her wars that have drenched the soil of Europe in blood ever since -Henry of Navarre proved untrue to himself and Liberty. But Scottish -Presbyterianism and English Puritanism and Nonconformity in its -multifarious, sturdy, self-sufficing forms, and 1688, were each and -all the legitimate outcome of a system which told the world that there -was no such thing in the law of God as divine right to govern wrongly; -and in asserting free-thought for itself in matters of opinion, by -indefeasible logic gave a title to all to think freely. - -There can be little question, in fact, that Calvinism, or some -modification of its essential principles, is the form of religious -faith that has been professed in the modern world by the most -intelligent, moral, industrious, and freest of mankind. If Calvinism, -however, tend to make men more manly and more fit for freedom, it has -also a certain hardening influence on the heart, disposing to severity. -Yet has not even this been without its compensating good; for when -Calvin--impersonation of relentless rigour--sent the pious Servetus -to the flames, it may be said that the knell of intolerance began to -toll. Persistence in consigning dissidents from the religious dogmas -of the day to death was made henceforth impossible, and persecution on -religious grounds to any minor issue has come by degrees to be seen -not only as indefensible in principle, but immoral in fact; for it -strikes at the root of the very noblest elements in the constitution of -humanity--Conscience and Loyalty to Truth. - -But Calvinism has had its day. The free inquiry of which it sprang has -slowly, yet surely, carried all save its wilfully blind or ignorant -adherents beyond the pale of their old beliefs. More than a century -ago the Church of Geneva broke not only with its Confession of Faith -as formulated by its founder, but with confessions of faith of every -complexion; so that one of its leaders, on occasion of the late -tercentenary commemoration of the death of the Reformer, could say: -_Nous ne sommes plus Calvinistes selon Calvin_. Nor has the defection -of the Swiss been singular; they have been followed more or less -closely by the Dutch, the Germans, the more advanced of the Protestant -Church of France, and finally and at length by the Scotch. In the land -of Knox, the very stronghold of Judaic Christianity as defined by -Calvin and his great disciple, open rebellion has broken out against -the narrowness of the Creed and Catechism of the Westminster Assembly -of Divines so obsequiously followed until now; prelude, doubtless, to -further disruption and greater change than have yet been seen; for -modern criticism and exegesis, and ever advancing science, proclaim -arrest at any grade in the Religious Idea yet attained by the Churches -to be impossible. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI. - -CALVIN’S DEFENCE IS ATTACKED. - - -Even whilst the trial was proceeding, we have seen that Calvin was not -without opposition in his pursuit of Servetus. Amied Perrin, his great -political rival, had striven for mercy or a minor punishment to the -last; and he was not without followers in the Council. But they were -outnumbered and out-voted there, so that the light of the ‘blessed -quality that is not strained’ was quenched. Outside the circle of -the governing body also, more than one voice was raised against the -manifest aim of Calvin to have his theological opponent capitally -convicted. But it was by persons of inferior note. David Bruck, among -others, a man of talent and quondam minister of a congregation of -Anabaptists in the North, now living privately and respected under the -name of David Joris at Berne, went so far as to speak of Servetus as a -pious man, and to declare that if all who differed from others in their -religious views were to be put to death, the world would be turned into -one sea of blood.[115] - -But the writer who received most notice from Calvin and his friends -was he who appeared under the assumed name of Martin Bellius. Taking -as his text the 29th verse of the 4th chapter of Paul’s Epistle to the -Galatians: ‘As then he that was born of the flesh persecuted him that -was born of the Spirit, even so is it now,’ Bell proceeded to show that -persecution to death on religious grounds, though it might be Judaism -was not Christianity, and that many learned men and eminent doctors -of the Church, both of older and more modern times, had been emphatic -in condemnation of all intolerance in the sphere of religion. Bell’s -book, small in bulk but weighty in argument, was felt as a home-thrust -by the Reformer of Geneva, his own words in favour of toleration among -others being quoted against him. It is often spoken of at the time as -the Farrago--Calvin himself so designates it when sending a copy of it -to his friend Bullinger. But neither Calvin nor his friends liked the -book; and it is in depreciation of its real significance that it is -spoken of as a medley.[116] - -Premising an Introduction, addressed to Frederick, the reigning Duke of -Würtemberg, in which the writer sets forth his own views, he asks the -Duke whether he should think a subject of his deserving of death who, -avowing belief in God and his earnest desire to live in conformity with -the precepts of Scripture, should say that he did not think baptism -was properly performed on an infant eight days old; but was of opinion -that the rite should be deferred until years of discretion had been -attained and the recipient could give a reason for the faith that was -in him? Did the subject think further that if he were required by law -to baptize infants he was running counter to Christ’s ordinance, and -felt that he was doing violence to his conscience, Bell asks the Duke -again, ‘Did he think, if Christ were present as Judge, that He would -order the man who so delivered himself to be put to death?’ Replying to -his question himself, he says: ‘I venture to believe that He would not.’ - -Our author then proceeds to quote from the works of many writers, -who maintain that the punishment of heretics is no part of the civil -magistrate’s duty; from Erasmus, who declares that God, the Great -Father of the human family, will not have heretics, even hæresiarchs, -put to death, but tolerated in view of their possible amendment. ‘When -I think how reprehensible are heresy and schism,’ says the great -scholar, ‘I am scarce disposed to condemn the laws against them; but -when I call to mind the gentleness wherewith Christ led his disciples, -I shrink from the instances I see of men sent to prison and the stake -on the ground of their disagreement with scholastic dogmas.’ From Aug. -Eleutherius, who opines that ‘they are not always truly heretics -whom the vulgar so designate.’ From Lactantius, who says ‘Force and -violence are out of place in matters of faith; for religion cannot be -forced on mankind; words not stripes are here the proper instruments -of persuasion.’ From Augustin, who goes so far as to say that ‘for -the sake of peace even dogs are to be tolerated in the Church. The -Catholic servants of God are not to stain themselves with the blood of -their enemies, but to be examples of patience and forbearance. It is no -business of theirs to gather the tares for burning before the harvest -is ready; they who err are men, and it is man’s part to bear with the -erring; the tares do no real harm to the wheat; and if the erring be -not cured here, they do not escape punishment hereafter.’ - -There is much besides from others, which we spare the reader; but we -have to show that clemency for theological divergence was no novelty -in the age of Calvin; and no one will imagine for a moment that he had -forgotten what he had written himself, or was ignorant of a word that -had ever been said on the subject by others. - -Martin Bell’s tractate was so eagerly seized upon by the public, and -proved so influential in turning the tide of self-gratulation on which -Calvin had been floating somewhat at his ease since the appearance -of his ‘Declaration’ and ‘Defence,’ that it was thought necessary to -find an antidote to the bane of reason and mercy, so modestly but so -convincingly presented in its pages. Calvin would probably have felt -himself constrained to take the field again, and, ‘confronting Bell -with self-comparisons,’ to answer him ‘point against point’ in person, -had he not had his friend De Beza at hand to take his place. Engaged at -the moment with his Commentary on Genesis, Calvin felt little disposed -to interrupt his work by entering anew on an old theme, though ever -ready to gird himself for the fight on one with novelty to recommend -it. The task of meeting Martin Bell he therefore delegated to De Beza, -who appeared anon in a volume three or four times the size of the -Farrago in answer to its plea for latitude in the interpretation of -the Scriptures, and against the infliction of death for the religious -divergence called heresy in any or all of the multifarious forms in -which it shows itself. - -With the terrible text of the Jewish Bible, ‘If thy brother, thy son, -the wife of thy bosom, or the friend that is as thine own soul, entice -thee, saying, Let us go and serve other Gods; thou shalt not consent to -him, neither shall thine eye have pity on him, neither shalt thou spare -him, but thou shalt surely kill him, thy hand shall be first upon him -to put him to death,’ &c. (Deut. xiii. 6 and seq.), and much besides, -akin to this, assumed as the command of God, Beza had no very difficult -task before him in persuading himself and his party that they had -abidden by the Law in all that had been done; satisfied as they were -besides that those who gainsaid them were the enemies of God and man -when they presumed to defend doctrines dishonouring, it was said, to -the Supreme and destructive of the peace of the world.--God, in a word, -was with them; the Devil and corrupt humanity on the side of their -opponents, and there an end. - -We do not observe, however, that Beza’s reply, though very -ably conceived, and written with the skill of the practised -controversialist, had any great influence. It was not reprinted in -a separate form, and although translated into Dutch, seems to have -been little read beyond the circle of Calvin’s friends and followers. -Short as was the time that had elapsed since Servetus perished, the -apologists of the man who sent him to his death were already in -the rear of public opinion on the subject. The jurisdiction of the -magistrate had come to be seen ever more and more clearly to lie within -the sphere of ACT, and to have nothing to do with OPINION. - -A conclusion so wholesome as this was greatly strengthened by the -appearance of another book in immediate reply to Calvin’s ‘Declaration’ -and ‘Defence,’ entitled: ‘Contra Libellum Calvini, &c. against Calvin’s -book, in which he strives to show that heretics are to be dealt with -capitally.’[117] This is the little work that is often referred to as -‘a Dialogue between Calvin and Vaticanus,’ ‘Dialogus inter Calvinum -et Vaticanum.’ In the Preface to the copy I have used, the work is -ascribed to Sebastian Castellio, and several short papers from this -distinguished scholar are appended to the text; but he most certainly -was not its author. An old and determined opponent of Calvin, whose -doctrine of Predestination and Election he had had the hardihood, -in a special pamphlet, to criticise and controvert, Castellio had -aroused the ire of Calvin; and it was on this ground probably that he -had the credit given him of having written the ‘Dialogus.’ Calvin’s -displeasure, we know, never meant anything less than personal hate and -persecution, so that, in his answer to what he styles the ‘calumnies’ -of Castellio, after the preliminary abuse in which he calls him -‘faithless and unmannered,’ he says, ‘They who do not know thee to be -shameless and a deceiver, do not know thee aright. I should like to be -informed how thou wilt prove that I am cruel? By throwing the death of -thy master Servetus in my face, perhaps; and saying, that with my pen I -mangle the body of the man who came to his death through me; but did I -not entreat for him? His judges will bear me out in this; two of whom, -at least, were his particular patrons.’[118] - -In the passage just quoted, Calvin seems to reply to what Vaticanus -has said in his introduction to the book that engages us, viz., that -Servetus was the first who had been put to death at Geneva on grounds -of religion, and that it was done at the instance and on the authority -of Calvin--‘_impulsore et authore Calvino_.’ Vaticanus continues: -‘Calvin will perhaps say, as is his wont, that I am a disciple of -Servetus. But let not this frighten anyone. I am no defender of the -doctrines of Servetus, but I shall so expose the false doctrines of -Calvin, that every one shall see as plain as noonday that he thirsted -for blood. I shall not deal with him, however, as he dealt with -Servetus, whom he proceeded to tear in pieces with his pen, after -having burned him and his books. I do not, therefore, discuss the -Trinity, Baptism, &c., seeing that I have not the books of Servetus, -whence I might learn what he says on these subjects, Calvin having -taken such pains to have them burned--_quippe combustos diligentia -Calvini_. I shall not burn the books of Calvin; their author is alive, -and his books may be had both in French and Latin, so that every -one may see whether I falsify aught he writes. But Servetus was a -blasphemer of God, says Calvin. The man himself, however, believed that -he honoured God, and persuaded himself that he glorified God in his -death. But the persuasion is false, says Calvin. Be it so; yet Servetus -himself was not false; had he been so, he would assuredly have saved -his life; he therefore died for his opinions.’ - -Without defending the views of Servetus we thus see Vaticanus -asserting the courage and consistency of the victim which had been -unjustly called in question by Calvin. - -Coming to the burden of the book we find as many as 150 passages from -Calvin’s ‘Defensio orthodoxæ fidei’ commented and controverted, and in -addition, four from the reply of Zürich to the Council of Geneva. - -By much the most complete and able of the works against Calvin and -those who would have heretics punished by being put to death, is that -of Minus Celsus of Sienna.[119] A fugitive from his native country -to escape arrest and punishment for having forsaken Popery, Minus -Celsus found safety at length after passing through many perils in -Switzerland. ‘Escaped from the hands of Antichrist, as he says, and -safe amid the Rhetian Alps,’ he was not a little scandalised to find -nothing of the unity of doctrine among the Reformed Churches he had -been led to expect before leaving his native country. ‘They held -together as one, indeed, in hate of the Pope, calling him Antichrist -and looking on the Mass as idolatry, but they differed on innumerable -other points among themselves, and not only persecuted but went the -length of putting each other to death, and this in no such primitive -way as by stoning, in old Hebrew fashion, but by roasting the living -man with a slow fire, _vivum lento igne torrendo_--punishment more -horrible than Scythian or Cannibal ever contrived.’ - -Celsus had heard of the execution of Servetus at Geneva, and been -assured by some who were present, persons worthy of all trust, that the -constancy of the sufferer was such that many of the spectators, finding -it impossible to imagine anything of the kind endured without the -immediate support of God, instead of feeling horror for a blasphemer -rightfully put to death, were led to look on him as a martyr to the -cause of truth, and so made shipwreck of the faith in which they had -hitherto lived. - -This led Celsus to think of the treatise he had formerly written in his -native language on the proper way of dealing with heresy, and turning -it into Latin he resolved to have it printed. He did not live, however, -to carry out his purpose; his book was only published some years after -his death by a friend who gives no more than the initials of his name, -J. F. D., but adds M.D., whereby we learn that he was a physician. - -‘No man,’ says Mosheim,[120] ‘can write more amiably or controvert more -gently than this Minus Celsus. He never uses a word that is either -bitter or insulting. His principal opponents are Calvin and Beza, of -course, but he does not name them specially when he controverts their -conclusions, although he proclaims his horror of all violence in -matters of faith. He does, indeed, speak of Calvin once by name, but it -is with mingled commendation and sorrow that ‘one who had deserved so -well of the Church on many counts, and who thought in earlier years -that religion was not to be furthered by severity or violence, should -have finally fallen away from his better persuasion. Why he changed, I -know not: God knows.’ Calvin did not live to see this excellent work -of the Siennese Celsus. Although written in his lifetime, the great -Reformer died twenty years before it saw the light. How it would have -affected him we can only say with our pious Celsus, God knows! - - - - -CHAPTER XXII. - -CALVIN’S BIOGRAPHERS AND APOLOGISTS. - - -Among writers nearer our own time there are few who openly and -unreservedly uphold Calvin in his conduct to Servetus, none who now -advocate persecution unto death for divergence in religious opinion. -Even they who hold the memory of Calvin in the highest honour are -driven, as we have seen, to find excuses for him in his pursuit of the -indiscreet but pious Spaniard. We in these days do, indeed, believe -that they who should approve his deed would sin even as he did. Paul -Henry, the author of one of the latest lives we have of Calvin, and his -measureless partisan and apologist, even with the moderate acquaintance -he has with Servetus’ works, feels himself forced at times to pause in -the unmitigated condemnation of their author he is disposed to indulge -in. Like Farel, in contact with the victim, telling the people that -‘after all the man perhaps meant well;’ Henry says, that ‘from the -executed man, _der Gerichtete_, we hear certain echoes of Christianity -which sadden as they flow not from the true faith. But his pyre still -gleams portentous to the world, and even when it burned it was a -herald of the dawn of better days to come. Servetus, in his steadfast -protestation even unto death, became a true Reformer. His fate has for -ever impressed the Protestant (Henry has the Evangelical) Church with -hate of the besetting sin of the Church of Rome, the crime of dealing -with religious error by inflicting death. It has even familiarised the -world with the thought that there is a still higher development of the -religious principle in man than has yet found expression in either the -Roman or Reformed Churches, awaiting a coming time.’ - -This surely is noble writing. Nor does the apologist pause here, but -goes on to speak of him who to Calvin and his age was a blasphemer of -God, as being really and in truth ‘a pious man.’ ‘Were an assembly of -Deputies from every Christian Church now to meet on Champel,’ says -Henry, ‘to take into consideration all that is extant on the life -and fate of Servetus, and to review the facts in the light of the -times to which they refer, they would speak Calvin free from reproach -and pronounce him not guilty; of Servetus, on the other hand, they -would say, guilty, but with extenuating circumstances.’ We venture -to believe, and trust we have shown cause sufficient to warrant our -conclusion, that the sentence would be precisely the reverse. Calvin -would be found guilty, but with extenuating circumstances; Servetus -not guilty in all but the use of intemperate and sometimes improper -language. - -Henry, to his honour, goes yet farther; he does not approve of Calvin’s -attempt to detract from the horror and pity we feel for Servetus’ -fate, by charging him with cowardice in the face of death. ‘Let us -observe in Servetus,’ says the biographer of Calvin, ‘those beautiful -traces of the true life which he showed at the last: his regret for -former tergiversations, his humility, his constancy, his earnest prayer -to God, and his forgiveness of his enemies. Had he but had the truth in -his heart he would have died a true martyr; but he must tremble in his -death hour, for he had blasphemed the Majesty of God.’ But Servetus did -not tremble in his death hour, he never blasphemed the Majesty of God, -and he died in charity with all men, even with him who had brought him -to his untimely end, and who ten years after the death of his victim -had no better title for him than _Chien et meschant Garnement_,--dog -and wicked scoundrel! - -Mosheim, to whom we owe the gathering and preservation of much that -is interesting in connection with Servetus, working in the middle -of the bygone century, and referring to what Calvin himself avows, -viz., ‘that he would not have persevered so resolutely on the capital -charge had Servetus been but modest and not rushed madly on his fate,’ -exclaims, ‘What an avowal! Servetus, after all, must burn not because -he had outraged the word of God, and infected the world with error, -but because he had addressed John Calvin in disrespectful language! -Calvin’s avowal is truly a hard knot for those to untie who hold that -revenge had nothing to do with the death of Servetus. For my own part -I am not bound to weigh all the grounds that tell for or against the -Reformer, and I am not, perhaps, altogether impartial. I am minded, -however, that they are not wholly in the right who say that Calvin -proceeded against the unhappy Spaniard led on by hatred and revenge -alone; and I am not so certain that they are in the wrong who think it -was not mere religious zeal which suggested and carried the tragedy -to its conclusion. What is man! The very best often serve God and -themselves when they fancy they are serving God alone.’ - -With these words of the pious historian of the Church we conclude; -tempering the severer criticism suggested by the facts as they present -themselves, with the more charitable construction of the ecclesiastic. - - - - -APPENDIX - - - - -APPENDIX. - - -An account of the extant copies of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio;’ -of the reprints of the work by Dr. de Murr and Dr. Mead, and of the -notices the work has received in earlier and later times. - -The ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Michael Servetus is one of the -rarest books in the world. Of the thousand copies known to have been -printed, two only are now known to survive; one of these being among -the treasures of the National Library of Paris, the other among those -of the Imperial and Royal Library of Vienna. The history of both of -these copies, curiously enough, is complete from rather a remote date, -and it is somewhat provoking to know that both of them were once in -this country; but bigotry sent the one, and want of religious sympathy, -presumably, suffered the other to leave our shores. The Paris copy -certainly belonged to Dr. Richard Mead, the distinguished physician -and medallist, who lived in the reign of Queen Anne, and is believed, -before it came into Mead’s possession, to have formed part of the -Library of the Landgrave of Kur-Hesse. How it got dissevered from this -is not known. It was probably stolen and brought to England as to a -sure market. Mead, liberal in politics and presumably in religion -also, appears to have felt so much interest in Servetus’ work, not -only by reason of the physiological matter it contained, but because -of the free spirit of inquiry it breathed, that he was minded to have -it reprinted and made generally accessible. He had accordingly got -half-way with a new and handsome edition of the work in 4to. form, so -far back as the year 1723, when his purpose reached the ears of Gibson, -the then Bishop of London. Alarmed at the idea of light being let in on -the world that had not been strained through the haze of Episcopalian -orthodoxy, Gibson addressed himself immediately to the Censor of the -Press for an injunction; and at his instance and order the impression, -so far as it had gone, was seized, adjudged heretical, and publicly -burned. A few copies of the reprint, however, must have escaped the -conflagration, of which one is now in the Library of the London Medical -Society. This I have had an opportunity of examining, and find that -there wanted but little to have completed the most essential part of -the work, the last page printed being the first of the chapter entitled -‘De Justitia Regni Christi.’ - -Disgusted, we may imagine, with the bigotry of Bishop Gibson and his -abettors, and, it may be also, to secure his copy of the original -against the chance of seizure, confiscation, and the fire, Doctor Mead -exchanged it with M. de Boze, Member of the French Academy of the -Fine Arts, for a series of medals, of which the Doctor was a known -collector. The library of M. de Boze being purchased after his death -by M. Boutin, late Intendant of Finance, and the President de Cotte, -in common, the Servetus fell to the share of De Cotte, who sold it -by-and-by at an exorbitant price, as said, to M. Gaignat, who parted -with it in turn for a still larger sum--as much as 3,810 livres--to the -Duc de la Vaillière, the greatest book collector of the age. On the -death of De la Vaillière, and the dispersion of his magnificent library -under the hammer, in 1784, the ‘Rest. Christianismi,’ believed at the -time to be the only copy in existence, was secured for the sum of -4,120 livres tournois for the Bibliothèque du Roi, and it now remains -one of the treasures of the great National Library of France. Much -of the above information we gather from the letter of M. l’Abbé Rive, -Librarian to the Duc de la Vaillière, which is appended to the London -edition of Dutens’ ‘Recherches sur l’origine des Découvertes attribuées -aux Modernes,’ of the year 1766. - -But this is not all, nor even the most interesting of all we know about -the Paris copy of the rare and remarkable book. It has the name of -‘Germain Colladon’ on the title-page, and the various passages on which -Servetus was finally arraigned and condemned are underscored. It can, -therefore, be no other than the copy which belonged to Colladon, the -barrister, who prosecuted Servetus at Geneva, and must have been given -him along with his brief by the attorney in the case. But the attorney -in the case of Servetus was John Calvin; and we need not, therefore, -doubt that the underlining is by ‘l’impitoyable Calvin’--the ruthless -Calvin, as M. Flourens, who gives so much of the foregoing information -as we have not supplemented, characterises the Genevese Reformer. The -book shows what M. Flourens supposed to be scorching in one part; and -this he gratuitously accounts for, by supposing that it is the copy -which was to have been burned along with its author, but was saved in -some unaccountable way. That copy, we may be well assured, was reduced -to ashes and scattered to the winds with those of its hapless writer; -and the presumed scorching, on the careful examination it received -from the Rev. Henry Tollin, turns out to be the effect of damp. See -Flourens’ ‘Histoire de la Découverte de la Circulation du Sang’ (Paris, -1854), 2nd Ed. Ib. 1857, p. 154. - -The Vienna exemplar of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ again, when we -first meet with a notice of it, belonged to Markos Szent Ivanayi, a -Transylvanian gentleman, resident in London in the year 1665. Szent -Ivanayi must, we presume, have held Unitarian principles, and on his -return to his native country (in some districts of which Unitarianism -is the established or prevailing form of religion), he presented his -copy of the ‘Restitutio’ to the Congregation of Claudiopolis, with -which he was in communion; and they, at a later date, by the hands of -their superior, Stephen Agh, gave it, as the most valuable thing they -possessed, to Samuel, Count Teleki de Izek, in acknowledgment of some -act of favour from the magnate. The Count, on his part, informed of -the rarity of the book, and rightly deeming that it was a gift such as -a subject might offer to his sovereign, presented it to the Emperor -Joseph the Second of Austria, by whom it was graciously accepted and -forthwith enshrined in the great Library of Vienna. This copy of the -‘Restitutio’ is in better condition than that of Paris--‘_præstat -nitiore_,’ says Dr. de Murr, from whom we have the foregoing -information (De Murr, Chr. Th., M.D., ‘Adnotationes ad Bibliothecas -Hallerianas, cum variis ad Scripta Michaelis Serveti pertinentibus.’ -4to. Erlangen. 1805). - -The authorities of Roman Catholic Austria, in 1790, more liberally -disposed than those of Protestant England in the year of grace 1723, -not only gave Dr. de Murr permission to have a transcript made of the -‘Restitutio,’ but raised no objections to his having his copy printed -and published--a task which he happily accomplished in 1791, ‘when -the work appeared anew, like a Phœnix from its ashes,’ as he says. -The reprint is, indeed, an exact counterpart of the original--line -for line, page for page being followed throughout; and as the letter -and paper have also been chosen to correspond as nearly as possible -with those of the prototype, it might have been found difficult -to distinguish between the one and the other, were a third copy -of the original ever to turn up, had not Dr. de Murr put a mark -upon his edition in the date of its publication in extremely small -figures--thus, 1791, at the bottom of the last page. This, too, -is a scarce book, so we presume the edition was small. - -The earliest intimation the world at large received of the existence -of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Servetus is to be found in Dr. -Wm. Wotton’s ‘Reflections upon Learning, Ancient and Modern’ (London, -1694); but his reference is to nothing more than the passage bearing -on the way in which the blood from the right side of the heart reaches -the left. ‘The passage,’ says Wotton, ‘was communicated to him by his -friend Mr. Charles Barnard, a very learned chirurgeon, who had had it -transcribed for him by a friend who copied it from Servetus’ book.’ -Wotton, therefore, had never seen the book himself. The copy from which -the passage was transcribed, in all likelihood was the one which either -was at the time or afterwards became the property of Dr. Mead. - -The next writer who refers to Servetus and his new views of the -pulmonic circulation is Dr. James Douglas, in his ‘Bibliographiæ -Anatomicæ Specimen’ (London, 1715). But neither had Douglas had an -opportunity of examining the work for himself. He does no more, in -fact, than copy the passage as given by Wotton. - -The first member of the medical profession who gave any account of -Servetus’ physiological and psychological opinions from an actual -survey of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ from De Murr’s reprint, -I believe to have been the late Dr. G. Sigmond, an amiable man and -accomplished scholar, who has not been very long gone from among -us. Sigmond, however, has left us the result of his study in an -appreciative Dissertation in Latin and English; the introduction being -in our mother tongue, the text in the old language. Sigmond’s work is -entitled, ‘The Unnoticed Theories of Servetus; a Dissertation addressed -to the Medical Society of Stockholm. 8vo., London, 1826.’ To his great -honour, Dr. Sigmond is the first naturalist in these days who dared -to see Michael Servetus for what he was in truth: an accomplished and -sincerely pious man, but differing, to his sorrow, from both Catholics -and Protestants on some of the dogmatical assumptions of their common -creeds. The copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ which Dr. Sigmond -possessed, as said above, was one of Dr. de Murr’s reprints, which had -been bequeathed to him by his friend Dr. James Sims, for many years -President of the Medical Society of London, a learned man and lover of -books, who believed it to be the original--a belief not shared in by -Sigmond, however, though he seems to have known nothing of De Murr or -his edition. This copy, I think, must be the one which is now in the -Library of the British Museum, purchased in 1855, when Sigmond, having -lost the property he inherited from his father, seems to have parted -with his books, though he only died in 1873. - -The question touching the Discovery of the Circulation of the Blood, -which will ever make Servetus an object of interest to the medical -profession, and had been in abeyance for some considerable time past, -has been brought under renewed consideration of late, and busts and -statues of several learned and meritorious individuals have been -inaugurated to their memory as ‘discoverers of the circulation.’ In -the porch of the Instituto Antropologico of Madrid, for example, there -is a statue raised by Dr. Velasco to the memory of Michael Servetus -on this score, and we have but just heard of a bust set up at Rome to -Andrea Cæsalpino on the same ground. So distinguished a physiologist -as Dr. Valentin, moreover, has come forward as an advocate of the -claims of another and until now unheard of discoverer of ‘the great -physiological fact’ in anticipation of Harvey. In his work entitled, -‘Versuch einer physiologischen Pathologie des Herzens,’ Leipzig, 1866, -Dr. Valentin will be found saying that ‘it must now be conceded that -the pulmonary circulation was known to Servetus in 1553 [and he might -have added, to Realdus Columbus in 1559], and both this and the general -systemic circulation to Ruini, in 1598. That the pulmonic or lesser -circulation--more properly the passage or mode of transference of -the blood from the right to the left side of the heart--was known to -Servetus and to both Columbus and Cæsalpinus after him, there can be no -question; but I have assured myself, from a careful study of the works -of these distinguished individuals, that none of them, least of all -Ruini [Dell’ Anatomia del Cavallo, Bologna, 1598], was fully or truly -informed on the subject. None of them apprehended the circulation of -the blood as did Harvey, and as we his followers do in the present day. - -It were out of place did I pursue this subject further now; but I -hope to take it up anon in a new ‘Life of Harvey,’ long meditated and -all but completed, in which I shall show that after all that had been -done by those who went before him, there still wanted the combining -intellect, the inductive genius of a Harvey to bring light out of -darkness, order out of confusion, and to lay the foundations, strong -and sure, of our modern physiology and rational medicine by proclaiming -the heart the moving power, and the arteries and veins the channels of -a continuous, general circulation of the blood. - - - LONDON: PRINTED BY - SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE - AND PARLIAMENT STREET - - - - -_HENRY S. 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Crown 8vo. price 5_s._ - - -_Spottiswoode & Co Printers, New-street Square, London._ - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The Reverend Henry Tollin, Pastor of the French Protestant -Church, of Magdeburg, who has made the life and works of Servetus the -particular subject of his studies for many years, inclines to Tudela as -the place, and 1511 as the year, of Servetus’s birth. See his ‘Servet’s -Kindheit und Jugend’ in Kahnis’ _Zeitschrift für die Historische -Theologie_. Jahrg. 1875, S. 545. - -[2] _Vide_ Tollin: ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend,’ in Kahnis’ -_Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie_, 1875, S. 557. We have, -however, searched in vain for any evidence of Angleria’s presence in -Saragossa at any time, even as a casual resident. In his comprehensive -and highly entertaining work, the ‘Opus Epistolarum,’ we find letters -of his from Valladolid, Burgos, Vittoria, Madrid, and elsewhere, but -not one from Saragossa during the years covered by Servetus’s stay at -the university, according to Tollin. - -[3] Tollin (Toulouser Studenten-Leben im Anfang des 16ten -Jahrhunderts), in Riehl’s _Historisches Taschenbuch von 1874_, S. 76, -speaks as if he had been present with Servetus at Toulouse; accompanied -him over the St. Michael’s bridge that spanned the Garonne; beheld the -iron cage suspended from its balk above the river for ducking heretics -until they died; looked on at the religious processions that filed -incessantly through the streets, etc. - -[4] McCrie’s _Hist. of the Reformation in Spain_. - -[5] The last edition of Sabunde we have seen is neat and available, -‘curante Joachim Sighart,’ Solisbach. 1852, 8vo. It is unfortunately -without the Prologue. - -[6] There is a copy of what we believe to be the second edition of -Sabunde, fol. Argentorat. 1495, in the British Museum, over which -we spent some hours with much delight. Also a copy of Montaigne’s -translation, beautifully printed, and in fine preservation.--8vo. -Paris, 1569. - -[7] Tollin: ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.;’ in _Magazin für die -Literatur des Auslandes, April, Mai, 1874_. A series of three short -papers, but of surpassing interest, to which we are happy to refer. - -[8] Robertson, _History of Charles V._, vol. ii. book v. p. 40. - -[9] ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ p. 462. - -[10] Dialogi de Trinitate II., ad calcem (1532). ‘Ce n’est point par -des réticences hypocrites qu’on fait durer un jour de plus une croyance -qui a fait son temps. Toute opinion librement conçue est bonne et -morale pour celui qui l’a conçue. De toutes parts on arrive à résumer -la législation extérieure de la Religion en un seul mot: LIBERTÉ.’ -Renan, ‘Fragments philosophiques,’ 1876. - -[11] By Tollin, who makes him visit Luther at Coburg, in company with -Bucer. See his _Luther und Servet, eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin, -1875. - -[12] Cochlæus, _De Actis et Scriptis Martini Luther_, p. 233, fol. -Mogunt. 1549. - -[13] Tollin, _Die Beichtväter Karls V._, S. 261. - -[14] _Jo. Œcolampadii et Huldrici Zwinglii Epist._ Lib. iv. Basil, -1536, fol. - -[15] Op. cit. ut supra. - -[16] Sandius, _Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum_, 12mo. Freistadt. 1684. - -[17] Tollin in _Magazin für ausländische Literatur_, Juni 10, 1876. - -[18] _Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii._ Basil. 1535, fol. - -[19] _Vom Ampt der Oberkait in Sachen der Religion. Ain Bericht auss -götlicher Schrüft des hailigen alten Lerers und Bischoffs Augustini, -&c._ 4to. Augsb. 1535. - -[20] Luther’s Werke by Walch, vol. xxii. - -[21] _Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum._ - -[22] _Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum._ -Ep. ad Camerarium. - -[23] Conf. H. Tollin, _Melanchthon und Servet, eine Quellenstudie_. -8vo. Berlin, 1876, pp. 9-31. - -[24] Ep. ad Camerar. apud Bretschneider, ut sup. - -[25] It is upon this passage, which we translate and interpret somewhat -differently from Tollin, that he grounds his statement of Servetus -having come into contact with Luther; a presumed meeting of which we -fail to find a trace in any contemporary document. See Tollin’s _Dr. M. -Luther und Dr. M. Servetus--Eine Quellenstudie_. 8vo. Berlin, 1875. - -[26] _Epistolæ ab Ecclesiæ Helveticæ Reformatoribus, a Jo. Fueselino -editæ._ 8vo. Tigur., 1742. - -[27] ‘E noi non cercano la Divinità fuor del Infinito Mondo e le -Infinite Cose, ma dentro questo et in quelle’ (1585). _Opere di -Giordano Bruno, da Dottore Adolpho Wagner_, i. 275. Lips. 1830. - -[28] - - ‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale: - Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’ - - Nor core nor husk in nature see: - The All and All in One is she. - - Im Innern ist ein Universum auch; - Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch, - Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennet - Er Gott--ja seinen Gott--benennet.--_Goethe._ - -Which may be rendered somewhat literally thus:-- - - Within there is an Universum too; - Whence the folks’ custom, good and true, - That each the Best he knows of all, - He God--his God, indeed--doth call. - - -[29] ‘Der alte und der neue Glaube.’ All Theists agree in this: that -God is One, Changeless, and Eternal. But God without the Universe would -not be the same as God with the Universe; whence the conclusion that -God and the Universe can only be conceived of as correlatives. Seeing -the impossibility of dissevering Property from the Object in which it -inheres, the modern philosopher discards hypothetical agencies, under -the name of Spirits, of every kind; from the all-pervading force that -keeps suns and planets in their spheres, to such special agencies as -those of brain and nerve. Servetus, we have seen, had himself got the -length of saying that out of man there was no Holy Spirit. - -[30] To Calvin God was no other than the Immanent Pantheistic principle -of Modern Philosophy: ‘Ubique diffusus, omnia sustinet, vegetat et -vivificat in cœlo et in terra--everywhere diffused, he gives life and -growth and continuance to all things in heaven and earth.’ These are -his words. He then goes on to say: ‘Fateor quidem pie hoc posse dici, -modo a pio animo proficiscatur, _Naturam esse Deum_--I own, indeed, -that provided we speak reverently it may be said that _Nature is God_.’ -As this would be a ‘hard and inappropriate expression,’ however, and -as in using it ‘God is confounded with his works,’ he thinks it is -objectionable. _Institut. Religionis Christianæ_, I. iv. 14, and I. v. -5 of an early edition. - -[31] Newspaper report of a Sermon preached by Dean Stanley on Christmas -day, 1875. - -[32] At the end of the copy of the ‘De Trin. Error.,’ which Alwörden -describes in his _Historia Michaelis Serveti_, now in the National -Library at Paris, there is a MS. _Refutation_ of the views of the -writer, which Tollin ascribes with great show of probability to Bucer, -who, as we know, was personally acquainted with Servetus. Of this -Refutation (Confutatio) Tollin has given an extended analysis in _Riehm -und Köstlin’s Theologische Studien und Kritiken für 1875_, S. 711. - -[33] Conf. _Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii_. Basil, 1592. - -[34] _Dialogi de Trinitate_, 12mo. (1532), in the same form and type -as the _De Erroribus_, and still without the name of the publisher or -place of publication. - -[35] Servetus’s _De Trinitatis Erroribus_ is generally believed to be -one of the rare books, yet it is commonly enough met with in England. -So long ago as the year 1725, however, a copy bound with the _Dialogi_ -sold for the large sum of between four and five hundred French livres. -There is a counterfeit edition published in Holland, and only to be -distinguished from the original by the paper being somewhat better and -the type a shade larger. The Book was never, in so far as we know, -publicly condemned and burned. It was translated into Dutch (4to. 1620) -with the epigraph: Prœft alle Dingen ende behout het gœde, 1 John iv. - -[36] ‘Claudii Ptolemæi Alexandrini Geographicæ Enarrationis Libri Octo; -ex Bilibaldi Pirckhemeri Tralatione, sed ad Græca et prisca exemplaria -a Michaele Villanovano jam primum recogniti. Adjecta insuper ab eodem -Scholia,’ etc. Lugduni, ex Officina Melch. et Gasp. Trechsel, 1535. Fol. - -[37] - - Accipe non noti præclara volumina mundi, - Oceani et magnas noscito lector opes. - Plurima debetur typhis tibi gratia, gentes - Ignotas, et aves quas vehis orbe novo; - Magna quoque autori referenda et gratia nostro - Qui facit hæc cunctis regna videnda locis. - - -[38] Tollin has collected a great deal of very interesting information -on Servetus’s geographical studies, in his paper entitled ‘Michel -Servet als Geograph,’ in the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für -Erdkunde_, 1875, S. 182 et seq. - -[39] Quoted by Tollin in his Essays: ‘Wie Servet ein Mediciner wurde,’ -in Goschen’s _Deutsche Klinik_, No. 8, 1875; and ‘Servet und Symphorien -Champier,’ in Virchow’s _Archiv für pathologische Anatomie_, Bd. 61. -Berlin, 1875. - -[40] _Paradoxorum Medicinæ_, Libri iii., fol. Basil. 1535. - -[41] In _Leonhardum Fuchsium Defensio Apologetica_, pro Symphoriano -Campeggio. - -[42] _Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia._ I have searched the -libraries of London in vain for either of these Treatises of Servetus. -That the one addressed to Fuchs once existed among us, however, is -certain; for its title is to be seen in the catalogue of Dr. Williams’s -Library (Grafton Street, University College); but unfortunately the -work is not now to be found--it had disappeared before the present -Librarian, Dr. Hunter, came into office. Mosheim went so far as to -maintain that the Defence of Champier was a myth (Versuch, &c., -einer Ketzergeschichte, S. 72), and Dr. de Murr, though he did not -question its existence, never saw it. (_In Bibliothecas Hallerianas -additamenta_, 4to. Helmst.) The Rev. Henri Tollin of Magdeburg has been -more fortunate; for he has not only seen but actually possesses copies -of both the Apologetic defences, as well as a copy of the pamphlet -against the Parisian Doctors, if I understand him aright. In a letter -with which I was lately favoured, he informs me that he intends to -publish the more interesting passages from the Defence of Champier, and -the entire Tract on Judicial Astrology. - -[43] ‘Qua in re auxiliarios habui, primum Andreum Vesalium, juvenem -Mehercule! in Anatome diligentissimum; post hunc, Michael Villanovanus -familiariter mihi in consectionibus adhibitus est, vir omni genere -literarum ornatissimus, in Galeni doctrina vix ulli secundus. -Horum duorum præsidio atque opera, tum artuum, tum aliarum partium -exteriorum, musculos omnes, venas, arterias et nervos in ipsis -corporibus examinavi studiosisque ostendi.’ _Io. Guinteri Institutionum -Anatomicarum_, Lib. iv., 4to. Basil, 1539. - -[44] The reader who is curious on this matter will find what I believe -to be the first representation of the anatomist engaged in dissecting -the human body in the _Fasciculus Medicinæ of Io. à Ketham_, fol. -Venet. 1495, of which there is a copy in fine preservation in the -library of the Royal College of Surgeons. - -[45] Syruporum universa Ratio ad Galeni censuram diligenter exposita; -cui, post integram de Concoctione disceptationem, præscripta est vera -purgandi methodus, cum expositione Aphorismi: Concocta medicari. - -Michaele Villanovano Authore. - - Πρὸς τὸν φιλιατρον. εύροα ποιήσον τατεσώματα - τατεπεπανων Ωμὰ Χυμων, ταυτης δογματα ἴσθι βιθλιου. - -Parisiis ex officino Simonis Colinæi. [1537]. - -[46] _Syr. Universa Ratio_, fol. 9. - -[47] Doubtless the _Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia_. - -[48] See Landseer’s _Sabæan Researches_, 4to. London. - -[49] _Vide_ De Murr, _Annotamenta ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas_, 4to. -Helmstadt, 1805. Since this was written I have an interesting letter -from Pastor Tollin, in which he informs me that he actually possesses a -copy of the pamphlet! - -[50] Bolsec, _Vie de Calvin_, 12mo. Paris, 1557. - -[51] The title is the same as before. In addition to the old address to -his reader, however, Villeneuve now appends these lines:-- - -Ad Eundem. - - Si terras et regna hominum, si ingentia quæque - Flumina, cœruleum si mare nôsse juvat, - Si montes, si urbes, populos opibusque superbos, - Huc ades, hæc oculis prospice cuncta tuis. - -Which may be paraphrased thus:-- - - This world and all its kingdoms wouldst thou know, - What mighty rivers to blue oceans flow, - What mountains rise, what cities grace the lands, - Thick-peopled, rich through toil of busy hands,-- - --If for such lore thou hast a mind to call, - Open this book, and there survey it all. - - -[52] _Vie de Calvin_, &c. - -[53] This, the second edition of Villanovanus’s Ptolemy, is one of the -very rare books. All of the impression that could be discovered when -Servetus was burned in effigy at Vienne, along with his _Christianismi -Restitutio_, appears to have been seized and committed to the flames. I -find both editions in the library of the British Museum. - -[54] _Habes in hoc Libro, prudens Lector, utriusque Instrumenti novam -Tralationem editam a Reverendo sacræ theologiæ Doctore Sancte Pagnini._ -Lugdun. 1527-28, fol. Such is the title of this, which we presume to -be the first edition of Pagnini’s Bible. Between it and the one of -Cologne of 1541, edited by Melchior Novesianus, we find no other until -we come to that of Villanovanus. Pagnini is said in the letter of J. F. -Pico de Mirandola, which precedes the text, to have been twenty-five -years engaged on the work. It is accompanied by no fewer than two -commendatory epistles from Popes Adrian VI. and Clement VII., and is -said to be the first edition of the Bible that is found divided into -chapters. Richard Simon (_Hist. du vieux Testament_, liv. ii.) speaks -slightingly of its merits; but it has been highly prized by others, as -good judges as he. To us it appears a very admirable version, our own -English Bible being generally so like it, that we fancy it must have -been used by our Translators. - -[55] Sandius, _Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum_. - -[56] _Neue Nachrichten_, etc. Helmst. 1750, 4to., S. 89-90. - -[57] ‘Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literas adjunxit longum volumen -suorum deliriorum, cum thrasonica jactantia, dicens me stupenda et -hactenus inaudita visurum. Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recepit. -Sed nolo fidem meam interponere. Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea -authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar.’ Calvin to Farel, dated Ides -of February, 1546. From the original letter in the Paris Library; a -certified copy, published by Paul Henry in his _Leben Johann Calvins_, -3ter. Band; Beilagen, S. 65; from which the above paragraph is -transcribed. - -[58] Cont. Bolsec (Hieron. Hermes), Docteur Médecin à Lyon: _Histoire -de la Vie, Mœurs, Actes, Doctrine, Constance et Mort de Jean Calvin, -Grand Ministre à Genève_. Paris 1577, 12mo. Also in Latin, but of later -date--_Vita Calvini, &c._ - -[59] It is a capital mistake to suppose, as Mosheim and others have -done, that the _Christianismi Restitutio_ was ever exposed for sale, -or readily to be had either at Geneva or elsewhere. It cannot be shown -that more than four or five copies at most of the book ever left the -bales in which the whole impression was packed. There was, _first_, -the copy sent, as I venture to think, by Servetus through Frelon to -Calvin, which led to the arrest and trial at Vienne. _Second_, the copy -taken from the five bales seized at Lyons for the use of the Inquisitor -Ory. _Third_, the copy transmitted for their inspection to the Swiss -Churches and Councils. _Fourth_, the copy given to Colladon by way -of Brief by Calvin, with the passages underscored, on which Servetus -was finally arraigned and condemned. And _Fifth_, the copy which we -find Calvin sending to Bullinger at his request. Of these copies one -may even have served two ends: after making the round of the Churches -and coming again into Calvin’s hands, it may very well have been that -which he despatched to Bullinger. That the book was not to be had -immediately after the execution of Servetus is proved conclusively by -what Sebastian Castellio, the accredited author of the work entitled, -_Contra Libellum Calvini_, says on the subject: _He had not been able -to obtain a sight of Servetus’s book, so as to inform himself of what -he writes, Calvin having taken such pains to have it burned--‘cum -Serveti libros, quippe combustos diligentia Calvini, non habeam, ut ex -iis possem videre quid scriberet.’_ The _Christianismi Restitutio_, in -fact, remained completely unknown in the Republic of Letters until its -existence was proclaimed by Wotton in his _Reflections on Learning, -Ancient and Modern_, in the year 1694 (all but a century and a half -after the death of its author), by the publication of the passage on -the pulmonary circulation, extracted, we must conclude, from the copy -that was then in England, and subsequently became, if it were not -already, the property of Dr. Meade--the identical copy with the name -on the title-page of Germain Colladon, the advocate who prosecuted -Servetus at the instance of Calvin, now in the national library of -Paris. - -[60] The title of the original, in full, is as follows:-- - -_Christianismi Restitutio._ Totius Ecclesiæ Apostolicæ est ad sua -limina vocatio, in Integrum Restituta Cognitione Dei, Fidei Christi, -Justificationis nostræ, Regenerationis Baptismi, et Cœnæ Domini -Manducationis Restitutio denique nobis Regno Cœlesti, Babylonis impia -Captivitate soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo. - - בעת ההיא יעמוד מיכאר השׂר - καὶ ὲγένετο πόλεμος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ. - MDLIII. - - -[61] ‘Whose soever sins ye remit,’ etc., John, xx. 23--writing added to -the original text, beyond doubt, and dating from long after the time of -Jesus, when the Church had acquired a status and was looking for power. - -[62] It were beyond the scope of my work to pursue this subject -further; but let me say that having compared the first edition of -the ‘Loci’ (1521) with the one of 1536 and others, of which there -are copies in the British Museum Library, I find it impossible to -overlook the influence of Servetus on Melanchthon, as of Melanchthon -on Servetus. For fuller information the reader is referred to -Tollin’s exhaustive, _Philip Melanchthon und Michael Servet, eine -Quellenstudie_. 8vo. 1876. - -[63] For some account of the existing copies of the _Christianismi -Restitutio_, see the Appendix to this book. - -[64] It may be well to remark on the confusion in the notice of the -_volume_ or book which in Trie’s second letter, as we read it, is -said to have been sent among other documents, twenty-four in number; -whilst in his third epistle he regrets that _the volume_ cannot be -forwarded at the moment, because of its having been lent two years ago -to a friend of Calvin, resident in Lausanne. The ‘great book’ first -sent may have been the copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutes,’ annotated on the -margins by Servetus; a conclusion that is borne out by the reference, -by and by made in the impending trial, towards the end of the first -day’s proceedings, to pages 421-424, where Baptism is the subject -treated. The volume that cannot be forwarded at the time, because it -had been lent to some one in Lausanne, is certainly the MS. copy of -the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ sent by Servetus to Calvin some years -before for his strictures, which he could never get returned, Calvin -having lent it to Viret of Lausanne, and grown careless to take so -much notice of the writer as would have been implied in recovering and -returning him his work. - -[65] They were leaves from the _Institutions_ of Calvin, with -annotations by Servetus. - -[66] Chorier, _Etat politique de Dauphiné_, tome i., p. 335, quoted by -D’Artigny. - -[67] _Calvin to Farel_, Book I., p. 169. - -[68] - - Who loves not woman, wine, and song, - A fool is he his life-time long. - - -[69] _Lucii Annæi Senecæ De Clementia Libri Tres_, Paris, 1532. -The work was published by Calvin at his own expense, as a warning, -unquestionably against persecution on religious grounds. It is of great -rarity in its original shape, but is reprinted in the Geneva Edition of -his _Opera Minora_ of the year 1597. - -_Seneca on Clemency_ is also to be found translated into English: -‘Lucius Annæus Seneca, his first Book of Clemency, written to Nero -Cæsar,’ Lond. 1553. The sentence quoted above and commented by the -French editor is rendered by the English translator briefly but not -unhappily thus: - - For it doth rather cowardice appear - Than clemency an injury in mind to bear: - ’Tis he in whose command revenge doth lie - That’s merciful if he do pass it by. - - -[70] _Thesaur. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 450. - -[71] _Thes. Ep. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 577. - -[72] Conf. Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen. S. 255. - -[73] _Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 591. - -[74] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy_, p. 357, in ed. of -collected minor works in French. - -[75] _Mém. de la Société d’histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève_, tom -iii., 1844. - -[76] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy_; original ed., p. 354. -Let us reiterate that Servetus spoke truly when he said that the -comment on Palestine was none of his. We have already said that it is -copied without change of a word from the Ptolemy of Pirckheimer. We -add further that the scholium of the German editor was not challenged -by Erasmus, Melanchthon, or Œcolampadius, who seem all to have -corresponded with Pirckheimer on his edition. (_Vide_ Tollin, in -_Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_. Bd. für 1875.) -It was only, therefore, when the comment came to be looked at through -the distorting medium of personal enmity that it was seen as libelling -Moses and outraging the Holy Ghost. - -[77] _Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy._ - -[78] See a letter of Jo. Haller to H. Bullinger, quoted farther on. - -[79] Compare Galiffe in _Mém. de l’Institut National Genevois_, 1862, -p. 75. - -[80] The documents connected with the case of Bolsec must, we -apprehend, have been communicated to Servetus. He often uses the same -words as his predecessor in Calvin’s displeasure; and imitates him also -in the desire he expresses to have Calvin interrogated and put on his -trial for certain matters especially interesting to himself. - -[81] There is in fact a minute in the _Records of Geneva_ of a formal -requisition made by Farel on October 30, and so three days after the -execution of Servetus, to have Wm. Geroult summoned to appear and give -an account of himself to the Council. The Lieutenant-Criminel, Tissot, -had even, as it seems, been charged with the business of making the -necessary inquiries preliminary to the institution of a criminal suit. -But we find no mention of any further step being taken in the matter. -The civil authorities, with three days for reflection, probably thought -that enough, more than enough perhaps, had already been done by the -burning of the principal offender. - -[82] By the writer of the _Dialogus inter Vaticanum et Calvinum_. - -[83] _Fidelis Refutatio_, and _Déclaration pour maintenir_, &c. - -[84] From the _Criminal Records_, first published by Mosheim, op. cit. -Beylagen, S. 414. - -[85] In the summary of the trial given by Trechsel[86] from the -archives of Berne, the articles now brought forward by Rigot, and the -questions founded on them, are in the handwriting of the amanuensis -usually employed by Calvin to make copies of his letters and papers; -and beyond question were all dictated by Calvin himself. He perceived -that he could trust Rigot no further without risk of failure, and so -resumed the position he had taken with Trie, his servant Fontaine, and -even in person, as we have seen. - -[86] _Die Antitrinitarier: Michel Servet und seine Vorgänger_, S. 307. - -[87] Conf. _Chr. Rest._ pp. 433 and 655, and Ep. 29 to Calvin. - -[88] _Vide_ pp. 34, 48, Book I. - -[89] Herniosus ab utero Servetus dicit se uno latere _resectum_ fuisse, -ad lævandam infirmitatem. Uno oculo amisso, attamen, non ideo cæcus -homo; neque teste uno ablato impollens. - -[90] The letter of the Council of Geneva and the reply of the -authorities of Vienne are published in the new ed. of Calvin by Cünitz -and Reuss, vol. xiv. - -[91] Conf. _De Trin. Error._ fol. 93. - -[92] First under Calvin with Nicolas de la Fontaine as his agent; then -under Colladon engaged by Calvin; next under Rigot as public prosecutor -and now under Calvin and the Swiss Churches. - -[93] Here is what Servetus says on this subject, in connection with the -Sabellian or Patripassian heresy, in his earlier work: As the proper -passion of the flesh is to be born, so is it the proper passion of the -flesh to suffer, to be scourged, to be crucified, to die. But all this -does not touch the spirit, for it is not the soul that suffers or that -dies, but the body. Who so profane as to imagine that the angel in me -dies although I die? (_De Trinitatis Erroribus_, f. 76, b.) - -[94] From Mosheim’s _Neue Nachrichten, Beilagen_, S. 102, copied from -the archives of the Church of Zürich. - -[95] Bullinger’s letter bears date from Zürich, Sep. 14, 1553, and is -printed in Calvin’s correspondence by Cünitz and Reuss. - -[96] The letter is given at length in the _Thes. Epist. Calvini a -Cünitz et Reuss_, v. 591. - -[97] Calvin to Bullinger, April 21, 1555, in _Epist. Calvini_, 8vo. -Hanov. 1597. - -[98] Vue le sommaire du procés de Michel Servet, prisonnier, le rapport -de ceux, esquel on a consultez, et considéré les grands erreurs et -blasfémes--Est este arreté: Il soyt condamné à estre mené a Champel, et -la brulez tout vivfz, et soyt exequeté a demain, et ses livres bruslés. - -[99] Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei, &c. - -[100] Calvin only took letters of naturalisation as a citizen of Geneva -four years before his death in 1564, eleven years after the death of -Servetus. - -[101] See the Confession in full, in Cünitz and Reuss’s edit. of the -_Opera Calvini_, viii. 704. - -[102] _De Voce Trinitate et Voce Persona._[103] - -Quoniam voces istas Trinitatis et Personarum plurimum Ecclesiæ Christi -commodare intelligimus, ut et vera Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti -distinctio clarius exprimatur, et contentiosis controversiis melius -occurratur, ab his usque adeo non abhorremus, ut libenter amplexemur, -sive ex aliis audiendæ sive a nobis usurpandæ sint. Itaque quod antea -a nobis factum est, in posterum quoque operam daturos, quoad licebit -recipimus, ne earum usus in Ecclesiis nostris aboleatur. Nam neque ab -iis inter scribendum, vel in Scripturæ ennarrationibus in concionibus -ad populum, abstinebimus ipsi, et alios docebimus ne superstitiose -refugiant. Si quis autem, præpostera religione, teneatur quominus eas -usurpare libenter ausit, quanquam ejusmodi superstitionem nobis non -probari testamur, cui corrigendæ non sit defuturum nostrum studium; -quia tamen non videtur nobis hæc satis firma causa cur vir alioqui -pius et in eandem religionem nobis sensu consentiens repudietur, -ejus imperitiam hac in parte eatenus feremus ne abjiciamus ipsum ab -Ecclesia, aut tanquam male sentientem de fide notemus. Neque, interim -maligne interpretabimur si Bernensis Ecclesiæ Pastores eos ad verbi -ministerium admittere non sustineant quos comperint voces istas -aspernari. - -[103] Op. sup. cit. viii. p. 707. - -[104] _Fidelis expositio Errorum Michaelis Serveti_, &c. - -[105] These words I have, however, since found quoted by Henry: _Leben -Calvins_, i. 181, and by Kampschulte, _Johann Calvin_, i. 297. - -[106] _Fuessli, Epistolæ ab Ecclesia Helvet. Reformatoribus._ 8vo. -Tigur. 1748. - -[107] _Calvini Epist. et Respons._ - -[108] The full titles are these: Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye -Foy que tiennent tous Chrétiens de la Trinité des Personnes en un seul -Dieu. Par Jean Calvin. Contre les Erreurs de Michel Servet, Espaignol; -où il est aussi monstré qu’il est licite de punir les heretiques; et -qu’a bon droit ce meschant à esté executé par justice en la Ville de -Genève. Chez Jean Crespin. A Genève, 1554, p. 356. 8vo. - -Defensio orthodoxæ fidei de sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos -errores Michaelis Serveti, Hispani; ubi ostenditur hæreticos jure -gladii coercendos, et nominatim de homine hoc, tam impio, justè et -merito sumptum Genevæ fuisse supplicium, per Johannem Calvinum. Apud -Olivum Roberti Stephani, 1554, p. 262. 8vo. Both of the versions are -subscribed by all the Genevese clergy, and though they differ somewhat -in minute particulars, they agree in everything essential. We have fine -copies of both originals in our national Library. - -[109] For a more particular account of Calvin’s severities, the -reader is referred to a paper by M. Galiffe in the _Mémoires de -l’Institut National de Genève_ for 1862, p. 79. But torture was an -old institution in Geneva, and Servetus is said only to have escaped -the rack on the remonstrance of Vandel, one of the senators of the -libertine party. In older days we read of one Postel, who, failing to -answer so satisfactorily as was desired when cited before the Roman -Catholic bishop and his court, for some offence, was ‘suspended by -the rope’--by the wrists we believe. A first suspension, however, -not proving effectual, a second was ordered; but it being now dinner -time, the culprit was suspended a second time whilst his lordship the -bishop dined! In more recent times, and under Calvin’s rule, a certain -Billiard, having been guilty of jeering at the thunder and lightning -during a terrible storm, whilst the inhabitants of Geneva generally -were on their knees praying to God for mercy, was adjudged to be lashed -by the common hangman at the tail of a cart through the streets of the -city! Germain Colladon declared that he deserved death; but as he had a -wife and family they might be content with the scourging! - -[110] _Em. Saisset: Michel Servet comme philosophe. In Mélanges de -Critique et d’ Histoire._ 12mo., Paris, 1865. - -[111] First printed by Mosheim from the autograph, in his _Neue -Nachrichten von dem berühmten Spanischen Aertzte Michael Serveto, -Beilagen_, S. 106. 8vo., Helmst. 1750. - -[112] _Corpus Reform. Ep. Melanch. ad An._, 1554. - -[113] Comment. in _Acta Apostol. ad Regem Daniæ_. - -[114] _Institutiones Religionis Christ._ Lib. i. Cap. 2, of the earlier -editions. - -[115] Joris’s able letter in low German is given by Mosheim, op. cit., -p. 421. - -[116] The proper title of this rare book, of which we have a copy in -the library of the British Museum is: _De Hæreticis an sint persequendi -et omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum, doctorum virorum, tum veterum -tum recentiorum, sententiæ_, &c. The opinions of the learned, both -of ancient and modern times, concerning heretics: Are they to be -persecuted; or how otherwise are they to be dealt with? A book most -necessary and useful in these distracted times to sovereign princes and -magistrates in dealing with a matter of such difficulty and danger. -12mo., Magdeburgh, 1554. - -[117] _Contra libellum Calvini quo ostendere conetur hæreticos jure -gladii coercendos esse._ S. L. [1554]. Of this rare book I have not met -with an original copy; but there is the reprint (after 1602) in the -Brit. Mus. Library. - -[118] Conf. _Fuessli: Sebastian Castellio, eine Lebensgeschichte zur -Erläuterung der Reformation_. 8vo. Zürich und Leipz. 1767. - -[119] _Mini Celsi Senensis de Hæreticis capitali supplicio -afficientibus; adjuncta sunt Theod. Bezæ ejusdem argumenti et And. -Duditii Epistolæ duæ contrariæ._ 8vo. s. L. 1584. - -[120] _Ketzergeschichte_, S. 301. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SERVETUS AND CALVIN*** - - -******* This file should be named 54226-0.txt or 54226-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/4/2/2/54226 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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- border-width: 4px 0 0 0; /* remove all borders except the top one */ - border-style: solid; - border-color: #000000; - clear: both; } - </style> -</head> -<body> -<h1 class="pg">The Project Gutenberg eBook, Servetus and Calvin, by Robert Willis</h1> -<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States -and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no -restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook.</p> -<p>Title: Servetus and Calvin</p> -<p> A Study of an Important Epoch in the Early History of the Reformation</p> -<p>Author: Robert Willis</p> -<p>Release Date: February 23, 2017 [eBook #54226]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: UTF-8</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SERVETUS AND CALVIN***</p> -<p> </p> -<h4>E-text prepared by Josep Cols Canals, Wayne Hammond,<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive<br /> - (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4> -<p> </p> -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td valign="top"> - Note: - </td> - <td> - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - <a href="https://archive.org/details/servetuscalvinst00willrich"> - https://archive.org/details/servetuscalvinst00willrich</a> - </td> - </tr> -</table> -<p> </p> -<div class="transnote"> -<h3>Transcriber’s Note:</h3> -<p>This project uses utf-8 encoded characters. If some characters are -not readable (e.g., empty squares), check your settings of your browser to ensure you have a -default font installed that can display utf-8 characters.<br /> -Or the reader should consult the text file<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54226/54226-0.txt">http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54226/54226-0.txt</a><br /> -or the original page images noted above.</p> -</div> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_i">i</span></p> - -<h1>SERVETUS AND CALVIN</h1> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ii">ii</span></p> - -<div style="border: #004200 4px solid; padding: 25px"> - -<h3><i>By the same Author.</i></h3> - -<p class="hang">BENEDICT D’ESPINOZA; his Life, Correspondence, -and Ethics.</p> - -<p class="hang">G. E. LESSING’S NATHAN THE WISE. With -an Introduction.</p> - -<p class="hang">THE SUDORIPAROUS AND LYMPHATIC -GLANDULAR SYSTEMS; the Vital Nature of their -Functions, and the Effect of Implications of these on the -Diseases ascribed to Malaria.</p> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">iii</span> -<br /> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">iv</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/i-002.jpg" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">MICHEL SERVETUS</p></div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">v</span></p> - -<div class="ph1">SERVETUS AND CALVIN<br /> - -<span class="large table"><i>A STUDY OF AN IMPORTANT EPOCH<br /> -IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF<br /> -THE REFORMATION</i></span><br /> - -<span class="small">BY</span><br /> - -<span class="large">R. WILLIS, M.D.</span><br /> - -<p class="medium">Περὶ τῆς τριάδος—scis me semper veritum fore. Bone Deus, quales -tragœdias excitabit ad posteros hæc questio: εἰ ἐστὶν ὑπόστασις ὁ λόγος; -εἰ ἐστὶν ὑπόστασις τὸ πνεῦμα?</p> - -<p class="author medium"><span class="smcap">Melanchthon</span></p> - -<p class="center"><i>HENRY S. KING & CO., LONDON</i><br /> -1877</p> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">vi</span></p> - - -<p>Universal history is at bottom the history of the great men -who have lived and worked here. And truly the inexhaustible, -the perennial Epic is the story of man’s life from age to age.</p> - -<p class="author smcap">Thomas Carlyle</p> - -<p class="copy">(<i>The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved.</i>) -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">vii</span></p> - -<div class="ph1"> -<span class="small">TO</span><br /> - -<span class="medium">HIS FRIENDS</span><br /> - -<span class="large">SAMUEL DAVIDSON, D.D.</span><br /> - -<span class="small">AND</span><br /> - -<span class="large">R. W. MACKAY, M.A.</span><br /> - -<span class="large antiqua">This Work is Dedicated</span><br /> - -<span class="small">WITH EVERY EXPRESSION OF AFFECTIONATE REGARD<br /> -AND ESTEEM</span><br /> - -<span class="medium">BY THE WRITER</span><br /> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">viii</span> -<br /> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">ix</span></p> - -<h2 id="PREFACE">PREFACE.</h2> - -<p>Some years ago I was led to make a study of the Life -and Writings of Spinoza, and took considerable pains -to present the gifted Jew of Amsterdam in such fulness -to the English reader as might suffice to convey -a passable idea of what one of the great misunderstood -and misused among the sons of men was in himself, in -his influence on his more immediate friends and surroundings -through his presence, and on the world for all -time through all his works. This study completed, and -leisure from the more active duties of professional -life enlarging with increasing years, I bethought me -of some other among the sufferers in the holy cause -of human progress as means of occupation and improvement. -Spinoza led, I might say as matter of -course, to Giordano Bruno, with whose writings I was -familiar, and who was Spinoza’s master, if he ever had -a master. But having, at a former period, undertaken -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">x</span> -to edit the works of Harvey for the Sydenham Society, -and the discovery of the circulation of the blood having -become renewed matter of discussion with medical -men and others, labourers in the field of general literature, -I was turned from Bruno to Servetus, as the first -who proclaimed the true way in which the blood from -the right reaches the left chambers of the heart by -passing through the lungs, and who even hinted at its -further course by the arteries to the body at large.</p> - -<p>Of Servetus at this time I knew little or nothing, -save that he had been burned as a heretic at Geneva -by Calvin; and of his works I had seen no more than -the extract in which he describes the pulmonary circulation. -But meditating a revision and prospective -publication of the Life of Harvey, with which I had -prefaced my edition of his works, I went in search of -further information concerning the ingenious anatomist -who had not only outstripped his contemporaries, but -his successors, by something like a century in making -so important an induction as the Pulmonary Circulation. -Nor had I far to go. In the ample stores of -the British Museum Library I found a complete mine of -Servetus-literature, and with access to the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ as reproduced by a learned physician, -Dr. De Murr, and other works of the unfortunate -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">xi</span> -Servetus, I encountered not only the physiologist -already known to me, but the philosopher and scholar, -the practical physician, freed from the fetters of -mediæval routine, the geographer and astronomer, the -biblical critic, in days when criticism of the kind, as -we understand the term, was unimagined, and, alas for -him! the most advanced and tolerant of the Reformers,—that -sacred band to which Servetus by indefeasible -right belongs. Luther, Calvin, and the rest repudiated -the discipline and most of the outward rites and shows -of the Roman Catholic Church; but they retained -the most abstruse of her creeds. Servetus went at -least as far as they in the rejection of externals; but, -appealing to the scriptures of the New Testament, he -satisfied himself and dared to say to the world that -some of the fundamentals of Christianity as formulated -by the Church of Rome, and acquiesced in by the -Reformers of Germany, had no warrant in the teaching -of the Prophet of Nazareth. Rejecting, as he did, the -whole of the post-apostolic dogmatic accretions of the -Church of Rome, Servetus is the source of the more -‘reasonable service’ we are now permitted to render, -and—strange conjunction!—through his disastrous intercourse -with Calvin, in no small measure the original -of the free enquiry that is leading on to conclusions yet -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">xii</span> -uncontemplated as to man’s relations to the Unseen -and the Eternal.</p> - -<p>The life and labours of the man of whom so much -may be said can never be otherwise than interesting to -the world. Nor is it in his life only that Servetus has -been influential. His death has, perhaps, been even -more influential than his life; for when his pyre began -to blaze, the beacon was lighted that first warned effectually -from the shoals of bigotry and intolerance on -which religion misunderstood has made shipwreck so -long. The custom of consigning heretics, as dissidents -in their interpretation of the Jewish Scriptures were -called, to death by fire then began to fall into abeyance; -princes and chief magistrates ceased from assisting at -autos-da-fé as edifying spectacles; and persecution -to less terrible conclusions—imprisonment, banishment, -fine, and social ostracism—has been coming gradually, -however slowly, to an end.</p> - -<p>We have more than one book in English purporting -to give an account of the life of Servetus, but none, I -think, that is not either a compilation at second hand, -or a translation wholly or in principal part from the -French. No one among us appears to have referred -to the works of Servetus and his contemporaries for -the information that would have enabled him to give -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">xiii</span> -something like a true presentment of the man as he -lived and died. To do this—to make the English -reader acquainted with another of the great devoted -men who have toiled on life’s pilgrimage with bleeding -feet, to smooth and make straight the way for others, -healers in the strife and in front of the battle, not to -strike but to staunch the wounds that men in their -ignorance and madness make on one another—such is -the purpose of the work now presented to the reader.</p> - -<p>In appealing mainly to the original sources of information -on the life of Servetus, I have still not failed to -make myself master of what has been done in later days -by others in this direction. The references that occur in -the course of my book to the writings of La Roche, -Allwörden, Mosheim, D’Artigny, Trechsel, Rilliet, -and, last but not least, of Henry Tollin, make it unnecessary -for me to do more in this place than to -acknowledge my obligations to them.</p> - -<p>One word on the portrait of Servetus. Of the -original of this Mosheim gives a particular account; -but all Tollin’s enquiries, as well as those I have made -myself, lead to the belief that it is no longer in existence. -Doubt has even been expressed as to the -authenticity of this portrait of which we have indifferent -engravings in Hornius’ ‘Kirchengeschichte,’ in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiv">xiv</span> -Allwörden’s ‘Historia,’ and in Mosheim’s ‘Ketzergeschichte.’ -After careful study of these, my daughter -has done her best to reproduce in the etching appended -what must have been a striking and is certainly a -typical Spanish countenance.</p> - -<p>The etching of Calvin is after an engraving from -one of the numerous more or less authentic portraits -of the Reformer that are extant.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Barnes, Surrey</span>: <i>Midsummer 1877</i>. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">xv</span></p> - -<h2 id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS.</h2> - -<table class="toc"> - <tr> - <th colspan="3"><a href="#BOOK_I"><i>BOOK THE FIRST.</i></a><br /> - EARLY LIFE—WORKS—ARREST AND TRIAL AT VIENNE.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="small">CHAPTER</td> - <td /> - <td class="small tdr">PAGE</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">I.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_I"><span class="smcap">Michael Servetus: his Birth, Parentage, and early Education</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">3</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">II.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_II"><span class="smcap">Service with Friar Juan Quintana, Confessor of the Emperor Charles V.</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">19</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">III.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_III"><span class="smcap">The Service with Quintana comes to an End</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">29</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">IV.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_IV"><span class="smcap">Intercourse with the Swiss Reformers</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">33</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">V.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_V"><span class="smcap">The Reformers of Strasburg. Publication of the Work on Trinitarian Error</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">37</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">VI.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_VI"><span class="smcap">The Authorities of Basle. The Two Dialogues on the Trinity. Leaves Switzerland</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">71</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">VII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_VII"><span class="smcap">Paris. Assumption of the Name of Villeneuve or Villanovanus. Acquaintance with Calvin</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">79</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">VIII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_VIII"><span class="smcap">Lyons. Engagement as Reader for the Press with the Trechsels. Edits the Geography of Ptolemy</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">86</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">IX.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_IX"><span class="smcap">Lyons. Dr. Symphorien Champier</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">99</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">X.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_X"><span class="smcap">Return to Paris. Studies there. Jo. Winter of Andernach; Andrea Vesalius. Degrees of M.A. and M.D. Lectures on Geography and Astrology</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">104</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XI.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XI"><span class="smcap">The Treatise on Syrups, and their Use in Medicine</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">111<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvi">xvi</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XII"><span class="smcap">The Medical Faculty of Paris sue Servetus for Lecturing on Judicial Astrology</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">116</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XIII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XIII"><span class="smcap">Charlieu. Attainment of his thirtieth Year. Views of Baptism</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">125</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XIV.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XIV"><span class="smcap">Settlement at Vienne under the Patronage of the Archbishop. Renewal of Intercourse with the Publishers of Lyons. Second Edition of Ptolemy</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">130</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XV.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XV"><span class="smcap">Edition of Santes Pagnini’s Latin Bible with Commentary</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">139</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XVI.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XVI"><span class="smcap">Engagement as Editor by Jo. Frelon of Lyons. Correspondence with Calvin</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">157</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XVII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XVII"><span class="smcap">‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ the Restoration of Christianity. Discovery of the Pulmonary Circulation</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">191</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XVIII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XVIII"><span class="smcap">Calvin receives a Copy of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">231</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XIX.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XIX"><span class="smcap">Calvin denounces Servetus through William Trie to the Ecclesiastical Authorities of Lyons</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">235</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XX.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XX"><span class="smcap">Arrest of Servetus and Arnoullet, the Publisher. The Trial for Heresy at Vienne. Servetus is suffered to escape from Prison</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">252</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XXI.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XXI"><span class="smcap">Discovery of Arnoullet’s private Printing Establishment. - Seizure and Burning of the ‘Christianismi - Restitutio,’ along with the Effigy of - its Author</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">269</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <th colspan="3"><a href="#BOOK_II"><i>BOOK THE SECOND.</i></a><br /> - SERVETUS IN GENEVA, FACE TO FACE WITH CALVIN.</th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">I.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_I"><span class="smcap">Servetus reaches Geneva. Detained there, he is arrested at the Instance of Calvin</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">281</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">II.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_II"><span class="smcap">Geneva, and the State of Political Parties at the Date of Servetus’ Arrest</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">287<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvii">xvii</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">III.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_III"><span class="smcap">Servetus is arraigned on the Capital Charge by Calvin</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">304</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">IV.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_IV"><span class="smcap">The Trial in its First Phase</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">314</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">V.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_V"><span class="smcap">The Trial in its Second Phase, with the Attorney-General of Geneva as Prosecutor</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">333</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">VI.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_VI"><span class="smcap">The Trial in its Second Phase, continued</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">351</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">VII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_VII"><span class="smcap">The Trial continued. The Attorney-General receives fresh instructions from Calvin</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">366</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">VIII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_VIII"><span class="smcap">Servetus is visited in Prison by Calvin and the Ministers</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">386</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">IX.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_IX"><span class="smcap">The Court determines to consult the Councils and Churches of the four Protestant Swiss Cantons</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">391</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">X.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_X"><span class="smcap">The Trial is interrupted through Differences between Calvin and the Council</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">393</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XI.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XI"><span class="smcap">The Trial is resumed on new Articles supplied by Calvin</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">398</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XII"><span class="smcap">The Trial continued. Servetus addresses a letter to Calvin and Petitions his Judges</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">423</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XIII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XIII"><span class="smcap">Calvin anticipates the Judges in their Appeal to the Swiss Churches</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">428</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XIV.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XIV"><span class="smcap">Servetus sends a Letter and a second Remonstrance and Petition to his Judges</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">441</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XV.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XV"><span class="smcap">The Swiss Councils and Churches are addressed by the Council of Geneva</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">446</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XVI.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XVI"><span class="smcap">Servetus again addresses the Syndics and Council of Geneva, and accuses Calvin. The answers of the Councils and Churches consulted</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">450</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XVII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XVII"><span class="smcap">The Attitude of Calvin. The Hopes of Servetus</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">474</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XVIII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XVIII"><span class="smcap">The Sentence and Execution. Væ Victis!</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">480<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xviii">xviii</span></td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XIX.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XIX"><span class="smcap">After the Battle. Væ Victoribus!</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">488</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XX.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XX"><span class="smcap">Calvin defends himself</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">498</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XXI.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XXI"><span class="smcap">Calvin’s Defence is attacked</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">517</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr1">XXII.</td> - <td><a href="#BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XXII"><span class="smcap">Calvin’s Biographers and Apologists</span></a></td> - <td class="tdr2">528</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td colspan="2"><a href="#APPENDIX">APPENDIX</a></td> - <td class="tdr2">535</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">1</span></p> - -<p id="BOOK_I" class="ph1">BOOK I.<br /> - -<span class="large">EARLY LIFE—WORKS—ARREST AND TRIAL -AT VIENNE</span></p> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">2</span><br /> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">3</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.<br /> - -<span class="medium">MICHAEL SERVETUS, HIS BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND -EARLY EDUCATION.</span></h2> - -<p>Michael Serveto, or as we know him best by his -name with the Latin termination, Servetus, appears, -from the most trustworthy information we possess, -to have been born either at Tudela, in the old Spanish -kingdom of Navarre, or at Villaneuva, in that of -Aragon; but whether here or there, and in the year -1509 or 1511, is an open question. In the course of -the Trial he stood at Vienne in Dauphiny, in the -spring of 1553, he says himself that he is a native -of Tudela, and forty-two years of age; which would -make Navarre the country, and 1511 the year, of his -birth. But in the Geneva Trial, only four months -later, he declares that he is of Villanova, and forty-four -years old; which would give us Aragon as the -land, and 1509 as the date, of his nativity. When -he spoke of himself as a Navarrese at Vienne, it -may have been done to conciliate his French judges, -Navarre having once been a province of France, -and the natives of the two countries having still -much in common. It was at a moment, too, when -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">4</span> -he had paramount motives for seeking to conceal -his identity. When he said at Geneva that he was -‘Espagnol Arragonois de Villeneuve’ and forty-four, -he was face to face with one who knew him well, -and when he had neither motive nor opportunity for -concealment. Servetus’s subscription of himself as -‘Michael Serveto, alias Revés, de Aragonia, Hispanus,’ -on the title-page of his first work; as ‘Michael Villanovanus,’ -on the titles of all the books he edited, and -the name ‘Villeneuve’ by which alone he was known -through the whole of the years he lived in France, to -say nothing of the ‘M. S. V.,’ evidently Michael -Servetus Villanovanus, on the last leaf of the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ the printing of which led to his -death, supply, as it seems, preponderating evidence -as to the place of his birth, though the year may still be -left uncertain. The <i>alias</i> Revés which appears on the -title of the book ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ the first-fruits -of his genius, has hitherto been a puzzle and subject -of debate with his biographers, but can now be -satisfactorily interpreted. Servetus’s mother, it appears, -was of French extraction, of the Revés family, and her -son took occasion in his first work piously to preserve -his mother’s family name beside his proper patronymic.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> -Of the parents of Servetus, however, we in fact know -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">5</span> -little more than that we have from himself when, on his -trial at Geneva, he informed the Court that they were -<i>d’ancienne race, vivants noblement</i>, of old families and independent, -or in easy circumstances, and that his father -was a Notary by profession. Report adds that he was -of a family which had been jurists for generations, and -that his father was nearly related to Andrea Serveto -d’Aninon, some time Professor of Civil Law in the University -of Bologna, subsequently member of the Cortes -of Aragon, and one of the Council of the Indies. So -much makes it clear that Michael Servetus was of -gentle blood, of Christian parentage, and neither of -Jewish nor Moorish descent, as has been said on no -better ground apparently than that he shows he was -acquainted with Hebrew, had read the Koran, and in -his writings is not intolerant towards Jews and Mahomedans, -like his countrymen.</p> - -<p>Neither have we any very precise information as -regards Servetus’s earlier years and education. Of -somewhat slender build, and so of presumably delicate -constitution, though he showed no trace of this in after -life, he is said to have been destined by his parents to -the service of the Church; in which view, whilst yet a -youth, he was placed for nurture in one of the convents -of his native town or its neighbourhood. And this we -should imagine must almost necessarily be true; for -the rudiments of the liberal education Servetus shows -himself to have received, could only have been obtained -in the early part of the sixteenth century in the quiet -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">6</span> -of the cloister, and under the fostering care of some -monk more learned than the general.</p> - -<p>The precocious ability and pious temperament with -which we must credit Servetus may have been a further -motive for the line of life chalked out for him by his -parents. The Church was then, as it still continues to -be, the close through which an easy and a pious life can -be best secured where there is neither talent nor aspiration; -as it is also the highway to worldly wealth and -power, where there is ambition and ability to back -what passes for piety. By mental and moral endowment -Servetus probably appeared to all about him a -born churchman, with the crosier, and even the -cardinal’s hat, in perspective. But side by side with -so much that pointed in this direction, the reasoning, -sceptical, and self-sufficing nature of the man that led -the opposite way, as it had not yet appeared, so was it -unsuspected. Servetus as a youth unquestionably received -the education that would have fitted him for the -Priesthood; and we think complacently of the solace -and relaxation from the monotony of monastic life, -which the worthy brother we evoke as his principal -teacher found in imparting all he knew, and pointing -out the onward way to one both apt and eager to learn. -Before leaving the convent, or the convent school, -where he doubtless remained for several years, Servetus -must have been not only a tolerable Latin scholar, but, -it may have been, also grounded in Greek and the -rudiments of Hebrew. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">7</span></p> - -<p>At what age Servetus left his convent teachers we -are not informed; some time however, we should -imagine, before definitive vows are required of the -youthful aspirant to the holy office, when aptitude for -the prospective vocation is made subject of particular -inquiry. Now it may have been that he was discovered -to be indifferently qualified by mental constitution -to follow further the line of life intended for -him—a conclusion to which we are led from all we -know of the man in his works. He was pious enough -and credulous enough through life; but his religion -must be of the kind he thought out for himself, and his -beliefs of his own fashioning, not such as could be presented -to him ready shaped for acceptance. The very -air of Europe at the beginning of the sixteenth -century was alive with mutterings of the storm that -had long been gathering, and found vent at length -through the manly voice of Martin Luther; and when -we find hints that fears of the Inquisition had had -something to do with Servetus’s subsequent movements, -we are disposed to imagine that the call to -free thought which had sprung up on the revival of -letters and found out the northern Monk in his cell, -had also reached the Friar of the south, and from him -flowed over upon the receptive mind of his youthful -scholar.</p> - -<p>Be this as it may, when twelve or fourteen years of -age, Servetus appears to have entered as a student at -the University of Saragossa, then the most celebrated -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">8</span> -in Spain; and if he had Peter Martyr de Angleria -among the number of his teachers, as we are assured -he had,<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> he was in the hands of one of the most accomplished -as well as liberal-minded men of his age. -Angleria was in fact still more distinguished as a -scholar, diplomatist, teacher and writer, than as a -soldier. Having come to Spain in the suite of one of -the Italian embassies to Ferdinand and Isabella, he -joined the army of the Catholic king and queen as a -volunteer, and having distinguished himself on more -than one occasion in the field, he was presented to -the sovereigns on the conclusion of hostilities, entered -the service of Isabella, in especial, and having taken -orders—an indispensable condition to acknowledgment -as a teacher—he was engaged by the queen as tutor and -general supervisor of the education of the host of young -noblemen and gentlemen who thronged the Court. -The influence exerted by such a man in such a situation -cannot be doubted; and it has been surmised that -more than one of the distinguished personages who -appeared in Spain, in the early part of the sixteenth -century, owed not a little of all that made them notable -in after life to their teacher. Angleria was in fact a -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">9</span> -man in advance of his age, morally, and, we must -believe, religiously also—although Spain was not -always the devoted slave of Rome we have been accustomed -to think her in these our days. He had -seen enough in his campaigning and its consequences -to disgust him with conversions to Christianity at the -point of the sword, and the wholesale deportation from -their native country of a great civilised community -because of their adhesion to the religion of their -fathers. An Italian by birth, it was no part of -Angleria’s religion to hate Jews and Saracens with -such a hatred as made baptizing, banishing, torturing -and putting them to death the virtue it appeared in -the eyes of the Spaniards.</p> - -<p>At Saragossa Servetus may have remained four or -five years, working hard at all that qualified him to -appear as he meets us in after life—perfecting himself -in classics, and introduced not only to the Ethics of -Aristotle and the scholastic philosophy, but also to -the more positive domains of human knowledge—the -mathematics, astronomy and geography—geography -more especially, brought into vogue as it was by the -great discoveries of Columbus, Vasco de Gama, and -the hardy navigators and travellers who came after -them, then made accessible to the general reader by -the works of Angleria, Grynæus and others.</p> - -<p>Having broken definitively with the idea of the -Church as a calling, Servetus must now have made up -his mind to follow what might fairly be spoken of as -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">10</span> -the hereditary vocation of his family—Law; and the -School of Toulouse being at this time the most celebrated -in Europe, to Toulouse he was sent as a -student of Law by his father. Here he seems to have -remained for two or three years—short while enough -in which to fathom the intricacies of civil and canon -law, to say nothing of other studies that must have -continued to engage some share of his attention; but -that the time given to the study of Law at Toulouse -was not misspent, is proclaimed by the occasional -scraps of legal lore we notice interspersed in his -writings. In the covenant between God and Abraham, -to cite one among many instances, he observes that we -have the first case on record of one of the four forms of -unindentured contract, still spoken of as the form -<i>Facio ut facias</i>. Elsewhere also, and at other times, -on his trial at Geneva in particular, he is credited -by his prosecutor with an adequate knowledge of the -Pandects, although he says himself that he had never -done more than read Justinian in the perfunctory -manner usual with young men at college. On the occasion -referred to, nevertheless, we find him quoting the -decisions of jurisconsults in support of his conclusions.</p> - -<p>But Law, we believe, was never the subject that -engrossed the thoughts of Servetus. The natural bent -of his mind, and the teaching he had received during -his earlier years, led him to Theology; and it was -at Toulouse, as he tells us himself, that he first made -acquaintance with the Scriptures of the Old and New -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">11</span> -Testaments. It is not difficult to imagine the effect -which the perusal of these writings must have produced -on the ardent religious temperament of Servetus. In -his earliest work he speaks of the Bible as a book come -down from heaven, the source of all his philosophy and -of all his science—language, however, that is to be -seen as hyperbole to a great extent; for he was already -imbued with scholastic philosophy, and, we must presume, -with patristic theology also, before he had read a -word of the Bible; and in his published works we find -him at various times subordinating the teaching of the -Scriptures to the conclusions of his reason. Toulouse, -indeed, in the early part of the sixteenth century, was -an unlikely school for religious study in any but the -most rigidly orthodox fashion; and how far Michael -Servetus swerved from this—to his sorrow—need not -now be more particularly noticed. It was even the -boast of the Toulousans for long, that their city had not -been infected with what was spoken of as the poison of -Lutheranism. So strict a watch had been kept over -them by their shepherds, the priests, that, whilst in -neighbouring and other more distant cities of France -the Reformation had many adherents, it had none—openly, -at all events—in Toulouse. It were needless -to insist that training of a special kind, in addition to -originality and independence of mind, was required to -lead to views and conclusions such as those attained to -by Servetus.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">12</span></p> - -<p>He had read the Bible, however, at Toulouse; and -there, too, if it were not at an earlier period, he must -have met with some of the writings of Luther, of -which several had been translated into Spanish soon -after their publication.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> But there is another book -which enjoyed an extensive reputation through the -whole of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and -seems to supply the kind of aliment precisely of which -a mind constituted like that of Servetus must have felt -the want. This is the ‘Theologia Rationalis sive Liber -de Creaturis’ of Raymund de Sabunde, in which the -Creator is reached by a gradual ascent from lower to -higher grades of created things.</p> - -<p>The ‘Rational Theology’ of Sabunde is indeed a -most noteworthy book; full of true piety, resting on -the wider and surer grounds of nature at large in harmony -with human intelligence, than the dogmatic theologian -can show in the written text and unwritten -traditions on which he relies for his conclusions. Containing -no word that is not thoroughly orthodox, doctrine, -nevertheless, is not that which it is the grand -object of the ‘Rational Theology’ of Sabunde to propound. -Neither is authority paraded, as it would -have been had the book been written by a professed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">13</span> -theologian, instead of a pious naturalist; for Sabunde -was a physician, one of the guild whose destiny it is to -lead the van of progress. We cannot believe that the -work, though often reprinted, was ever heartily approved -by the heads of the Church of Rome. Its title -went far to condemn it. The Roman Catholic Church -requires faith, submissiveness, subserviency, not reason, -of its sons; and we are not, therefore, surprised to find -that though the ‘Rational Theology’ of Sabunde, as a -whole, long escaped being placed on the index of prohibited -books, the prologue with which we find one of -the early editions, if it be not the first (Argentorati, -1496), introduced, was soon ordered to be expunged; -nor, indeed, as culture extended and the Reformation -spread, with ever-increasing alarm to the dominant -Church, that the book itself was at length pointedly -forbidden to be read by the faithful. It was put upon -the ‘Index’ by the Congregation of the Council of -Trent in 1595, the author ‘holding too much by -Nature,’ say the reverend councillors, ‘to give us a -knowledge of God and his providential dealing with -the world, and making too little reference to the -Fathers and the authority of Holy Writ.’</p> - -<p>The Prologue of Sabunde is in truth a very remarkable -piece of writing, the age considered in which -it flowed from the pen. Beginning in the accredited -orthodox fashion: ‘Ad laudem et gloriam altissimæ et -gloriosissimæ Trinitatis,’ &c., the author proceeds to -say that his purpose is ‘to expose the errors, as well -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">14</span> -of the ancient philosophers as of pagan and infidel -writers, by the science he has to propound; to set -forth the catholic faith in its infallible truthfulness, -and to show every sect opposed thereunto in its -necessary falsity and erroneousness. Two books,’ he -continues, ‘are given to us by God for our guidance: -one, the universal book of created things, or the book -of Nature; the other, the book of the sacred Scriptures. -The first was given to man from the beginning, when -the world was made; the second is to supplement and -solve the difficulties met with in the first. The book -of the Creatures lies open to all; but the book of the -Scriptures can only be read aright by the clergy. The -book of Nature cannot be falsified, neither can it be -readily interpreted amiss, even by heretics; but the -book of the Scriptures they can misconstrue and falsify -at their pleasure.’ The author’s design, therefore, is to -write a book which gentle and simple alike may read -and understand without a master; and he ends his -prologue with a compliment and submission to Holy -Mother Church, which her hierarchs, however, have -not accepted either gratefully or graciously; for they did -not of old, any more than they do now, want books that -would enable readers to go their own way without the -guiding hand of a master. Shall we wonder, therefore, -that this notable prologue was looked on at an early -date as highly objectionable, and is not to be found in -any of the later editions of the book?<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">15</span></p> - -<p>Michel de Montaigne has given an interesting account -of this ‘Rational Theology’ of Sabunde. His -father thought so highly of it that he set his son, the immortal -Essayist, to translate it into French: a task which -it were needless to say he performed in a very admirable -manner, though the sire did not live to see the work in -type and in the hands of the public he was anxious to -reach through its means. The book, says Montaigne, -is composed by a Spaniard, in indifferent Latin—<i>basti -d’un Espagnol, baraguiné des terminaisons Latines</i>—but -well adapted to meet a want of the day. The -novelties of Luther coming into vogue and shaking old -beliefs, Sabunde, as he thinks, ‘gives very good advice -against a disease that ever tends towards execrable -atheism.’ If Sabunde does give <i>tres bon advis</i>, his -‘Book of the Creatures’ is nevertheless the text from -which the most sceptical perhaps of the whole series of -the ‘Essays’ is written; and if the ‘Theologia Rationalis’ -fell into the hands of the youthful Michael -Servetus, as we believe it must almost necessarily -have done, we have no difficulty in imagining that it -influenced him in a still greater degree, and not much -otherwise than it did young Michel de Montaigne. -A rational exposition of God’s revelation of himself in -nature, we apprehend, must have been a craving in the -soul of the serious Spaniard still more than in that of -the lively Gascon.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">16</span></p> - -<p>But there is another writer whose influence on his -age and the progress of free thought it is impossible to -estimate too highly, and from whose teaching Servetus -on his death-walk owned that he had had <i>something</i>. -This is Erasmus. What Servetus had he does not -say. Whatever it may have been, it was unaccompanied -by the caution and cold discretion that distinguished -the great scholar of Rotterdam. In the Scholia -which Erasmus added to his Greek New Testament, -however, we fancy we see heralds of the far bolder and -more original exegetical annotations with which Servetus, -under his assumed name of Villanovanus, accompanied -his reprint of the Pagnini Bible, which we shall -have to speak of by and by.</p> - -<p>In addition to all he learned from his convent -teachers, from the professors of Saragossa and -Toulouse, from Sabunde, Luther, Erasmus, and others -on the subject of theology, Servetus must further have -been well read in general history and the works of -travellers in foreign lands, as we shall find when we -come to study his edition of Ptolemy’s Geography, and -refer particularly to his biblical criticisms, in days when -criticism of the kind he brought to bear on the text of -the Scriptures was unknown. It was only in the early -part of the sixteenth century that the Hebrew Bible -and Greek Testament began to be appealed to by the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">17</span> -learned, and made the subject of critical study in a -way never thought of before. Long limited to the -letter, the study was widened in its scope by Servetus, -and, embracing general history, made to include -a new and highly important element in its bearing on -the Religious Idea. If Servetus of himself arrived at -the interpretation he gives of the Psalms and Prophetical -writings of Israel, he must indeed have been -possessed of no ordinary share of natural sagacity -informed by study, and of moral courage in addition; -for it runs counter to all that had been assumed from -the date of the New Testament writings almost to the -present day. The free use he makes of his historical -reading in its application to David, Cyrus, and Hezekiah, -may have been that which led some of his -biographers to imagine that he was of Jewish descent, -and to say that he had visited Africa, and had had -Mahomedan as well as Jewish teachers, from whom -he imbibed his notions, hostile to the common orthodox -interpretation of the Prophets, and the conception -of a Triune God.</p> - -<p>It were absurd to suppose that Servetus’s early -convent education and subsequent studies at Saragossa -and Toulouse had made him all he shows himself to -be in his works. He continued a student through the -whole of his life, and it is indeed among the privileges -of the physician that his education never ends; but it -was certainly at an early period of his career that he -became possessed of the theological ideas which he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">18</span> -went on elaborating, even to the day when his -‘Restoration of Christianity’ was in type and ready -for the publication it did not obtain. It is therefore of -moment with us to seize and follow up every incident -in his life that induced or strengthened the bent of his -mind towards theological speculation; and the event -which now befel, we must presume, had no slight influence -in this direction. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">19</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.<br /> - -<span class="medium">SERVICE WITH FRIAR JUAN QUINTANA, CONFESSOR OF -THE EMPEROR CHARLES V.</span></h2> - -<p>School and college days come naturally to an end, or -are cut short by one intervening incident or another; -and the studies of Michael Servetus at Toulouse were -interrupted by an invitation to enter his service from -brother Juan Quintana, a Franciscan friar, confessor -to the Emperor Charles V., about to attend on his -Sovereign to his coronation in the imperial city of -Bologna, and, of still greater significance, to the Diet of -Augsburg, which followed it closely. In what capacity -Servetus joined Quintana we are not informed; but if -father confessors ever engaged private secretaries, we -can hardly doubt that it must have been in the intimate -relationship suggested, for which the accomplishments -of the younger man so obviously qualified him. The invitation -from Quintana is interesting on many accounts, -and was certainly an important element in the mental -development of Servetus. Though he may have -quitted Spain hurriedly, perhaps secretly—in fear of -the Inquisition, as said—he could have left nothing but -a good name for conduct and accomplishment behind -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">20</span> -him, otherwise he would never have been recommended -as a fit and proper person to act as secretary to the -confessor of the great Emperor. Not forgotten by his -old masters of Saragossa, the clever student was thought -of by them when Quintana made known his want of a -secretary, and must have been recommended to him as -in every way qualified to fill a situation of the kind.</p> - -<p>Michael Servetus, as we apprehend him, was one -of those sensitive natures which, like the stainless plate -of the photographer, retains at once and reflects every -object presented to it; his service with Quintana, consequently, -was one of the incidents that influenced the -whole of his after life. Up to the time of his engagement -with the confessor he had been but one among hundreds -of other students, known to his teachers as a young man -of superior abilities, it may be, but not an object of -more particular attention to any one of them. In the -intimate relationship implied between the elderly principal -and the youthful underling matters were entirely -changed; and recent inquiries<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> lead to the conclusion -that the hood of the barefooted friar Juan Quintana -covered the head of a man of superior powers, cherishing -larger, more liberal and more tolerant views than -were current in his age, more especially among the -class to which he belonged.</p> - -<p>Quintana appears to have attracted the notice of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">21</span> -the Emperor so far back as the date of the Diet of -Worms, during the sittings of which he had distinguished -himself as a preacher and become generally -known as a theologian and man of learning. He had -at the same time, however, and in like measure, fallen -out of favour with his party, opposed at every point to -the reform movement, in consequence of the moderation -of his views. Matters at Worms had gone in no -wise to the satisfaction of the Emperor, owing in no -inconsiderable degree, as he must have believed, to the -intolerance and mismanagement of his clerical advisers. -To give the approaching Diet of Augsburg, of which -Charles was thinking far more seriously than of the -pageant of Bologna when he made Quintana his confessor, -a chance of proving the bond of union he desired -between the two great religious parties which now -divided his empire, he saw that he must rid himself of -the narrow-minded and utterly irreconcilable Dominican -Loaysa, whom he had had at Worms as his spiritual -director. From Loaysa he knew he had no prospect -of receiving those counsels of concession and compromise -which, as a politician, he saw were indispensable -and to which he was himself at the moment by no means -disinclined. He must have another confessor of more -liberal views, not utterly opposed to the reformation -of the Church in all its aspects and to the whole body -of the Reformers with whom, as heretics, it was condescension -on the part of a Roman Catholic dignitary -to communicate, and contamination, if it were not sin, to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">22</span> -sympathise. The old director had therefore to be got -rid of, for a time at least; but he must suffer no slight, -be subjected to no show of mistrust, to no seeming loss -of confidence; he must not even be superseded in his -office, but only removed to a distance and so made -innocuous. Charles therefore discovered that a representative, -who must be presumed to be familiar with -the most secret aspirations of his soul, would be required -at Rome as the medium of communication between -himself and his holiness the Pope, in connection with -the important business in prospect at Augsburg. -Loaysa, accordingly—greatly to his disgust beyond -question—was dispatched with all the honours to Rome, -whilst Juan Quintana, summoned from the quiet of the -cloister to the bustle of the Court, found himself unexpectedly -with a royal and imperial penitent at -his ear in the confessional, and an upper seat in the -council chamber pending the discussion of affairs of -state.</p> - -<p>How should we imagine that an invitation to take -service with a man possessed of qualities that -brought him into such relationships could have been -otherwise than instantly embraced by the youthful -student of Toulouse; or how doubt that intimate -contact with so great a nature as Quintana’s could fail -to impress him deeply? Attached forthwith to the -service of the confessor and in the suite of the Emperor, -not the least observant among all who accompanied -him of the pomp and pageantry displayed at the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">23</span> -coronation at Bologna, the open-eyed secretary was -witness of much besides that sank into his mind, gave -matter for future thought, and found free but needlessly -offensive expression in his writings. Here, at -Bologna, it was in fact, and not at Rome as has been -said, that Servetus saw the Pope ‘borne aloft above -the heads of the people, the multitude kneeling in the -dust, adoring him, and they among them who could -but kiss his slipper accounting themselves blessed.’ -Nor was it the ignorant multitude alone that showed -such abject servility. He saw in addition ‘the most -powerful prince of his age, at the head of twenty -thousand veteran soldiers, kneeling and kissing the feet -of the Pope;’<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> an exhibition which appears to have -been thought of as simply degrading instead of -edifying by the independent-minded secretary.</p> - -<p>So great an event as the coronation of the Emperor -was too favourable an occasion to be neglected for a -stroke of business by the financiers of the Romish -Church: indulgences were in the market in plenty, and -at prices to suit all purchasers, immunity from the pains -of purgatory being to be obtained for terms in the -ratio of the money paid. How shall we imagine that -so glaring an abuse could fail to touch Servetus, in the -state of mind to which he must already have attained, -in the same way as the proceedings of Tetzel and his -coadjutors touched the common sense and conscience -of Luther? It was doubtless with all he now observed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">24</span> -before him that we, short while after, find him speaking -in such virulent terms of the Papacy and exclaiming: -‘O bestia bestiarum, meretrix sceleratissima’—‘O beast -most beastly, most wicked of harlots!’<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> Some of -Luther’s epithets, we might conclude, had found their -way into the vocabulary of Servetus; and it may be that -the violence of Luther’s invective, unchallenged by the -rest of the Reformers, led him to fancy that he too -might indulge without impropriety in language of an -unseemly kind.</p> - -<p>When we think of the times in which Servetus -lived, his early education and subsequent surroundings, -the violent hatred he seems already to have conceived -against the Papacy is not a little extraordinary. We -might be tempted to conclude that the free thought of -Europe, of which the Reformation was the outcome and -expression, had found even a more genial soil in the -mind of this Spanish youth than in that of Luther -himself, or any of his accredited followers. They went -little way in freeing the religion of Jesus of Nazareth -from the accretions which metaphysical subtlety, superstition, -and ignorance of the laws of nature and the -principles of things had gathered around it in the -course of ages. Their business, as they apprehended -it, was to reform the Church rather than the religion -of which it was presumed to be the exponent; the -task that Servetus set himself in the end was to -reform religion, with little thought of a Church in any -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">25</span> -sense in which an institution of the kind was conceived -in his day, whether by Papist or Protestant.</p> - -<p>From reading the Bible at Toulouse and contrasting -the humble life and simple theistic morality of the -Prophet of Nazareth with the metaphysical subtleties -and dogmatic deductions of the schoolmen, the pomp, -the power, the tyranny and the greed of the priests -so conspicuously displayed at Bologna, we can readily -imagine the impression made on the independent spirit -of Servetus—an impression that found more seemly -utterance anon than that we have already quoted, and in -words like these: ‘For my own part I neither agree nor -disagree in every particular with either Catholic or -Reformer. Both of them seem to me to have something -of truth and something of error in their views; -and whilst each sees the other’s shortcomings, neither -sees his own. God in his goodness give us all to -understand our errors and incline us to put them -away. It would be easy enough, indeed, to judge dispassionately -of everything, were we but suffered without -molestation by the Churches freely to speak our -minds; the older exponents of doctrine, in obedience -to the recommendation of St. Paul, giving place to -younger men, and these in their turn making way for -teachers of the day who had aught to impart that had -been revealed to them. But our doctors now contend -for nothing but power. The Lord confound all -tyrants of the Church! Amen.’—The voice of this -nineteenth century verging on its close, from the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">26</span> -mouth of a man little more than of age, living in the -first half of the sixteenth!<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a></p> - -<p>The business of the coronation at Bologna concluded, -the Emperor betook himself to Germany in -view of the great Diet of Augsburg, formally inaugurated -in the summer of 1530, accompanied of -course by his confessor, as the confessor was attended -by his youthful secretary. And here it must have -been that Servetus saw and may perchance have -spoken with Melanchthon and others of the leading -Reformers, among the number of whom, however, the -greatest of them all did not appear. Luther’s friends -believed that the danger he must run by showing -himself at Augsburg was too great to be incurred. -The brave man would himself have faced the peril, -but his princely protectors positively forbade the -exposure. They feared that at Augsburg the Emperor -might be tempted to violate the ‘safe conduct’ he had -been reproached by his Papal advisers with having so -honourably observed at Worms; for there were still -some among the Roman Catholics, high in place, so -ill-informed, so blind to events, as to believe that were -the head of the man who had inaugurated the movement -which compromised their power but off his shoulders, -the Reformation would collapse and die! Luther was -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">27</span> -therefore permitted by his friends to approach the -scene of action on this occasion no nearer than -Coburg.</p> - -<p>Neither at Augsburg any more than at Worms did -matters proceed so entirely to the satisfaction of the -Emperor as he wished, and may have anticipated. The -Protestant princes, with little cohesion among themselves, -showed, nevertheless, that severally they were -more resolute than ever in their requirements touching -religion, less obsequious too to the advances of their -suzerain than he found agreeable. They felt themselves -in fact, and in so far, masters of the situation, -and had mostly quitted Augsburg before the sittings -of the Diet came to a close, content to leave -Melanchthon and his colleagues to give final shape -to the business for which the Diet had been mainly convoked, -and in the great <span class="smcap">Religious Charter of the Age</span>—the -Confession of Augsburg—to establish Protestantism -as an integral and recognised element, not only -in the religious, but in the political system of Europe.</p> - -<p>During his attendance on his chief at Augsburg, -Servetus, though he saw and may have spoken with -more than one of the distinguished Reformers, could -have been an object of particular attention to none of -them: his youth and subordinate position precluded -the possibility of this. That he may have been disappointed -at not seeing the original of the great movement -which had brought together the august assembly -he looked on around him, we may well believe, but we -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">28</span> -find no evidence in contemporary documents that -would lead us to think he had ever come into contact -with Luther, as has been said.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">29</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.<br /> - -<span class="medium">THE SERVICE WITH QUINTANA COMES TO AN END.</span></h2> - -<p>It is greatly to be regretted that we have nothing from -Servetus on the other impressions he received, during -the term of his service with Quintana, beside those connected -with the pomp and power of the Papacy. We -do not even know precisely how long he continued -with the confessor of the Emperor, nor where, nor at -what moment he left him. Neither have we a word -of his whereabouts and mode of life, after vacating -his office, until we meet him seeking an interview with -Jehan Hausschein, the individual, with his name turned -into Greek, so familiar to the world as Œcolampadius. -From Servetus himself we have it that he quitted the -service of Quintana on his death, which, he says, -occurred in Germany. But the truth of this statement -has been called in question on very sufficient grounds, -Quintana having been seen alive in the flesh, and still -in attendance on the Emperor, years after dates at -which we know positively that Servetus had been in -Basle and Strasburg, communicating with Œcolampadius, -Bucer, and others of the Reformers. More -than this, he had come before the world as author of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">30</span> -the book entitled ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ a copy of -which having been found by Joannes Cochlæus, an -ecclesiastic in the suite of the Emperor, in a bookseller’s -shop at Ratisbon, was by him shown to Quintana, who, -we are informed, expressed extreme disgust that a -countryman of his own and personally known to him—<i>quem -de facie se nôsse dicebat</i>—should have fallen so far -into the slough of heresy as to write on the mystery of -the Trinity in the style of Michael Servetus, alias -Revés.<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> Nor indeed is this the last we hear of Quintana. -After the settlement of affairs at Ratisbon and Nürnberg, -he attended the Emperor to Italy, and thence to -his native Spain, where we find him installed as Prior of -the Church of Monte Aragon and a member of the -Cortes of the kingdom. Quintana appears in fact to -have lived for yet two years, actively engaged in his -duties, having only been gathered to his fathers towards -the end of the year 1534.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a></p> - -<p>Servetus did not therefore leave the service of -Quintana after, or in consequence of, the death of the -confessor. We find it difficult indeed to think of one -with the decidedly unorthodox opinions to which -Servetus had attained at an early period of his life, -continuing on terms of intimacy with a man of -Quintana’s capacity, without showing something of the -leaven of unbelief that must have been already fermenting -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">31</span> -in his mind. There is, it is true, commonly enough, -so much more of policy than of piety among hierarchs -of the Church of Rome, and indeed of any church -largely possessed of wealth and culture, that their real -opinions and beliefs have often been made subject of -debate. But Quintana was a monk, although a liberal -one, and he was Charles V.’s confessor. Of the -Emperor’s orthodoxy, bigotry, and hatred of heresy, -however, there can be no question; so that, though -policy moved him for a time to entertain as his spiritual -adviser a man more tolerant than the general, the -occasion for this ceasing, Charles was not likely to -find himself altogether at his ease with one at his elbow -much more liberally disposed than himself. Quintana -consequently on the return to Spain, being absolved of -his office of confessor, but handsomely provided for in -the Church, Charles recalled Loaysa, his former director -in matters of faith, from Rome, and lapsed into the -groove of intolerance from which considerations of -state had for a moment withdrawn him.</p> - -<p>From the false account Servetus gives of the cause -of his quitting Quintana, we therefore think it probable -that soon after the settlement of matters at Augsburg -in the early autumn of 1530, he had incautiously betrayed -the state of his mind on some point of the -religious question, and been dismissed from his service -by the confessor. Service of any sort, indeed, from the -estimate we are led to form of the mental constitution -of Michael Servetus, could only have been a bondage -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">32</span> -never patiently to be endured, but to be shaken off -at the earliest possible opportunity. His was not a -nature that could brook a master; and we have the -assurance of Œcolampadius that Michael Servetus was -in Basle and making himself obnoxious by his theological -fancies previous to the month of October 1530. -The coronation at Bologna having taken place in the -autumn of 1529, and the Diet of Augsburg assembled -at midsummer 1530, Servetus could not, thus, have -been in the following of Quintana for more than a year, -or eighteen months—no long term if reckoned by the -lapse of time, but certainly covering a vast area in the -sphere of his mental development. He may have had -little leisure for the study of books, but he had his eyes -open to the doings of men; and his inner senses were -awakened to truths, his reason to conclusions, that -influenced him through the rest of his life, and possibly -had no insignificant part in bringing him to his untimely -end. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">33</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.<br /> - -<span class="medium">INTERCOURSE WITH THE SWISS REFORMERS.</span></h2> - -<p>It would appear that Œcolampadius, Bucer, Bullinger, -Zwingli and others, their friends, had had a sort of -‘clerical meeting’ for talking over the theological -questions of the day at Basle in the autumn of 1530. -On this occasion Œcolampadius informed his friends -that he had been troubled of late by a hot-headed -Spaniard, Servetus by name, overflowing with Arian -heresies and other objectionable opinions, maintaining -particularly that Christ was not really and truly the -Eternal Son of God; but if not, then was he not, and -could not be, the Saviour—<i>were Christus nit rächter, -warer, ewiger Gott, so were er doch und könte nit seyn -unser Heiland</i>. Waxing warm in his tale, and fearing -that such poison, as he conceived it, would not be poured -into his ears alone, but would reach those of others, he -was minded that measures should be taken against such -a contingency. To this Zwingli, addressing him as -brother Œcolampady, replied, that ‘there did seem -good ground for them to be on their guard; for the false -and wicked doctrine of the troublesome Spaniard goes -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">34</span> -far to do away with the whole of our Christian religion.’ -‘God preserve us,’ said he, ‘from the coming in among -us of any such wickedness. Do what you can, then, -to quit the man of his errors, and with good and wholesome -argument win him to the truth.’ ‘That have I -already done,’ said Œcolampady; ‘but so haughty, -daring and contentious is he, that all I say goes for -nothing against him.’ ‘This is indeed a thing insufferable -in the Church of God,’ said Zwingli—<i>Ein unleydenliche -Sach in der Kyrchen Gottes</i>. Therefore do -everything possible that such dreadful blasphemy get -no further wind to the detriment of Christianity.’<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a></p> - -<p>Besides the personal communication with Œcolampadius -of which we have this interesting notice, Servetus -must have written him several letters—unfortunately -lost to us—about the same time, for we have two -from the Reformer to the Spaniard, which have happily -been preserved. In one of these (probably the second -that was written), Servetus having, as it seems, complained -that he had been somewhat sharply handled by -his correspondent, Œcolampadius replies that he, for his -part, thinks that he himself has the greater reason to -complain. ‘You obtrude yourself on me,’ he says, ‘as -if I had nothing else ado than to answer you; asking -me questions about all the foolish things the Sorbonne -has said of the Trinity, and even taking it amiss that I -do not criticise and in your way oppose myself to those -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">35</span> -distinguished theologians, Athanasius and Nazianzenus. -You contend that the Church has been displaced from -its true foundation of faith in Christ, and feign that we -speak of his filiation in a sense which detracts from the -honour that is due to him as the Son of God. But -it is you who speak blasphemously; for I now understand -the diabolical subterfuges you use. Forbearing -enough in other respects, I own that I am not possessed -of that extreme amount of patience which would keep -me silent when I see Christ dishonoured.’ He then -goes on to criticise and rebut Servetus’s theological -views—his denial of Two natures in the One person of -Christ, and his opinion that in the prophetical writings -of the Old Testament it is always a prospective or -coming Son of God that is indicated. ‘You,’ continues -Œcolampadius, ‘do not admit that it was the Son of -God who was to come as man; but that it was the man -who came that was the Son of God; language which -leads to the conclusion that the Son of God existed -not eternally before the incarnation.’</p> - -<p>To satisfy the Reformer, or seeking to get upon a -better footing with him, Servetus appears now to have -composed and sent him a Confession of Faith, which has -come down to us. On the face of this there was such -a semblance of orthodoxy that Œcolampadius found -nothing at first to object to in its statements; but having -conversed with the writer and heard his explanations, -he had come to see it as utterly fallacious, misleading, -and inadmissible. He concludes by exhorting his -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">36</span> -correspondent to ‘confess the Son to be consubstantial -and coeternal with the Father, in which case,’ -he says, ‘we shall be able to acknowledge you for a -Christian.’<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">37</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.<br /> - -<span class="medium">THE REFORMERS OF STRASBURG—PUBLICATION OF THE -WORK ON TRINITARIAN ERROR.</span></h2> - -<p>The letter of Œcolampadius, as we have it, is without -date, but must have been written from Basle at the -close of 1530, or the beginning of 1531, and so before -the book on Trinitarian Error had been published, as -we find no mention made of the work. By this time, -however, Servetus must have had the treatise ready for -press, for it was now that he put it into the hands of -Conrad Kœnig or Rous, a publisher, having establishments -both at Basle and Strasburg. Kœnig was not -a printer himself; but accepting the work for publication -he sent it to Jo. Secerius, of Hagenau, in Alsace, -a well-known typographer of the day, to be put into -type. To Hagenau accordingly went the MS., followed -by the author to superintend the printing; intending -from thence to proceed to Strasburg, where he was -anxious to have interviews with the leading Reformers -of that city, Martin Bucer and W. F. Capito, and propound -to them, as he had done to the Switzers, the -new views of Christian doctrine at which he had -arrived. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">38</span></p> - -<p>From what we know already we might conclude -that he found little more encouragement from the ministers -of Strasburg than he had had from those of Basle. -Servetus himself, however, appears to have thought -otherwise, and left them with the impression that -neither of the Strasburgers was so wholly opposed to -his views as Œcolampadius in particular had shown -himself at Basle. We find him, by and by, in fact, -speaking as if he even believed that in the first instance -they were alike disposed to abet rather than condemn -his conclusions. And this, from what came out subsequently, -seems really to have been the case, in so far, at -least, as Capito stands concerned. Capito was, in fact, the -most advanced and truly tolerant of all the early Reformers, -and if we may rely on the report we have of his -opinions from the author of the ‘Antitrinitarian Library,’<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> -he was really not behind Servetus in his rejection of the -orthodox tripartite Deity. A kindly sympathy with a -young enthusiast, full of fancies on topics really beyond -the reach of demonstration, may have induced Bucer -as well as his colleague, Capito, to feel a certain interest -in the subject of our study, and so led them both to -treat him otherwise than as the irreverent dreamer he -had appeared to Œcolampadius; to see him, in a word, -as he was in truth—a well-read and piously disposed, -albeit in their opinion a more or less mistaken, scholar.</p> - -<p>Servetus undoubtedly possessed the character of the -enthusiast in perfection, and by natural constitution -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">39</span> -was not only indisposed, but to a certain extent incapable -of seeing a question in any light save that in -which he set it himself. Bucer, although he became -hostile to Servetus in the end, must in fact have been -not a little taken with him on their earlier intercourse, -when in a letter to a friend he speaks of him as ‘his -dear son’—‘filius meus dilectus.’ When not curtly -met as the rash innovator and heretic, Servetus was -neither the proud nor the impracticable man he appeared -to Œcolampadius and Calvin. During his visit -to Strasburg, when he was doubtless busy with his ‘De -Trinitatis Erroribus’—revising, polishing, and seeing it -through the press—in a notable modification of the -terms in which one of the cardinal points of his doctrine -is spoken of in an earlier and in a later passage of -the work, Bucer’s kindly counsel, it is presumed, may -be detected. Whilst in Book IV. we find these words, -‘The Word is never spoken of in Scripture as the Son; -the Word was the shadow only, Christ was the substance,’ -in Book VII. he says, ‘The Word is never -spoken of in Scripture as the Son; but to Christ himself -there is ascribed a kind of eternity of engenderment. -The things that were under the <i>Law</i> were -shadows of the body of Christ.’<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a></p> - -<p>Whatever the two distinguished Reformers of Strasburg -may have said, however—and we can hardly -doubt of their having tried to win him to the views that -were commonly entertained—he was not stayed for a -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">40</span> -moment in his purpose of getting into print. Nay—and -we know not why the right should be refused him—he -seems to have thought himself at as full liberty as -the leaders of the great movement then afoot to give -his own interpretation of the kind of reform which not -the Church only, but its doctrine, required. For such -an undertaking he was as well qualified by culture as -any of the Reformers—better qualified, in fact, than -many among them, as in genius we believe he was -surpassed, and in liberality and tolerance approached -by none. Servetus, in truth, had started in the reforming -race unweighted, and so, and in so far with a better -chance of reaching the goal of simple truth than either -Luther or Calvin; for though he had received the education -of the cloister, he was neither professed monk -nor priest; and, without detriment to the piety of his -spirit, or his belief in what were held by the world as -the oracles of God, he had freed himself from the -fetters of necessary assent to the interpretations put -upon these, formulated into dogmas, by the Church in -which he had been born and bred. Servetus seems -never to have had any misgivings about his title to -show himself among the number of the Reformers. He -was in Germany, the land of free thought, as he imagined; -among men who had thought freely, and whom -he had been used to hear spoken of by his clerical surroundings, -whilst in the suite of Quintana, as heretics -and blasphemers. These names he did not fear in -such respectable company as he found the Reformers -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">41</span> -of Switzerland and Germany to be; and though he did -not agree with them on some topics, he could bear -with them as well in that wherein he differed from -them as in that wherein they differed among themselves, -and saw no reason why they should not in like -manner bear with him. He thought of nothing, therefore, -but prospective fame for himself in the publication -he contemplated. The names of Luther, Melanchthon, -Calvin, and the rest, appeared on the title-pages of their -works: why, then, should his name be withheld from -the world? On the title-page of the ‘Seven Books -on Mistaken Conceptions of the Trinity’ accordingly, -which now came forth from the press, we find not only -his family name, Servetus, but the alias, Revés, from -his mother’s side of the house, and the name of the -country that called him son:—</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="center">‘De Trinitatis Erroribus, Libri Septem.<br /></span> -<span class="center">Per Michaelem Serveto, alias Revés,<br /></span> -<span class="center">Ab Aragonia, Hispanum,<br /></span> -<span class="center">1531.’<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>The publisher and printer, having an eye to -business, not notoriety, and suspicious in all probability -of the reception the article in the production of -which they were aiding and abetting, might receive, -were more cautious than the author; for the name -neither of printer, publisher, nor place of publication, -appears on the title-page. In the month of July, 1531, -however, the book was to be bought at once in the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">42</span> -cities of Strasburg, Frankfort, and Basle: but no one -knew for more than twenty years where it had -been printed, nor who besides the author—who had -also vanished out of sight—had been accessory to its -publication. The truth only came out in the course of -the author’s trial at Geneva in the year 1553. Basle -had the credit for a time of having hatched the cockatrice; -and that the charge was taken seriously to heart -appears from a letter of Œcolampadius to Bucer -which has been preserved.</p> - -<p>The Swiss churches, as is known, were not all at -one with Luther and his followers upon some of the -transcendental topics of their common faith; and -Servetus in his book having attacked the Doctrine of -Justification by Faith—the leading feature in Luther’s -theology, in terms neither complimentary nor respectful, -the Switzers were anxious to have the great head -of the Reform movement informed that they had -nothing in common with the Serveto, alias Revés, of -the book ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ and that it had -not fallen from any of the presses of their country. -In his letter to Bucer dated from Basle, August 5, -1531, Œcolampadius informs him that ‘several of -their friends had seen Servetus’s book and were beyond -measure offended with it.’ ‘I wish you would write to -Luther,’ he continues, ‘and tell him it was printed -elsewhere than at Basle, and without any privity of -ours. It is surely a piece of consummate impudence -in the writer to say that the Lutherans are ignorant -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">43</span> -of what Justification really means. Passing many -things by, I fancy he must belong to the sect of the -Photinians, or to some other I know not what. -Unless he be put down by the doctors of our church, it -will be the worse for us. I pray you of all others to -keep watch; and if you find no better or earlier opportunity, -be particular in your report to the Emperor -in excusing us and our churches from the breaking in -among us of this wild beast. He indeed abuses -everything in his way of viewing it; and to such -lengths does he go that he disputes the coeternity and -consubstantiality of the Father and the Son—he would -even have the man Christ to be the Son of God in the -usual natural way.’<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p> - -<p>Bucer having perused the ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus’ -would seem to have been excessively disturbed or -scandalised by its contents. Known as a man of a -perfectly humane disposition in a general way, he is -now violent even to slaying. Denouncing its author -from the pulpit, he is said to have declared that the -writer of such a book deserved to be disembowelled -and torn in pieces! Yet was not Martin Bützer always -of this savage way of thinking. In a Preface and -Postscript to an early work—a translation by a friend, -of Augustin’s Treatise ‘on the Duty of the Ruler -in matters of Religion,’<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> he is as mercifully disposed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">44</span> -towards the erring as could be desired. They are to -be prayed for, instructed, and it may be punished, but -it is to be mildly; they are never to be put to death. -He refers to his ‘Dialogues’ in which the subject is -treated at length.</p> - -<p>Luther, too, must have read the work, and it is -not a little interesting to us to be made aware from -what he says himself that he, like others of the -Reformers, as well as Michael Servetus, had been -troubled with doubts about the conformity of the -orthodox Trinitarian dogma with the dictates of simple -reason. In the Table-Talk—Tisch-Reden—of 1532, he -refers to what he characterises as ‘a fearfully wicked -book—ein greulich bös Buch—’ which had lately come -out against the doctrine of the holy Trinity. ‘Visionaries -like the writer,’ says Doctor Martin, ‘do not -seem to fancy that other folks as well as they may -have had temptations on this subject. But the sting -did not hold; I set the word of God and the Holy -Ghost against my thoughts and got free.’ Luther as -usual imagined that the doubts he felt were inspired by -the Devil, instead of by God, through the reason given -him for his guidance.<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a></p> - -<p>But of all his contemporaries Melanchthon appears -to have been more taken with the work on Trinitarian -Error than any other of the leading Reformers; and -he is much more outspoken in expressing his opinion -of the incomprehensible and really unscriptural nature -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">45</span> -of the dogma which it is the gist of Servetus’s book to -impugn. To one of his friends he begins his letter -by telling him ‘that he has been reading Servetus a -great deal—<i>Servetum multum lego</i>—though I am well -aware of the fanatical nature of the man. In his -derisive treatment of Justification he sees nothing but -the <i>quality</i> of Augustin; and he plainly raves when, -misinterpreting the text of the Old and New Testament, -he denies to the Prophets the Holy Spirit. -I also think he does injustice both to Tertullian and -Irenæus, when, treating of the Word, he makes them -question its being an hypostasis. But I have little -doubt that great controversies will one day arise on -this subject, as well as on the distinction of the two -natures in Christ.’<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a></p> - -<p>To Camerarius, another friend, he writes: ‘You -ask me what I think of Servetus? I see him indeed -sufficiently sharp and subtle in disputation, but I do -not give him credit for much depth. He is possessed, -as it seems to me, of confused imaginations, and his -thoughts are not well matured on the subjects he -discusses. He manifestly talks foolishness when he -speaks of Justification. Περὶ τῆς τρίαδος—on the subject -of the Trinity—you know, I have always feared that -serious difficulties would one day arise. Good God! to -what tragedies will not these questions give occasion -in times to come: εἴ ἐστιν ὑπόστασις ὁ λὀγος—is the -Logos an hypostasis? εἴ ἐστιν ὑπόστασις τὸ πνεῦμα—is -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">46</span> -the Holy Ghost an hypostasis? For my own -part I refer me to those passages of Scripture that bid -us call on Christ, which is to ascribe divine honours to -him, and find them full of consolation.’<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a></p> - -<p>This is surely very candid and beautiful. But the -spirit of the Prophet of Nazareth did not always find -such a resting place as it did in the heart and mind of -Philip Schwarzerde, though he too could forget himself -and approve of violence, as we shall see, when -certain beliefs which he held sacred and thought it a -public duty to profess were assailed. At this time, -however, on this occasion, he is in his proper placable -frame of mind and continues thus: ‘I find it after all of -little use to inquire too curiously into that which properly -constitutes the nature of a <i>Person</i>, and into that -wherein and whereby persons are distinguished from -one another. It is very provoking that in Epiphanius, -except a few trifling passages, we have nothing from -the days when the same questions were agitated by -Paul of Samosata—nothing in fact whence we might -know what was thought of Paul’s opinions at the time, -and of what mind were they who condemned him. I -am even greatly distressed when I think of such -negligence on the part of the hierarchs of the age of -this Paul, as well as of times more near our own.’ -When writing thus Melanchthon plainly sympathised -more with Paul of Samosata and his opinions than he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">47</span> -would have liked to acknowledge at a later period of -his life; for he, too, like so many who become narrow -and intolerant in age, was liberal enough when younger, -and in the earlier editions of his ‘Loci Theologici’ -could speak of the Holy Spirit as nothing more than -an ‘Afflatus of Deity.’</p> - -<p>The above extracts from confidential letters seem -to show that Melanchthon was not himself quite clear as -to the sense in which a Trinity of the Godhead was to -be understood; a state of mind shared in, unless we -much mistake, by more than one among the most influential -men of the Swiss Churches, by none more -certainly than by Calvin, their great head, himself, as -we shall show. Melanchthon indeed in his next letter to -the same friend, speaking of Servetus’s assumption that -Tertullian did not think the Logos an hypostasis—a -distinct substantial reality—proceeds:—‘To me Tertullian -seems to think on this subject as we do in public—<i>quod -publice sentimus</i>, and not in the way Servetus -interprets him. But of these things more hereafter -when we meet.’ Melanchthon would not therefore trust -in writing, even to an intimate friend, all he thought on -the subject of the Trinity; and truly there is matter -enough when critically scanned in the first edition of -his best-known work—‘The Loci Theologici’ of 1521—that -puts him out of the pale of orthodox Trinitarianism.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">48</span></p> - -<p>Neither was Joannes Œcolampadius without something -of a fellow feeling for Servetus, although he repudiated -his conclusions. Writing to Martin Bucer on -July 18, 1531, shortly after the publication of the work -on Trinitarian misconception, he informs his friend -that he had heard from Capito of Strasburg, who tells -him that the book is for sale among them there, and -has rejoiced some of the enemies of the Church, as it -will also afford matter of gratulation to the Papists of -France when they see that writings of the kind are -suffered to be published in Germany. ‘Read the book,’ -continues the writer, ‘and tell me what you think of it. -Were I not busy with my Job, I should be disposed to -answer it myself; but I must leave this duty to another -with more leisure at command. Our Senate have forbidden -the Spaniard’s book to be sold here. They -have asked my opinion of its merits, and I have said -that as the writer does not acknowledge the coeternity -of the Son, I can in no wise approve of it as a whole, -although it contains much else that is good—<i>Etiamsi -multa alia bona scribat</i>.’<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a></p> - -<p>In the days of Philip Melanchthon and Joannes -Œcolampadius we therefore see that men had <i>private</i> -opinions on subjects to which they were committed by -their subscriptions, which differed we know not how -widely from their public professions, precisely as among -the ancients, and ourselves at the present time: -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">49</span> -culture would still seem to make an esoteric and an -exoteric doctrine a necessity of existence.</p> - -<p>Made aware, as we are by these letters of the -Reformers, that Servetus’s book was causing a considerable -stir both in Switzerland and Germany, it -seems, in so far as we have ascertained, to have been -entirely neglected by the Roman Catholics of these -lands as well as of France. We have searched in vain -for any notice of it in French theological writings of -the period; neither have we been able to discover, -though condemned and ordered to be suppressed by -the Emperor Charles V. when brought under his notice -by Cochlæus and Quintana at Ratisbon, that it figures -at any early date on the Roman Index of prohibited -books. There are good reasons for believing, nevertheless, -that Servetus’s book on Trinitarian Misconception -had a large amount of influence on Italian ground. -It had been sent south in numbers; and aware of this -Melanchthon took it upon him by-and-by to address -the Senate of Venice on the subject, informing them -that a highly objectionable work was for sale among -them, and suggesting that measures should be taken -for its suppression. The Sozzini, uncle and nephew—Lælius -and Faustus Socinus—and their followers, the -Unitarians, have consequently been seen as the disciples -of Servetus, though it may be that they were so -only indirectly; for Servetus himself, as we shall find, -declares that he does not deny a kind of trinity in the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">50</span> -unity of God. But his trinity is <i>modal</i> or <i>formal</i>, not -<i>real</i> or <i>personal</i> in the usual sense of the word.</p> - -<p>If overlooked by theologians of the Latin races, -the work of our author appears to have attracted all -the more attention from the men of Teutonic descent -who had espoused the cause of the Reformation. In -their ranks in the early period of the sixteenth century -the intelligence of Europe, in so far as the religious -question was concerned, seems to have been concentrated. -They took pains to inform themselves generally -on all that was going on in the republic of letters, and -in so much of it very particularly as bore on the subject -they had most at heart. It is among the Swiss -and German Reformers consequently that we find any -particular notice taken of Servetus’s book on Trinitarian -Error. They alone show themselves scandalised -by the opinions of its author and his style of expressing -them, jealous too, it might seem, at the intrusion of a -mere layman into their domain—a phenomenon as yet -perfectly unheard of, and startled further by the advances -they discovered in the book upon all that they, as inheritors -of apostolic traditions in common with their -Roman Catholic brethren (from whom in matters of -Dogma they differed so little), regarded as the truth. -Paul of Tarsus preaching his own independent gospel -to the Gentiles, proclaiming the universality of the -fatherhood of God, the nothingness of Circumcision, -and, in opposition to the whole Levitical code, that all -days were alike holy and that it was not what went -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">51</span> -into the mouth of a man that defiled him, could scarcely -have been more ominous to the intolerant Nazarene -Church of Jerusalem than was the appearance of this -daring innovator upon the religious stage of Germany. -His book, everywhere freely sold in the first instance, -must have been read by everyone of liberal education, -though it became so scarce ere long, denounced -and decried as it must have been universally by the -ministers, that twenty years afterwards a copy, most -pressingly wanted, and eagerly sought after, was nowhere -to be found in Switzerland; so effectually had -zealotry succeeded in having it committed to the -flames!</p> - -<p>Strasburg and Basle, however, must have been the -emporiums whence the supplies of the ‘De Erroribus -Trinitatis’ were sent forth; for after its author’s visit to -the capital of Elsass and his happy delivery of this the -first-born of his genius at Hagenau, we find him again -in Basle and making himself obnoxious to Œcolampadius -as before. Writing what we must presume to -be a second or third letter to the Reformer, and complimenting -him on what he is pleased to style his -correspondent’s clear apprehension of Luther’s doctrine -of Justification, Servetus goes on to make a personal -request. ‘Somewhat fearful of writing to you again,’ -he says, ‘lest I should molest you still more than I -have already done, I yet venture to ask of you not to -interfere with my sending the books to France which -I have with me here, the book-fair of Lyons drawing -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">52</span> -near; for you of all men are better entitled than any -one else to pronounce an opinion upon things unheard -of until now. If you think it better that I should not -remain here, I shall certainly take my leave; only, you -are not to think that I go as a fugitive. God knows -I have been sincere in all I have written, although -my crude style perchance displeases you. I did not -imagine you would take offence at what I say of the -Lutherans; especially when from your own mouth I -heard you declare you were of opinion that Luther had -treated Charity in too off-hand a style; adding, as you -did, that folks were charitable mostly when they had -nothing else to think of. Melanchthon, too, as you -know, affirms that God has no regard for charity. -Such sayings, believe me, are more hurtful to the soul -than anything I have ever written. And this all the -more as I see that you are not agreed among yourselves -on the subject of faith; for with my own ears -I have heard you say one thing, which is otherwise -declared by doctor Paulus, otherwise by Luther, and -yet otherwise by Melanchthon;<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> and of this I admonished -you in your own house; but you would not -hear me.</p> - -<p>‘Your rule for proving the Spirit, I think, deceives -you; for, if in your own mind there be any fear, or -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">53</span> -doubt, or confusion, you cannot judge truly of me; -and this the more because, although you know me in -error in one thing, you ought not, therefore, to condemn -me in others, else there were none who should -escape burning a thousand times over. This truth is -forced on us on all hands, most especially perhaps by -the example of the Apostles, who sometimes erred. -And, then, you do not condemn Luther in every particular, -although you are well aware that he is mistaken -in some things. I have myself entreated you to -instruct me, which, however, you have not done. It is -surely an infirmity of our human nature that none of -us see our own faults, and so commonly look on those -who differ from us as impious persons or impostors. -I entreat you, for God’s sake, to spare my name and -reputation. I say nothing of others who are not interested -in the questions between us. You say that I -would have no one punished or put to death, though -all were thieves alike; but I call the omnipotent God -to witness that this is not my opinion; nay, I scout -any such conclusion. If I have spoken at any time on -the subject (the punishment proper for heresy), it was -because I saw it as a most serious matter to put men -to death on the ground of mistake in interpreting the -Scriptures; for do we not read that even the elect may -err? You know full well that I have not treated my -subject in so indifferent or indiscreet a manner as to -deserve entire rejection at your hands. You make -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">54</span> -little yourself of speaking of the Holy Spirit as an -angel, but think it a great crime in me when I say that -the Son of God was a man.</p> - -<p class="author"> -<span class="n10">‘Farewell.</span><br /> -‘<span class="smcap">Michael Serveto.</span>’<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a><br /> -</p> - -<p>This letter, so characteristic of the writer, is full of -interest even at the present hour. Servetus would -have Œcolampadius instruct him; but the invariable -complaint of all with whom he came in contact was that -he could never be made to receive instruction; in other -words, secure in his own conclusions, he thought his -would-be instructors mistaken in theirs. And this, -indeed, for good or ill, is characteristic of all who impress -their age, and show themselves leaders in art, in -science, in policy, or religion. Genius measures with -its own rod, and is its own guide on the way it goes. -The world is not moved by men who have all they -own from teachers.</p> - -<p>But especially worthy of note is the remark our -writer makes on the serious responsibility men assume -when they put each other to death for mistaken interpretations -of Scripture. Had no scholar in modern -times before Servetus come to so great and charitable -a conclusion, we should still have to hallow the -memory of the man who, more than three hundred -years ago, had the head and the heart to proclaim -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">55</span> -so great a principle, in the enforcement of which in all -its aspects the better spirits of the world still find such -opposition; though it is not now by the infliction of -death that bigotry and intolerance revenge themselves -on their victims, the advocates of freethought and outspoken -religious criticism.</p> - -<p>A good deal has been said, by its author as well -as others, of the crude style of the book on Trinitarian -Error. But this to us seems the least of its faults—the -language is generally simple enough, not Ciceronian -certainly, but the meaning, save where the writer probably -did not quite understand himself, is not doubtful. -As a composition, it is the arrangement that is most -defective. The parts have so little either of coherence -or sequence, that of the seven books or chapters -into which it is divided, the last, as it seems, might -advantageously have been made the first. For there -it is, and not until the penultimate page of the entire -treatise is attained, that the key to the writer’s most -important conclusions is discovered. ‘Two fundamental -rules or principles,’ he says, ‘are to be steadily -kept in view:—1st, That the nature of God cannot be -conceived as divisible; and 2nd, That that which is -accidental to the nature of anything is disposition.’ -The corollary he would have to follow from these premisses -or postulates being, that the orthodox idea -of a Trinity, <i>i.e.</i>, of the existence of three distinct -persons or entities in the unity of the Godhead, is an -impossibility, and so a fundamental religious error. As -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">56</span> -Servetus himself believed in God, and acknowledged a -Son of God and a Holy Spirit—finding mention of -these in the Scriptures, no word of which would he -overlook, though putting his own interpretation on all -they say—he held that the Son and Holy Ghost, in -consonance with his Second Principle, must be what -he calls <i>dispositions</i>, or <i>dispensations</i> of the one eternal -indivisible Deity—in other words, manifestations of -God in the world.</p> - -<p>The ‘Idea of God’ to which Servetus had attained -is unquestionably grand. ‘God,’ he says, ‘is -eternal, one and indivisible, and in himself inscrutable, -but making his being known in and through creation; -so that not only is every living, but every lifeless -thing, an aspect of the Deity. Before creation was, -God was; but neither was he Light, nor Word, nor -Spirit, but some ineffable thing else—<i>sed quid aliud -ineffabile</i>—these, Light, Word, Spirit, being mere dispensations, -modes or expressions of pre-existing Deity. -(‘Dial.’ i. 4.) God, he says, has no proper nature; for -this would imply a beginning; and <i>before</i> and <i>after</i> are -terms that have no significance when they are referred -to God. Though God knew what to man would be -a future, his own prescience was without respect to -<i>time</i>, and involved no such necessity as is implied in -<i>choice</i>. God, he continues, can be defined by nothing -that pertains to body; he created the world of himself, -of his substance, and, as essence, he actuates—<i>essentiat</i>—all -things. (‘Dial.’ ii.) The Spirit of God is the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">57</span> -universal agent; it is in the air we breathe, and is the -very breath of life; it moves the heavenly bodies; -sends out the winds from their quarters; takes up -and stores the water in the clouds, and pours it out as -rain to fertilise the earth. God is therefore ever distinct -from the universe of things, and when we speak -of the Word, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, we but -speak of the presence and power of God projected into -creation, animating and actuating all that therein is, -man more especially than aught else; ‘the Holy Spirit -I always say is the motion of God in the soul of man, -and that out of man there cannot properly be said to -be any Holy Spirit.’ (‘De Trin. Err.’ f. 85, b, and -‘Dial.’ ii.) This is obviously a statement of what may -be called the Exo-pantheistic principle in very broad -terms, akin to what we find in the Grecian mythology -and certain schools of philosophy; other than the -Endo-pantheistic conception of later times—the Causa -Principio et Uno of Giordano Bruno,<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> the Substantia -of Spinoza, the Universum or Kosmos of Goethe,<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">58</span> -Hegel, Humboldt, Schopenhauer, D. F. Strauss,<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> &c. It -is the Principle inseparable from the mighty All as -from the individual Atom, or Pantheism proper.</p> - -<p>We shall, by-and-by, find our author, on his -Geneva trial, damaging his case and exciting, we may -imagine, the astonishment of the unlettered among -his judges, by the assertion of his pantheistic notions, -and arousing the needless, and it may even be, the -assumed ire of Calvin—for he was familiar with the -idea, having said himself that he only objected to call -Nature, God, because it was a hard and improper expression—<i>quia -est dura et impropria loquutio</i>.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a></p> - -<p>Criticising the first verse of the Fourth Gospel: ‘In -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">59</span> -the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with -God, and the Word was God,’ Servetus maintains that -the Greek λὀγος, translated Word with us, does not -designate an entity but utterance or speech, as appears -by its etymology, derived as it is from λἐγω, to speak, -to discourse. Of the Word of God, therefore, to make -the Son of God is to do as did the heathen, who -turned ideas or abstractions into mythical beings—Echo -into a Nymph, Fortitude into Minerva, &c., and -so to bring discord and dissidence upon the truths of -Scripture. (‘De Tr. Err.’ f. 47, b.) The Word spoken -by God in the beginning implies fore-thought, fore-knowledge; -whence it is characterised as Wisdom, -‘that was from the beginning or ever the earth was. -Under the mystery of the Word, the older apostolic -tradition understood a certain dispensation whereby -God willed to reveal himself to mankind. The Word -of God therefore is equivalent to the Act of God; and -even as Light came of the spoken word, so too came -Creation, so too came Man.’ In this way, says our -author, do we readily comprehend the expression of -John: ‘The Word was made flesh,’ and learn in what -sense Christ is truly the Word: ‘He is, as it were, the -voice of God enunciating to mankind the will of the -Universal Father.’ (Ib. f. 49 b.) The Word, consequently, -is nothing different from God, but is God -himself evoking all things, Christ among the number -in the fulness of time. If a reasonable meaning is to -be attached to mystical language, it seems difficult to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">60</span> -imagine any more satisfactory interpretation than this -of Servetus, with which we see that of a distinguished -liberal divine of our own day essentially to agree, as he -says: ‘The Logos of the New Testament means not -only the Word as translated, but Reason, Intelligence, -communicating itself in thought and speech. It is -the divine wisdom which was from the beginning in -the mind of God made manifest in time.’<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a></p> - -<p>The title <i>Son of God</i>, again, Servetus maintains is -nowhere to be found in the Scriptures otherwise applied -than to a man—to the man Jesus in particular; -and the word <i>Person</i> he insists is always to be understood -in the sense of the Greek προσῶπον and the -Latin <i>persona</i>, a mask, an appearance, and not any <i>real</i> -or individual thing. With this style of exposition the -Reformers could of course by no means agree. They -had adopted all the symbols of their predecessors of -the Church of Rome; and it seems to have been -Servetus’ insistance on his own divergent interpretation -of the language of John and the creeds that more -especially aroused the enmity of Œcolampadius, -Bucer, Calvin, and the rest, they holding that to be -accounted a Christian it was necessary not only to -acknowledge Christ to be the Son of God, which -Servetus was quite ready to do, in the way he understood -the filiation, but to acknowledge him to be the -Logos or Word of St. John, consubstantial and coeternal -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">61</span> -with the Father—which, to Servetus, was impossible. -It is probable that the way and manner -in which in any conceivable fashion such coeternity -and consubstantiality could be apprehended was among -the topics on which Servetus craved enlightenment -from Œcolampadius; and as he could obtain none, -pique and personal dislike, opposition and enmity, took -the place of dispassionate and friendly discussion; -precisely as happened in later years and mainly on -the same subjects between our author and Calvin.</p> - -<p>In his attempt to develope and explain his own -conception of the mystery of the Trinity—for it is a -mistake to suppose that Servetus was opposed to -something of the kind—he does not set out like the -writer of the Fourth Gospel from the transcendental -Word, but starts with the historical Jesus, the man, -the reputed son of Joseph the Carpenter, but verily -or naturally, as he says, the Son of God. To this son -the name Jesus was given at the time of his circumcision, -the title Christ being conferred by his disciples; -whilst it was only at his baptism that he was -designated Son of God. The Holy Spirit and power -of the Highest overshadowing the Virgin Mary, and -acting in her as generator or generative dew, Jesus -the Son of God and her Son was engendered. It is -not the Word consequently, but Jesus the Son of Mary -who is a Son of God: ‘The holy thing that shall be -born of thee,’ says the angel addressing the Virgin, -‘shall be called a Son of God.’ ‘They therefore -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">62</span> -plainly err,’ says Servetus, ‘who speak of the Word -as the Son of God: the man Jesus was the Son of God, -not the Word; the man Jesus engendered, as stated -above, by God in the womb of the Virgin.’ ‘All the -Trinitarian errors,’ he concludes, ‘have arisen from -not understanding the true nature of the Incarnation.’</p> - -<p>When he comes to speak of the Holy Ghost, -Servetus unhappily forgets what is due to the discussion -of a subject that has engaged the serious -thoughts of so many pious men. He would seem to -have seen some portions of the catholic Christian -dogma as so unreasonable that they were even open to -ridicule; and this leads him to the use of improper -language. The Holy Ghost, he maintains, is never -spoken of save confusedly in the Scriptures, the term -being applied variously now to an angel, now to the -soul of man, and again to nothing more than wind or -breath (Ib. f. 22, a.). The Hebrew word <i>Ruach</i>, of -which spirit or wind is a translation, has indeed a still -greater variety of meanings. On a subject so indefinite -and undefined as the Holy Spirit, we cannot -wonder that Œcolampadius in one of his letters should -declare he can make nothing of what Servetus says on -the matter—‘<i>dicit nescio quid</i>—he says I know not -what.’ This much, however, we do make out as our -author’s opinion, viz.: that the Holy Spirit is nowhere -spoken of in Scripture as a distinct and independent -entity, but always as a motion, an agency, an afflatus -of God or the power of God,—a view in which he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">63</span> -certainly had Melanchthon as his predecessor: ‘<i>Nec -aliud spiritus sanctus est nisi viva Dei voluntas et -agitatio.</i>’ (‘Loci Theol.’ p. 128, ed. 1521.)</p> - -<p>Referring to the dogma of the ‘Two Natures,’ -Servetus holds that this, too, is founded in error. ‘To -speak of the <i>Nature</i> of God,’ he says, ‘is absurd; for -the word nature can only apply to something created, -something born (from the Latin <i>natus</i>). But God is -from Eternity. For my own part,’ he proceeds, ‘I -never take nature to signify aught but the thing to -which the term is applied—the nature of a thing is the -thing itself. To use the word nature in connection -with the name of God is, therefore, to speak of God -himself. And so of the Son of God: that which was an -idea, image, or type of the Son in the mind of God, when -the Word was made flesh, became or was Christ, Reality -then superseding Idea (‘De Tr. Er.’ f. 92). There -was consequently no aggregate of two natures or two -different things in Christ; he was one entity or person, -in the usual sense of the word.’ Servetus very inconsistently, -as it seems at first sight, often speaks of the -man Jesus as God. But he can do so only on the same -ground as Cyrus in the Bible, Augustus Cæesar, and -other rulers, are called <i>Dii</i> or <i>Divi</i>—gods. The Son -of God, to Servetus, in conformity with the pantheistic -idea, can only be an aspect or <i>Mode</i> of the One God. -If this be not his meaning, I know not what it is.</p> - -<p>We have said above that Servetus is not opposed -to the idea of a Trinity of dispositions, powers, or properties -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">64</span> -in the Deity, but only denies such a trinity of -persons or entities as is embodied in the symbols of -orthodox Christianity. It is not unimportant, therefore, -to learn what the precise idea was which he had -of the threefold state he acknowledged as extant in the -essence of God. His words are these: ‘<i>Tres sunt -admirandi Dei dispositiones in quarum qualibet divinitas -relucet, ex quo sanissime Trinitatem intelligere posses</i>, -&c.—There are three admirable dispositions in God, -in each of which divinity appears, and from which you -may satisfactorily understand the Trinity. For the -Father is the one God, from whom proceed certain -dispensations. But these imply no distinction into -separate entities. By the economy of God—<i>Dei</i> -οἰκονομίαν—they are no more than so many forms or -aspects of Deity; for the divineness that is in the -Father, the same is in the Son, and in the Holy -Ghost.’</p> - -<p>In another passage, he asserts his belief in a Trinity -still more distinctly: ‘I concede one person of the -Father, another person of the Son, another person of -the Holy Ghost: three persons in one God, and this is -the true Trinity.’ (Ib. f. 64, b.) Had we not our -author’s explanation of the way in which he understands -the word <i>person</i>, this would make his conception, -in so far, not different from the orthodox interpretation -of the mystery. But his language here must be -regretted, for it is misleading, the word <i>person</i> with -Servetus not signifying, as we have seen, any real or -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">65</span> -individual entity distinct from other entities, but property, -appearance, or outward manifestation. The -second and third persons, therefore, as understood by -Servetus, are to be thought of as dispositions or modes -of God, the universal Father, and not as individuals or -persons in the usual acceptation of these words, though -of them it is that distinct personages have been made, -and spoken of as being at once God and other than -God, as being three and yet no more than one.</p> - -<p>In sequence to this, our author goes on to say that -‘he will not make use of the word Trinity, which is not -to be found in Scripture, and only seems to perpetuate -philosophical error. It were well, indeed,’ he continues, -‘that all distinction of persons in the one God were -henceforth abandoned and rooted out of the minds of -men’ (Ib. f. 64, b.); words in which we see reason -getting the better of subserviency to the letter of Scripture, -and putting an extinguisher, as it were, upon his -own as well as other vain attempts to give a rational -explanation of the mystical Neo-Platonic Logos-Doctrine -of the Fourth Gospel, of which the Trinitarian -Church-Dogma is the outcome. Hampered, however, -by the idea that everything in the Bible is the word of -God, Servetus insists on trying to find, for himself and -his readers, something like an acceptable interpretation -of the leading words of the Imaginative Mystical Discourse -entitled the Gospel according to John. In this -he fails, as might have been anticipated; and then, his -eyes being opened to the fact, he has nothing for it but -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">66</span> -to conclude that the orthodox Trinitarian mystery were -well discarded from the thoughts and the beliefs of -man. ‘To believe, however,’ he continues, ‘suffices, it -is said; but what folly to believe aught that cannot be -understood, that is impossible in the nature of things, -and that may even be looked on as blasphemous! Can -it be that mere confusion of mind is to be assumed as -an adequate object of faith?’ (Ib. f. 33, b.)</p> - -<p>The Trinitarian doctrine of dogmatic Christianity -Servetus held to have been a great obstacle to the -spread of the religion of Christ. Opposed to the conception -of the Oneness of Deity to which the Jews had -finally attained, the religious system in which it was -made so prominent an element, could not possibly be -accepted by them; neither, on the same ground, could -it be received by Islam; for Mahomet, whilst he -acknowledged Jesus as a prophet and power in the -world, born of a Virgin, too, like other distinguished -individuals, in some incomprehensible manner, never -for a moment thought of him as the Son of God; for -‘God,’ says he, ‘as he is not engendered, so neither -does he engender.’</p> - -<p>But it is not in connexion with the subject of the -Trinity alone that Servetus shows the advances he had -made on his age in the sphere of Biblical exposition. -Commenting on the text, ‘No man hath ascended up to -heaven but he who came down from heaven’ (John iii. -13), he says: ‘It is the spiritual heaven that is here -to be understood, and this exists wherever Christ is; -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">67</span> -“to ascend to heaven” means no more than to discourse -of heavenly things. “He that hath seen me hath seen -the Father,” says the text (Ib. xiv. 9), i.e., says our expositor, -‘he who appreciates the priceless treasures of -Christ’s love easily attains to a knowledge of God the -Father. But how should an invisible, intangible -Word give us to know God?’ (‘De Tr. Err.’ f. 46 -<i>et seq.</i>)</p> - -<p>There are others among the accepted doctrines of -the reformed Churches which, as repudiated by Servetus -and so arraying the whole of their adherents against -him and influencing his fate, require a passing notice -at our hands. Justification by Faith, for instance, he -maintains, comes not by belief in the merits or sufferings -of Christ, but by belief in his worth or dignity as -Son of God. On this ground, he says, the Lutherans -do not understand what Justification really is. It is by -belief of the kind he specifies, however, that we show -our obedience to God, accept the new covenant instead -of the old law, become the children of our heavenly -Father, and have the Holy Spirit imparted to us. -Such belief is, in fact, the very kernel of the Christian -dispensation, and that on which the new covenant of -grace reposes. It is the real rock on which Peter was -to build the Church, against which the gates of hell -should not prevail. But as hell does seem to have got -the upper hand, he adds, we can only conclude that -neither the Church on the rock nor the true Faith is now -to be found among us. The Lutheran Justification by -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">68</span> -Faith, in a word, is mere magical fascination and folly -(f. 82-84, Conf. ‘Ep. ad Calvin.’ xiii.).</p> - -<p>But Faith, even the most fervent, is not yet sufficient -for salvation. The Justification thereby attained is still -no more than negative in kind; to become positive, it -must be associated with Love, i.e., with Charity in the -widest sense of the word; with the Love, that is the fulfilment -of the law, whereby alone do we secure for ourselves -treasures in heaven. Faith is the entrance, Charity -the sanctuary—<i>Fides ostium, Charitas perfectio</i>; and -there is a fine passage in the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ -(p. 349), comparable in some sort to Paul’s eloquent -outburst on the excellence of that much misused sentiment. -When Servetus speaks of Charity, therefore, it -is not the eleemosynary idea of his day that is meant, -with its mendicant friars, its convent doles, and its engendered -sloth and beggary; neither is it the mistaken -view of later days, which gives indolence and improvidence -a legal claim on industry and thrift. It is of -the nobler, truer kind that, beside good works, gives -man a right to think and to speak unfettered, and forbids -him to fancy that his brother is damned for -divergency in theological opinion.</p> - -<p>To the leading Calvinistic doctrines of Predestination -and Election, involving as they do fettered instead -of free will, Servetus is still more violently opposed than -to the Lutheran Justification by Faith. ‘In your fatal, -not to say fatuous, necessity of all things, or your servile -will,’ says he, at a later period in his life, ‘there is -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">69</span> -a certain show of folly, seeing that you would have a -man do that which you must know he cannot do. You -speak of free acts, yet tell us there is no such thing as -free action. And it is absurd in you to derive the -servile will you abet from this: that it is God who acts -in us. Truly God does act in us, and in such wise that -we act freely. He acts in us so that we understand -and will and pursue. Even as all things consist essentially -in God, so do all acts proceed essentially from -him. But the power in us to do is one thing, the -necessity of doing is another; and though God may -deal with us as the potter deals with his clay, it does -not follow that we are nothing more than clay, and -have no power of action in ourselves.’ (Ib f. 79, b, et -‘Epist. ad Calvinum,’ xxii.)</p> - -<p>Another of the most essential doctrines underlying -Pauline Christianity, original sin, is made little of by -Servetus. Although I spent much time in reading his -books, I do not appear to have made a note of more -than one or two passages in which he refers to that -subject; and when he does, it is by the way rather than -more particularly. It is on the necessity of faith in -Christ, as he understands the Sonship, that he dwells -continually, making of this the prime factor in his -scheme of restored Christianity. ‘This faith it is,’ -says he, ‘that first makes us aware of our poverty, of -our misery; for if we believe that Christ is the Son of -God and the Saviour of the world, we already assume -that the world is sinful, and requires saving’ (‘Chr. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">70</span> -Rest.’ p. 349). He does not refer particularly to what -is called ‘the Fall,’ neither does he say very pointedly -how the world came into the sorry plight in which he -admits that he finds it. The reason usually assigned -must have appeared unsatisfactory to an understanding -so clear as that of Servetus, when unclouded by fancies -of his own creating; but we can hardly think he mends -matters by ascribing the origin of sin to heaven and the -rebellion of the angels, as he does, instead of to the -earth and Adam’s disobedience. Far from maintaining -that the heart of man is corrupt and evil by nature, he -holds that the cause of good works and well-doing is -proper and spontaneous to the individual, who is only -answerable for his own sin, not for the sin of another. -Faith in Christ, therefore, as the naturally-begotten Son -of God; Charity, in which are comprised all the virtues, -and a good life, in so far as we can make it out, form -the backbone of Servetus’s Christianity, as it is -unfolded in his earliest work on ‘Current Misconceptions -of the Trinity.’<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">71</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</h2> - -<p class="hang">THE AUTHORITIES OF BASLE TAKE NOTICE OF HIS BOOK. -HE WRITES TWO DIALOGUES BY WAY OF APPENDIX TO -IT AND LEAVES SWITZERLAND.</p> - -<p>Failing to make any impression on the Swiss and -German Reformers whose countenance he had been so -anxious to gain, we have seen Servetus in his letter to -Œcolampadius declaring his readiness to quit Basle, to -which he must have returned, if it were only not said -that he went as a fugitive, and giving something like -an engagement to his correspondent to review and, -reviewing, to modify or retract some things he had -said in his book. That some such engagement was -given we conclude from the letter of Œcolampadius -to the magistrates of Basle, to which we shall refer -immediately, and from which it would seem that it -was through the forbearance, if not even the more -friendly interference, of the Reformer that our author -escaped arrest and imprisonment at this time. The -seven books or chapters on erroneous ideas of the -Trinity had not fallen stillborn from the press; -neither had the presence of the writer in Basle passed -unobserved. The book being seen as heretical in the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">72</span> -highest degree by the ministers, the presence of its -writer among them was felt as matter of grievance by -both clergy and laity; so that the Civic Council held it -within the scope of their duties to take notice of the -innovator, of whom they heard so much that was discreditable, -and, by laying hands on him, either to make -him pay in person then and there, or to send him -away, like an infected bale, to spread his poison -elsewhere.</p> - -<p>Previous to acting, however, they thought it would -be well to have the opinion of their chief Pastor, -Œcolampadius, on what had best be done, and so requested -him to advise with them on the subject. He -replied by a long letter in which he recapitulates -the chief topics discussed by Servetus in his treatise. -‘He, Œcolampadius, will do what he can to place the -good man’s views before them,—if indeed he may -venture to speak of the writer as a good man; for it -seems that he strives at times as much to darken the -light as to enlighten the darkness, mixing up incongruities -rashly and not seldom stopping short of contradicting -himself. He opposes the orthodox doctors -continually, and uses certain words in an arbitrary -and unusual sense. He denies the coeternity of the -Father and the Son, a doctrine hitherto held sacred by -all the Christian churches; and only recognises the -sonship from the moment of the engenderment, or -rather of the birth of Christ. He even derides the -idea of God having a son from eternity, and asks -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">73</span> -whence the heavenly father had his wife, or whether -he were of both sexes in himself? He will only -recognise the eternity of the Son as an <i>Idea</i> in the -divine mind: the Son was to be, but was not yet, until -he appeared in the flesh. He will by no means concede -that the Word of St. John was the Christ; yet he -speaks of three persons in the one God; but it is with -glozing and an arbitrary meaning attached to the word -person, and with reasonings which, if they sometimes -make for his views, are at other times opposed to them, -he neither thinking nor speaking as do the apostles, -and wresting the words of the fathers—of Tertullian -and Irenæus especially—from the interpretation commonly -put upon them.</p> - -<p>‘Along with all this and much more that is objectionable, -there are still some things in the book that -are good; nevertheless as a whole it could not but -offend me. God grant that the writer acknowledge -the rashness which has led him to speak so unadvisedly -as he has done of matters which transcend -our human intelligence, and that he may live to amend -what he has said. As to the book, it would be well -perhaps that it were either totally suppressed, or were -read by those only who are not likely to be hurt by -objectionable writings. The errors he has fallen into -acknowledged, <i>he will retract</i> in his writings—<i>retractârit -scriptis</i>. Perhaps he was not himself aware of -their extent, or they were not seen by him as of such -importance as they are in fact. But I leave all to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">74</span> -your prudence and discretion, humbly commending -myself and my work to your favour.’<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a></p> - -<p>If we are to understand the <i>retractârit scriptis</i> of -the above as a promise from Servetus to retract in a -future work what he has said in his first, he certainly -did not keep his word in the ‘Dialogi de Trinitate,’<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> -which he published in the course of the following year. -In the Preface to these dialogues, it is true, he informs -the candid reader that he retracts all he had ‘lately -written in the seven books of erroneous conceptions -concerning the Trinity, not because what I say there -is false, but because the work is imperfect and written -as it were by a child for children. I pray you nevertheless -to hold by so much as you find there that may -help you to understand the subjects discussed. All -that is barbarous, confused and faulty, ascribe to my -inexperience and the carelessness of the printer. I -would not that any Christian were offended by what I -say; for God is used sometimes to make known his -wisdom to the world by weak vessels. Look at the -thing itself, therefore, I pray you, and if you take -good heed, my stammering will prove no hindrance to -you.’</p> - -<p>The reputed printer of Servetus’s Treatise and -Two Dialogues, Jo. Secerius, has no particular name as a -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">75</span> -typographer. But these little works are by no means -incorrectly printed; they show few typographical -errors—so few that they must almost certainly have -been read for press by the writer himself. The -printer therefore is not to be blamed for any shortcomings -of the kind referred to by the author—if there -be defect it is his own, and it was the matter not the -manner that had been found fault with. But the -Preface is apologetic in directions uncalled for, and is -meaningless in fact. Servetus did not think himself a -weak vessel; neither did he look on his work as the -work of a child for children; and as for any retractation -of his opinions, nothing seems to have been further -from his mind. On the contrary the mysticism of the -writer of the Fourth Gospel appears to have taken a -firmer hold of our author than it had done before, and -to have acted as fresh ferment to the mystical element -so abundant in his proper nature. There may be -modification of some of the views already enunciated, -but from none of them is there recession. The -opposition he met with from the leading Reformers -seems even to have added point and precision to his -writing. He is more outspoken than before, and is -still less chary in the kind of language he uses towards -opponents. The usual conception of a <i>partitioned</i> -Deity he declares to be simply blasphemous; they -who seriously entertain it are fools, and so blind that -were Christ to come among them now and declare he -was the Son of God, they would crucify him anew. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">76</span> -The Dialogues, instead of any denial and retractation, -are a reiteration and defence of almost all he has said -in his first production; although, indeed, we do observe -that where he can he occasionally approximates somewhat -to more orthodox views; in that passage very -notably where he speaks of the Son being of the same -essence (homousios), and even consubstantial with the -Father. (‘Dial.’ i., f. <small>II</small>, b.) But these are really no -more than words set down under the varying impulses -of mind to which the writer gave way, and are deprived -of any meaning that might attach to them by something -that has either gone before or that comes immediately -after.</p> - -<p>The discussion of Luther’s Justification by Faith, to -which it must be presumed his attention had been particularly -called by Œcolampadius as likely to be offensive -to the Lutherans, is renewed in the Dialogues; -and the writer is so far carried away by his own -exaggerated estimate of the mental condition implied in -faith or belief, that he seems even to accept <i>in toto</i> the -principle he would controvert. Though he is elsewhere -and ever so emphatic in praise of good works or -charity, we here find him not sparing in condemnation -of those who hope through their doings of any kind to -achieve salvation. Monks and nuns accordingly, who -sin more especially in this direction and who by the -assumption of peculiar habits and behaviour think to -make themselves agreeable to God, are an especial -abomination to him. Man, he declares, cannot be justified -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">77</span> -by the observance of vows or rules of any kind; -for these are not written in the law of God, and in -themselves are without significance. ‘A most pestilent -thing it is, that Papal decrees and monastic vows are -assumed as means of salvation. When men bind -themselves by vows to particular observances, they -virtually declare that the salvation they have through -Christ is insufficient, and lay themselves fast in those -bonds of the law from which Christ came to set them -free.’</p> - -<p>In spite of frequently recurring contradictions and -something that is objectionable on the score of taste, -we nevertheless think that no one, however little disposed -to abet Servetus’s general views, could peruse -these dialogues without coming to the conclusion that -the writer was a man of a sincerely pious nature, who -had read much, and reflected deeply, feeling it a necessity -of his nature to expend himself in the mystical -verbiage in which religious enthusiasm loves to robe -itself as in a sufficient and seemly garment.</p> - -<p>The seven Books and two Dialogues on the Trinity -of Servetus have been spoken of as an attempt to hold -a middle course between the Roman Catholic and the -Reformed churches; and there may be something to -warrant such a conclusion from what is said in the -chapter ‘De Justitia Regni Christi.’ But Servetus’s -Trinity is of another kind from that of either the older -or the younger sister, and where not assimilable to the -Neoplatonic ideas of Philo, it followed from the Pantheistic -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">78</span> -principles which, like deep thinkers in general, -he had adopted. God to Servetus was the ἓν καὶ πᾶν, -the One and the All; and if at any time he speaks of -Christ as God, it is as a manifestation of the Divine -in human form—a <i>dispensation</i> in his own phraseology, -a <i>mode</i> in Spinozistic language. The Divine Unity, and -its manifestation in the world in infinite modes, may -be said to be the fundamental idea in the philosophical -as well as the theological system of Servetus.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">79</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</h2> - -<p class="center">PARIS. ASSUMPTION OF THE NAME OF VILLENEUVE OR -VILLANOVANUS. ACQUAINTANCE WITH CALVIN.</p> - -<p>His indifferent reception by the German and Swiss -Reformers must have satisfied Servetus that there was -no abiding place for him among them. He was doubtless -disappointed and not a little disconcerted by the -treatment he met with at their hands. He had come -as a light-bringer, as a fellow striver for the Truth -through independent reading of the Scriptures. -Studious and learned; smitten with divine philosophy; -emancipated from the fetters of the church of Rome; -tolerant and charitable, he doubtless thought that the -liberal studies in Humanity and the Greek letters in -which he knew the Reformers excelled, must as a matter -of course have imparted to them something of the -liberality and comprehensiveness he felt in himself. -Face to face with their leaders in Basle and Strasburg, -however, he was undeceived; and when he saw that -his book on Trinitarian Error, instead of bringing him -fame and friends, earned him nothing but evil report -and enemies, and might even compromise his personal -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">80</span> -safety, there was nothing left for him but to pack up -and begone.</p> - -<p>He must have quitted Switzerland immediately -after writing his letter to Œcolampadius, and in all -likelihood taken up his quarters at Hagenau, where -he lived quietly for some weeks or months engaged -in writing and supervising the printing of the ‘Two -Dialogues,’ with which and the concluding anathema -against all tyrants of the church, as a parting shot, -he went on his way to France, reaching Paris towards -the end of 1532. He had in fact made the German-speaking -parts of Switzerland and Elsass where he -was known, too hot for him, to use a familiar phrase; -and the parts where French was the mother tongue -had not yet taken up with Calvin or another great -name opposed to the Papacy, that might have led -his thoughts towards them. He was besides but indifferently -acquainted with the German language; in -circumstances, too, we may presume, that made it impossible -for him to remain in any place where he had -not remunerative occupation of some sort; and this, -with the whole world of the Reformation against him, -he saw he could not now obtain in quarters where he -had once hoped to find a welcome and a footing. He -had therefore no choice left but retreat; and Paris -was the place where accomplishments of the kind he -possessed were most likely to find a market.</p> - -<p>With all his hardihood and self-confidence, Servetus -was not without so much prudence as assured him that -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">81</span> -a certain amount of caution and reticence was required -of everyone who would live at peace among his fellow -men. He doubtless imagined at one time, but had already -discovered his mistake, that among heretics, as -he had been accustomed to hear the Reformers designated, -he might freely expend himself in heresy. To -the very end of his life, he seems to have had some -difficulty in divining why he had not been welcomed -by them with open arms as a brother. But he was -well aware that Roman Catholic France had yet less -in common with Michael Serveto, alias Revés, author -of the Seven books and Two dialogues on Trinitarian -Error, than Protestant Switzerland and Germany.</p> - -<p>Servetus felt that the writer of these works could -not safely show himself in Paris under either his proper -family or his maternal name, and so fell readily upon -one derived from the town of his nativity, Villanueva. -Servetus seems indeed at no time to have been very -particular as to his name and designation. On his trial -at Vienne he is of Tudela in Navarre, on that at Geneva, -of Villanova in Aragon; and Tollin finds him inscribed -in the academic register of Paris (1536) and in that of -Montpellier, which he must have visited some time -in 1540, as neither of Tudela nor Villanova, but of -Saragossa! During all the years he lived in France, -he was never known save as Monsieur Michel Villeneuve, -or, when he wrote in Latin, as Michael Villanovanus. -Under the name of Villeneuve he now -announced himself, entered as student of mathematics -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">82</span> -and physics at one of the colleges, and at a later period -took his degrees of <small>M.A.</small> and <small>M.D.</small> in the University of -Paris. Under the same name he subsequently wrote -and edited various works at Lyons; and it was as M. -Villeneuve that he finally became known in the town -of Vienne in Dauphiny, where he lived for twelve -years engaged in the practice of medicine, and on -terms of intimacy with the Archbishop and all the -notabilities of the place, both lay and clerical.</p> - -<p>As a man of scholarly acquirements Servetus in the -first instance probably found employment, and the -means of living with some of the typographers of -Paris, as reader and corrector of the press, a line of life -which he certainly followed for the next three or four -years, in the course of which we find notices of him first -at Orleans, then at Avignon, and finally at Lyons, one -of the chief centres of the printing and publishing -business that had been called into such vigorous life -by the revival of learning, the discovery of the art of -printing with moveable types, and finally and very -essentially by the Reformation.</p> - -<p>It was during his first residence of about two years -at Paris, 1532-1534, that he made the acquaintance of -the man who became in the end his most implacable -enemy, and the immediate cause of his untimely and -cruel death. This was no other than the celebrated -John Calvin, then a young man and about the same -age as himself. Partially emancipated from the fetters -of the faith in which he had been born and bred, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">83</span> -but not less firmly bound in others of his own fashioning, -Calvin had already attracted the notice of his -friends and the public by his natural abilities and his -scholarly acquirements, and been pointed out as likely -to influence the progress of the Reformation in his -native France. Hearing of Calvin’s presence in Paris, -Servetus as Villeneuve must have sought him out, and, -still full of the familiar theological subject, have made -an attempt upon him as he had already done upon -Œcolampadius and the others, for countenance and -approval in the discovery he had made of what he -believed to be the true saving Christian faith. But -with no better success we must conclude; for though -the two young men met oftener than once in private, -it was without coming to any agreement. They had, -therefore, actually resolved on a public discussion, with -a view to the voidance of their theological differences.</p> - -<p>This, however, never came to pass. Such an exhibition, -indeed, could not have taken place at the time -without danger to both. Calvin, in his young zeal, and -for what he held to be the honour of God, would have -faced the danger, but the individual known to his -Parisian friends and Calvin as Michel Villeneuve must -have seen on afterthought that he could make no -public appearance as defender of the <i>outré</i> opinions he -entertained, without betraying the Michael Serveto -of the De Trinitatis Erroribus and Dialogues who lay -hidden behind the adopted name; and this he knew -would be not only to disconcert all his present plans, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">84</span> -but assuredly to compromise his life. Calvin, we must -presume, had not at this time heard of Servetus’s books; -very certainly he had not read them; for one so acute -and well-informed on theological matters as he, would -not have been more than a few minutes face to face -with their author without detecting him. But we find -no hint in Calvin’s writings that he then surmised who -Villeneuve, his Parisian acquaintance, really was, and -conclude that he lived for a dozen years or more without -suspecting that the individual he discovered as -Michael Serveto of the Book on Trinitarian Error in -his correspondent of Vienne, of the year 1546, was the -same Villeneuve he had known in Paris in 1534.</p> - -<p>Calvin then would have faced the danger of the -public discussion, though persecution was hot at the -time against heresy, and he was not unsuspected on -this score. The danger to him, however, would have -been slight in comparison with that which Servetus must -have incurred. Calvin would not have stood forth on -this occasion as the defender of any heresy, but of the -very fundamentals of the Christian faith as embodied -in its Creeds; to some of the most essential propositions -in which Servetus, on the contrary, must have -shown himself diametrically opposed. Servetus therefore, -in this instance at least, saw perforce that discretion -was the better part of valour, and wisely stayed -away. He was in truth far too deeply compromised -to venture on an appearance; for if discovered to be -Michael Serveto, nothing could have saved him from -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">85</span> -the heretic’s death. He had nothing for it therefore -but to forfeit his engagement and lay himself open -to Calvin’s reproachful ‘<i>vous avez fuy la luite</i>’—you -fled the encounter—of a later and to him more momentous -epoch in their common lives. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">86</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</h2> - -<p class="center">LYONS. ENGAGEMENT AS READER FOR THE PRESS WITH -THE TRECHSELS. EDITS THE GEOGRAPHY OF PTOLEMY.</p> - -<p>Theology, however, after which we see Servetus -still hankering—<i>hæret lateri letalis arundo!</i>—and -even the study of the mathematics on which he was -now engaged, had to be abandoned for present means -of subsistence; and as Lyons seemed even a better -field for the scholar than Paris, to Lyons, after a short -stay at Avignon and Orleans, he betook himself. -There he appears immediately to have found employment -as reader and corrector of the press in the -house of the distinguished typographers, the Brothers -Trechsel; and if the Age have its character from the -aggregate of its science and culture, and the Individual -his bent from his more immediate surroundings, we -cannot but think of Servetus’s connection with these -light-spreaders as another among the highly influential -events in his life.</p> - -<p>Books in the early days of printing were much -more generally written in Latin than in the vernacular, -and ever more and more with references to Greek, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">87</span> -lately brought greatly into vogue by Erasmus and the -Reformers. The reader for press in the best establishments -was therefore, and of necessity, a scholar and -man of letters; and the opportunities for improvement -now put in the way of one like Servetus, even whilst -pursuing the mechanical part of his duties, have only -to be hinted at to be appreciated. The reading room -of the distinguished typographers of those days was, -indeed in some sort, a continuation of school and college -to the competent corrector of the press.</p> - -<p>Servetus’s liberal elementary education, therefore, -stood him in good stead at this time; for the Trechsels -ere long, instead of holding him to the subordinate -though still important duties of reader and corrector, -engaged him further as editor of various costly works -that issued from their press. Among the number of -these a handsome edition of the Geography of Ptolemy<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> -deserves particular mention, both as evincing the good -repute in which he stood when we find him entrusted -with such a work, and also as showing the extent of -his reading and general knowledge—strangely enough, -also, as influencing in some remote degree the fate that -finally befel him.</p> - -<p>Earlier editions of the Ptolemy were faulty in -several ways, and disfigured in different degrees by -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">88</span> -errors due, in part at least, to indifferent editing. These, -where literal, Villanovanus corrected in the new issue; -and where the sense was obscure through faulty wording, -he brought light by the better readings he supplied, -having formed his text, as he says, by collating -all the editions he could lay his hands on, and where -these gave him no aid, by suggestions of his own.</p> - -<p>In his address to the reader, our editor, whom we -shall often speak of under his adopted name of Villanovanus, -gives a short account of his author, Claudius -Ptolemæus, his birth-place, the Roman emperors under -whom he flourished, ‘his knowledge of philosophy and -the mathematics, and the more than Herculean glory -he achieved by his successful but peaceful invasion of -so many lands. Nor indeed was this all, for he may -be said to have bound earth to heaven by assimilating -the measurements of the one to those of the other; and, -coming after Strabo, Pliny, and Pomponius Mela, he -as far surpassed them, as they excelled all the geographers -who had gone before them.’</p> - -<p>But Villanovanus did much more than edit and amend -the text of Ptolemy. ‘We,’ he says, ‘have added -scholia to the text, whereby the book is made more -interesting and more complete. Using our familiarity -with the historical, poetical, and miscellaneous writings -of the Greeks and Romans, in so far as they bear on -our subject, we have given the names by which the -countries, mountains, rivers, and cities were known to -them; and, to aid the tyro, have further translated the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">89</span> -ancient titles of places into those by which they are -now designated—into French for France, Italian for -Italy, German for Germany, &c., all of which countries -we have seen, besides having a knowledge of their languages.’ -Extending his vision beyond the mere physical -features of the lands he is passing under review, he -might have added that he also gives short, but graphic -accounts of their inhabitants, the prominent traits of -their character, their manners, customs, &c., which are -extremely interesting. But Michael Villanovanus is -not one of those who hide themselves behind their -good works, and so is he now careful to inform his -readers of the pains he has taken in their behalf. By -them, he says, he hopes his vigils will be properly appreciated, -‘for day and night have I laboured assiduously -at my task—<i>dies noctesque jugiter laboravi</i>.’ He -concludes his preliminary address in these words: ‘No -one, I imagine, will under-estimate the labour, though -pleasant in itself, that is implied in the collation of our -text with that of other earlier editions, unless it be some -Zoilus of the contracted brow, who cannot without envy -look on the serious labours of others. But thou, candid -reader, whoever thou art, we trust wilt be well disposed, -kindly to receive and to approve our work. -Farewell!’</p> - -<p>Villanovanus’s edition of the Ptolemy is certainly an -advance on that of Bilibald Pirckheimer, which formed -its groundwork; but it is not so free from literal errors -as the laudatory address of the editor might lead us to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">90</span> -expect. And it would have been better had he said -that he had enlarged and improved the short and -meagre scholia of his editorial predecessor than spoken -as if he had supplied them wholly of himself. Villanovanus’s -improved comments, however, impress us very -favourably with a sense of the pains he must have bestowed -on the work, and arouse our respect for the -extent and variety of the reading he had undertaken to -obtain the information he brings to bear on the physical -aspects and natural productions of the several countries -described, as well as of the customs, manners, and -moral qualities of their inhabitants. Now it was that -the smattering of geographic and historic lore he -may have picked up as a student at Saragossa and -elsewhere stood him in good stead, enabling him, as it -did, to advance and profit by the ample stores of information -of the kind which the city of Lyons placed -within his reach. Living immediately after the age of -the great navigators—Columbus, Vasco de Gama, Magellan, -the Vespucii, and the rest—and in the very days -when the works of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, Simon -Grynæus, Sebastian Munster, and others enabled the -educated to acquire something like a true knowledge of -the world they lived in, the new edition of Ptolemy by -Michael Villanovanus was a happy thought, and contributed, -we need not doubt, no less to his own development -than to the spread of useful and humanising -information. Engaged on the Ptolemy, the super-subtleties -of scholasticism and theology seem to have -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">91</span> -vanished before the light of the more positive kind of -knowledge that now broke around him.</p> - -<p>When we turn to the writings of the able individuals -mentioned above, we have no difficulty in discovering -whence Servetus had most, perhaps all, of his geographical -and astronomical knowledge. The Opus Epistolarum -of Angleria, in particular, seems to have been -the mine from whence he made himself rich in mental -wealth of many kinds. We find him imitating, and -even improving upon, the lines which head Angleria’s -<i>De Rebus Oceanicis</i> and Grynæus’s <i>Typi Cosmographici</i>, -as the reader may see by comparing the verse -below<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> with the one he will find further on, which is -prefixed to the 2nd edition of the Ptolemy.</p> - -<p>Turning to the Scholia of Villanovanus, we find it -not a little interesting in these days to have a glimpse -of ourselves in our sires, and of our neighbours in theirs, -from the pen of a man of genius hard upon three centuries -and a half ago; and as Michael Servetus is really -only known to us through his works and the judicial -trials he underwent, we make no apology for referring -briefly to his additions to the bald and matter-of-fact -text of the original Ptolemy.</p> - -<p>The map of the first country in the series of fifty -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">92</span> -by which the work is illustrated is that of Great Britain. -The people of <span class="smcap">Scotland</span>, Villanovanus informs -his reader, are hot-tempered, prone to revenge, and -fierce in their anger; but valiant in war and patient -beyond belief of cold, hunger, and fatigue. They are -handsome in person, and their clothing and language -are the same as those of the Irish, their tunics being -dyed yellow, their legs bare, and their feet protected -by sandals of undressed hide with the hair on. They -live mainly on fish and flesh; they have numerous -flocks, mostly of sheep, for the country is free from -wolves; and they have milk and cheese in abundance. -Their arms are bows and arrows and broad swords—<i>lati -gladii</i>. Instead of wood, they have coal for fuel. -Unlike the people of the last few generations, he says -the Scotch are not a particularly religious people. He -‘who never feared the face of man,’ as the Earl of -Morton said of Knox, when looking down on his dead -body, had not yet made himself felt in the land of his -birth; and the School-house had not yet risen as a -necessary complement to the Kirk and the Manse, to -make the people of Scotland what they have become since -his day—among the very foremost of the sons of men.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">England</span>, Villanovanus observes, is wonderfully -well peopled, and the inhabitants are long-lived. Tall -in stature, they are fair in complexion, and have blue -eyes. They are brave in war, and admirable bowmen. -He has the familiar tale of the English children seen as -captives at Rome by the blessed Gregory, who said -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">93</span> -they were called Angli, indeed; but in form and feature -showed like Angeli. He must, as it seems, have -given some little attention to the English language, if -he did not study it more particularly. He says it is so -difficult to learn and to pronounce, because the people -who speak it are a compound of so many different -races.</p> - -<p>Of <span class="smcap">Ireland</span> and the Irish our editor does not speak -so favourably. The country, he observes, is generally -marshy, so that, unless the summers are dry, the cattle -are apt to get lost in the bogs. It is free from noxious -creatures of every kind, there being no reptiles, such -as snakes, toads, and frogs, and no insects, such as -spiders and bees—a state of things which, if it ever -obtained, certainly does so no longer. The climate is -very temperate, and the soil of great fertility; but the -people are rude, inhospitable, barbarous, and cruel, -more given to hunting and idle play than to industry. -Only three days’ sail from Spain, the Irish, he says, -have many customs in common with the Spaniards.</p> - -<p>Of <span class="smcap">Spain</span>, the account given is particularly full, but -by no means complimentary, and its people are contrasted—not -to their advantage—with their neighbours -the French. The extreme dryness of the climate is -noticed, which tends to make the country less fertile -than France. Irrigation, however, being practised on -an extensive scale in many parts, tends to make up for -the infrequency of rain, the conduits being often carried -to great distances from the rivers. His description of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">94</span> -the people is far from laudatory. ‘The Spaniard,’ he -says, ‘is of a restless disposition, apt enough of understanding, -but learning imperfectly or amiss, so that you -shall find a learned Spaniard almost anywhere sooner -than in Spain. Half-informed, he thinks himself brimful -of information, and always pretends to more knowledge -than he has in fact. He is much given to vast -projects, never realised; and in conversation he delights -in subtleties and sophistry. Teachers commonly -prefer to speak Spanish rather than Latin in the -schools and colleges of the country; but the people in -general have little taste for letters, and produce few -books themselves, mostly procuring those they want -from France.’ The Spanish language, indeed, he -speaks of as defective in many respects, and does not -fail to remark on the number of Moorish words incorporated -with it. The people, he says, ‘have many -barbarous notions and usages,’ derived by implication -from their old Moorish conquerors and fellow-denizens. -‘The women have a custom that would be held barbarous -in France, of piercing their ears and hanging gold -rings in them, often set with precious stones. They -besmirch their faces, too, with minium and ceruse—red -and white lead—and walk about on clogs a foot or -a foot and a half high, so that they seem to walk above -rather than on the earth. The people are extremely -temperate, and the women never drink wine. Spaniards, -he concludes, are notably the most superstitious -people in the world in their religious notions; but they -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">95</span> -are brave in the field, of signal endurance under privation -and difficulty, and by their voyages of discovery -have spread their name over the face of the globe.’</p> - -<p>Of <span class="smcap">France</span>, M. Villeneuve has less to say than of -Spain; but what he tells us of the royal touch for the -cure of scrofula is still interesting in the annals of -superstition. ‘I have myself seen the king touching -many labouring under this disease, but I did not see -that they were cured.’</p> - -<p>Of <span class="smcap">Germany</span>, and he uses the title in a very comprehensive -sense—he speaks at considerable length. -Smarting under the rebuff he had received at the -hands of the Swiss and German Reformers, he is nowise -disposed to find the Teutons and their congeners -or neighbours however designated, an interesting -people, or their territories as in any way attractive. -Referring to Tacitus’s account of Germany proper, as -overgrown by vast forests, and defaced by frightful -swamps, its climate he says is at once as insufferably -hot in summer as it is bitterly cold in winter. -‘Hungary,’ he observes, ‘is commonly said to produce -oxen, Bavaria swine, Franconia onions, turnips and -liquorice, Swabia harlots, Bohemia heretics, Switzerland -butchers, Westphalia cheats, and the whole -country gluttons and drunkards. The Germans, however, -are a religious people; not easily turned from -opinions they have once espoused and not readily persuaded -to concord in matters of schism, everyone -valiantly and obstinately defending the heresy he has -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">96</span> -himself adopted;’ words in which we may presume -Villanovanus sought to give ease to the pent-up displeasure -he felt against his repudiators, the Reformers -of Basle and Strasburg.</p> - -<p>Of <span class="smcap">Italy</span> and its people he has little to say; and -that not good. The natives readily enough pretend -to forgive injuries, but, occasion offering, none revenge -themselves so savagely. They make use in their -everyday talk of the most horrid oaths and imprecations. -Holding all the rest of the world in contempt -and calling them barbarians, they themselves have -nevertheless been alternately the prey of France, of -Spain, and of Germany.</p> - -<p>In his survey of <span class="smcap">Babylonia</span>, he refers to a certain -abominable custom observed by young marriageable -women, which is particularly mentioned by Herodotus -and also by the writers of the Bible, when read by -unsealed eyes, as obtaining among the Jews, and of -the money, so objectionably earned in our estimation, -being devoted to the service of the Temple.</p> - -<p>But the most interesting to us perhaps of all the -commentaries attached to the Ptolemy, inasmuch as it -influenced the fate of Servetus on his trial at Geneva, -is the one appended to the map of <span class="smcap">Palestine</span> or the -Holy Land. Demurring to much that is said in praise -of <span class="smcap">Judæa</span> in the Bible and by Josephus, as a country -specially blessed in various ways, as being well-watered, -fertile, &c., the commentator says, that in so far as -climate is concerned, it is a temperate land, obnoxious -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">97</span> -to the extremes neither of heat nor of cold; a condition -of things that may have led the Israelites or Hebrews -to imagine that it must be the land that was promised -to their forefathers Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; a land -metaphorically said to be flowing with milk and honey. -‘The Israelites,’ it is said in continuation, ‘lived at -length under laws received from Moses, although they -had gone on piously and prosperously enough through -countless ages, before his day, without any written law, -having had regard to the oracles of divine or natural -truth alone, gifted as they were with aptitude and -greatness of mind. Moses, however, that distinguished -theologian, thinking that no state could exist without -a written code of law and equity, gave them one -reduced to ten principal heads, engraved on two tables -of stone; with the addition of a great number of minor -commandments for the regulation of their lives and -dealings with one another. But any more particular -notice of these, they being so numerous—great birds -not sitting in little nests—must here be passed by. -Know, however, most worthy reader, that it is mere -boasting and untruth when so much of excellence -is ascribed to this land; the experience of merchants -and others, travellers who have visited it, proving it to -be inhospitable, barren, and altogether without amenity. -Wherefore you may say that the land was <i>promised</i>, -indeed, but is of <i>little promise</i> when spoken of in -everyday terms.’</p> - -<p>The Ptolemy of Villanovanus was well received, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">98</span> -and though costly, a second edition was by and by -required. We find it much commended in subsequent -reprints by their publishers; and no wonder, for the -Ptolemy is really a sumptuous book, upon which a -large sum of money must have been spent, the -typography being excellent and the text profusely -ornamented with woodcuts on the sides of the pages -as well as at the heads and tails of the chapters.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">99</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.<br /> - -<span class="medium">LYONS. DOCTOR SYMPHORIEN CHAMPIER.</span></h2> - -<p>It was whilst engaged in the revision of such works -as the Ptolemy and others on the natural sciences, -anatomy, medicine, pharmacy, &c., in the service of -the Trechsels, that Servetus may be said to have -entered on the second, if it were not rather the third, -stage of his mental development. The typographer’s -reading-room had in truth proved the means of his -continued education; each new volume he read and -corrected being found a teacher not less influential -than the Professor from his chair. The Convent -school, Toulouse, and his engagement with Quintana -had borne fruit of the kind we discover in the book on -Trinitarian error; it was the reading-room of the -printers of Lyons that brought him back from the empyrean -of metaphysics to the earth, and put him in the -way of becoming the geographer, astrologian, biblical -critic, physiologist and physician we are made familiar -with in his subsequent life and writings.</p> - -<p>Among the learned works that flowed in a sort of -ceaseless stream from the presses of the Trechsels -during Servetus’s tenure of his office as reader with -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">100</span> -them, were several from the fertile pen of Doctor -Symphorien Champier, or, when he latinised his name, -Campeggius, a man of large and liberal culture, of a -truly noble nature, an admirer of learning and a patron -of the learned; possessed moreover of that restless -vanity which made him feel it as much a matter of -necessity to live in the eye of the world as to breathe; -the effect of which was that he exerted the widest and -most beneficent influence among his fellow men. Indefatigable -in his proper calling, there was yet nothing -which interested the citizens of Lyons that did not -interest him. Fearless in bringing help on the battle-field, -to which he accompanied his chief the Duke of -Lorraine, he was no less ready to brave pestilence in -the city, and was as often to be seen in the hovels -of the poor as in the palaces of the great and wealthy—<i>inopibus -et infortunatis æque indiscriminatimque -succurris opitularisve</i>, says his biographer—a true -physician, a great and good man.<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p> - -<p>Among Champier’s numerous works published -about this time, we note the <span class="smcap">Pentapharmacum Gallicum</span> -(Lyons, 1534), which Servetus we believe read and -corrected for press, the gist of the work being to show -that each country produces the medicines best adapted -to cure the diseases of its inhabitants, and that to them -exotics are for the most part not only useless, but -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">101</span> -injurious; an assumption in which he differs notably -from present experience and the great writer, his countryman, -who came after him, and said that ‘God had -inflicted fever on Europe, but put its remedy in -America.’ Correcting the proofs of Champier’s five-fold -French Pharmacopœia, Servetus must have introduced -himself to, or become acquainted with, the -author; and if we may credit Pastor Henry Tollin, -who will have everyone as truly interested in Servetus -as himself, Champier was so much taken by the accomplishments -of the poor scholar as even to make a home -for him in Lyons. Be this as it may, certain it seems -that contact with Champier was that which led Servetus -to study medicine, of which he had not thought until now, -for it was a science much looked down on by Spaniards -in general, its practice being mostly in the hands of Jews -and Moors, whom to contemn, where not to oppress, -was a religion with all who boasted of their blue blood.</p> - -<p>Another of Champier’s books printed by the -Trechsels, which we need not doubt Servetus had also -read and put to use, was the ‘Hortus Gallicus’ (Lyons -1533). But more influential on him still, though printed -in another establishment (that of Seb. Gryphius) during -the time he lived in Lyons, was the great Lyonnese Doctor’s -<span class="smcap">Cribratio Medicamentorum</span>, with the <span class="smcap">Medulla -Philosophle</span>—the Marrow of Philosophy—appended. -In his chapter on the Vital, Animal, and Natural -Spirits (p. 137), Champier speaks of ‘spirit as a -subtle, aerial, translucid substance produced of the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">102</span> -finest part of the blood, and carried by it from the -heart, as principal vital organ, to all parts of the body. -Spoken of as three,’ he continues, ‘there are in truth -but two kinds of spirit, the vital and the animal.’ The -sameness of this to what we shall find in the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio’ will be obvious to all. It strikes us -in fact that Villanovanus’s first medical production—the -Treatise on Syrups—was wholly inspired by this -Marrow of Philosophy of Champier, in which we discover -much upon digestion and concoction, the maturation -and evacuation of the humours, etc., precisely as -in the treatise ‘De Syrupis.’</p> - -<p>Nor did Champier’s influence on our scholar end -here. One of the Doctor’s treatises is entitled, ‘Prognosticon -perpetuum Astrologorum, Medicorum et -Prophetarum—The guide of the Astrologer, Physician -and Prophet in their prognostications or forecasts.’ -Like so many in his age, Champier was a devoted -astrologer; and it was he we may conclude who made -Servetus one too. Champier having been attacked on -the score of his astrology by Leonhard Fuchs, Professor -of Medicine in Heidelberg,<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> Michael Villanovanus, -as grateful pupil, took up the pen in defence of his -master, and replied by a pamphlet entitled, ‘Defence of -Symphorien Champier, addressed to Leonhard Fuchs,<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> -and an Apologetic Dissertation on Astrology.’<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Villanovanus, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">103</span> -it seems, would not neglect what he must have -thought a favourable opportunity of showing himself to -the world in company with so distinguished an individual -as the great Physician of Lyons, to whom he owns -himself much indebted—<i>cui multum debeo</i>, and ventilating -a subject that interested him, like so many of -his age, only in a less degree than theology itself. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">104</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</h2> - -<p class="hang">RETURN TO PARIS. STUDIES THERE. JO. WINTER OF -ANDERNACH; ANDREA VESALIUS. DEGREES OF M.A. -AND M.D. LECTURES ON GEOGRAPHY AND ASTROLOGY.</p> - -<p>Villeneuve, we must presume, had reached Lyons -poor enough in pocket if rich in lore; but so diligently -had he laboured and so liberally had he been paid by -the princely publishers of the day, that within two -years he found himself in funds sufficient to authorise -a return to Paris with a view to the study of Medicine, -which he had now resolved to make his profession for -life. The rebuff he had had from Œcolampadius, -Bucer, and the rest, had probably sickened him for a -while with theology and scholasticism, from which, however, -we may presume he had only been diverted by -his failure to make an immediate impression on the -Reformers and the necessity of providing for his daily -wants. But ‘the fresh fields and pastures new’ brought -into sight by the study of Ptolemy, and the healthy -influence of Champier, the physician and naturalist, -gave another turn to his mind, and with the money he -had earned in his purse, but still comporting himself as -the poor scholar, he entered first the College of Calvi, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">105</span> -and then that of the Lombards. To these as a subject -of the Holy Roman Empire he probably had ready -access, and in their quiet shades devoted himself to the -new course of study he had determined to pursue.</p> - -<p>His larger experience and intercourse with Champier -must have shown Servetus that medicine was a more -assured means of earning a subsistence than theology, -and opened up a far wider field to his ambition than continued -service with the typographers. Without utterly -neglecting older studies, therefore, he now gave his -chief attention to the great and useful art and science -of medicine; and we shall find as we proceed that the -lessons of such teachers as Joannes Guinterus (Jo. Winter -of Andernach), Jacobus Sylvius (J. du Bois), Joannes -Fernelius, and others of name and fame in their day, -found congenial soil in the receptive mind of the student.</p> - -<p>Servetus, indeed, would seem immediately to -have made his presence felt in the medical school of -Paris; he was at once more than a listener to the -prelections of its professors. Associated with no less -distinguished an individual than Andrea Vesalius, he -was one of Winter of Andernach’s two prosectors, and -prepared the subject for each day’s demonstration.</p> - -<p>And let not the conjunction of talent that meets -us here be overlooked. Vesalius, repudiating the -authority of Galen, became the restorer—the <i>Creator</i> of -Modern Anatomy. Servetus, breaking with scholasticism -in theology, and freeing himself from the shackles -of Greeks and Arabians in practical medicine, inaugurated -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">106</span> -Rational Physiology when he proclaimed the -course of the blood from the right to the left side of -the heart through the lungs. Working together as -friends and fellow students for the Professor of Anatomy, -Vesalius and Servetus, through diversity of mental -constitution, yet saw things diversely. Vesalius, the -observer, abiding by the <i>concrete</i>, described with rare -felicity and truthfulness what he witnessed; Servetus, -gifted with genius, aspiring to the <i>ideal</i> and inferring -consequences, deduced the pulmonary circulation from -the structure of the heart and lungs!</p> - -<p>Nor were the two men associates only in their studies; -they were fellows also in the untoward fate that befel -them both in after life; for both may be said to have -fallen victims to their zeal. Somewhat precipitate, we -may presume, in his eagerness for information, the -heart of a young nobleman who had died under his -care and whose body Vesalius was inspecting, was -either seen to palpitate, or was thought to have palpitated, -when touched by the knife of the anatomist. -Accused forthwith of murder, it was only by the interference -of Philip II. of Spain, whose physician Vesalius -was, that a formal trial for manslaughter was commuted -for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem with confession and -absolution at the shrine of the Holy Sepulchre. The -penance was undergone, but the pilgrim, homeward -bound, suffered shipwreck on the island of Crete, and -perished miserably there. Servetus again, as we shall -see, in his eagerness to proclaim what he believed to be -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">107</span> -the truth, and given no chance for his life, had to abide -the still more cruel death of the faggot and stake.</p> - -<p>Joannes Guinterus, it is interesting to know, bears -honourable testimony to the merits of his two assistants. -In the preface to his ‘Anatomical Institutions’ he -informs us that ‘he had been most effectually aided in -the preparation of the work, first by Andrea Vesalius, a -young man, by Hercules! singularly proficient in -anatomy; and after him by Michael Villanovanus, -distinguished by his literary acquirements of every -kind, and scarcely second to any in his knowledge of -Galenical doctrine. Under the supervision and with -the aid of these two,’ he continues, ‘I have myself -examined in the Subject and have shown to the -students the whole of the muscles, veins, arteries, and -nerves, both of the extremities and internal parts of the -body.’<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> From this we learn whence Servetus had the -anatomical knowledge that enabled him as inductive -reasoner—true forerunner here of our own immortal -Harvey—to proclaim the pulmonary circulation.</p> - -<p>The practice of dissecting the human subject had -therefore, by this time, extended to France—the bodies -of one or more malefactors being now publicly anatomised -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">108</span> -in the course of each winter session.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> Had we -no other evidence of the genius with which Michael -Servetus was endowed, beyond the use he made of -what he saw in these anatomical demonstrations, we -should still feel entitled to speak of him as the most -far-sighted physiologist of his age; for he alone of all -his contemporaries, though fettered by the prevalent -metaphysical theories of life, the soul and the spirits, -from which we ourselves have not yet escaped, not -only divined, but positively proclaimed the passage of -the blood, by way of the lungs, from the right to the -left side of the heart, and thence—but stopping short of -the whole truth, first proclaimed by Harvey—from the -left ventricle of the heart to the body at large. But the -book in which his important Induction is contained, -though printed in his lifetime, <i>was never published</i>. -Seen by none but a few theologians, who took no note -of its physiological contents, it remained unknown to -the world for nearly a century and a half, after its author -had fallen a victim to the hate of Calvin and the intolerance -of his age.</p> - -<p>With the stimulus of necessity upon him, for he was -poor, and the excitement of vanity, with which he was -largely endowed, as he could not live on the learning -he imbibed from his teachers, Servetus by-and-by -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">109</span> -appeared before the world as a teacher in his turn. -Having by diligence and superior natural capacity, in a -singularly short space of time, achieved the degrees of -M.A. and M.D., which were required before he could -present himself either as Professor or Physician within -the domain of the University of Paris, Servetus now -came forward as a Lecturer on the Geography of Ptolemy -and the science of Astrology—a term which then -included the true doctrine of the heavenly bodies as -well as the false doctrine of their presumed influence -on the life of man and the current of events in the -world. In this bold step we have another glimpse of -the self-reliant, and it may be, somewhat presumptuous, -character of the man; for even as the emancipated -novice of the monk’s school and Saragossan professors, -when little more than of age, showed himself as -Theologian in the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis,’ so did the -newly becapped Magister Artium now come forward -as Lecturer on Geography and Astrology, and the -scarce fledged doctor in physic, as a teacher of his -fellows and the world at large, in the art and mystery of -treating Disease.</p> - -<p>The course of Lectures on Geography and Astrology -was a happy thought, and proved highly successful. -It was delivered to a large and distinguished audience, -and besides supplying the professor with funds for -all his wants, became a means of introducing him to -friends, influential for good on his future life. Amongst -the number of his auditors there was a young ecclesiastic, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">110</span> -a scholar and man of talent, Pierre Paumier, -who after employment in various offices of trust by his -king, Francis the First, was transferred to a position -of no less dignity and emolument than that of Archbishop -of Vienne in Dauphiny.</p> - -<p>Under the auspices of the Archbishop, and as -we believe on his invitation, it was that Servetus found -a final resting place by his side. Fresh from editing -Ptolemy, with the old stores of classic lore he had at -command, and of anecdote and general information he -had amassed in reading up for his editorial duties, -aided by the natural fluency with which we venture to -credit him, it is easy to imagine how interesting these -Lectures must have been in days when the world was -eager for information on the discoveries of the great -voyagers and travellers of the age, and when books -were still both scarce and costly, and little read by the -many.</p> - -<p>But Servetus was a Physician as well as Geographer -and Astrologer, and not the man to hide any -light he had under a bushel. He must appear in connection -with his profession, as well as in the accessory -field of general knowledge, by writing a book upon -some properly medical subject, a business which he -set about forthwith under the immediate inspiration of -all he had learned from Dr. Champier of Lyons, as -well as his professors of Paris. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">111</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE TREATISE ON SYRUPS AND THEIR USE -IN MEDICINE.<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a></p> - -<p>The medical world in the early part of the sixteenth -century was divided into two great hostile camps, -respectively designated Galenists, or followers of the -Greeks, and Averrhoists, or disciples of the Arabians; -the former swearing by Hippocrates and Galen, the -latter by Averrhoes and Avicenna. Servetus’s initiator -into matters medical, Champier, was a fervent admirer -of the Greeks; and his pupil, led by his classical -training as well as his master’s example, naturally -attached himself to the same school. Here, nevertheless, -as ever, he showed the independence of his nature -by having open eyes for any truth the Arabian writers -might present; so that we find nothing of servility or -one-sidedness in what he has to say. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">112</span></p> - -<p>The treatise in which Villanovanus came before the -public in his new capacity of physician was on the -practical use of the class of medicines known in those -days by the title of Syrups—sweetened decoctions or -infusions of different kinds, still in vogue among the -French under the name of Tisanes. These syrups -appear to have been one of the bones of contention -between the two parties, though neither was perfectly -agreed in itself as to the indications for their use or of -the principles on which they were to be prescribed. -This question does not interest us here, and so we leave -it; but we turn to the work of Michael Villanovanus -for intimations in its style of the intellectual and moral -nature of its author.</p> - -<p>In his address to the reader he says, ‘I should not -have proposed, most learned reader, to take on my -weak shoulders this weighty and so much disputed -province of the healing art, had I not felt me forced, -against my will as it were, to lend my aid in furthering -medical studies by a fair defence of Galenical doctrine, -and more especially still by my love of truth.... I -think it will be found that I have conciliated Galen so -far with my own views as to dispel any doubts I may -have had of a favourable award, if I have only an -equitable judge in my reader. Of this, at all events, I -feel well assured that no studious person who carefully -weighs what is here set forth will repent him of his -reading.’ This is not amiss from a Doctor of a year’s -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">113</span> -standing! But it is in his Preface to the work that -Michael Villanovanus, as we apprehend him, comes still -more particularly before us. Aware, as he says, of the -fate that so often befals the meddler in a quarrel not -his own, and displaying a commendable amount of -caution, not without a spice of mock modesty, our -author is here considerate enough to tell us that ‘he -does not intend to offer himself as censor in the controversy, -between the Galenists and Averrhoists, and -by finding something to object to in the conclusions of -each, to have them both fall foul of him as an enemy;’ -after which he proceeds, characteristically still, to say, -‘but that I may not withhold from others that which I -possess myself and gratefully acknowledge, which may -be of use to my fellow men, I throw aside fear and proclaim -what I believe to be the truth.’</p> - -<p>The ‘Syruporum Universa Ratio,’ or general -Rationale of Syrups, is in truth a very learned little -book, extremely well written; much of it, as becomes -the young practitioner, having reference to the writings -of predecessors of the highest authority in medical -science. Hippocrates and Galen, above all others, are -freely quoted, and their views discussed, for Servetus -was ‘nothing if not critical,’ and a variorum reading or -two to show his scholarship is proposed. But he also -refers to Avicenna, not thinking it amiss to learn -of the enemy, and to Paul of Aegina, Monardus and -others, by which he proclaims the extent of his reading, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">114</span> -and his readiness to imbibe knowledge at every -source.</p> - -<p>I looked with interest for some physiological hint -or statement in this book, on Syrups or Diet drinks, -that might have heralded the brilliant exposition contained -in the latest product of his genius—the Christianismi -Restitutio or Restoration of Christianity—concerning -the way in which the blood from the right -reaches the left ventricle of the heart through the lungs, -but in vain. We must presume nevertheless that he -was already possessed of the anatomical facts on which -his later induction is founded. The only physiological -reference I discovered in the book on Syrups was to -the Mesentery as giving origin to the veins—a step in -advance of his predecessors, with whom the liver was -the source as it was also the laboratory of the blood, -as the veins were the channels for its distribution to -the body.</p> - -<p>It is not uninteresting, however, to observe the same -tendency towards unity or oneness here, in the domain -of positive knowledge, which we discover pervading -Servetus’s other works that lose themselves in the realm -of metaphysical abstraction. He will not acknowledge -two or any greater number of concoctions or digestions, -whether in health or disease, such as were generally -admitted in his day. The processes that take place -in disease he declares to be of the same nature, though -they are perverted, as those that occur in the healthy -body. Diseases are therefore nothing more than perversions -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">115</span> -of natural functions, not new entities introduced -into the body; a conclusion which, on physiological -grounds, he sums up in these words: ‘The rationale -in the maturation of disease and in the digestion of the -food is one and the same.’<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">116</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE MEDICAL FACULTY OF PARIS SUE VILLANOVANUS -FOR LECTURING ON JUDICIAL ASTROLOGY.</p> - -<p>Servetus’s fate on starting in life was opposition; and -how should it have been otherwise?—he found himself -through superior endowment and higher culture -antagonistic to almost all he saw around him in the -world. We have already had him met as a trespasser -on their domain by the Reformers of Basle and Strasburg, -and we have now to find him looked on as an intruder -by the Medical Faculty of Paris. The lecturer -on Geography and Astrology had attracted a large -amount of public attention, and the author of the book -on Syrups began to get into vogue as a practitioner of -medicine. The book had in fact been as well received -as the lectures; it was extensively read, much commended -at the time, and reprinted oftener than once -in after years. No wonder, therefore, that Michel -Villeneuve M.D. had now as many eyes upon him in -Paris as Michael Servetus had had in other days in -Switzerland. Before he could well look about him, -the whole faculty of Physicians and the heads of the -University of Paris were in array against him. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">117</span></p> - -<p>It seems that he had gone out of his way in his -lectures to say something disrespectful of the doctors, -his contemporaries, accusing them of ignorance of many -things necessary to the successful practice of their -profession, particularly of Astronomy, or more properly -Astrology, a science in which Villeneuve plumed himself -as being a master. The doctors naturally enough -complained of such impropriety, and had him cited -before their council. There he was told that something -more of respectful bearing was due from him to men -who had been his masters; and above all that he was -transgressing the boundaries of true science and common -sense in making so much of Astrology. The Dean -of the Faculty is even said to have had him several -times privately before him, and warned him of the -difficulties he would inevitably fall into, if he continued -casting nativities and prescribing for the ailments of -his patients from the aspects of the stars; for this, it -appears, was the principal element in his medical practice. -Servetus, unhappily for himself, was not one of -those who could take even friendly advice in good part. -As credulous as he was sceptical, and believing implicitly -in himself and in stellar influences, he not only -made no submission, but said that his ill-wishers should -rue their opposition.</p> - -<p>The doctors on their part not only gave no heed to -his threats, but publicly denounced him from their -chairs as an impostor and wind-bag; with the consequence -of arousing him to self-defence, and with his -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">118</span> -ready pen setting him to work upon a pamphlet, in -which he did not fail to lay bare some of the sore -places in the persons of his adversaries, characterising -them as mannerless and unlettered, and even holding -them up in their ignorance as very pests of society. -Once in the hands of the printer, Villeneuve’s purpose -to expose his detractors through the dreaded press -became known; and such alarm does his meditated -attack appear to have excited that the Faculty of Physicians, -calling the Senate of the University to their -side, petitioned the Parliament of Paris to forbid the -publication of the pamphlet, as well as to interdict its -author from continuing to lecture on Astrology, which -they now characterised as Divination.</p> - -<p>The Parliament, with becoming judicial impartiality, -would take no step in the matter until they had heard -Villeneuve in his defence and had something tangible, -such as the pamphlet which it was sought to suppress, -before them. Nothing more was done, consequently, -than the issuing of a summons to Villeneuve to appear -at the bar of the house on a certain day and give an -account of himself. This gave him all he required: -time to have his pamphlet printed. Keeping the -compositors at work, with a promise of higher pay if -they used despatch, it was not only ready before the -day of citation came round, but had been distributed -gratis in numbers to the public as well as to the -members of the medical profession. They reckoned -without their host who thought that Michel Villeneuve -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">119</span> -was to be cowed by opposition, however imposingly -headed.</p> - -<p>The doctors were naturally excessively wroth with -this daring move on the part of the man they desired -to crush. He had not awaited the decision of the -Parliament; and neither now did they pause; for believing -they had a hold upon him on the score of -heresy, implied in the practice of judicial astrology or -divination, they had him summoned before the Inquisitor -of the king as an enemy to the Church, and contemner -of its statutes. There was no regularly established -Inquisition at this time in France; but papal -inquisitors, often Italians by birth, were commonly -enough found accredited by the Holy See, with the -sanction of the Sovereign, to the large towns of the -country. There they held courts before which cases -of imputed heresy were tried and adjudged—the decisions -come to, however, being always made subject to -revision by the civil tribunals of the realm. Nay, -there was a right of demurrage to the jurisdiction of -the inquisitor, at the option of the party incriminated, -were he minded to be tried by the ordinary civil, rather -than the extraordinary ecclesiastical, court.</p> - -<p>We might have imagined that Michael Servetus, -with the experience he had had of ecclesiastical incapacity -to hear reason and ‘true judgment give,’ as he -interpreted it, would have paused before venturing to -appear before the inquisitor of the king; but so safe -must Michel Villeneuve have felt against a charge of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">120</span> -heresy at this time, and so secure in his new designation, -that he did not hesitate to obey the summons; -although we learn that had he been so minded, he -might as a member of the Faculty of Physicians have -even disregarded it entirely. He appeared accordingly -at the proper moment; and so well did he play his part, -so thoroughly did he satisfy the inquisitor of the king -that he was a good Christian, that he left the court -with flying colours, absolved of all suspicion of heresy, -to the utter discomfiture of his accusers, who had now -nothing for it but patiently to wait the award of the -Parliament.</p> - -<p>Before this tribunal, acting it would seem as a -court of justice, a suit was regularly instituted, with -the Rector of the University of Paris and the Dean -and Faculty of Physic of the same as pursuers, on the -one part, and Michael Villanovanus as defendant, on -the other. For the University and Faculty, it was -alleged that judicial astrology, otherwise to be styled -divination, is forbidden by various statutes, as well -canonical and divine as civil, the penalty for practising -the same being death by fire, and that the defendant, -a man of learning, and so incapacitated from pleading -ignorance of these statutes, had notoriously lectured -both in public and private on certain books of divination, -among others, on the works entitled ‘De Aleabiticis’ -and ‘De Divificationibus,’ both of which are full -of divination.</p> - -<p>It was alleged further, that he had been known to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">121</span> -make forecasts for various persons in respect of their -fortunes from their nativities, on the assumption that -according to the day and the hour of a man’s birth, -and the aspect of the heavens at the time, would fortune -of a favourable or adverse kind befal him; all of -which by the Faculty of Theology is held highly reprehensible. -That for his lectures and lessons, moreover, -he takes money and attracts numerous auditors, -who, seduced by the pleasantness of the poison he -sells, have been debauched and led to forsake the true -philosophy of Pico de Mirandola, who declares divination -to be the most pestilent of frauds, degrading philosophy, -invalidating religion, strengthening superstition, -corrupting morals, and making men miserable slaves -instead of free men.</p> - -<p>Not stopping short at such public and private -misdeeds, continue the pursuers, he has written and -had printed a certain apology or defence of divination,<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> -with his name attached, which is of a highly objectionable -character in every respect; the Theological -Faculty declaring in addition that the concluding sentence -of this apology has an extremely suspicious appearance, -couched as it is in these words: ‘On the -following night Mars is eclipsed by the moon, near the -star called the King, in the constellation of Leo; -whence I predict that in the course of this year the -hearts of the Lions, i.e. the princes, will be greatly -moved; that with Mars in the ascendant war will prevail, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">122</span> -and much havoc be done by fire and sword; that -the Church will suffer tribulation, several princes die, -and pestilence and other evils abound. To languish, -to mourn, to die—all of good or ill that comes to man -proceeds from heaven.’</p> - -<p>The petition of the pursuers on the above showing -therefore is, that the defendant, Villanovanus, be interdicted -for the future from professing and practising -judicial astrology, whether in public or private; that -he be forbidden further to circulate his pamphlet -against the Faculty, and commanded to call in all unsold -copies; that for what has passed he own himself -to blame, and be enjoined for the future to bear himself -respectfully towards the Faculty of Physic, to which -he belongs.</p> - -<p>In his address to the court on behalf of his client, -Villanovanus’s counsel opined that the Faculty of -Physic had descended somewhat from the dignity that -became so great a body in taking steps against one, a -stranger, who had been attracted to Paris by the -science that distinguished it, of which he had heard so -much. The cause of the hostility of the Faculty -against his client, he said, was owing to his having -insisted on the necessity of a knowledge of astronomy -to the Physician. This had been turned into a knowledge -of judicial astrology by his enemies; but there -were many of his hearers who were ready to testify -that he had never even mentioned judicial astrology. -As to the paragraph about the Lions, he had only -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">123</span> -given it as illustrating the rules of astrological science, -and the knowledge he has of the possible influence of -the stars; but he would by no means insist that events -of the kind named must happen as matter of necessity. -In all this, however, he is ready to submit himself to -the judgment of the court, and on his words being -pronounced objectionable, he is willing to be set right. -With regard to what he says in his apology about -physicians being the plagues of society, he of course -only aims at the ignorant and unskilful among them; -the saying, indeed, is none of his, but Galen’s, who -speaks of the ignorant practitioners of medicine of his -day in precisely the same words.</p> - -<p>The judgment of the court is nearly in the terms -of the counsel’s address for the prosecution. His -statements appear to have been taken as trustworthy -without further evidence adduced. Villanovanus is -ordered to call in his pamphlet and deposit the copies -with the proper officer of the court; to pay all honour -and respect to the Faculty of Physic in its collective -and individual capacity, saying and writing nothing -unbecoming of it, but conducting himself at all times -peacefully and reverently towards its members; the -doctors, on their part, being enjoined to treat Villanovanus -gently and amiably, as parents treat their children. -Villanovanus is then expressly inhibited and -forbidden to appear in public, or in any other way, as -a professor or practitioner of judicial astrology, otherwise -called divination; he is to confine himself in his -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">124</span> -discussions of astrological subjects to the influence of -the heavenly bodies on the course of the seasons and -other natural phenomena, and not to meddle with -questions or judgments of stellar influences on individuals -or events, under pain of being deprived of the -privileges he enjoys as a graduate of the University of -Paris.</p> - -<p>Done this 18th of March, 1538. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">125</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII.</h2> - -<p class="center">CHARLIEU—ATTAINMENT OF HIS THIRTIETH YEAR—HIS -VIEWS OF BAPTISM.</p> - -<p>This decree and interdict of the Parliament of Paris -could not have been satisfactory to Servetus. We -need not question his belief in the reality of judicial -astrology, nor doubt of the application of its presumed -principles having been found profitable by him; for a -longing to pry into futurity is among the infirmities of -human nature, and a belief in the influence of the stars -on the fortunes of men was all but universal in the age -of Servetus. Nor is it even now entirely extinct in -the world; for the ‘Vox Stellarum’ is still regularly -printed in England, and finds a sale by thousands -every year among the superstitious and the ill-educated -of our population. Hardly, moreover, does a child -come into the world among us now without a great -fuss being made as to the precise moment of the birth; -though the particulars obtained may never be thought -of afterwards, nor the end for which they were sought -be even surmised. But when we look on the cornelian -and clay cylinders dug up in such numbers from the -ruins of Babylon and Nineveh, engraved with the accredited -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">126</span> -figures of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, and the -emblematical representations of the constellations, such -as Cassiopæia, Hercules Ingeniculus, Ursa Major, Leo, -Auriga, Cepheus, and others, still depicted on our -celestial globes, we learn how old was the belief that -every man and woman who came into the world was -influenced in after life by the star under which he or -she was born.<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a></p> - -<p>Villeneuve might possibly have continued lecturing -on astrology, composing horoscopes, and casting nativities, -as others did in his day, had he but had the -prudence to control his tongue, and not hold up his -brethren of the Faculty of Physic to contempt by proclaiming -their ignorance of a science in which he himself -excelled and held necessary to treat disease in the -most effectual manner; but he had been indiscreet, -and they had won the day. He could no longer go -on making forecasts for a credulous public from the -aspect of the heavens at the moment of their birth, -and he must show himself forward to call in the unsold -copies of his pamphlet which had been found so offensive, -perhaps because so well directed and so true. It -would have interested us in the present day to have -known precisely wherein the sting of this apology lay; -but like others among the host of ephemeral publications, -hurriedly produced to serve a purpose of the -hour, it has perished. There were few collectors of -ballads, broadsides, and tracts, three hundred and fifty -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">127</span> -years ago; and all the searches for a copy of the philippic -against the Parisian Faculty have proved in vain.<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a></p> - -<p>From the estimate we are led to form of the self-sufficing -and defiant character of Michael Servetus, as -displayed in his after life, we are disposed to wonder -that he did not continue to dispute the field of Paris -with his opponents. He had published his clever -and scholarly treatise on Syrups, and through it -achieved a title to consideration as a learned practitioner -of medicine in the regular way. Such a man as -he would soon have lived down the stigma his fellows -had fastened upon him as a fortune-teller from the -stars, and he must by and by have taken his place in -the front rank of his profession. But the physician -comes slowly into practice when public confidence is -courted through the gate of science. Horoscope-making -was probably the main source of Villeneuve’s income; -and this forbidden, and the golden stream it fed, arrested, -the cold shoulder shown him by his professional -brethren, and the averted looks of the public at the man -condemned by the Parliament of Paris,—all was against -him; his malignant star had culminated, and he seems -to have thought it best to yield to fate, and give way.</p> - -<p>It must have been immediately after the conclusion -of the suit against him that Servetus left Paris; for -we have news of him in the course of the same year -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">128</span> -(1538) as a practitioner of medicine in the town of -Charlieu, distant about twelve French miles from the -city of Lyons. He may have been led to this retreat -through knowledge gained in the course of his former -residence in Lyons; but he did not continue long there—certainly -for not more than a year and a half, or so. -Could we trust the report of one who speaks of him as -‘a most arrogant and insolent person,’ he must have -embroiled himself with some of the more influential -people of Charlieu, who, as said, made his position so -uncomfortable that he was forced to quit and go farther -afield.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> But Villeneuve had earned for himself an ill -name by his dispute with the University and Medical -Faculty of Paris; and coming from the quarter it does, -we give no credit to the tale, led as we are by what we -know to find a much better reason for the remove than -any fresh personal dispute, though there does seem to -have been something of the kind complicating matters, -as well as certain ‘love passages,’ which, as they came -to nothing, may have rendered longer residence in the -place unpleasant.</p> - -<p>The residence of Villeneuve in Charlieu, however, -is not without interest, as giving us a further insight -into the character and predominant pious nature of the -man. In the course of the year 1539, which he passed -at Charlieu, Michael Servetus attained the thirtieth year -of his age, the year according to his religious tenets in -which only baptism could be rightly received. ‘He -who would follow the example of Christ,’ says he in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">129</span> -his latest work, ‘ought now to betake him to this -Laver of Regeneration—<i>Lavacrum Regenerationis</i>;’ -and from the particular account he gives of the manner -in which they who think with him on the subject of -baptism perform the rite, we can scarcely doubt of his -having found occasion to have himself privately baptized -by some Anabaptist acquaintance he had made. -Servetus was unquestionably a man of so pious a nature, -so sincere a believer in the divinity of Christ, according -to his way of interpreting it, and so firmly persuaded that -the closest possible imitation of him was necessary to -salvation, that we may feel assured he found means to -have a rite he held so indispensable properly performed -at the proper moment. It must have been in the consciousness -of having himself done what he thought right -in this particular, that we find him by and by urgently -exhorting Calvin, with whom he had entered into correspondence, -and probably knew to be of his own age, -to have himself baptized anew. ‘Christ,’ he says, ‘as -an infant, was circumcised, but not baptized; and this -is a great mystery; in his thirtieth year, however, he -received baptism; thereby setting us the example, and -teaching us that before this age no one is a fit recipient -of the rite that gives the kingdom of heaven to -man. It were fit and proper in you, therefore, would -you show true faith in Christ, to submit yourself to -baptism, and so receive the gift of the Holy Spirit promised -through this means.’ (Epist. xv. ad Jo. Calvinum, -Christ. Restit., p. 615.) -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">130</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV.</h2> - -<p class="hang">SETTLEMENT AT VIENNE UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE -ARCHBISHOP—RENEWAL OF INTERCOURSE WITH THE -PUBLISHERS OF LYONS—SECOND EDITION OF PTOLEMY.</p> - -<p>It was while resident at Charlieu that Villeneuve again -met with Pierre Paumier, now Archbishop of Vienne, -Dauphiny, whom he had known in Paris, who indeed -had been among the number of his auditors when he -lectured on geography and the science of the stars. -Paumier had the reputation, well deserved as it appears, -of being a lover of learning for its own sake, -and fond of the society of men learned like himself. -Thinking, we may presume, that one with the accomplishments -of his old professor would be an addition to -the society of the archiepiscopal city of Vienne, when -he heard of Villeneuve’s presence in Charlieu as a -practising physician, he sought him out, and pressed -him to quit the narrower for the wider field. This, -under such auspices, we can well imagine Doctor Villeneuve -was nowise loth to do; so that we next hear of -him installed at Vienne, with apartments found him in -the precincts of the Palace, and so under the immediate -patronage of the Archbishop. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">131</span></p> - -<p>Not overburthened with professional work at first, -Villeneuve appears to have renewed, if he had not -kept up, his connection with the publishers of Lyons; -and, as a means of income, continued his literary -labours in various directions for more than one of -the fraternity. Among other works, the edition of -‘Ptolemy’ he had supervised for the Trechsels, when -in their service in 1535, being exhausted, a second was -required; and their old editor having already proved -himself abundantly competent, overtures were made to -him to undertake the work anew. A proposal of the -kind we need not doubt was gladly received, and the -Trechsels having set up a branch establishment at -Vienne, and the Archbishop consenting to accept the -dedication of the new ‘Ptolemy,’ our editor had an -opportunity of saying something pleasant to his patron, -and of showing himself advantageously to the public -around him in connection with a handsome volume -from a press of their own city. The work accordingly -was entered on with alacrity; and as the editor was -not only countenanced, but assisted by the Archbishop, -himself no mean geographer, the new edition made -its appearance in the course of 1541, amended and -improved.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">132</span></p> - -<p>If the first ‘Ptolemy’ of Michael Villanovanus had -been seen as an improvement on its predecessors, his -second was a marked advance upon it, and is interesting -to us on many accounts. Though much lauded -and commercially successful, the first edition, in a -literary point of view, was still far from what it was -capable of being made. The ornamentation of the -volume, though profuse, was not highly artistic, and -the wood-cuts had already done duty in various other -publishing ventures. There was ample room for improvement -both in the direction of greater accuracy of -text and of better taste. In the re-issue, consequently, -we find various alterations, and two or three omissions -that are highly significant. It is printed on better -paper, too, and new maps are added; the coarse wood-cuts -are left out, and the text in various parts is -amended. Altogether the volume is a very handsome -one, and was obviously produced with every care to -secure accuracy and elegance.</p> - -<p>In his Dedication to the Archbishop, we have an -assurance that life among the polished circles of Vienne -had already had a mollifying influence on the hot-headed -Michel Villeneuve of Parisian days. The polite -terms in which, beside the Archbishop, all and sundry -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">133</span> -of mark and name in the city are spoken of, are particularly -notable. We know how little there was of -compliment in the words with which he took leave of -his Swiss opponents, and imagine the sting there must -be in the paper with which he bade the Parisian -Faculty farewell. But now, beneath the wing of the -great church dignitary, and referring to the time when -as professor of geography and astrology he had had -him among the number of his auditors, Villanovanus -tells us that he is especially encouraged in his purpose to -produce a more correct edition of the great geographer’s -work, by the permission he has received to dedicate -it to his patron, as well as by the assistance he has had -from him in the amendment of numerous faulty passages.</p> - -<p>‘For you,’ continues our Editor, addressing the -Archbishop, ‘are the one among our church dignitaries -I have known who, loving letters and favouring learned -men, have given particular attention to geographical -science. I am also incited to my work by the many -favours I have received at your hand. Under what -patronage but yours, indeed, could this work, amended, -and printed at Vienne, appear, student as you are of -‘Ptolemy,’ and head of our Viennese society? Nor, -sooth to say, will our ‘Ptolemy’ want a welcome from -others about us interested in geography; among the -foremost of whom I may name your relation John -Paumier, prior of St. Marcel, and Claude de Rochefort, -your vicar, both of them highly accomplished men, -commended of all, and to whom I may say that I -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">134</span> -myself owe as much in my sphere as students of geography -owe to ‘Ptolemy.’ I must do no more than -mention Joannes Albus, prior of St. Peter and St. -Simeon; for I am forbidden to speak of his virtues. -Neither must I make other than a passing allusion to -the noble triad, your officials; for words would fail me -to speak worthily of their great qualities; and of -Doctor John Perell, your physician, my old fellow-student -in Paris, so learned in philosophy and skilled -in the languages—I can only say that one more apt -than I were required fitly to speak his praise.’</p> - -<p>From this we learn that Michael Villanovanus, all -in laying on flattery somewhat thickly, could still show -himself the grateful man; as ready to acknowledge -kindness as we have known him apt to take fire at -opposition and ready to resent what he held to be -unworthy usage. But the matter is even more interesting -to us, as giving us to know the kind of society -Servetus frequented in Vienne, and the consequent -esteem in which he must have been held. The ‘noble -triad’ referred to, we imagine, may have consisted of -M. Maugiron, the Lieutenant-General of Dauphiny; -M. de la Cour, the Vibailly; and M. Arzelier, the -Vicar-General.</p> - -<p>Among the alterations and omissions to be observed -in the new edition of the ‘Ptolemy,’ the most -notable occur under the heads of Germany, France, -and Judæa. The edition of 1535 was set about and -produced shortly after he had been so unhandsomely -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">135</span> -received, as he thought, by the Swiss and German -Reformers; and we are therefore sorry, though not -surprised, to find that disappointment and pique had -left him with little inclination to say much in praise -either of themselves or their respective countries. -Hence the generally evil report he makes of Germany, -and the notice of Switzerland as remarkable for nothing -but the production of butchers! All this is either suppressed -or toned down in the edition of 1541. The -editor had had time for reflection; and under the soothing -influences of the archiepiscopal city and professional -success, he now makes a more favourable report -of the countries and peoples he had formerly gone out -of his way to decry and defame. Instead of the forest-encumbered -and swampy land with its inclement sky -of the former edition, Germany is now a <i>regio amœna</i>, -with a <i>cœlum satis clemens</i>—a pleasant country with -quite a temperate climate, and all the damaging statements -in regard to its several divisions and their -peoples are omitted.</p> - -<p>The graphic account we had formerly of the boastful, -ignorant, and superstitious people of Spain is also -left out in the reprint; but we have an added notice of -the people of France which shows us how little nations -change in the course of three hundred and fifty years. -‘Not only in the cities and country places,’ says our -editor, ‘but even in single families, every Frenchman -seems to think he has a right to rule over everybody -else. The assertion of individual superiority is so universal -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">136</span> -that every one among them would have every -one else to do his bidding, he himself feeling bound to -do the bidding of none.’</p> - -<p>The Church and her favoured sons, the hierarchs -thereof, having still thriven in the shadow of the -throne, as Villeneuve was now living amid the clerical -society of an archiepiscopal city, it was thought that -the few words in the former edition, which seemed to -question the efficacy of the ‘Royal Touch’ in curing -scrofula, would be out of place. They are, therefore, -now found modified. For the ‘I did not see that any -were cured,’ we find ‘I have heard say that many were -cured!’ The new edition, moreover, being dedicated -to the Archbishop of Vienne, it was felt that any word -in dispraise of the Holy Land would seem disrespectful -and improper. All that is said in connection with -the map of Palestine contradictory to the Bible account -of Judæa as a land flowing with milk and honey, or as -of signal beauty and fertility, is accordingly entirely -expunged from the new impression.</p> - -<p>These changes have been said to be due to warnings -given by friends to Servetus, on the presumption, -probably, that he could hardly have been living on -terms of intimacy with many persons of note, both lay -and clerical, without betraying something of the sceptical -element that distinguished him at the outset of -his career, and that got the mastery of him with such -disastrous consequences at last. But we have no positive -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">137</span> -intimation that Servetus ever failed to keep his -counsel, or that he was known to a soul in Vienne, -save as M. Michel Villeneuve, the physician. Calvin -certainly knew him by no other name in Paris when -they met there in 1534, a date at which we have surmised -he had not yet read the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis,’ -and so escaped having his suspicions aroused -through the sameness of the views propounded in that -work, and those expressed by his acquaintance, Villeneuve, -that he had its author, Michael Serveto, alias -Revés, bodily before him.</p> - -<p>That this was really the case is confirmed by the -statement which he makes on his trial at Vienne, to -the effect, that he had only been challenged by -Calvin in the course of their correspondence, begun -as many as fourteen years after the publication -of his first book, with being no other than Servetus. -Having read the ‘De Erroribus’ subsequently, Calvin -did not fail to discover Michael Serveto under the -cloak of Michael Villanovanus, his correspondent of -Vienne, and may consequently, some time after the -year 1546, have written to Cardinal Tournon, as said -by Bolsec,<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> or hinted to a friend in Lyons, that they -had an egregious heretic, the writer of the work on -Trinitarian Error, living among them under an assumed -name. But of so much as this we have no -reliable assurance, and even if we had, it could -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">138</span> -have no reference to the year 1541, the date of -publication of the second edition of Villanovanus’s -‘Ptolemy.’<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">139</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV.</h2> - -<p class="center">EDITION OF SANTES PAGNINI’S LATIN BIBLE, WITH -COMMENTARY.</p> - -<p>Servetus must have got through a very considerable -amount of literary work during the earlier years -of his residence at Vienne. His time not being then -fully occupied by professional duties, he had leisure -and certainly no lack of inclination for other work, so -that he seems to have been kept well employed by the -publishers of Lyons. Hardly had the second ‘Ptolemy’ -seen the light, than we find another handsome volume -in folio not only taking shape under his hands, -but actually launched in the course of the following -year, 1542. This was a new and elegant edition of -the Latin Bible of the learned Santes Pagnini.<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">140</span></p> - -<p>Appreciating the naturally pious bent of Servetus’s -mind, as we do, to edit the Bible, we imagine, must -to him have been like rest to the weary, and we think -of the delight with which he received the proposal of -Hugo de la Porte, the publisher of Lyons, to undertake -a task of the kind. In his own earliest work we have -seen him speaking of the Bible as a ‘book fallen down -from heaven, to be read a thousand times over, the -source of all his philosophy and of all his science.’ -But this is from the pen of the younger man; for study -and after thought, with the privilege he possessed -through his self-reliant spirit of reading without a foregone -conclusion, enabled him by and by to discover -that the accredited traditional interpretation of holy -writ could not at all times be maintained without violence, -not only to reason and experience, but to history -and the plain meaning of the text. He came to the -conclusion, in fact, that whilst the usual prophetical -bearing ascribed to the Old Testament was ever to be -kept in view, the text had a primary, literal, and immediate -reference to the age in which it was composed, -and to the personages, the events, and the circumstances -amid which its writers lived.</p> - -<p>In the Preface to his edition, consequently, we see -that, having undertaken the responsible duty of editor, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">141</span> -Villanovanus means to be no mere follower in the -beaten track, but to take an independent course of -his own. ‘They,’ he says, ‘who are ignorant of the -Hebrew language and history are only too apt to overlook -the historical and literal sense of the sacred Scriptures; -the consequence of which is that they vainly -and foolishly expend themselves in hunting after recondite -and mystical meanings in the text where -nothing of the kind exists.’ Before reading the prophets, -in particular, he would therefore ‘have every -one make himself acquainted not only with the Hebrew -tongue, but with Hebrew history; for the prophets, -without exception, followed history to the letter, -although they also prefigured future events in their -writings, led as they were by inspiration to conclusions -having reference to the mystery of Christ. The power -of the Scriptures, indeed, is of a fertilizing or prolific -kind. Under a waning literal sense, they possess a -vivifying spirit of renovation. It were, therefore, well -that their meaning, apprehended as pointing in one -direction, should not be overlooked as also pointing in -another; and this the rather, seeing that the historical -sense comes out ever the more clearly when the prospective -bearing, which has Christ for its object, is kept -in view—veiled under types and figures, indeed, and -so not seen of the Jews, blinded by their prejudices, -but now revealed to us in such wise that we seem to -see the very face of our God.’</p> - -<p>‘In our Commentaries,’ concludes the Expositor, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">142</span> -‘it will consequently be found that we have made it our -particular study to elicit and present the old historical, -but hitherto neglected, sense of the Scriptures. In this -view, and to make available the author’s annotations, -of which he has left a great many, we have taken no -small amount of pains—<i>non parum est nobis desudatum</i>. -Nor, indeed, had we to do with his annotations only; -for the text of the copy we followed is corrected in -numberless places by the hand of the author himself. -I may, therefore, venture to affirm that Pagnini’s translation, -as it now appears, approximates more closely to -the meaning and spirit of the Hebrew than any former -version. But the Church, and those learned in the -Hebrew tongue, must be the judges here—any others -are incompetent.’</p> - -<p>From what he says, Villanovanus would therefore -lead us to believe that he had had the privilege of -working from a copy corrected and annotated by Pagnini -himself, the author of the translation. But on a -somewhat careful collation of the Villanovanus edition -of 1542 with that of Lyons of 1527-28 (the <i>editio princeps</i>, -we apprehend), and the reprint from this by Melchior -Novesianus of Cologne, of 1541, we are forced -on the conviction that Villanovanus followed no copy -corrected and annotated by Pagnini, but the fine edition -of Novesianus, admirably edited by the learned -publisher himself. The text of this is in fact identical -with that of Villanovanus, and the headings to the -chapters and references to corresponding and corroborative -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">143</span> -texts are all but uniformly alike in the two. -There are no variorum readings, if we recollect aright, -in the Novesianus; but neither are there any of the -slightest significance in the Villanovanus—unless perchance -the reader should think that the text is improved -by Noah being directed in building the Ark to -‘pitch it with pitch’—<i>picabis eam pice</i>, instead of bitumen—<i>bituminabis -eam bitumine</i>!</p> - -<p>That Villanovanus followed Novesianus, and not any -copy corrected and annotated by Pagnini, is, as it were, -demonstrated by this, that each page of the Address -to the Reader, with the single exception of the first, -begins and ends with the very same word in the two -editions—which could not have been accidental: the -compositor followed the copy he worked from page for -page, line for line, word for word. We are sorry, -therefore, to find our editor taking credit to himself in -directions where none was due, and seeking, as it -might seem, to shelter himself under the pious cowl of -the orthodox Pagnini for the new and daring interpretation -he himself puts upon so many passages of the -Psalms and Prophets. Pagnini, one of the most learned -hebraists and classical scholars of his country, was also -a thoroughly orthodox monk, and would assuredly -have been not a little astonished, and hardly pleased, -we imagine, could he have seen himself in the guise in -which he is presented by Michael Villanovanus. Had -we but a single note from the hand of the learned -Italian—and to the best of our belief we have not one—it -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">144</span> -could not have failed to be of the most rigidly -orthodox kind, his own edition having the <i>imprimatur</i> -of no fewer than two Popes, and a laudatory epistle -from Jo. Franciscus Picus, nephew of the celebrated -Joannes Picus de Mirandola, distinguished alike as a -philosopher and theologian.</p> - -<p>Villanovanus’s procedure in respect of the Pagnini -Bible, on the face of the matter, is much to be regretted, -and indeed is hardly to be understood. He may -possibly have had an annotated copy of his author supplied -him by his publisher; but if he had, in so far as -we can see, he has followed Novesianus to the letter -in his text and has given no comments but his own. -The times in which Servetus lived, though different -from ours in so many respects, were, as it seems, somewhat -like them in so far as the <i>meum</i> and <i>tuum</i> in -literature are concerned. Did we judge from the instance -before us, we should say that they were still -less respected three hundred years ago than they are -in the present day. Calvin refers to Villanovanus’s -‘Pagnini’ in the course of the Geneva trial, and subsequently -also in his ‘Déclaration pour maintenir la -vraye foye.’ But he seems not to have known of the -Novesianus edition, or he would certainly have challenged -more than the comments, and had better grounds -possibly than any he adduces for saying that the editor -had dexterously filched—<i>avait grippé beau et belle</i>—five -hundred livres from the publisher for his labour.</p> - -<p>But all this, though illustrative of one element in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">145</span> -the character of the subject of our study, and not to be -passed over by us, is of less moment than the insight -we gain through the comments—assuredly referable to -him alone—into the intellectual side of his nature. In -so far as we know, Servetus is nowhere even named as -a biblical critic and expositor; yet did he precede by -more than a century Spinoza, Astruc, Simon, Eichhorn, -and others, founders of the modern school of -Scriptural exegesis. The Old Testament texts referred -by the writers of the New Testament to events -still in the womb of time—to the coming especially of -a liberator from their misery for the people of Israel in -the shape of an anointed King, the conception of a -late epoch in Jewish history—Servetus maintained had -individuals in view who were alive and influential -when the words were written, although he also admitted -that they had a further prophetical or prospective -sense of the kind commonly ascribed to them.</p> - -<p>But he who believed in judicial astrology was not -likely to have freed himself from that other still accredited -form of superstitious belief which leads mankind, -without so much as the aspects of the heavens to guide -them, to fancy they can see into futurity. He had not -divined, as we have now come to know, that even the -oldest portions of the Hebrew Scriptures, in the shape -in which they have reached us, date from no more -remote an age than that which followed the Babylonian -Captivity; that we have the work of two different -writers under the name of Isaiah, the second of whom -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">146</span> -lived during or after the reign of Cyrus; and that the -Apocalyptic Book of Daniel was written long after -the personages there darkly shadowed forth had lived -and died, and the events referred to had come and -gone.</p> - -<p>The narratives of the Pentateuch appear to have -been accepted as properly historical by our editor. -He did not, any more than the commentators who came -after him almost to our own day, see them as mythical -tales about individuals who lived, if they lived at all, -and events that occurred, if they ever did occur, -thousands—tens of thousands of years before any -account of them could possibly have assumed the -shape of legend, much less have been committed to -writing. He has little, however, to say on the five -books ascribed to Moses, and those of the quasi-historical -complexion that follow them. Still his note on the -words put into the mouth of Balaam, which tell of <i>a -star to come out of Jacob and a sceptre to arise out of -Israel</i>, is important. The prediction, as he interprets -it, applies immediately to King David, though it has a -farther prospective reference to Christ, with whose -advent, as we know, it has long been all but exclusively -connected. Our editor, however, was not helped by -his superior knowledge of the stars to surmise that the -writing was of a date long posterior to the reputed -days of Balaam, the soothsayer of Mesopotamia, and -Balak, king of Moab; that the predictions put into the -mouth of the seer were all made after the events they -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">147</span> -pretend to foretell, and that King David had lived and -died long before a word of the text was written; -neither did he see that the writer who had King David -in his eye could not have been thinking of an anointed -king or captain who was only to appear some six or -seven hundred years after Israel’s second sovereign -had been gathered to his fathers.</p> - -<p>Villanovanus is much more copious when he comes -to the Psalms. The words in the second of our collection -of these sacred lyrics, so much made of in dogmatic -lore, <i>Yet have I set my King upon my holy hill -of Zion.... Thou art my son; this day have I begotten -thee</i>—he explains thus: ‘On the day when David -had escaped from his enemy (Saul) he said, This day -do I begin to live; at length I am king.’</p> - -<p>The words in the fifth verse of that fine Psalm, the -eighth, <i>For thou hast made him a little lower than the -angels, and hast crowned him with honour and glory</i>, he -also refers immediately to King David, who, in times -of persecution, abased himself; but, subsequently victorious, -was crowned at last.</p> - -<p>The passages, <i>In Jehovah I put my trust</i>, and -<i>How say ye to my soul, flee as a bird to your mountain</i>, -of Psalm xi., he refers to the time when David in -fear of Saul escaped from the land of Judah.</p> - -<p>The comment on the sixteenth verse of Psalm xxii., -<i>They pierced my hands and my feet</i>, is again applied to -David, when, flying from his enemies, and scrambling -like a four-footed beast over rugged and thorny places, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">148</span> -his hands and feet were lacerated—<i>fugiente David per -abrupta, instar quadrupedis, manus ejus et pedes lacerabantur</i>.</p> - -<p><i>Sacrifice and offering thou didst not desire</i>—Psalm -xl. 6, signifies, says our commentator, that David, when -a fugitive in the wilderness, offered no sacrifices.</p> - -<p>In the verse, <i>Thy throne, O God, is for ever and -ever</i>, Psalm xlv. 6, the word <i>God</i>, says our exponent, -refers to Solomon, who, like Moses and Cyrus, is here -styled <i>Divus</i>—God.</p> - -<p><i>They gave me gall for my meat, and in my thirst -they gave me vinegar as drink</i>, of Psalm xlix. 22, says -Villanovanus, is a passage referring to Nabal’s refusal -and churlishness when David asked him for meat and -drink.</p> - -<p><i>The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou at my right -hand until I make thine enemies thy footstool</i>, Psalm cx. 1. -‘This refers to David and Solomon, types alike of -Christ, when David, having set his son on the throne -beside him, addressed him as My Lord, and styled him -a priest after the order of Melchizedek.’</p> - -<p>Whilst thus in these and in many other instances -referring the statements met with in the Psalms to -individuals living or dead at the time they were -written, and to events then in progress or past, Villanovanus -still imagines that everything said, besides -its literal and immediate signification, is also typical of -personages and events to come—a system of exposition -that has been pushed beyond all reasonable lengths by -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">149</span> -ignorance and superstition since his day. We may -indeed be well assured that the writers of the Hebrew -Psalms knew no more of what would happen five or -six centuries after they were dust than we know of what -will be going on in the world five or six hundred years -after we are no more. Prophets, Seers, Diviners, Fortune-tellers -and the like are ignored by the science of -our age, although under the first of these designations -they are still acknowledged by pious persons in the -history of the past, and in its bearing on the religion of -the present. The excuse for this is that the Prophets -of Israel were <i>inspired</i>, or exceptionally gifted, with -the power of seeing into futurity. But God, as we -now conceive God, makes no exceptions to his laws. -As they are, so have they ever been, and so will they -ever continue to be. Said not Servetus himself aright -when he declared that out of man there was no Holy -Spirit, or Spirit of Inspiration?</p> - -<p>But it is not on the Psalms that Villanovanus’s exposition, -remarkable as it is, appears the most noteworthy. -It is when he comes to the writings of the -Prophets, as they are styled, that he puts forth his -strength and shows his learning. <i>And it shall come -to pass in the last days that Jehovah’s house shall be -established on the top of the mountain, and all nations -shall flow unto it</i>, says Isaiah (ii. 2 <i>et seq.</i>). These -words, according to our expositor, refer to the reign of -Hezekiah. Literally seen, they speak of the accession -of Hezekiah, and the return of the captive Israelites -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">150</span> -to Jerusalem, the Assyrians having suffered a signal -defeat without a battle fought.</p> - -<p>In like manner, commenting on the second verse of -the fourth chapter of Isaiah, where it is said, <i>In that -day shall the branch of Jehovah be beautiful and -glorious</i>, he says it is still Hezekiah and events transpiring -in his reign that are alluded to, the king nevertheless -being to be seen as a type of Christ.</p> - -<p>The remarkable fourteenth verse of chapter vii. -of the same writer, of which so much has been made, -Villanovanus refers immediately to the times in which -it was written. Syria and Ephraim confederate, under -their kings Rezin and Pekah, are at war with Judah -and threatening Jerusalem, whose king, Ahaz, the -Prophet comforts with the assurance that the invasion, -however formidable it looks, will come to nothing, and -bids him ask for a sign from Jehovah that such will be -the case. But Ahaz declining to do so, the Prophet -volunteers a forecast of what he declares will come -to pass, saying, <i>Behold, a virgin</i> (Almah—a young -marriageable woman) <i>shall conceive and bear a son, and -shall call his name Immanuel; and before the child shall -know good from evil</i> [arrive at years of discretion] <i>the -land will be freed from its enemies</i>. ‘The Aramæans,’ -says Villanovanus, ‘have come up in battle array against -Jerusalem, and the prophet speaks of a young woman -who shall conceive and bear a son, the young woman -being no other than Abijah, about to become the -mother of Hezekiah—strength or fortitude of God—and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">151</span> -Immanuel—God with us—before whose reign the two -kings, the enemies of Judah, will have been discomfited.’</p> - -<p>The <i>For unto us a child is born</i>, &c., of chapter ix., -he further refers to Hezekiah, for it was in his reign -that Sennacherib and the Assyrians suffered such a -signal defeat, the angel of Jehovah, according to the -account, having slain in one night an hundred and four -score and five thousand of them.</p> - -<p><i>For they shall cry unto the Lord of Hosts in the -land of Egypt, and he will send them a Saviour and he -shall deliver them</i> (Ib. xix. 20). ‘The Saviour,’ says -Villanovanus, ‘is still no other than Hezekiah. Egypt -as well as Judah, oppressed by the Assyrians, is relieved -when the great army of Sennacherib is wrecked by the -angel of Jehovah.’</p> - -<p><i>Then the eyes of the blind shall be opened, and the -ears of the deaf be unstopped</i> (Ib. xxxv. 5), <i>i.e.</i> ‘Liberation -from the yoke of the Assyrians will do much -towards giving the Jewish people clearer and better -ideas of God.’</p> - -<p><i>Comfort ye my people.... The voice of one crying -in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the Lord</i>, &c. -(Ib. xl. 1-3). ‘These are words addressed to Cyrus, -praying him to open a way through the desert -for Israel, returning from the captivity of Babylon;’ -and the ninth verse, <i>O Zion, that bringest good -tidings ... say unto the cities of Judah, Behold your -God</i>, he says, ‘refers literally to Cyrus, who is here -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">152</span> -styled God; as does also the eighteenth verse, <i>To -whom will ye liken God</i> (<i>i.e.</i> Cyrus), <i>or what likeness -will ye compare unto him</i>? ‘In many striking ways,’ -adds our expositor, ‘the prophet would lead the rude -Jews, on their redemption from the Babylonian captivity, -to cease from idolatry and to believe in God, the -Creator of the world.’</p> - -<p><i>He is despised and rejected of men, a man of sorrows -and acquainted with grief. Surely he hath borne -our griefs ... he was wounded for our transgressions</i>, -&c. (Ib. liii.). ‘In these passages, which also involve -a great mystery referable to Christ,’ says Villanovanus, -‘the Prophet laments over Cyrus, slain, as it were, for -the sins of the people, who, however, will suffer still -more under Cambyses, his successor, when the building -of the Temple, now begun, will be interrupted.’</p> - -<p><i>Arise, shine, for thy light is come.... They from -Sheba shall come, and shall bring gold and incense</i>, &c., -(Ib. lx.), <i>i.e.</i> ‘taken literally, and as it stands, these words -refer to the great days of the Second Temple, when -Jerusalem was again in its glory.’</p> - -<p><i>Who is this that cometh from Edom with dyed -garments from Bozrah</i> (Ib. lxiii.), <i>i.e.</i> ‘Cyrus has inflicted -severe chastisement on Edom, and brought back -those who had been carried thither from Jerusalem into -captivity, as we read in the fifteenth chapter, where it -is said, <i>The redeemed of the Lord shall return, and -come with singing unto Zion.</i>’</p> - -<p><i>Behold the days will come, saith the Lord, when I</i> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">153</span> -<i>shall raise unto David a righteous branch</i> (Jerem. -xxiii. 5). The individual here referred to our exponent -believes to be Zerubabel.</p> - -<p><i>Know, therefore, that from the going forth of the -commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem unto -the Messiah, the Prince, is seven weeks, and three-score -and two weeks ... and after three-score and two weeks -shall Messiah be cut off and be no more</i> (Daniel, ix. 25). -‘The times specified,’ says Villanovanus, ‘refer to -those of the exile and the return of the captives by -favour of Cyrus, who is the Messiah or Anointed -One of God, that is here spoken of. Sixty-two -weeks having passed from the great event, Cyrus -will have been cut off, and all have gone to wreck -again.’</p> - -<p><i>Then shall Judah and Israel be gathered together, -and appoint themselves one head</i>, &c., <i>i.e.</i> ‘Judah and -Israel will have become united for a season, as they -were under Hezekiah.’</p> - -<p>The words of the second verse of chapter vi., -<i>After two days will he revive us; in the third day he -will raise us up</i>, ‘refer to the extraordinary discomfiture -of the Assyrians in the reign of Hezekiah.’</p> - -<p><i>For behold, in those days when I shall bring again -the captivity of Judah and Jerusalem, I will also gather -all the nations</i>, &c. (Joel, iii. 1). ‘These words have -a literal application to the defeat of the Assyrians and -the glories of Hezekiah’s reign. Disasters many have -befallen the chosen seed; but their oppressors will in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">154</span> -turn be desolated, and Judah, restored, shall dwell for -ever in Jerusalem.’</p> - -<p>The texts in <span class="smcap">Micah</span> generally spoken of as exclusively -prophetical of Christ, our commentator thinks -refer literally to Hezekiah and times subsequent to the -defeat of the Assyrians. <i>But thou, Bethlehem-Ephratah, -out of thee shall he come forth to be a ruler in -Israel</i>, viz., ‘Hezekiah, who will deliver the people from -the Assyrian.’</p> - -<p><i>Rejoice greatly, O Daughter of Zion; shout, O -Daughter of Jerusalem; behold, thy King cometh unto -thee lowly, and riding upon an ass, even on a colt, the -foal of an ass.</i> This text, which is referred to Christ -in Matthew (chapter xxii.), is connected by Villanovanus -with the compassionate Zerubabel and his entrance -into Jerusalem.</p> - -<p>No one will be surprised to learn that these -comments of the learned Villanovanus did not escape -the notice of the great ecclesiastical centres of his day. -That of Lyons is by-and-by found condemning outright -both them and the book they pretend to illustrate. -That of Madrid is content to order by far the greater -number of the glosses to be expunged, but leaves the -Bible itself available to the privileged; whilst that of -Rome, less tolerant, not only condemns the expositions, -but puts the book upon the <i>Index prohibitorius</i>. The -perusal of such comments, preparatory to drawing the -pen through them, it was surmised by the far-sighted -ecclesiastics of Rome might lead to independent thought, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">155</span> -and this is precisely what the Church they represent -would have every man, woman, and child in the land -most carefully to eschew.</p> - -<p>Calvin, we may imagine, was not likely to think -any better of Villanovanus’s annotations than the heads -of the Church of Rome; on the contrary, pinning his -faith on its text as prophetical in the very strictest sense -of the word, any attack on its sufficiency as a ground -for dogmatic conclusion was felt by him to be a matter -much more serious than by the Church of Rome, -which sets its own traditions as equipollent to, where not -even of higher authority than, that of the Bible on all -matters of faith. To see the Scriptures of the Jews -otherwise than as Calvin and the Reformers saw them -was, in their eyes, to question the infallible book they -had substituted for the infallible Pope so lately abandoned -by them. We should therefore expect to meet -Calvin, with occasion serving, making a point against -our expositor on the ground of the Pagnini; and accordingly -we find Servetus’s comments brought up -against him in the most marked manner during his -Geneva Trial, whilst in the Déclaration pour maintenir -la vraye Foye, and the Defensio orthodoxæ Fidei, they -are spoken of as impertinences and impieties, the -Publisher being said at the same time to have been -nothing less than cheated out of the money he paid the -editor for his work. ‘Who,’ says Calvin, ‘shall venture -to say that it was not thievish in the editor when he -took five hundred livres in payment for the vain trifles -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">156</span> -and impious follies with which he encumbered almost -every page of the book?’ (‘Opusc. Theol. Om.’ p. 703).</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding the great Reformer’s denunciations, -however, though we may not agree with Villanovanus -in all his conclusions, nor approve of his passing without -mention Melchior Novesianus, to whom he was -indebted for his text, when we look on the beautiful -volume he aided in producing, and think of him as -the one man of his age who had independent opinions -on the real or possible meaning of the poetical writings -of the Hebrew people, consonant as these are in -so many respects with the views entertained by the -most advanced biblical critics of the present day, we -are not disposed to think that he was overpaid. Had -the Church dignitaries of Vienne seen the Pagnini Bible -of Michael Villanovanus with the same eyes as the -hierarchs of Rome, Madrid, and Lyons, the matter he -added must needs have seriously compromised him -with them. His numerous, excessively free, and -highly heterodox interpretations of the Psalms and -Prophets, nevertheless, in so far as we have been able -to discover, appear to have lost Villeneuve neither -countenance nor favour at Vienne, which is not a little -extraordinary. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">157</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI.</h2> - -<p class="center">ENGAGEMENT AS EDITOR BY JO. FRELON OF LYONS—CORRESPONDENCE -WITH CALVIN.</p> - -<p>The Pagnini Bible out of hand, Villanovanus’s time -would seem not yet to have been so fully occupied by -his profession as to debar him from continuing to -engage in a good deal of miscellaneous literary work -for his friends the publishers of Lyons, among the -number of whom we have now particularly to notice -John Frelon, a man of learning, like so many of the -old publishers, entertaining tolerant or more liberal -views of the religious question, inclined towards, if not -openly professing, the Reformed Faith, and the personal -friend of Calvin.</p> - -<p>For Frelon Villeneuve edited a variety of works, -mostly, as it seems, of an educational kind, such as -grammars, accidences, and the like; translating several -of these from Latin into Spanish, for the laity; and, as -the priesthood of the Peninsula appear not to have -cultivated the classical languages of Greece and Rome -to the same extent as those of France and Germany, -also turning the <i>Summa Theologiæ</i> of St. Thomas -Aquinas, a work entitled <i>Desiderius peregrinus</i>, and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">158</span> -another, the <i>Thesaurus animæ Christianæ</i>, into their -vernacular for them.<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> Brought into somewhat intimate -relationship with Villeneuve, whom Frelon at this -time could not have known as Michael Servetus, the -Reformation, its principles, its objects, and the views -of its more distinguished leaders, would hardly fail to -come up as topics of conversation between him and -his learned editor. Frelon must soon have seen how -much better than common Villeneuve was informed in -this direction; and it has been said, not without every -show of truth, that at his suggestion Servetus, under -his assumed name of Villeneuve or Villanovanus, was -led to enter on the correspondence with Calvin which -we believe had so momentous an influence on his future -fate. Frelon saw Villeneuve full of unusual ideas on -many of the accredited dogmas of the Christian faith; -and, not indisposed, though indifferently prepared, to -discuss these himself, he very probably suggested the -great Reformer of Geneva as the man of all others the -most likely to feel an interest in them, as well as the -most competent to give an opinion on their merits. -Hence the correspondence which, begun in 1546, went -on into 1547, and may even have extended into the -following year.</p> - -<p>That Frelon was the medium of communication -between Villeneuve and Calvin is satisfactorily shown -by the publisher’s letter to the Spaniard, inclosing one -for him just received from the Reformer. The correspondence, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">159</span> -however, must have already been started -and Villeneuve been complaining to Frelon that he -had been long without an answer to the last of his -letters. Frelon, in turn, would seem to have written to -Calvin, reminding him that his friend Villeneuve had -for some time past been expecting to hear from him. -Writing at length under his well-known pseudonym of -Charles Despeville, in reply to Frelon, Calvin says:—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘Seigneur Jehan, Your last letter found me on the eve of -my departure from home, and I had not time then to reply to -the inclosure it contained. I take advantage of the first -moment I have to spare since my return, to comply with your -wishes; not indeed that I have any great hope of proving -serviceable to such a man, seeing him disposed as I do. But -I will try once more if there be any means left of bringing him -to reason, and this will happen when God shall have so worked -in him that he become altogether other than he is. I have -been led to write to him more sharply than is my wont, being -minded to take him down a little in his presumption; and -I assure you there is no lesson he needs so much to learn as -humility. This may perhaps come to him through the grace -of God, not otherwise, as it seems. But we too ought to lend -a helping hand. If God give him and us such grace as to -have the letter I now forward turn to profit, I shall have -cause to rejoice. If he goes on writing to me in the style he -has hitherto seen fit to use, however, you will only lose your -time in soliciting me farther in his behalf; for I have other -business that concerns me more nearly, and I shall make it -matter of conscience to devote myself to it, not doubting that -he is a Satan who would divert me from studies more profitable. -Let me beg of you therefore to be content with what I -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">160</span> -have already done, unless you see most pressing occasion for -acting differently.</p> - -<p>‘Recommending myself to you and praying God to have -you in his keeping, I am your servant and friend—</p> - -<p class="author">‘<span class="smcap">Charles Despeville</span>.</p> - -<p>[Geneva] ‘this 13 of February, 1546.’</p></blockquote> - -<p>This is surely neither an indifferent nor an unreasonable -letter; yet does it give us to know that the -epistle it enclosed, both in manner and matter, was -likely to give offence to one with the haughty and self-sufficing -nature of Michael Servetus. He had addressed -the Reformer on transcendental dogmatic -subjects, and probably urged his views with the warmth -that strong conviction lends to language, and without -anything like the deferential tone to which Calvin was -accustomed. This proved particularly distasteful to -the head of the Church of Geneva, who had certainly -thought as deeply, and may even have entertained -as serious misgivings, on some of the topics -propounded, as his correspondent. Hence the unwonted -<i>sharpness</i> of the reply; hence, also, the fire which -Villeneuve caught at being lectured like a schoolboy; -and hence, in fine, the irritating, disrespectful, and regrettable -character on either side of the correspondence -that followed.</p> - -<p>In transmitting Calvin’s letter to Villeneuve, Frelon -addresses him thus:— -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">161</span></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘Dear Brother and Friend! You will see by the enclosed -why you had not sooner an answer to your letter. Had I -had anything to communicate at an earlier date, I should not -have failed to send to you immediately, as I promised. Be -assured that I wrote to the personage in question, and that -there was no want of punctuality on my part. I think, however, -that with what you have now, you will be as well content -as if you had had it sooner. I send my own man express with -this, having no other messenger at command. If I can be -of use to you in anything else, I beg to assure you, you will -always find me ready to serve you. Your good brother and -friend, Jehan Frelon.</p> - -<p>‘To my good brother and friend, master Michael Villanovanus, -Doctor in medicine, Vienne.’</p></blockquote> - -<p>It is matter of deep regret that with the exception -of the first communication of Calvin to Villeneuve, -which is in the form of an essay rather than a familiar -epistle, and was written some time before the stinging -missive sent through Frelon, we have nothing from -him that would have enabled us to judge of the general -style and character of his letters, though of this we -may form an estimate from his subsequent writings. -Calvin was far too much engaged to make copies of -his letters, and we may feel certain that Villeneuve, -on the first intimation of danger threatening him from -the authorities of Vienne, destroyed every scrap of -writing he had ever had from the Reformer, calculated -as it was to compromise him in the eyes of Roman -Catholics. Forced, for the sake of his French correspondents, -to resort to a pseudonym, Calvin had probably -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">162</span> -addressed Villeneuve in his proper name. The -letter to Frelon and the one from Frelon to Villeneuve -must have been overlooked, or thought to contain -nothing that could be adversely interpreted, and so -found their way to the Judicial Archives of Vienne, -whence they were recovered and published by -Mosheim.<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a></p> - -<p>The letters of Villeneuve to Calvin, or a certain -number of them, at all events, have been transmitted to -us by their writer in a section of his work on the Restoration -of Christianity; and we turned to them with the -interest of expectation, thinking we might there find -a key to the singular and persistent hostility with -which Calvin shows himself to have been animated -towards his correspondent. Nor were we disappointed. -The style of address indulged in by Villeneuve, as the -correspondence proceeds, is as if purposely calculated -to wound, if not even to insult, a man in the position of -John Calvin, conscious of his own superiority, jealous -of his authority, and become so sensitive to everything -like disrespectful bearing on the part of those who -approached him. But of deference or respect, save at -the outset, there is not a trace in any of the letters of -Villeneuve. On the contrary, they have often an air -of something like familiarity that must have been -extremely disagreeable to Calvin. Add to this the -unseemly and disparaging epithets with which he pelts -the irritable Reformer, and we have warrant enough -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">163</span> -for our assumption that, mainly out of this unfortunate -epistolary encounter, was the enmity engendered which -took such hold of Calvin’s mind as led him to see in a -mere theological dissident a dangerous innovator and -deadly personal foe.</p> - -<p>The correspondence at the outset, however, had -nothing of the unseemly character it acquired as it -proceeded. Villeneuve approached the Reformer at -first as one seeking aid and information from another -presumed most capable of giving both; and this was -precisely the style of address that suited Calvin. The -subjects on which he desired the Reformer’s opinion -were theological, of course, and of great gravity, -involving topics of no less moment than the sense in -which the Divinity and Sonship of Christ, the Doctrine -of Regeneration, and the Sacraments of Baptism and -the Lord’s Supper, were to be understood.</p> - -<p>In a letter to a friend of a later date Calvin speaks -as if he believed that these questions had been proposed -in mockery, or to get him into difficulty; but -this was an afterthought, and when he had come to -persuade himself that Servetus was a man devoid of -all religious principle. Nothing of any suspicion of the -kind he hints at appears in his reply to the first communication -he received, for it is sober, earnest, and to -the point, each subject being taken up in succession -and discussed, now in conformity with his own particular -views, and then with the interpretation of the -Churches. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">164</span></p> - -<p>Servetus’s questions to Calvin, three in number, -were propounded categorically, and in the following -order:—</p> - -<p>1st.—Was the man Jesus, who was crucified, the -Son of God; and what is the rationale of the Sonship -(filiatio)?</p> - -<p>2nd.—Is the Kingdom of heaven in man; when is -it entered; and when is regeneration effected?</p> - -<p>3rd.—Is Baptism to be received in faith, like the -Supper; and in what sense are these institutions to -be held as the New Covenant?</p> - -<p>To the first, Calvin replies: ‘We believe and -confess that Jesus Christ, the man who was crucified, -was the Son of God, and say that the Wisdom of God, -born of the Eternal Father before all time, having -become incarnate, was now manifested in the flesh. -Therefore do we acknowledge Christ to be the Son of -God by his humanity; therefore, also, do we say that he -is God—<i>sed ideo quod Deus</i>. As by his human nature, -he is engendered of the seed of David, and so is said -to be the Son of David; by parity of reason, and -because of his divine nature, is he the Son of God. -Christ, however, is One, not Two-fold; he is at once the -Son of God and the Son of Man. You own him as -the Son of God, but do not admit the oneness, save in -a confused way. We, who say that the Son of God is -our Brother, as well as the true Immanuel, nevertheless -acknowledge in the One Christ the Majesty of God and -the Humility of man. But you, confounding these, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">165</span> -destroy both; for, acknowledging God manifest in the -flesh, you say the divinity is the flesh itself, the -humanity God Himself.’</p> - -<p>To the second he answers: ‘The Kingdom of God, -we say, begins in men when they are regenerated; -and we are said to be regenerated when, enlightened -by faith in Christ, we yield entire obedience to God. -I deny, however, that regeneration takes place in a -moment; it is enough if progress be made therein even -to the hour of death.’</p> - -<p>To the third he says: ‘We do not deny that -Baptism requires faith; but not such as is required in -the communion of the Supper; and in respect of -Baptism we see it as nugatory until the promise of -God involved in the rite is apprehended in faith.’ He -concludes by assimilating the sacraments of Baptism -and the Lord’s Supper to the Circumcision and Passover -of the olden time.</p> - -<p>Calvin, we thus see, addressed himself not only to -the questions sent, but also in answer to the letter which -doubtless accompanied them, in which the writer must -have given some intimation of his own views.</p> - -<p>That Calvin’s communication, couched in rigidly -orthodox terms, though unobjectionable in style, was -not calculated to satisfy Villeneuve, we cannot doubt. -His mind was already as thoroughly made up—even -more thoroughly made up, we apprehend, on some of -the points advanced—than Calvin’s. We are not surprised, -therefore, to find that the Genevese Reformer’s -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">166</span> -expositions were repudiated as little satisfactory by the -physician of Vienne, or to discover that the correspondence -on his part was not suffered to drop. He appears -to have replied immediately, and must have written in -sequence no fewer than thirty letters to Calvin on his -favourite theological subjects, so many being printed -in the ‘Christianismi Restitutio.’ In answer to these -Calvin must also have sent him more than one or two, -though certainly many fewer than thirty; for by the -letter to Frelon, written evidently at an early period -of the correspondence, we see him already weary -of it.</p> - -<p>With his hands more than full in administering the -affairs of the Genevese Church, holding his political -opponents the Libertines in check at home, and corresponding -with friends and the heads of all the other -Reformed Churches abroad, it is not wonderful that, -besides feeling disquieted by the matter and offended -with the manner of Villeneuve’s addresses, he had soon -made up his mind to have nothing more to do with the -writer. He saw, moreover, that he made no impression -on him, each new epistle being, as he says to -a friend, but ‘a wearisome iteration of the same cuckoo -note.’ Calvin’s vocation, however, was to be helpful -in what he believed to be God’s work, and to preach -the Gospel as he apprehended it. True to his trust, -therefore, and by way of meeting his troublesome correspondent’s -further importunities,—as a balsam competent -to heal the wounds and strengthen the weak -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">167</span> -places in the soul of the distempered man, he seems to -have thought he might escape further molestation by -referring him to his own ‘Institutions of the Christian -Religion,’ his master work, the canon of the Church of -which he was the founder and acknowledged head. In -this view, as we venture to presume, Calvin sent -Villeneuve a copy of his ‘Institutions,’ and referred -him to its pages for satisfactory replies to all his propositions.</p> - -<p>It is impossible to imagine that Servetus had continued -until this time unacquainted with Calvin’s writings; -he had doubtless read them all; but he may not -have made the ‘<span class="smcap">Institutiones Religionis Christianæ</span>’ -the subject of the particular study on which he was -now forced, as it were, by its author, and with the result -that might have been foreseen: there was hardly -a proposition in the text that was not taken to pieces -by him, and found untenable, on the ground both of -Scripture and Patristic authority.</p> - -<p>In the course of the correspondence hitherto, Calvin -had stood on the vantage ground, as critic of his correspondent’s -views; but matters were now reversed, for -Villeneuve became the critic of the Reformer. He by -and by returned the copy of the ‘Institutions,’ copiously -annotated on the margins, not only in no terms -of assent, but generally with the unhappy freedom of -expression in which he habitually indulged, and so -little complimentary to the author himself, as it seems, -that Calvin, in writing to a friend and in language not -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">168</span> -over-savoury, says:—‘There is hardly a page that is -not defiled by his vomit.’ The liberties taken with -the ‘Institutions,’ we may well imagine, were looked -on as a crowning personal insult by Calvin; and, reading -the nature of the man as we do, they may have -been that, super-added to the letters, which put such -rancour into his soul as made him think of the life of -his critic, turned by him into his calumniator, as no more -than a fair forfeit for the offence done.</p> - -<p>It was at this time precisely, as it appears, that -Calvin wrote that terribly compromising letter to Farel, -so long contested by his apologists, but now admitted -on all hands—as indeed how could it be longer denied, -seeing that it is still in existence?—in which he says: -‘Servetus wrote to me lately, and beside his letter sent -me a great volume full of his ravings, telling me with -audacious arrogance that I should there find things -stupendous and unheard of until now. He offers to -come hither if I approve; but I will not pledge my -faith to him; for did he come, if I have any authority -here, I should never suffer him to go away alive.’<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a></p> - -<p>Nor is this the only letter written at this time by -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">169</span> -Calvin which shows with what despite he regarded -Servetus. Jerome Bolsec, a quondam monk, now a -physician, opposed to the Papacy and but little less -hostilely inclined to Calvin, speaking of the Reformer’s -persecution of Servetus—‘an arrogant and insolent man, -forsooth,’—and of Servetus having addressed a number -of letters to him along with the MS. of a work he -had written, and a copy of the ‘Institutions of the -Christian Religion,’ full of annotations little complimentary -to the author,—goes on to say: ‘Since which time -Calvin, greatly incensed, conceived a mortal antipathy -to the man, and meditated with himself to have him -put to death. This purpose he proclaimed in a letter -to Pierre Viret of Lausanne, dated the Ides of February -(1546). Among other things in this letter, he -says: “Servetus desires to come hither, on my invitation; -but I will not plight my faith to him; for I have -determined, did he come, that I would never suffer him -to go away alive.” This letter of Calvin fell into my -hands by the providence of God, and I showed it to -many worthy persons—I know, indeed, where it is still -to be found.’ Bolsec says further that Calvin wrote -to Cardinal Tournon denouncing Servetus of heresy, -some time before making use of William Trie in the -same view to the authorities of Lyons and Vienne, and -that the Cardinal laughed heartily at the idea of one -heretic accusing another. ‘This letter of Calvin to -Cardinal Tournon,’ says Bolsec in continuation, ‘was -shown to me by M. du Gabre, the Cardinal’s secretary. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">170</span> -William Trie also wrote several letters to Lyons and -Vienne at the instigation of Calvin, which led to the -arrest of Servetus; but he escaped from prison.’</p> - -<p>These statements of Bolsec, like the letter to Farel, -have been called in question and their truth denied -by Calvin’s apologists; but they tally in every respect -with what else we know, and explain some things that -would have remained obscure without them. If Calvin -wrote to Farel in the terms he certainly did, we have -no difficulty in believing that he addressed his <i>alter -ego</i>, Viret, in the same way. What is said of the letter -to Cardinal Tournon, also, has every appearance of -truth. The Cardinal took no notice of the heresy proclaimed -from such a quarter as Geneva; or if he hinted -at the matter to his friend the Archbishop of Vienne, -Paumier’s good report of Doctor Villeneuve put a stop -to further inquiry.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a></p> - -<p>More has probably been made of the letter to -Farel, by the enemies of Calvin, than is altogether -fair. Grotius, who was the first to notice it, says: ‘It -shows that Antichrist had not appeared by Tiber only, -but by Lake Leman also.’ When Calvin wrote to -Farel, however, he did not contemplate the likelihood -of Servetus ever falling into his hands. Neither, indeed, -though grievously offending, had the Spaniard yet -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">171</span> -shown himself utterly incorrigible, a lost creature, fore-ordained -of God, as it seemed, to perdition. At the -time Calvin wrote the letter of February, 1546, to -Farel</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">His murder yet was but fantastical,<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>It was at a later period, when the guilt as he held it -of the man he persistently regarded as the enemy of -God and all religion as well as of himself, was full-blown, -and the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ appeared in -print, that the threat of bygone years took the shape -of present stern resolve.</p> - -<p>Had we but Calvin’s letter to Villeneuve, ‘written -more sharply than was his wont,’ we should, beyond -question, find matter little calculated to flatter the -somewhat presumptuous self-confident man, and may -be fully as certain that the terms in which any future -missive was couched, were not more soothing or conciliatory. -But Servetus had come to look on himself -as commissioned in some sort by God to proclaim a -purer form of Christianity to the world; and any assumption -of superiority on the part of Calvin, was met -by a four-fold show of independence from himself. -Yet does Servetus, once embarked in the correspondence, -satisfy us that he had fallen under the spell of -the great Reformer; fascinated as it seems by him -and, far from being repelled by either his coldness or -his harshness, finding it impossible to forbear making -ever new attempts upon his patience for recognition, -were it even of a little complimentary kind. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">172</span></p> - -<p>The ‘great volume full of ravings,’ spoken of in the -letter to Farel, must have been a MS. copy of the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ already written, but not perhaps -finally revised. Upon this work it does not appear -that Calvin ever condescended to offer any strictures; -although it was doubtless accompanied by a letter—not -printed among the thirty—requesting an opinion on -its merits. But even as he never had anything of -the kind, neither, although repeatedly asked for, both -directly and through others, as we learn, could Servetus -ever get back his manuscript. Whether retained -in mere contempt, or as evidence against the writer, -with occasion presenting, as has been surmised, we do -not know; but certain it is that Calvin remained persistently -deaf to all the writer’s entreaties to have his -work returned to him. If not purposely retained in -view of the contingency hinted at, it was eventually -used in such wise; for it was among the Documents -furnished by Calvin through Trie to the authorities -of Vienne with the immediate effect of bringing about -the arrest of its writer and imperilling his life.</p> - -<p>Turn we to the letters to Calvin, less in view of -their theological import—the point from which alone -they have hitherto been regarded by the biographers -of Servetus—than as calculated to let us into the secret -of the misunderstanding and enmity that took such -entire possession of the mind of the Genevese Reformer. -In Servetus’s style of address, as we have -said, we at once note an entire absence of the obsequiousness -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">173</span> -to which Calvin was accustomed. Far from -approaching the Reformer as a Gamaliel at whose -feet he was to kneel and take lessons, Servetus -assumes the part, not merely of the equal, but often -of the superior, and is by no means nice in the terms -in which he challenges the points he holds erroneous -in the doctrines of the great man he is addressing. In -the very first of the thirty epistles he wrote, whilst -stating an opinion which he knew Calvin must think -heretical or even blasphemous, he ‘desires him to remember—<i>memineris -quæso</i>, &c.—that the Man, Jesus Christ, -was truly begotten of the substance of God;’ and in -the second of the series informs him quite bluntly that -he is mistaken in his interpretation of Paul’s Epistle -to the Romans. He even attempts to fix him on the -horns of a dilemma by showing that Calvin’s view, if -accepted, would lead to the assumption not of one -Son of God, but of three Sons of God. ‘But all such -tritheistic notions,’ he continues, ‘are illusions of Satan, -and they who acknowledge the Trinity of the Beast -(i.e. of Papal Christianity) are possessed by three -spirits of demons. False are all the invisible Gods of -the Trinitarians, as false as the gods of the Babylonians. -Farewell!’ This at the outset is certainly -not very respectful from the physician of Vienne to -the Spiritual Dictator of Geneva!</p> - -<p>The third epistle commences in the same easy -style: ‘<i>Sæpius te monui</i>—I have repeatedly admonished -you.’ It is on the way in which he imagines -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">174</span> -Christ to have been engendered by God, and so to be -truly and naturally His Son; adding that he has -always taught the eternity of the Divine Reason, -styled The Word, as prefiguring Christ, in whose face -at the Incarnation, he says, Man first verily saw the -face of God. ‘You are offended with me,’ he proceeds, -‘for speaking as I do of the human form of Christ; but -have patience and I shall lead you up to my conclusion—<i>te -manducam</i>,’ etc. Fancy John Calvin feeling -himself taken in hand by Michael Servetus!</p> - -<p>The fourth, sixth, and seventh epistles are remarkable -for their pantheistic views. ‘God,’ says Servetus, -‘is only known through manifestation, or communication, -in one shape or another. In Creation God -opened the gates of His Treasury of Eternity,’ says -he very grandly. ‘Containing the Essence of the -Universe in Himself, God is everywhere, and in every -thing, and in such wise that he shows himself to us as -fire, as a flower, as a stone.’ Existence, in a word, of -every kind is in, and of, God, and in itself is always -good; it is act or direction that at any time is bad. -But evil as well as good he thinks is also comprised in -the essence of God. This is indicated, he conceives, -by the Hebrew word, ‘π’ (ihei); and he illustrates his -position by the text: ‘I form light and create darkness.’ -All accidents, further, are in God; whatever -befals is not apart from God. Without beginning and -without end, God is always becoming—<i>Semper est Deus -in fieri</i>. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">175</span></p> - -<p>In the eighth and ninth letters he informs Calvin -that he ‘would have him know how the <i>Logos</i> and -<i>Sapientia</i>, the Divine Word, the Divine Reason, were -to be understood, in order that he should not go on -abusing these sacred words;’ and it is here that we -meet with various expressions which only acquire significance -when the pantheistic ideas with which he is -full are borne in mind. Here, too, we find the reason -why he would not concede that Calvin and the Reformers -held the true belief in Christ as the Son of God:—<i>Ille -est vere filius Dei quem in muliere genuit Deus, non ille -quem tu somniasti!</i> Neither did the Reformers, in -his eyes, rightly apprehend <span class="smcap">Justification</span>, which, according -to him, only comes through belief in the Sonship -of Christ as he conceives it.</p> - -<p>In the eleventh epistle he says he thinks it will be -labour well spent if he exposes the error into which -his correspondent falls in his interpretation of the -Doctrine of James. Calvin and his sect, we know, set -little store by works of charity and mercy. ‘All that -men do,’ proceeds our letter-writer, ‘you say is done -in sin and is mixed with dregs that stink before God, -and merit nothing but eternal death. But therein you -blaspheme. Stripping us of all possible goodness you -do violence to the teaching of Christ and his Apostles, -who ascribe perfection or the power of being perfect to -us: “Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father in -heaven is perfect.” (Matt. v. 48.) You scout this celestial -perfection because you have never tasted perfection of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">176</span> -the kind yourself. In the works of the Saintly, I say, -there is nothing of the corruption you feign. The works -of the Spirit shine before God and before men, and in -themselves are good and proper. Thou reprobate and -blasphemer, who calumniatest the works of the Spirit—<i>Tu -improbus et blasphemus qui opera Spiritus calumniaris!</i>’</p> - -<p>Can we wonder at Calvin’s rage with the man -who dared to address him in such language as this? -On his trial at Geneva Servetus tells his judges that -the correspondence between him and the Reformer -degenerated by degrees on both sides into mutual recrimination -and abuse. In the above objectionable -passage we see, if not the beginning, yet a significant -sample of this unhappy style, which continues even to -the end. Had we Calvin’s letters, we should certainly -find them not more guarded in expression—for Calvin -was a master of invective, with a superabundant vocabulary -of epithets at command, and never choice in -the use of those he applied to opponents—rascal, dog, -ass, and swine being found of constant occurrence -among them—had there been any stronger than scoundrel -and blasphemer, they would assuredly have been -hurled at Servetus.</p> - -<p>Referring to the subject of Justification, Calvin, as -we presume, must have said, in one of his letters, that -Justification is <i>imputed</i> by God, and that no change -takes place in him who is justified. To this Servetus, -in his thirteenth epistle, exclaims: ‘What do I hear? -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">177</span> -The spirit of man suffers no change through sin! But -if sin cause change, then must there also be change -when sin is taken away. He, forsooth, who sits in -darkness differs in nothing from him who sits in light! -Your justification is Satanic merely if the conscience -within you remains as it was before, and your new life -of faith differs in nothing from the old death. God -grant, O Calvin, that, ridding you of your magical -fascinations, you may abound to overflowing in all -good things; but Peter’s disputation against Simon -Magus refutes you, teaching, as it does, the excellence -of works even in the heathen. The justification you -preach, therefore, is mere magical fascination and -folly.’</p> - -<p>In another of his letters Calvin must have asked -Servetus where the Apostle John teaches that we in -this world are such as was Christ? Which his correspondent -answers by referring him to the fourth -chapter of the Epistle general, where he would find -these words: ‘Because as he is, so are we in this -world.’ We can fancy how vexed Calvin must have -been with himself for the slip he had made, as well -as angry with the triumph of his opponent, who continues: -‘But you neither rightly understand Faith in -Christ, nor good works, nor the Celestial Kingdom. -In the New Covenant a new and living way was -inaugurated; but you, true Jew—<i>tu vero Judaico</i>—would -shame me by a show of zeal and whelm -me with contumely because I say with Christ, “He -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">178</span> -who is least shall in this Kingdom be greater than -Abraham.”’</p> - -<p>If Calvin neither understands the nature of Faith, -nor of Justification, we shall not wonder when we find -that no more is he credited with comprehending Regeneration, -‘You have not understood true Regeneration, -nor the Celestial Kingdom, whereof Faith is the -gate. Regeneration, I maintain, comes through baptism; -you say that Christ thought nothing of the water. But -is it not written that we are born anew by water? and -is it not of water that Paul speaks when he designates -baptism the Laver of Regeneration, saying, “We are -cleansed from sin by washing with water?” Men, you -say, are regenerate when they are enlightened; you -must therefore concede that they who are baptized in -their infancy, being without understanding and so unenlightened, -cannot be regenerated. Yet do you -contend that they are properly baptized. Dissevering -regeneration from baptism you make baptism a sign of -adoption; but you deceive yourself in this, the Scriptures -declaring that adoption is effected when to the -believer is given the spirit of the divine Sonship—πνεύμα -Ὑωοθεσίος. On your own showing, then, infants, being -unregenerate, can enter the Kingdom of Heaven -neither by faith nor by hope; and thou, thief and -robber—<i>tu Fur et Latro</i>(!)—keepest them from the -gate. As a prelude to Baptism Peter required repentance. -Let your infants repent, then; and do you -yourself repent and come to baptism, having true faith -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">179</span> -in Jesus Christ—<i>pœniteat te igitur, et vere Jesu Christi -fide ad baptismum accede</i>—to the end that you may -receive the gift of the Holy Spirit promised therein. -But you satisfy yourself with illusions, and say that the -infants who die [unbaptized?] were predestined, impudently -misusing sacred speech as is your wont; for in -the Scriptures predestination is not spoken of save in -connection with belief and believers. God, I say, sees -no one justified from eternity unless he believes.’ Let -us think of Calvin, spiritual dictator to one half of reformed -Christendom, schooled in this style by the poor -body-curer of Vienne! called thief and robber to his -face, and all the more irate with his teacher from -feeling, as we fancy he must have felt, that he had not -always the best of the argument. Servetus’s dialectic -is at least a match for his own.</p> - -<p>But our restorer of Christianity has not yet done -with his pædo-baptism: the subject is continued in the -next letter, which closes with a prayer in the very -finest spirit of piety, but to Calvin may possibly have -seemed profane, he having made up his mind that -Servetus was not only without religion himself, but bent -on effacing religion from the heart of man. Here is -the prayer:—</p> - -<p>‘O thou, most merciful Jesus, who with such signs -of love and blessing didst take the little ones into thine -arms, bless them now and ever, and with Thy guiding -hand so lead them that in faith they may become partakers -of Thy Heavenly Kingdom. Amen!’ -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">180</span></p> - -<p>Calvin, we believe, treats the ‘Descent into Hell’ -as legendary. Servetus thinks the Hebrew word -<i>Scheol</i> signifies the <i>grave</i> as well as the traditional <i>hell</i>, -and seems to make it a kind of resting-place for the -unregenerate until the resurrection. Adam, he says, -by his transgression fell both soul and body into the -power of the Serpent. But where can the soul of him -be after death who is the slave of such a master? Are -not the gates of Paradise closed against him?—is not -the whole man given over to the power of the mighty -tyrant? ‘Who shall set him free? No one, assuredly, -but Christ’—and so on, in terms entirely unobjectionable, -and in complete conformity with accredited -opinion; but tending, we imagine, to what is called -<i>Universalism</i>, Servetus believing, as we read him, -that all men would be saved in the end, though ordinary -sinners would have to wait until the day of Judgment. -He nowhere speaks of any lake of burning brimstone, -fanned by the Devil, in which the wicked are tortured -throughout eternity. Annihilation, with him, is the -penalty of unpardonable sin.</p> - -<p>The Twentieth Epistle is especially interesting as -showing us the very heart of the writer; letting us into -his secret, as it were, and showing us the ideas that led -him to his scheme of restoring the lapsed faith of mankind -in Christ as the naturally begotten Son of God, -and of reconstituting his Church, long vanished from -the face of the earth. The true Church, however, is -not to be thought of as an institution made by man, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">181</span> -but as a foundation originated by Christ. And the -question as to where this true Church exists, is not -difficult of determination if the authority of the Scriptures -be admitted as paramount in matters of belief. -But the authority of the Scriptures, and of the true -Church represented by those purified by the water of -baptism and governed by the Holy Spirit, he says, is -equal ‘<i>The true Church of Christ, indeed, is independent -of the Scriptures. There was a Church of -Christ before there was any writing of the Apostles.</i> -But where is now the Church? Ever present in -celestial spirits and the souls of the blest, it fled from -earth as many as 1260 years ago. It is in heaven, and -typified by the woman adorned with the sun and the -twelve stars (Revelation). Invisible among us now, it -will again be seen before long. We with ours, the congregation -of Christ, will be the Church. Towards the -restoration of this Church it is that I labour incessantly; -and it is because I mix myself up with that battle of -Michael and the Angels, and seek to have all the pious -on my side, that you are displeased with me. As the -good angels did battle in heaven against the Dragon, -so do other angels now contend against the Papacy on -earth. Do you not believe that the angels will prevail? -But as the Dragon could not, so neither can the Papacy, -be worsted without the angels. The celestial regeneration -by baptism it is that makes us equals of the -angels in our war with spiritual iniquity. See you not, -then, that the question is the restoration of the Church -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">182</span> -driven from among us? The words of John show us -that a battle was in prospect: seduction was to precede, -the battle was to follow; and the time is now at hand. -Who, think you, are they who shall gain the victory -over the Beast? They, assuredly, who have not -received his mark. Grant, O God, to thy soldier -that with thy might he may manfully bear him -against the Dragon, who gave such power to the -Beast. Amen!’</p> - -<p>In the above we have the whole mystical being of -the man laid bare before us, and the nature of the -cause in which he was engaged made known. Servetus -certainly believed that he was an instrument in -the hand of God for proclaiming a better saving faith -to the world. It was by a certain Divine impulse, he -says himself, that he was led to his subject, and woe to -him did he not evangelise! He seems even to have -thought that he had his vocation shadowed out to him -in his name. The angel Michael led the embattled -hosts of heaven to war against the Dragon; and he, -Michael Servetus, had been chosen to lead the angels -on earth against Antichrist! The Roman interpretation -of Christianity, with its Pope and hierarchy, its assumed -sovereignty, its pompous ceremonial and ritualistic -apparatus, had failed to make the world either -wiser or better; the entire system was rotten to the -core; hence the revolt of such scholarly monks as -Erasmus and Luther, and of such learned priests as -Zwingli, Calvin, Melanchthon, Bullinger, Bucer, and the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">183</span> -rest. But they, too, still showed more or less of the -‘mark of the Beast.’ They had rid themselves of the -Mass and Transubstantiation, of compromises for sin -by payments in money, of monkeries, nunneries, the -invocation of saints, prayers to the Virgin, and so on; -but they had retained much that was objectionable—particularly -a Trinity of persons in the Godhead -(tantamount, said Servetus, to the recognition of three -Gods instead of one God), and infant baptism.</p> - -<p>By their strenuous insistance on the effects of -Adam’s transgression as compromising mankind at -large, and Abraham’s readiness to sacrifice his only son, -they had moreover interspersed the religion of Christ -with such an amount of Judaism that their Christianity -was in many respects a relapse into the bonds of the -Law, from which Christ had set us free. A reformation -of the Church had been commenced, therefore, but was -by no means completed; much still remained to be -done; the world was waiting, in fact, for a better interpretation -of Christ’s life and doctrine as contained -in the Gospels, and this the studies and meditations -of Michael Servetus, he believed, qualified him in -no mean measure to supply. Hence the books on -Trinitarian Error and the Restoration of Christianity; -and hence, also, the hostility of Calvin and his followers, -who were minded that they had already reformed and -restored, and verily represented, or were in fact, the -true Church.</p> - -<p>Like the leaders of other bands of enthusiasts of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">184</span> -which the world has seen so many, Servetus, relying -on the New Testament record, thought that the day -was at hand when Christ should appear in the clouds -to judge the world and consummate all things. He -overlooked the fact that Paul, whom he resembled in -so many respects, had had the same fancy fifteen hundred -years before him, and that matters had nevertheless -gone on much as they had always done, without -the day of judgment having dawned. Calvin with his -educated understanding and his experience of the -world, ought to have seen Servetus as the pious enthusiast -he was in fact, and not as the enemy of God and -Religion, as well as of himself. Failing to cure him of -his extravagant fancies, he might safely have left him -to indulge them, as being little likely to compromise -his own or any other system of Christianity, the Papacy -perhaps excepted, to which the would-be Restorer was -truly much more violently opposed than the Reformer. -But hate had blinded Calvin; considerations personal -to himself had complicated and in some sort superseded -such as were associated with religion.</p> - -<p>On the subject of Faith, to which Calvin’s system -gave much less free play than Luther’s, we find Servetus -siding with him of the North rather than him -of the South. Neither of them, however, as we have -seen, had any conception of faith in the way Servetus -understood it. Faith, says he, consists in a certain -compliant state of mind, proclaimed by unquestioning -assent. This, the true saving faith, is of the kind -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">185</span> -avowed by Peter when he declared Jesus to be the -Christ, the Son of the living God. Yet faith even -of this kind, distinctly as it has the lead in Servetus’s -Christology, is not yet all in all: to become efficient or -saving, it must be conjoined with Charity. ‘If faith be -not clothed with charity,’ says he, ‘it dies in nakedness; -and as habit is strengthened by action, the body by -exercise, and the understanding by study, so is faith -strengthened by good works.’ The subject-will and -fatalism, asserted by Calvin in his doctrine of predestination -and election, have therefore no real foundation -in Scripture; nay more, there is unreason in the assumption -of such a principle, and in the admonition -given to mankind to do that which it must be known -beforehand they cannot do. ‘You speak,’ says our -writer, ‘of free acts, yet really say that there is no such -thing as free action. But who so devoid of understanding -as to prescribe free choice to one incapable of -choosing freely! It is mere fatuity besides to derive -subject-will from this: that it is God who acts in us. -Truly God does act in us; but in such wise that we -act freely. He acts in us so that we understand and -will, choose, determine, and pursue. Even as all things -consist essentially in God, so do all things proceed essentially -from him. The Spirit of God is innate in -man, and as the power to do is one thing, so is the -necessity to do another. Although God elects us as -the potter does his clay, it by no means follows that -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">186</span> -we are nothing more than clay. Paul’s simile deceives -you; it is not universally applicable.’</p> - -<p>The Law of Moses, Calvin has said, is still in force -and to be observed by us as truly as it was by the -Jews; violating it, he says, we violate the Law of God. -Servetus’s reply to this is the burden of the Twenty-third -and three following Letters. ‘I fancy I hear -some Jew or Mussulman speaking here,’ says our respondent. -‘But to what is violence done—is it to a -stone, or to certain letters cut in a stone? Christ, I -say, accomplished the Law and then it was abrogated; -in him we have the New Covenant, the Old superseded; -in him are we made free. The law of Moses -was unbearable; it slew the soul, it increased sin, it -begat anger; virtue itself through it became at times -transgression, and in compassion for our frailty it was -annulled. You make God exercise a rude and miserable -people in a mill-round. What would you say -were some tyrant to require mountains of gold or the -stars of heaven from your Genevese, and threaten -them with death for non-compliance with his demands? -But the Old Law bound men to impossibilities. Art -thou not then ashamed of slavery and tyrannical violence? -Insisting on the observance of this law, you -yet go on dreaming with your Luther, and saying that -no one ever entirely fulfilled the commandment which -says “thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole -heart and soul.” David and others, then, who said that -they sought God with all their heart and strove with -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">187</span> -all their might to keep his commandments, are but -liars to you. <i>And what, after all, are the laws of -Moses? If conformable to Nature then are they the -laws of God, the author of Nature, older than Moses, -and to be observed of Christians independently of Moses.</i> -But God never required obedience of the kind you -imagined; he but asks of each according to his strength. -Cease then, O Calvin, to torture us with the law of -Moses, and to insist on its observance. It looks as -if you had a mind to be pitied of God in your impotency—of -God who may be said so often to have had -to take pity on the Jews when they were under the -law.’ Who shall say that Michael Servetus was not -in advance of John Calvin?</p> - -<p>The twenty-seventh, eighth, and ninth epistles are -only significant as expositions of doctrinal views in -their bearing on social life. Is it lawful, he asks, for a -Christian to assume the magistracy? to administer the -laws of the land and to take the lives of evil-doers? -Of course it is. The order of the world is maintained -by law and justice. But then to take life? Where -there is hope of amendment, as in the case of the -woman taken in adultery, we see the penalty of death -remitted: Go, said Jesus to her, and sin no more. -But even where there is malice and unyielding obstinacy, -recourse is to be had to chastisement of other -kinds than taking life. Among these, banishment, approved -by Christ, and excommunication, practised by -the Church, are to be commended. Schism and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">188</span> -heresy were punished in this way whilst traces of -apostolic tradition remained. Criminals, in matters -not pertaining to the faith, are variously punished by -the laws of every country; and this is in conformity -with natural law. They bear the sword aright and -lawfully who bear it in the cause of justice and to the -repression of crime; and it is not against gospel precepts -that we serve as soldiers in defence of our lives -and possessions.</p> - -<p>Servetus, we find, accords rather extensive powers -to Bishops, whom, in opposition to Calvin, he recognises, -and to Ministers of the Church generally. -Bishops, like good shepherds, are to know their flocks, -and to take care that no infection gets in among them; -ministers again—he does not use the word priests—are -privileged to reconcile sinners to God, and to punish -unbelievers by excommunicating them and delivering -them over to Satan and spiritual death. Their -authority, however, is only to be exercised under the -guidance of the Spirit—what spirit he does not say. -Confession, too, he approves of, but the minister is -not to be consulted save in case of some grave doubt -or difficulty arising.</p> - -<p>Our writer is greatly displeased with Calvin’s interpretation -of the parable of the labourers in the vineyard, -in which like wages are given to those hired at -every hour of the day; from which the Reformer infers -that there is no difference or distinction in glory, in -faith, or in works. ‘To you truly,’ says Servetus, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">189</span> -‘there needs no distinction as to less or more; for -with you these are all alike of non-avail, some as you -maintain being saved with, as some are saved without, -merit of their own. But it is faith that of the impious -makes the pious, of the dead the living. Ignorant of -all gospel truth is he who does not attach supreme -significance to faith in Christ as the Son of God.’</p> - -<p>The concluding epistle of the series must have -given great offence to Calvin, the writer reproaching -him with setting the Christian on no higher level -than the vulgar Jew. ‘They are alike to you, indeed, -alike carnal, because to you are the benefits of Christ’s -coming unknown; to you who in the Supper partake -of nothing more than a trope or figure, and who treat -baptism as the equivalent of a Levitical rite, the sign -of a thing that is not. But in the Supper we, nourished -by immortal food, for a terrestrial have a new celestial -life imparted to us, and how should he perish who has -once partaken of Christ? May God give you to receive -all these things with a true understanding, led -by the spirit of truth, by Jesus Christ and the Father. -Amen.’ Scouting the Roman Catholic dogma of -transubstantiation, as he did, we here find Servetus -speaking as if he believed that it was the body of -Christ indeed that was partaken of in the Supper! To -understand this in him his pantheistic notions must -again be taken into account. But pantheism, when not -detached from the idea of <i>personality</i>, in the usual acceptation -of the word, leads inevitably to such absurdity. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">190</span> -Speaking as he does now, Servetus forgets his philosophy -and yields himself up to his mysticism. With -as much justice might he have said that Cannibals -partake of God when they eat one another, as that the -Christian communicant partakes of Christ when he -joins the simple, solemn, commemorative feast. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">191</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII.</h2> - -<p class="hang">‘CHRISTIANISMI RESTITUTIO’—THE RESTORATION OF -CHRISTIANITY—DISCOVERY OF THE PULMONARY CIRCULATION.</p> - -<p>We have seen that Servetus could never recover his -MS. of the Restoration of Christianity from the hands -of Calvin. But he had not sent his work for the review -of the Reformer without retaining a copy for himself, -and this he determined now to have printed and sent -abroad into the world. With this view he forwarded -the Manuscript to a publisher of Basle, Marrinus by -name, with whom—if we may infer so much from the -address of the publisher’s letter to him declining the -work—he must have been on terms of intimacy. Marrinus’s -letter is short, to the point, and in the following -terms:—</p> - -<p>‘Gratia et pax a Deo, Michael carissime!—the grace -and peace of God be with you, dearest Michael! I -have received your letter and your book; but I fancy -that on reflection you will see why it cannot be published -at Basle at this present time. When I have -perused it [more carefully] I shall therefore return it -to you by the accredited messenger you may send for -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">192</span> -it. But I beg you not to question my friendly feelings -towards you. To what you say besides I shall reply -at greater length and more particularly on another -occasion. Farewell! Thy</p> - -<p> -<span class="author smcap">Marrinus.</span><br /> -‘Basle, April 9, 1552.’</p> - -<p>The MS., even on a cursory perusal, had evidently -frightened the worthy publisher of Basle: he would -have nothing to do with it; but this did not put our -author from his purpose of publication. Not going so -far afield as Basle, he took Balthasar Arnoullet, bookseller -and publisher, and William Geroult, manager of -his printing establishment, both of Vienne, into his -confidence, giving them to understand that though the -book he wished to have printed was against the doctrines -of Luther, Calvin, Melanchthon, and other heretics, -there were many reasons why neither his name as the -author, nor Vienne as the place of publication, should -appear on the title-page.</p> - -<p>Arnoullet, like Marrinus, must have had misgivings -about the reception the book was likely to meet with -from the clergy of France, and, aware of the danger he -incurred who printed and published aught out of conformity -with the doctrines of the holy Roman Catholic and -Apostolic Church, he too must have declined in the first -instance to undertake the work. But Michel Villeneuve -had been prosperous; he had money in his purse, and -engaging not only to take the whole of the expenses on -himself, but to add a gratuity of 100 crowns to the cost, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">193</span> -Arnoullet consented at last to run the risk of publication, -meaning, however, that the world at large should know -nothing of him as instrumental in the business. No -one then knew that Secerius of Hagenau had printed -the ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ or that its author, Michael -Servetus, was Doctor Villeneuve. Why should it ever -transpire that Balthasar Arnoullet of Vienne had -printed the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ or that Monsieur -Michel Villeneuve the physician was its writer? To -keep the secret within their own circle, therefore, the -work must not be composed in the usual place of -business, and none but the most indispensable hands -be employed upon it. A small house, away from the -known printing establishment, was accordingly taken; -type cases and a press were there set up, and the work -once entered on proceeded regularly without interruption -during a period of between three and four months, -when the impression, consisting of 1,000 copies, was -successfully worked off.</p> - -<p>Arnoullet, although we shall by and by find him -declaring his entire ignorance of the burden of the -book, and charging his manager, Geroult, with having -deceived him on this head and by misrepresentations -induced him to meddle with the publication at all, must -nevertheless have been well aware of its nature. The -measures taken to keep the outside world in ignorance -of what was going on, the arrangement with the author -to be his own reader for press, and the premium paid, -give the lie to all his asseverations. Servetus, too, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">194</span> -in his determination to keep his name from the title-page, -and leave this blank of the place of publication, -shows that neither was he blind to the danger that -waited on the production of such a book as the Restoration -of Christianity in Roman Catholic France. The -printing press, though eagerly welcomed on all hands -at first, soon fell out of favour with the Church of -Rome, and so continues with that conspiracy against -the rights, the liberties, and the progress of mankind. -But Michael Servetus was too vain, too thoroughly -persuaded of his own apostolic mission to the world, to -leave his book, the crowning labour of his life, without -some sufficient mark of its paternity. On the last page, -accordingly, we find the initials of his name and designation -in capital letters, thus, M.S.V., immediately over -the date MDLIII., the year of the intended publication. -But even so much was not wanted to proclaim -the author. Innocently or inadvertently he says in his -Preface that he had formerly treated briefly of the -subjects he is now about to discuss at greater length; -and in the body of the work he may even be said to -make his appearance in person, and in his proper -name; for we there have Michael and Peter as interlocutors, -precisely as in the old ‘Dialogi ij de Trinitate’ -of the year 1532.</p> - -<p>Printed with every precaution to secure secrecy, -with nothing intentionally about it to lead the uninitiated -to suspect what was meant by the M.S.V. at the -end, or a hint, even had it been divined that Michael -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">195</span> -Servetus Villanovanus was thereby indicated, to show -that he and Michel Villeneuve of Vienne were one and -the same personage, it is obvious that the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio’ was not intended for publication or sale either -in Vienne or France—probably not even in Basle or -Geneva, in the first instance. Villeneuve would keep -the place where he lived, and the country that sheltered -him, as well as the nearest neighbouring land, out of the -storm which he plainly foresaw would be raised by his -daring innovations on accredited Christian doctrine, and -his more than Luther-like denunciations of the Papacy. -The whole impression was therefore made up into bales -of 100 copies in each, of which five were confided to -the safe keeping of Pierre Merrin, typefounder of -Lyons—a brother in all likelihood of the Marrinus of -Basle, with whose name we are already acquainted—in -view of their being forwarded by water to Genoa and -Venice. A bale or two we know were sent by Arnoullet -to his agent at Frankfort; and as Frelon was -now in the secret of Servetus, we can hardly doubt of -his having taken some share in the venture and despatched -at least a bale to the same great emporium of -the book trade. It must have been from Frelon, indeed, -that Calvin by and by obtained the couple of copies of -the ‘Restitutio’ he required for the purposes of the prosecution -he had instituted against its author; and it is -almost certainly to him, not to Robert Etienne, the -bookseller of Geneva, as has been said, that Calvin -refers in his letter to the Frankfort Clergy ‘as a well-disposed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">196</span> -person who will put no obstacle in the way of -the seizure and destruction of the obnoxious book which -he has learned had been sent for exposition and sale -among them.’ The remainder of the impression—and -there could now have been little of it left on hand—for -safe stowage away from the Archiepiscopal city of -Vienne, was confided by Arnoullet to the custody of a -friend, Bertet by name, resident at Chatillon.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">197</span></p> - -<p>The book on the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> often -spoken of, though so rare as seldom to be seen, comprises -a series of disquisitions on the speculative and -practical principles of Christianity, as apprehended by -the author; thirty letters to John Calvin; a disquisition -on as many as sixty signs of the reign of Antichrist, -and an apologetic address to Philip Melanchthon and -his followers.</p> - -<p>‘The task we have set ourselves here,’ says the -Author in his Preface or Introduction, ‘is truly sublime; -for it is no less than to make God known in his -substantial manifestation by The Word and his divine -communication by the Spirit, both comprised in Christ, -through whom alone do we learn how the divineness -of the Word and the Spirit may be apprehended in -Man. Hidden from human sight in former times, -God is now both manifested and communicated to the -world, manifestation taking place by the Word, communication -by the Spirit, to the end that we may see -him face to face as it were in Creation, and feel him -intuitively but lucidly declared in ourselves. It is -high time that the door leading to knowledge of this -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">198</span> -kind were opened; for otherwise no one can either -know God truly, read the Scriptures aright, or be a -Christian.’</p> - -<p>How much the writer is in earnest is farther proclaimed -by the Invocation to Christ and the Address -to the Reader with which he concludes his Introduction: -‘O Christ Jesus, Son of God, Thou Who wast given -to us from heaven, Thou Who in Thyself makest -Deity visibly manifest, I, Thy servant, now proclaim -Thee, that so great a manifestation may be made -known to all. Grant then to Thy petitioner Thy good -Spirit and Thy effectual Speech; guide Thou his mind -and his pen that he may worthily declare the glory of -Thy Divinity, and give pious utterance to the true -faith concerning Thee. The cause indeed is Thine, -for by a certain Divine impulse it is that I am led to -speak of Thy Glory from the Father. In former -days did I begin to treat of this, and again do I enter -upon it; for now am I to be made known to all the -pious; now truly are the days complete, as appears -from the certainty of the thing itself and the visible -signs of the times. The Light Thou hast said is not -to be hidden; so woe to me do I not evangelise!</p> - -<p>‘It rests with thee, then, O Reader, that thou show -thyself well disposed towards Christ, even to the End, -and that thou hear our subject discussed at length in -words of truth without disguise.’</p> - -<p>After a somewhat careful perusal of the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ we know not how it could be better -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">199</span> -or more briefly characterised, in its theoretical portion -at least, than as a paraphrase and new interpretation of -the Gospel according to John, in which the Neo-platonic -doctrine of the Logos is particularly discussed, -and copiously interfused with pantheistic ideas, whilst -the dogmatic teaching of the Church of Rome and its -practical application is repudiated <i>in toto</i>, and the -chief doctrines of Lutheran and Calvinistic Christianity -are controverted.</p> - -<p>Assuming the leading positions of the writer as -guides, we should say that in his philosophy he regards -the world as a manifestation and communication of -God in time and space, manifestation taking place, as -he says, through the Word, communication through -the agency called Spirit. The first of things in which -God showed Himself, he says, was Light, which he -speaks of as uncreated—<i>lux increata</i>, essence or first -principle of things—all existence, all generation being -effected by the energising power of light. In, and of, -and first manifested by light, God, however, is not -identified therewith, any more than with the things of -creation, in all of which he is still held to be immanent. -God indeed in himself is supersensuous and incomprehensible, -for he transcends all things—mind as well as -matter. When not sought to be defined by negatives, -God is to be thought of as Absolute Being, and all -existence, as deriving from him, is to be accounted -divine, although in diverse degrees.</p> - -<p>The manifold manifestations which God makes of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">200</span> -himself in nature are referred to a single dispensation or -mode, the mode of the Plenitude of Substance, which -comprises all other modes or dispensations in their -endless diversity, patterns or types of all things that be -having been present in the mind of God before they -were in themselves. An architypal universe is therefore -assumed as having existed before the actual world -came into being, and this, says Servetus, is the Logos -of Scripture and Philosophy—the Divine Reason, -wherein reflected all things showed themselves visibly. -<i>Ea ipsa erat λὀγος erat ratio mirifica in qua omnia -visibiliter relucebat.</i> The Logos—Divine Word, Divine -Wisdom, God himself, in fact—it is that is revealed or -manifested in Creation, as in the fulness of time it -also became incarnate in Christ; for, even as before -Creation the world existed ideally in God, so before -the incarnation was Christ potentially present in the -Divine mind as the Divine word, in the same way as -the future plant is extant in the seed. From the beginning, -therefore, it was a virtual or potential Son, -not any actual co-eternal Son, who existed beside the -Father, the Son first acquiring form and substance in -the womb of the Virgin Mary, and being made participant -of the Holy Spirit at the moment of his birth -when he began to breathe; for Servetus assimilated -the abstraction entitled Spirit to breath or wind: -God, say the Scriptures, breathed into the nostrils of -man and he became a living soul.</p> - -<p>Possessed, as he was, by the principles of the Neo-platonic -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">201</span> -and other more ancient philosophies, Servetus -assimilates Christ to the Demiurgos, and makes of him -the architect and fashioner of the world—<i>ille mundi -Architectus Christus</i>—Creator even of the elements -from which, intermingled, are educed the substantial -forms of things. How this was brought about if Christ -only became a reality at his birth, he does not say. -But it is not a little interesting to note how nearly our -own Great King of transcendental song approaches -some of these fancies of our author, for Milton too -speaks of Light as</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i8">Offspring of heaven firstborn,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Or of the eternal coeternal beam;<br /></span> -<span class="i13">Since God is light,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And never but in unapproached light,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Dwelt from eternity, dwelt then in thee,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Bright effluence of bright essence increate.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>A little further on he also has the Son as Agent in -Creation:—</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">And thou, my Word, begotten Son, by thee<br /></span> -<span class="i0">This I perform: speak thou and be it done.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Creation ended, he continues:—</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">The filial Son arrived and sat him down<br /></span> -<span class="i0">With his great Father!<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Into what labyrinths are men led when they give the -rein to imagination, and the demon of speculation -divorced from science is suffered to have his uncontrolled -way!</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Coming to a more particular analysis of the ‘Restitutio,’ -we find the first book treating of the man -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">202</span> -Jesus, in which he is shown to be, 1st, Man; 2nd, Son -of God; and 3rd, God.</p> - -<p>I. The name Jesus [Joshua, Hebraice], says -Servetus, is the name of a man and was given on the -day of the Circumcision; the cognomen Christ [Χρίστος, -Græce, the anointed], was bestowed by the Disciples, -but never admitted by the Jews, who only knew Jesus -as the son of Joseph. There was indeed frequent discussion -among the disciples themselves, whether Jesus -was the Messiah or not; and we know that kings, -in virtue of the anointing at their coronation, were entitled -Christs—Cyrus, for instance, is called Masach -by the Prophet, the word Christ being no more than -the Hebrew title translated into Greek.</p> - -<p>II. It is as a Son of God,—υἵος Θεοῦ—that Jesus -is spoken of in the Scriptures. But if so, then is he -to be thought of as engendered by God as thou by thy -father. God, it is true, is in a certain sense the Father -of all men as he is of Jesus; but we are his sons by -adoption as Jesus is his Son by nature. Jesus, indeed, -was believed to be the son of Joseph, but he was -truly the Son of God, having, without any sophistry, -been engendered of his substance: the Word of God -overshadowed the Virgin like a cloud, and acted in her -as generative dew, comparable to the shower from -heaven that causes the earth to bring forth flowers and -fruit. It follows, therefore, that the son of the Virgin -is also truly, naturally, the Son of God.</p> - -<p>III. Christ is God, and is so called because in him -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">203</span> -is God substantially, corporeally present; for he is -God by his geniture as by his flesh he is man -(p. 15), God and man being truly conjoined in one -substance and made one body, one new man. As the -Father is true God, so, in bestowing his divineness -(<i>Deitas</i>) on his only Son, did he cause it to be that -the Son should be true God.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Having spoken of God and Christ, he treats next -of the Trinity. In the beginning, it is said, was the -word, Ὁ λὀγος, an expression whereby inward Reason -and outward Speech are implied. Some, says the -writer, have held that God can be defined no otherwise -than by negations: ears have not heard God speak, -save by the voice of man; hands have not touched -Him, for He is incorporeal; place holds Him not, for -He cannot be circumscribed; and time gives no measure -of Him, for, infinite, He is without beginning and -without end. But all this only speaks of what God is -not; it does not teach what God is. Now, no one -knows God who is ignorant of the mode in which He -has willed to manifest Himself to us, plainly exposed -though it be in the sacred oracles. These, however, -the Sophists do not believe, because they will not see -God in Christ (p. 111). In the Word made flesh, in -the face of Jesus Christ it is that we see the Light—God -Himself—shining upon us. In thinking of the engenderment -of Christ, and his appearance on earth, the -veil of any intervening time is to be rejected; Christ -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">204</span> -being to be conceived of as having been eternally engendered -in the mind of God, but only begotten of his -substance in time in the womb of the Virgin Mary. -The man Christ is therefore, and because of this, fitly -spoken of as the first-born Son of God, begotten before -all worlds (pp. 56, 57), substantially visible before -creation, and possessed of eternal substance—<i>visibilem -cum</i> (<i>Christum</i>) <i>substantialiter ante omnia fuisse et substantiam -æternam habere</i> (p. 57)—the meaning of which -we imagine to be this: that the idea of Christ, present -in the mind of God from eternity, took form by his -immediate agency in the womb of Mary, the wife of -Joseph, whose son the man Jesus was believed by his -contemporaries to be, though he was indeed the Son -of God.</p> - -<p>One of the items of transcendental belief, therefore, -in which Servetus differed wholly from the Reformers, -had reference to the coeternity of the Father and the -Son. On this head he says particularly, ‘If there were -in eternity two incorporeal beings alike and equal, -then were these Twins rather than a Father and Son; -and were a third Entity added, like and equal to the -other two, then were there a threefold Geryon produced.’ -These words, and others of corresponding import, were -found highly objectionable or blasphemous by the -Reformers, as we have already had occasion to say.</p> - -<p>In connection with this part of his subject the writer -adds several of the comments he had appended to the -Pagnini Bible, particularly the one in which he discusses -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">205</span> -the verse of Isaiah, beginning: ‘A virgin shall conceive -and bear a son,’ &c., in which he maintains that the -Almah, the marriageable woman mentioned, refers immediately -to Abija, the youthful wife of Ahaz, then -pregnant with Hezekiah.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Thus far advanced, it is now that we find the pantheistic -conceptions of our author most fully enunciated. -Referring to the words quoted by St. Paul, ‘In God we -live, and move, and have our being,’ Servetus maintains -that God is in all things, and all things are in -God; in his own words, ‘It is God who gives its <small>ESSE</small> -or essential being to every existing thing—to inanimate -creation, to living creatures in general, and to man in -especial.’</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>The fifth book treats of the Holy Spirit. ‘As the -essence of God is the Word,’ says our author, ‘in -so far as manifestation is made in the world, so, and -in so far as communication is made, it is Spirit; manifestation -and communication, however, being ever -co-ordinate and conjoined. It is spirit that is the architype, -eternally present in God, from whom it proceeds’ -(p. 163). And it is in this place that our author explains -or illustrates some of his metaphysical positions -by a reference to Anatomy, with which in various -interesting particulars he shows himself more satisfactorily -intelligible than in his transcendental speculations. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">206</span></p> - -<p>‘There is commonly said to be a threefold spirit -in the body of man, derived from the substance of the -three superior elements—a natural, a vital, and an -animal spirit; there are, however, not really three, but -only two distinct spirits. One of these, the first, characterised -as <i>natural</i>, is communicated from the arteries -to the veins by their anastomoses, and is primarily -associated with the blood, the proper seat or home of -which is the liver and veins. The second is the <i>vital</i> -spirit, whose seat or dwelling-place is the heart and -arteries. The third, the <i>animal</i> spirit, comparable to -a ray of light, has its home in the brain and nerves. -In each and all of these is the force—<i>energeia</i>—of the -one spirit and light of God comprised. Now, that the -natural spirit is imparted from the heart to the liver, -and not from the liver to the heart, is proclaimed by -the formation of man in the womb; for we see an artery -associate with a vein sent from the mother through -the navel of the fœtus; and in the adult body we -always find an artery and a vein conjoined. But it -was truly into the heart of Adam that God breathed -the breath of life or the soul. From the heart, therefore, -it is that life is communicated to the liver; for by -the breathing into the mouth and nostrils it was that -the soul was first truly imparted, the breath tending -directly to the heart.</p> - -<p>‘The heart is the first organ that lives, and, situate -in the middle of the body, is the source of its heat. -From the liver the heart receives the liquor, the material -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">207</span> -as it were of life, and in turn gives life to the -source of the supply. The material of life is therefore -derived from the liver; but, elaborated as you shall -hear, by a most admirable process, it comes to pass -that the life itself is in the blood—yea that the blood -is the life, as God himself declares (Genes. ix.; Levit. -xvii.; Deut. xii.).</p> - -<p>‘Rightly to understand the question here, the first -thing to be considered is the substantial generation of -the vital spirit—a compound of the inspired air with -the most subtle portion of the blood. The vital spirit -has, therefore, its source in the left ventricle of the -heart, the lungs aiding most essentially in its production. -It is a fine attenuated spirit, elaborated by the -power of heat, of a crimson colour and fiery potency—the -lucid vapour as it were of the blood, substantially -composed of water, air, and fire; for it is engendered, -as said, by the mingling of the inspired air with the -more subtle portion of the blood which the right -ventricle of the heart communicates to the left. This -communication, however, does not take place through -the septum, partition or midwall of the heart, as commonly -believed, but by another admirable contrivance, -the blood being transmitted from the pulmonary artery -to the pulmonary vein, by a lengthened passage through -the lungs, in the course of which it is elaborated and -becomes of a crimson colour. Mingled with the inspired -air in this passage, and freed from fuliginous -vapours by the act of expiration, the mixture being -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">208</span> -now complete in every respect, and the blood become -fit dwelling-place of the vital spirit, it is finally attracted -by the diastole, and reaches the left ventricle of the -heart.</p> - -<p>‘Now that the communication and elaboration take -place in the lungs in the manner described, we are -assured by the conjunctions and communications of -the pulmonary artery with the pulmonary vein. The -great size of the pulmonary artery seems of itself to -declare how the matter stands; for this vessel would -neither have been of such a size as it is, nor would such -a force of the purest blood have been sent through it -to the lungs for their nutrition only; neither would the -heart have supplied the lungs in such fashion, seeing -as we do that the lungs in the fœtus are nourished -from another source—those membranes or valves of -the heart not coming into play until the hour of birth, -as Galen teaches. The blood must consequently be -poured in such large measure at the moment of birth -from the heart to the lungs for another purpose than -the nourishment of these organs. Moreover, it is not -simply air, but air mingled with blood that is returned -from the lungs to the heart by the pulmonary vein.</p> - -<p>‘It is in the lungs, consequently, that the mixture [of -the inspired air with the blood] takes place, and it is in -the lungs also, not in the heart, that the crimson colour -of the blood is acquired. There is not indeed capacity -or room enough in the left ventricle of the heart for -so great and important an elaboration, neither does it -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">209</span> -seem competent to produce the crimson colour. To -conclude, the septum or middle partition of the heart, -seeing that it is without vessels and special properties, -is not fitted to permit and accomplish the communication -and elaboration in question, although it may be -that some transudation takes place through it. It is -by a mechanism similar to that by which the transfusion -from the <i>vena portæ</i> to the <i>vena cava</i> takes place -in the liver, in respect of the blood, that the transfusion -from the pulmonary artery to the pulmonary vein -takes place in the lungs, in respect of the spirit.</p> - -<p>‘The vital spirit (elaborated in the manner described) -is at length transfused from the left ventricle -of the heart to the arteries of the body at large, and -in such a way that the more attenuated portion tends -upwards, and undergoes further elaboration in the -retiform plexus of vessels situated at the base of the -brain, in which the <i>vital</i> begins to be changed into the -<i>animal</i> spirit, reaching as it now does the proper seat -of the rational soul. Here, still further sublimated and -elaborated by the igneous power of the soul, the blood -is distributed to those extremely minute vessels or -capillary arteries composing the choroid plexus, which -contain or are the seat of the soul itself. The arterial -plexus penetrates even the most intimate part of the -brain, its constituent vessels, interwoven in highly complex -fashion, being distributed over the ventricles, and -sent to the origins of the nerves which subserve the -faculties of sensation and motion. Most wonderfully -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">210</span> -and delicately interwoven, these vessels, although -spoken of as arteries, are really the terminations of -arteries proceeding to the origins of nerves in the -meninges. They are in truth a new kind of vessels; -for, as in the transfusion from arteries to veins within -the lungs we find a new kind of vessels proceeding -from the arteries and veins, so, in the transfusion from -arteries to nerves, is there a new kind of vessels produced -from the arterial coats and the cerebral meninges.’ -‘Chr. Rest.’ p. 170.</p> - -<p>There can be no question as to the fact that, in the -above quotation, the passage of the blood from the -right to the left side of the heart through the lungs by -the pulmonary artery and vein, is proclaimed, and a -farther transmission of its more subtle part at least -from the left ventricle of the heart to the arteries of -the body is indicated. After so much said, however, -the account halts. There is no notice of any transfusion -from the arteries to the veins of the body, and so -of a <i>return</i> of the blood by their means to the right side -of the heart—nor do we believe that anything of the -kind was present to the mind of the writer. The -truth is that Servetus was not thinking of a circulation -of the blood in the sense in which we understand the -term, but of a means of engendering the vital and -animal spirits. ‘The blood,’ he says happily and well, -‘is not sent to the lungs in such large quantity for their -nourishment only. As in the fœtus, so in the adult -are they nourished from another quarter.’ To Servetus -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">211</span> -as to his age the liver was the fountain of the blood, -and the venous system connected with it the channel -by which materials for the growth and nourishment of -the body were supplied. The heart again was the source -of the heat of the body, and, with the concurrence of -the lungs, the elaboratory of the vital spirits; the arterial -system in connexion with it being the channel -by which the spirit that gives life and special endowment -to the bodily organs is distributed.</p> - -<p>Though Servetus saw that the black blood which is -attracted, as he says, by the diastole of the heart from -the vena cava acquires the florid colour in its passage -through the lungs, he never hints at the black blood of -the systemic veins having been the florid blood of the -arteries. We are not, however, to overlook his remark, -though it is only by the way, of ‘the natural spirits -being communicated from the arteries to the veins by -their <i>anastomoses</i>.’ Servetus may consequently have -had an <i>intimation</i> of the systemic circulation; but he -did not think out his thought. He does not speak of -an intermediate system of vessels between the arteries -and veins of the body as of certain other corresponding -vessels of the lungs; and when we find him making -the arteries of the brain terminate in the nerves or -meninges—the source of the nerves to the old physiologists, -we can only conclude that he believed the arteries -of the body to end in like manner in the several -tissues to which they are distributed. From what he -says further concerning the life of the fœtus in utero, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">212</span> -we learn positively that Servetus had not divined the -systemic circulation. ‘The embryo lives through the -soul of the mother,’ says he, ‘it is as it were a part of -the mother, the vital spirit being communicated to it -by the umbilical arteries.’ Instead of <i>afferent</i> canals -of the blood from the heart of the fœtus to the placenta -of the mother, consequently, Servetus believed the -umbilical arteries to be <i>efferent</i> channels of the vital -spirit of the mother to the heart of the fœtus. He at -the same time, doubtless, saw the umbilical veins as -the channels by which material for its growth and -nutrition was brought from the mother to be distributed -by the venous system proceeding from the liver -and vena cava, in conformity with the physiological -views of his age. Servetus did not think of the fœtal -heart save as the passive recipient of life. He never -heard its rapid tick tack, nor dreamt of it any more -than he did of the heart of the adult as the agent in -the general distribution of the blood in a great circle -from arteries to veins, from veins to arteries, unbroken -in the embryo, but complicated when independent life -is assumed by the necessary passage through the -lungs.</p> - -<p>Imperfectly, incompletely, therefore, as the great -function of the circulation is conceived by Servetus, -his account of so much of it as belongs to the pulmonary -system is all his own and an immense advance -on aught that had been imagined before. Had his -‘Restoration of Christianity’ been suffered to get abroad -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">213</span> -in the world and into the hands of anatomists, we -can hardly imagine that the immortality which now -attaches so truly and deservedly to the great name of -Harvey would have been reserved for him. But save -to a few theologians, who gave no heed to his physiological -speculations, Servetus’s book remained unknown -in the republic of letters, for more than a century after -it had fallen from the press—no naturalist had seen it -during all that time. So effectually had it been hunted -out and made away with, that of the thousand copies -printed, two only, as we have seen, are now known to -survive. The ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Michael -Servetus, consequently, never influenced either speculation -or discovery in connection with the circulation -of the blood. But reading the book as we are now -suffered to do, let us not overlook in its author the -Physiological Genius of his age. Who shall say what -amount of influence the ‘Restoration of Christianity’ -might have had upon both Science and Religion had -it been suffered to see the light! For it is not the possession -only, but the pursuit of truth that truly ennobles -man; and in Servetus’s incomplete induction in the -sphere of physics we see the path fairly entered on -that has given to modern science all its triumphs. -Nor pause we here: in the domain of letters and -criticism, he is nowise less in advance of his age than -in physiology. Who among biblical scholars before -Servetus had seen the applicability of so much that is -said in the Psalms and prophetical books of the Jewish -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">214</span> -Scriptures to men and events contemporaneous with, -when they had not preceded, the times in which their -authors lived? Servetus’s contemporaries among the -Reformers without exception set out from the <i>letter</i> -of the New Testament as the source of their faith, -the warrant for the conclusions they built upon its text. -But he declared that <i>there was a Christian Doctrine -before there was any New Testament</i>; and we now -know that this came not into existence until thirty, -forty, sixty, and in parts as many as 150, years had -passed after the great moral teacher of Nazareth had -expiated his superiority to the shows and superstitions -and errors of his day by the cruel death of the cross.</p> - -<p>Had biblical criticism become a science a century -sooner than it did, the world might now by possibility -be nearer the goal of truth as regards the Religious -Idea than it is, and grave doubts have sooner arisen -as to the competency of the barbarous Jews to solve -the mystery of the ‘Something not ourselves’ which -we are led by our nature to conceive and think of as -<i>Cause</i>, and to imagine as over and above this ‘bank -and shoal of Time,’ whereon we pass our lives.</p> - -<p>Quitting physiological discussion for his proper -subject, our author approaches the practical part of his -theory of Christianity. Faith is the first element, and -is spoken of as an emotion rather than a cognition—a -spontaneous movement of the heart, not an act of the -understanding, its essence being belief in the man Jesus -Christ as the Son of God (pp. 297-300). The end and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">215</span> -object of the whole New Testament teaching, he says, -is to lead men to a belief of this kind (p. 293), whereby -they are reconciled and made acceptable to God, conceive -a detestation for sin and become exemplars and -exponents of the Christian virtues—Love, Hope, and -Charity. ‘Faith of this kind,’ he continues, ‘makes -us aware of our poverty, of our misery. For if we -believe that the man Jesus is the Son of God, the -Saviour of the world, we already admit that the world -lies in sin and so needs saving.’</p> - -<p>Unlike the other Reformers of the Church, Servetus, -in this his latest work as in his first, makes much -less of the Fall of Man and the wrath of God as consequences -of Adam’s transgression. Original sin can -hardly be said to have a place in his system. Sin, he -even says, was not brought forth on earth, but arose -in heaven, through a revolt of the angels under Satan, -who, utterly opposed to God in all things, seduced man -from his allegiance and so obtained the empire which -it was the purpose of Christ’s coming to regain. Instead -of holding the heart of man as utterly evil and corrupt, -he says, ‘that good works are proper and spontaneous -to the individual. By the death of a sinless being on -whom, as sinless, Satan had no hold, he was thrown out -of the law, forfeited the rights he had acquired, -through the disobedience of man, and God recovered -the empire he had lost.’ Satan, therefore, performs a -highly important part in the Christology of Servetus; -but it differs notably from that both of the Roman -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">216</span> -Catholic and Reformed Churches, in this: that Christ -does not suffer death to satisfy divine justice and reconcile -God to mankind, but to traverse the Devil in -the rights he had acquired by guile. But all such speculations -belong to a former age of the world. They are -the fossils of the speculative stratum in the nature of -man, and only of interest now to reasonable people as -records of the chimæras and incongruities that are -engendered by imagination dissevered from science, -when the understanding, instead of leading, is led, and -the unknowable is assumed as foundation adequate to -support conclusions affecting the lives of men in this -world and their fate in Eternity.</p> - -<p>Servetus then makes little or nothing of the ‘Corruption -of human nature’ as consequence of Adam’s -transgression, so much insisted on by the Reformed -Clergy, and he entirely rejects their assumption of -man’s incompetence of himself to do anything good. -Satan, however, is still seen as the opponent of God -in the Restored as in the Reformed system. ‘The -Devil intruded himself into all flesh,’ says our ‘Restorer.’ -‘<i>Satan is Sin dwelling within us</i>, and to us is -disease and death (p. 385); these being the consequences -of Adam’s transgression (p. 358).’ So much -our author felt himself bound to accept in a literal -sense, for so he finds it written; but he proceeds forthwith -to interpret the text in his own way, and declares -that <i>Adam’s transgression brought no real guiltiness on -mankind; for such can never be incurred through</i> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">217</span> -<i>another’s, but only through each man’s own deed</i>, a -previous knowledge of what is good and evil being the -indispensable condition to responsibility. But as a -knowledge of good and evil is only attained when men -arrive at years of discretion, so did Servetus think that -mortal sin was not committed, nor even guilt incurred, -before the twentieth year (pp. 363 and 387). Though -made subject to corporal death and <i>scheol</i> by Adam’s -fault, men do not for this die spiritually; they will -be restored at the last day when Christ comes to judge -the world: ‘As in Adam all die, so in Christ shall all -be made alive’ (1 Corinth. xv.), say the Scriptures -[of the apostle Paul]; and these words, according to our -author, mean that men will not be condemned to the -second or spiritual death because of Adam’s disobedience, -but only when, knowing good and evil, they -have done much amiss of themselves. Servetus, -therefore, speaks of that as a punishment for sin to -which teeming nations of the East look forward as reward -for the ills of life—Nirwana, a state of unconscious, -everlasting rest! Servetus himself has no -special place,—no hell either of temporary or eternal -torture for wrong-doing.</p> - -<p>We do not remember to have met with the word -<i>atonement</i> in Servetus’s writings. He had evidently -passed beyond the idea of the vengeful Hebrew God -and the shedding of blood as a propitiatory means believed -in by the Christians of his day, and still so commonly -accepted in our own; Servetus’s religion was as -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">218</span> -comprehensive as that of his great Master. ‘Turks,’ -says he, ‘pray aright when they address themselves to -God, though they neither know nor believe that God -ever promised anything to the patriarchs.’</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p><span class="smcap">Justification</span> is the dogma that is next entered on, -and is said to be by <i>grace</i>: ‘We are justified,’ says -Servetus, following Paul, ‘when we believe in Christ -as the Son of God,’—in the way he apprehended the -sonship, being of course to be understood. But, escaping -from leading strings, we find him elsewhere -declaring, and still in advance of his day, that all who -of their own natural motion lead good lives, be they -Jews or Pagans, are justified before God, and that the -good life suffices to have men resuscitated in glory. -‘God,’ says he, ‘does not repute us just of his own -good grace only, but also by the merits of our works; -in other words, of our lives.’</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>In the book on the perdition of the world and its -restoration by Christ, which follows, our author has -much on the subject of baptism—the means or preliminary, -in his eyes, to <span class="smcap">Regeneration</span>. He will not, -however, allow that unbaptized infants can possibly be -looked on as lost souls. ‘The little children whom -Christ blessed,’ says he, ‘were not baptized. How -should the most clement and merciful Lord condemn -those who had never sinned? Did he ever say to the -little ones unbaptized: Go ye accursed into everlasting -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">219</span> -fire? How should he curse those he blessed? They -seem to me to attempt to befool me who say that the -salvation of an unconscious infant depends on my will -to baptize or to leave it unbaptized.’ Opposed to the -baptism of infants as a meaningless and inefficient -ceremony, Servetus was all the more emphatic in his -insistence on the indispensableness of the rite performed -later in life. ‘Jesus was circumcised indeed -as an infant,’ says he, ‘but only baptized when he was -thirty years of age. We ought not, therefore, to approach -the <span class="smcap">Laver of Regeneration</span> before this age -if we would imitate Christ.’ ‘Pædobaptism,’ says he, -‘is a detestable abomination, an extinction of the Holy -Spirit in the soul of man, a dissolution of the Church -of Christ, a confusion of the whole Christian faith, an -innovation whereby Christ is set aside and his kingdom -trodden under foot. Woe to you, ye baptizers of infancy, -for ye close the kingdom of heaven against mankind—the -kingdom of heaven into which ye neither enter -yourselves, nor suffer others to enter—woe! woe!’ -He who is baptized in his infancy, consequently, who -believes that he is properly baptized and so neglects -the regenerative rite in years of discretion, according -to Servetus, loses his chance of instant entrance into -Christ’s kingdom on his death. In his comprehensive -charity, however, we fancy Servetus must have a salvo -for such neglect, though we have missed it. If he has -failed to set it forth in words, we feel assured that it -was nevertheless alive in his heart. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">220</span></p> - -<p>In the book on the Power of Satan and Antichrist, -Servetus attacks the Papacy in terms of measureless -reprobation, likening the Pope to the Antichrist of the -Apocalypse, calling him the son of perdition, and -speaking of his dominion as the reign of God’s opposite -on earth (p. 393). In exalting himself above -his fellow-men and requiring them to look on him as -a god, the Pope has usurped the forbidden kingdom. -The imposition of a spiritual papacy, he maintains, has -brought more mischief on the spiritual world than the -carnal Adam brought on the world of flesh. For his -sin was Adam condemned to the pain of corporeal -death, and for theirs are the beast and his ministers -(the pope and his council) doomed in the Apocalypse -to the pains of everlasting fire (p. 394).</p> - -<p>Against monastic vows of all kinds, Servetus is -here most vehemently outspoken. According to him, -they are mere sacrileges of tradition. He does not -object to the celibate life, however, which he says he -has chosen for himself; but Peter, he thinks, would be -amazed did he see the shaven, cowled, and bedizened -priests engaged in their mimic play, whereby they lead -the people to the most open idolatry. But it is the mendicant -monk that he has in more especial abhorrence. -Him he compares to the locust, which, eating up everything -it encounters, leaves desolation behind. ‘The -locust,’ he says, ‘has by nature a sort of monk’s cowl; -add to this a wallet, and you have a begging friar complete; -in other words, a hooded devil.’ -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">221</span></p> - -<p>In the book on the Lord’s Supper, our author -speaks of course of the papistical transubstantiation, -the annihilation of the <i>bread</i> as bread and its transmutation -into mere <i>whiteness</i>. ‘I rather wonder,’ says -he, ‘whether Satan was the circumcisor of common -sense from the brains of those who of <i>bread</i> make -<i>not-bread</i>, and in its stead produce a vendible whiteness; -for these puny sacrificators, for a mouthful of -whiteness given without wine, make us count out our -money (p. 510). To such degradation of mind are -these men brought that they call that the true body of -Christ, which, in the whiteness they imagine, rats and -dogs might devour. Never was there any such blindness -as this among the Jews—blindness the more -notable as the Papists say they are infallible (p. 511). -But as circumcision of the foreskin makes the Jew, and -circumcision of the heart the Christian, so does circumcision -of the scalp make the sham Jew, the papal -sacrificial priest and slave of Antichrist.’</p> - -<p>He is scarcely more complimentary when he speaks -of the views of the Reformers on the subject of the -Supper, styling the Lutherans <i>Impanators</i>, and the -Calvinists <i>Tropists</i>, the Roman Catholics being of -course <i>Transubstantiators</i>. If we understand him -aright, he looks on the Supper as something more than -a simple commemorative feast, to be first partaken of -immediately after adult baptism, to which it is the necessary -complement; but we are startled after what, as -we interpret it, he has just said in this sense, when we -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">222</span> -by and by find him speaking as if he believed that the -body and blood of Christ were really partaken of in -the Christian Communion (p. 281 and Letter xxx. to -Calvin). The contradictory statements met with in the -writings of Servetus, however, as we have had occasion -oftener than once already to say, can only be harmonised -by taking note of his pantheistic views. In the -instance before us, for example, on the pantheistic -principle, as God is in and of the substance of all things, -so was He in Christ, or Christ, in so far, was God. In -consonance with the <i>letter</i>, therefore the bread and wine -of the solemn rite are flesh and blood. The language -of mysticism, however, is often little intelligible to the -naturalist, who in his incapacity here may be likened to -those who, with ears otherwise acute, cannot distinguish -certain extremely acute or grave sounds, or who, with -eyes otherwise excellent, see no difference between -such opposite colours as red and green. Like the Reformers -of all denominations, Servetus maintained the -<span class="smcap">Cup</span> to be an indispensable element in the celebration -of the Supper. In the Papal Mass, he says, there is -no true Communion. The bread is not broken in -common, and the wine is appropriated by the Sacrificator, -even as the Babylonian Priests of old appropriated -the oblations of the altar: ‘Quorban,’ says the -Popish Priest as he drinks, to the lookers on, ‘it will -do you good, too.’ (p. 522).</p> - -<p>Singularly enough, when we think of what he -has to say in disparagement of the Roman Catholic -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">223</span> -priesthood, we find him recognising in <i>ministers</i> a -power to absolve men from their sins and reconcile -them to God—<i>potestas ministris est remittendi peccata -et reconciliandi homines Deo</i> (p. 516). This, we can -only conclude, is said because of what he found in the -Sacred Text;<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> no word of which, as we know, would -he gainsay. But that Michael Servetus, mystic though -he was, believed in his soul that one man can absolve -another of his sin, we do not think possible. He did -not surmise that the fourth gospel was only written a -hundred and fifty years after the death of Jesus, and -by a Neo-platonic philosopher, presumably of Alexandria, -fashioner, like Paul of Tarsus, of a Christology -and Christianity of his own.</p> - -<p>In illustration of the character of the man, the study -of whose life engages us, the prayer with which he -concludes the book on the ‘Restoration of Christianity’—for -here the work does end in fact, all that follows being -but by way of appendix—ought not to be overlooked. -It is in immediate sequence to a renewed -phillipic against the baptizers of infants, and to the -following effect:—</p> - -<p>‘Almighty Father! Father of all mercy, free us -miserable men from this darkness of death, for the sake -of thy Son Jesus Christ Our Lord. O Jesus Christ, -thou Son of God, who died for us, help us, lest we -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">224</span> -perish! We, thy suppliants, pray to thee as thou -hast taught us, saying, Hallowed be thy Name; thy -kingdom come; and do thou, Lord, come! thy -bride the Church, praying in the Apocalypse, says, -Come! The spirits of thy children, praying here, -say, Come! Let all who hear this pray and cry aloud, -and with John exclaim, Come! Thou Who hast said, -I come quickly (Apocalypse xxii.) wilt surely come, -and with thy coming put an end to Antichrist. So be -it. Amen!’</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>The first of the additions to the system of ‘Restored -Christianity’ are the thirty letters to Calvin, which we -have already analysed, in what seemed the appropriate -place.</p> - -<p>The book or chapter on the ‘Sixty signs of the -reign of Antichrist, and of his presence among us,’ which -follows, need not detain us. The signs are for the most -part arbitrarily assumed by the writer, on the ground -that his own views are the truth, those of the Papists -and Reformers mistaken, false, or short of the truth. -Having shown to his own satisfaction that every evil-doer, -in the shape of an exalted personage who has -ever appeared in the world, even from Satan, Nimrod, -and Nebuchadnezzar, prefigured the Pope, and that -the Pope is Antichrist, he then very logically concludes -that all the dogmas and doctrines sanctioned by the -Papacy are of the Devil. Under this category he -places the doctrine of the Trinity in the foremost rank, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">225</span> -then the Baptism of Infants, the Mass, Transubstantiation, -all but everything, in short, characteristic of Roman -Catholic Christianity. As in so many other places, he -is here also ready with a prayer, which we quote as -ever-recurring testimony to the sincerely, but misunderstood, -pious nature of the man:—</p> - -<p>‘O Christ Jesus, Son of God, most merciful Liberator, -who hast so often freed thy people from their -straits, free us too from this Babylonian Captivity of -Antichrist, from his hypocrisy, his tyranny, his idolatry! -Amen.’</p> - -<p>The concluding part of the ‘Restoration of Christianity’ -is an address to Melanchthon and his colleagues -on the Mystery of the Trinity and the discipline of the -ancient Church. We have seen that Melanchthon of -all the Reformers was the one who seemed to be most -taken by the theological speculations of the seven books -on Trinitarian error. ‘I read Servetus a great deal,’ -says he to his friend Camerarius; and if he found the -work objectionable in many respects, as he says, it yet -contained matter that would not be put aside, but that -forced itself on his attention, and may be presumed to -have influenced his final conclusions on some of the -highest and most difficult doctrines of orthodox Christianity. -Certain it is that the first and earlier editions -of his highly popular work, the ‘Loci Theologici,’ differ -notably from those that appeared subsequently to the -publication of Servetus’s ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis.’ -In the first and earlier editions there is nothing said -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">226</span> -of God, whether as One or Triune, of Creation, the -Incarnation, and other purely speculative matters. -‘These subjects,’ he says, ‘are wholly incomprehensible, -and we more properly adore than attempt to -investigate the mystery of Deity. What, I ask you,’ -he continues, ‘has been the outcome of the scholastic -and theological discussions that have gone on for all -these ages?’ But the metaphysics of Christianity -were not passed over in any such way by Servetus. -His earliest work even meets us in some sort as a -complementary criticism of the ‘Loci’ of Melanchthon, -and that it was so held by the Reformer seems to be -demonstrated by the many changes and additions to be -noticed in the revised edition of the work of the year -1535, the first that was published after the appearance -of the ‘De Erroribus Trinitatis’ and ‘Dialogi duo de -Trinitate.’<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a></p> - -<p>Finding himself very freely handled in the revised -editions of the ‘Loci,’ his <i>errors</i>, as they are designated -as matter of course, being assimilated to those of Paul -of Samosata and others, and his references to Tertullian -and the ante-Nicæan Fathers proclaimed irrelevant, -Servetus retorts, and, throwing moderation to the -winds, proceeds in the diatribe we have before us to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">227</span> -pour out the vials of his displeasure on the head of the -great Wittemberg scholar and theologian. Our Restorer -of Christianity does, it is true, see Melanchthon -as somewhat nearer the mark than Luther, Calvin, and -Œcolampadius; but the references made to Athanasius, -Augustin, and the Fathers who came after the Council -of Nicæa, are all put out of court—their conclusions are -of non-avail; for they had all bowed the knee to the -Beast, and bore his mark. The true Church of Christ -had already forsaken the earth in their day, and their -teaching on the Trinity, Baptism, the Supper, &c., was -nought. Strange to say, as proceeding from a scholar, -himself no indifferent master of the Latin tongue, he -reproaches Melanchthon with the elegance of his -Latinity. The Holy Ghost, says he, never spoke in -fine phrases! (P. 674.)</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>It is difficult to conceive a man not utterly bereft -of reason and common sense, living among Roman -Catholics and in times of deadly persecution for heresy, -writing in the style of Servetus on the Papacy and -the most accredited tenets of Christianity. Yet is it -impossible to imagine that he was blind to the danger -he incurred in doing so; neither do we believe that he -knowingly and advisedly staked his life against the -cause he certainly had so much at heart. He may -have said, indeed, that he believed he should die for his -opinions; but we see him taking what he must have -meant as sufficient precautions against such a contingency; -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">228</span> -and when first brought face to face with the -prospect of accomplishing the destiny he foreshadowed, -we find him showing anything but the recklessness of -the true martyr. We presume that the security in -which he had dwelt so long under his assumed name, -the immunity from suspicion of heresy he had enjoyed -since the publication of his first work, and the latitude -allowed him by his clerical friends of Vienne in discussing -the heresies of the Reformers—and it may be -also some of a minor sort of their own—misled him. -His seven books on erroneous conceptions of the Trinity -appear to have been little, if at all, known to the ecclesiastics -of France; and he probably imagined that in -appealing to the press again and keeping his work from -the booksellers’ shops of the country of his adoption, -he would continue to be overlooked. Anything of a -heretical nature he should publish now might possibly -be challenged by the German and Swiss Reformers; -but they were heretics in the eyes of the Viennese, -and, provided he did not openly proclaim himself the -author, their ill report, if perchance it ever reached -France, would do the author of the ‘Restoration of -Christianity’ no harm, if it did not even tend to exalt -him among orthodox adherents of the Church of Rome.</p> - -<p>Every reasonable precaution therefore taken that -the new book on the Restoration of Christianity should -not get abroad in France, Servetus seems to have -thought himself safe against detection and pursuit. -He was in fact altogether unknown, as we have said, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">229</span> -in the place of his residence as Michael Serveto, alias -Revés, of Aragon, in Spain. He was M. Michel -Villeneuve, Physician of Vienne, and living under the -patronage of its Archbishop. There was, however, so -strong a family likeness between the ‘Seven Books -and Two Dialogues on Trinitarian Error’ and the -‘Restoration of Christianity,’ or the views therein contained, -that the most cursory comparison of the two -works would have disclosed their common parentage, -even if the writer of the ‘Restoration’ had not himself -hinted plainly enough at the fact. He must have -thought himself perfectly safe in his incognito at -Vienne, and seems not to have dreamt of danger from -abroad. There could be no reason, therefore, why -Calvin, and through him the other Reformers of -Switzerland, should not be made aware of what he -had been about. He would in truth take his place -beside or above them all as the real Restorer of Christianity, -proclaimer, as he believed himself to be, of the -true doctrine concerning Christ as the naturally begotten -Son of God; of the Salvation to be secured by faith -in him as such; of the Regeneration to be effected by -baptism performed in years of discretion, and of the -absurdity implied in imagining division in the essence -of God, and instead of the One great Creator of heaven -and earth, having a Three-headed chimæra for a Deity! -In this view, as we conclude, he sent a copy of his -book to Calvin; and with consequences which it will -now be our business to follow to their disastrous conclusion; -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">230</span> -for all that remains of the life of Michael -Servetus, cut short in the flower of his age, is entirely -subordinated to influences brought to bear on it through -the printing of this work and the interference of the -Reformer of Geneva.<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">231</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII.</h2> - -<p class="center">CALVIN RECEIVES A COPY OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI -RESTITUTIO.’</p> - -<p>Frelon, the publisher of Lyons, whom we already -know as the medium of communication between Villeneuve -and Calvin in their correspondence, was probably -by this time in the secret of the Spaniard. The -friend of Calvin as well as intimate with Villeneuve, -had he not already been confided in by the subject -of our study, he must have been informed by Calvin -who Michel Villeneuve really was. The correspondence -had long ceased, but the intercourse between -the Bookseller and the Reformer continued, and the -‘monthly parcel’ was still the vehicle for new books -and literary gossip between Lyons and Geneva. By -Frelon’s February dispatch of the year 1553, we -therefore conclude that there went a copy of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ hot from the press, specially -addressed to Monsieur Jehann Calvin, Minister of -Geneva. That it was accompanied by a letter from -Frelon we may also presume, giving in all innocency -and confidence—little recking what use would be made -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">232</span> -of the information—those particulars connected with -the printing of the work which Frelon must have had -from Villeneuve, and which Calvin by and by imparted -to the authorities of Lyons and Vienne.</p> - -<p>Frelon may be supposed not yet to have read the -‘Christianismi Restitutio;’ but aware of Villeneuve’s -appreciation of the Church of Rome, and trusting to the -author’s own account of his work as especially hostile -to the papacy, he may have thought that it would not -be otherwise than well received by Calvin. It is only -with Frelon as go-between that we can account for the -book having reached Calvin at the early date it did, and -for the particular information he possessed concerning -Arnoullet as the printer, and the precautions that had -been taken to keep the world ignorant of what had -been done. That there was no intention of betraying -trust on Frelon’s part, we need not doubt; and still -less, as we believe, need we question the fact that it -was not only with the author’s consent, but by his -express desire, that the first copy of the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio’ sent abroad went to the Reformer.</p> - -<p>Servetus himself could at this time have had as little -idea, as Frelon, of the deadly hate with which Calvin was -animated towards him. They had corresponded and differed, -had quarrelled and called each other opprobrious -names; but controversialists did so habitually, when -they got heated; and the epithets then so freely bandied -about were scarcely seriously meant, and hardly -ever seriously taken: they were but the seasoning to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">233</span> -the matter, nothing more. Servetus was in truth far -too vain, and at the same time too much under the spell -of Calvin, to leave him of all men else in ignorance of -the important work of which he had just been happily -delivered. With the earliest opportunity therefore -that occurred, and before the book had been seen by -another, as we believe, he sent a copy to Calvin, meaning -it doubtless as a compliment—a return perhaps for -the copy of the ‘Institutiones Religionis Christianæ’ -we credit him with having received from its author.</p> - -<p>It is not difficult to imagine the alarm that must at -once have taken possession of Calvin’s mind when he -saw the errors, the heresies, the blasphemies, as he regarded -them, which in bygone years he had vainly -sought to combat, now confided to the printed page -and ready to be thrown broadcast on the world. And -more than this: if his ire had been already roused by -the strictly confidential correspondence to the extent of -leading him to threaten the life of the writer, did -occasion offer, what additional anger must now have -entered into his heart, when, besides the offensive -heretical matter of the book, he found himself taken to -task, publicly schooled, declared to be in error, and his -most cherished doctrines not only controverted, but -proclaimed derogatory to God, and some of them even -as barring the gates of heaven against all who adopted -them! What, too, on second thoughts, may have -been his exultation when, in perusing the book, he found -his enemy committing himself so egregiously in abusing -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">234</span> -the Papacy, and supplying evidence that would convict -him at once of blasphemy against God and the Church, -and, in sending him to the stake—as he foresaw it must -in a Roman Catholic country—would rid the world at -once of an agent of Satan, and a personal enemy! -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">235</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX.</h2> - -<p class="center">CALVIN DENOUNCES SERVETUS THROUGH WILLIAM TRIE -TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITIES OF LYONS.</p> - -<p>Calvin’s mind must have been immediately made up -after perusing the ‘Restoration of Christianity.’ He -would denounce its author as a heretic and blasphemer -to the ecclesiastical authorities of France, and—<i>Deus -ex machina</i>—an instrument was at hand to further -his purpose. There lived at this time in Geneva a -certain William Trie, a native of Lyons, a convert from -the Romish to the Reformed faith, and, as proselyte, -well known to Calvin. Trie, it would appear, had not -been left altogether at peace in his new profession of -faith. He had a relation, Arneys by name, resident in -Lyons, who did not cease from reproaching him by -letter as a renegade, and exhorting him to think better -of it, and return to the faith he had forsaken. Trie -would seem to have been in the habit of showing his -letters to Calvin, and of having aid and advice from -him in answering them; Calvin, it was said, upon -occasion even dictating the epistles in reply. But now -he could use the neophyte in his own as well as the -general behalf, and set about the business forthwith -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">236</span> -under cover of a letter from the convertite Trie to his -relation Arneys:—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Monsieur mon Cousin,—I have to thank you much for -your fine remonstrances, and make no question of your -friendly purpose in seeking to bring me back to the point -from which I started. As I am not a man of letters like you, -I do not enter on the points and articles you bring up against -me. Not, indeed, but that with such knowledge as God has -given me, I could find plenty to say in the way of reply; for, -God be praised, I am not so ill-grounded as not to know that -the true Church has Jesus Christ for its head, from whom it -cannot be dissevered, and that there is neither life nor salvation -apart from Holy Scripture. All you say to me of the -Church, I therefore hold for phantasm, unless Christ, as having -supreme authority, presides therein, and the Word of God is -made the foundation of its teaching. Without this, all your -formulas are nothing.... As to what you say about there -being so much more of freedom, or latitude of opinion, with -us here than with you, still we should never suffer the name -of God to be blasphemed, nor evil doctrines and opinions to -be spread abroad among us, without let or hinderance. -And I can give you an instance which, I must say, I think -tends to your confusion. It is this: that a certain heretic is -countenanced among you, who ought to be burned alive, -wherever he might be found. And when I say a heretic, I -refer to a man who deserves to be as summarily condemned -by the Papists, as he is by us. For though differing in many -things, we agree in believing that in the sole essence of God -there be three persons, and that his Son, who is his Eternal -Wisdom, was engendered by the Father before all time, and -has had [imparted to him] his Eternal virtue, which is the -Holy Spirit. But when a man appears who calls the Trinity -we all believe in, a Cerberus and Monster of Hell, who disgorges -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">237</span> -all the villainies it is possible to imagine, against -everything Scripture teaches of the Eternal generation of the -Son of God, and mocks besides open-mouthed at all that the -ancient doctors of the Church have said—I ask you in what -regard you would have such a man?... I must speak -freely: What shame is it not that they are put to death -among you who say that one God only is to be invoked in -the name of Christ; that there is no service acceptable to -God other than that which He has approved by His word; -and that all the pictures and images which men make are but -so many idols which profane His majesty?... What shame, -say I, is it not, that such persons are not only put to death -in no easy and simple way, but are cruelly burned alive? -Nevertheless, there is one living among you who calls Jesus -Christ an idol; who would destroy the foundations of the -faith; who condemns the baptism of little children, and calls -the rite a diabolical invention. Where, I pray you, is the zeal -to which you make pretence; where are your guardians and -that fine hierarchy of which you boast so much? The man -I refer to has been condemned in all the Churches you hold -in such dislike, but is suffered to live unmolested among you, -to the extent of even being permitted to print books full of -such blasphemies as I must not speak of further. He is a -Spanish-Portuguese, Michael Servetus by name, though he -now calls himself Villeneuve, and practises as a physician. -He lived for some time at Lyons, and now resides at Vienne, -where the book I speak of was printed by one Balthasar -Arnoullet. That you may not think I speak of mere hearsay -I send you the first few leaves as a sample, for your assurance. -You say that our books, which contain nothing but the purity -and simplicity of Holy Scripture, infect the world; yet you -brew poisons among you which go to destroy the Scriptures -and all you hold as Christianity. I have been longer than I -thought; but the enormity of the case causes me to exceed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">238</span> -I need not, I imagine, go into particulars; I only pray you to -put it somewhat seriously to your conscience, and conclude -for yourself, to the end that when you appear before the -Great Judge you may not be condemned. For, to say it in a -word, we have here no subject of difference or debate, and ask -but this: That God himself may be heard. Concluding for -the present, I pray that He may give you ears to hear, and a -heart to obey, having you at all times in His holy keeping.</p> - -<p class="author"> -(Signed) <span class="smcap">Guillaume Trie</span>.</p> -<p>Geneva, this 26th of February [1553].</p></blockquote> - -<p>This on the face of it is no letter from one young -man to another. It is the artful production of the -zealot and bigot in one, well informed of the antecedents -of the man he is denouncing, and but poorly -disguised by the name under which he is writing. The -letter from first to last is Calvin’s, and was accompanied -by the two first leaves of the newly printed book, the -‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ containing the title and -table of contents, sufficient, as Calvin knew full well, to -alarm the hierarchs of Papal Christianity, which in their -estimation needed no restoration, and was indeed -susceptible of none; whilst any discussion of such -transcendental topics as the Trinity, Faith in Christ, -Regeneration, Baptism, and the Reign of Antichrist, -smacked at best of schism when undertaken by a layman -even of orthodox views, but became flat blasphemy -when treated by such a one in any adverse sense.</p> - -<p>Cardinal Tournon, at this time Archbishop of Lyons, -was the implacable enemy of all innovators, and in his -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">239</span> -zeal for what he believed to be the truth well disposed -to resort to the severest measures against the spread -of heresy, which to him and his co-religionists, then as -now, was most especially embodied in the principles of -Luther and Calvin’s Reformation. Exposed as were -the south and east of France from their contiguity with -Switzerland to infection of the kind, Tournon had not -relied exclusively on himself and his own subordinate -clergy as watchers over the faith of the district under -his charge. He had further summoned to his aid one -of the regularly trained inquisitors from Rome, Matthew -Ory by name, who designated himself: <i>Pénitencier du -Saint Siége Apostolique, et Inquisiteur général du -Royaume de France et dans toutes les Gaules</i>. This -man, as we may imagine, had a real relish for his calling -and was watchfulness itself in ferreting out heresy, as, -with all of his kind, he was relentless in pursuing it to -the death.</p> - -<p>The notable letter of Trie to Arneys was immediately -brought under the notice of the clergy of Lyons, -as Calvin intended and foresaw that it would be; and -by one of them, was communicated to Ory, the Inquisitor, -and to Bautier, Vicar-General, and Canon of the -Cathedral Church of Lyons. Here was work of more -than common interest to the Inquisitor, who proceeded -forthwith, under date of March 12, 1553, to write to -Villars, Auditor of Cardinal Tournon, absent at the moment -from Lyons, but no farther away than his Château -of Roussillon, a few miles distant from Vienne. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">240</span></p> - -<p>The letter of Ory is highly characteristic of the -jesuitical, stealthy, and underhand style of dealing with -all that belongs to free thought and open speech. -Premising a few sentences on indifferent and private -matters, he comes anon to the real gist of his letter and -says: ‘I would advise you in all secrecy of some books -that are now being imprinted at Vienne, containing -execrable blasphemies against the divinity of Jesus -Christ and the Holy Trinity, the author and printer of -which are both living among you. The Vicar-General -and I have seen one of the chapters of this publication, -and are of like mind about the propriety of your taking -an early opportunity of conferring with Monseigneur -(the Cardinal) and making him more particularly acquainted -with the business; so that on your return -home the necessary orders may be given by Monseigneur -to M. Maugiron, the Vibailly of Vienne, and the -police. So much at this time M. the Vicar-General -desires that you should know through me; but you -are to proceed so secretly that your left hand shall not -know what your right is about—<i>mais si secrètement -que vostre main senextre n’entend point ce que c’est</i>. -Only whisper in the ear of Monseigneur and inform us -if he has any knowledge of a certain Villeneufve, a -physician, and one Arnoullet, a bookseller, both of -Vienne, for it is to them that I refer.’</p> - -<p>On the following day the Vicar Bautier left Lyons -for Roussillon and saw the Cardinal, who immediately -sent a letter to Louis Arzelier, Grand Vicar of the See -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">241</span> -of Vienne, summoning him to Roussillon. After a -long conference, Arzelier was ordered to return to -Vienne and deliver an autograph letter from the -Cardinal to M. de Maugiron, Lieutenant-General of -Dauphiny, in which however there is nothing said of -the affair he has at heart (for this he will only trust to -be communicated by word of mouth by M. the Vicar -to M. the Lieutenant); but appealing to the known -zeal of his correspondent for the honour of God and -his church, and adding, in anticipation of what he -knew would follow, a request that he should immediately -summon the Vibailly to his assistance, in -order that he, on his part, might undertake what M. the -Vicar might see necessary to be done. Two things -only are especially to be required of the Vibailly: the -one that he use extreme dispatch, the other that the -business be kept as secret as possible. Roussillon, -March 15, 1553.</p> - -<p>Acting at once on the advice of the Cardinal, -Maugiron sent to the Vibailly, bidding him hold himself -ready to act in a certain unspecified contingency. -Next day, March 16, the two Vicars in company with -the Vibailly proceeded to the office of the Sieur -Peyrolles, Lay official of the Primate, before whom -Bautier, as the party immediately interested in virtue -of his office, made a deposition to the effect that within -the last few days letters had been received from Geneva -addressed to a personage resident in Lyons, in which -great surprise was expressed that a certain Michael -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">242</span> -Servetus, otherwise called Villanovanus, should be then -living unmolested at Vienne; that four printed leaves -of a book written by the said Villanovanus had also -been forwarded from Geneva and examined by brother -Ory, Inquisitor of the Faith, by whom they had been -found heretical; and, to conclude, that the Cardinal -Archbishop, having been made acquainted with the -matter, had written to M. de Maugiron requesting him -to take cognizance of the business with all secrecy and -dispatch. Bautier, at the same time, put in the Geneva -letter of Trie, and the four leaves of the printed book -entitled ‘<i>Christianismi Restitutio</i>,’ in support of his -allegations; the letter of the Inquisitor and that of the -Cardinal to Maugiron being added as further documents -on which the Procurator of the King and the Justiciary -were to proceed.</p> - -<p>The judicial authorities of Vienne lost no time in -obeying their instructions. On the same day they met -at the house of M. Maugiron, and having consulted -with him, they sent to M. Michel de Villeneuve, desiring -his presence and saying they had something to communicate -to him. Being from home when the message -arrived, and not appearing for a couple of hours, the -authorities were fearful that he had been somehow -warned of the danger which threatened him and so -had fled; but their fears were unfounded: he came at -length, and with a perfectly confident air, it is said. -The authorities informed him that they had certain -informations against him which would make it necessary -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">243</span> -for them to visit and search his lodgings for books -or papers of a heretical tendency. Villeneuve replied -that he had lived long at Vienne on good terms with -the clergy and professors of theology, and had never -until now been suspected of heresy; but he was quite -ready to open his rooms to them or those they might -delegate, to make what search they pleased.</p> - -<p>The Grand Vicar and the Vibailly, accompanied by -the Secretary of the Cardinal Governor of Dauphiny, -then proceeded with Villeneuve to his apartments, which -adjoined and were among the dependencies of the -archiepiscopal palace, and made a particular examination -of his papers; but they found nothing more compromising -than a couple of copies of his apology or pamphlet -against the Parisian Doctors, of which they took -possession.</p> - -<p>Next day, the 17th, the Judges made a perquisition -in the house of Arnoullet, the publisher and printer, in -his absence, he being away at the time on business at -Toulouse; and there also they had Geroult, the superintendent -of the printing establishment, brought before -them. After a lengthened interrogatory of the -foreman, in which nothing was elicited, they proceeded -to search the house and printing office, examining -Arnoullet’s papers minutely, but without finding a word -to compromise him in any way. The workmen on the -establishment were then severally examined. They -were shown the printed leaves of the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio’ and asked if they knew anything of the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">244</span> -book of which the leaves were a part; or if they recognised -the type, or could give any information as to -the books they had had a hand in composing or printing -during the last eighteen months or so. But they -all agreed in saying that the four leaves shown them -had not been printed in the office; and among all the -books that had issued from their presses during the -last two years, a list of which was supplied, there was -not one in the octavo form. The search and inquiry -over, the officials had the entire staff of the printing -establishment brought into their presence, and cautioned -them against saying a word of all they had been -asked about, on pain of being declared suspected or -even convicted of heresy and punished accordingly.</p> - -<p>On the 18th, Arnoullet, having but just returned -from Toulouse, was visited and examined; but all the -papers about him being found in order and his replies -in complete conformity with those of his manager -Geroult, he too was dismissed. The authorities found -themselves at fault, but by no means satisfied that the -information they had had from Geneva was groundless. -An adjournment was therefore resolved on, an informal -consultation being, however, held meantime at -the archiepiscopal palace of Vienne. And it is not -perhaps without significance that it is only now that we -find the archbishop of Vienne, Pierre Paumier, named -in connection with the proceedings, and his palace -spoken of as the place of assembly. It was at this -moment in fact that Paumier had the first intimation -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">245</span> -of what was going on. At the meeting it was decided -that nothing had been discovered sufficiently positive -to warrant the arrest of anyone.</p> - -<p>The archbishop of Vienne, once made a party to the -proceedings, appears to have taken up the case warmly. -The known protector and frequent associate of Villeneuve -the physician, he seems to have thought it incumbent -on him to show the world that he had no -sympathy with heresy, and nothing in common with a -suspected heretic. He accordingly wrote immediately -to Brother Ory, the Inquisitor, begging him to come -to Vienne and have some conversation with him on -matters touching the Faith. In the course of the interview -which followed, Ory suggested that, in order to -have further or more satisfactory information against -Villeneuve, Arneys should be made to write again to -his relation Trie at Geneva, and ask him to send the -whole of the printed book from which the leaves already -forwarded had been cut. Returning to Lyons, -Ory himself, we must presume, dictated the letter which -Arneys was required to write to his cousin Trie. This -epistle unhappily has not reached us. It would have -been both curious and interesting to have had the Inquisitor -of three centuries and a half ago brought so -immediately before us, as we should there have had -him. But as Ory doubtless led the pen at Lyons, so -did Calvin assuredly guide it again at Geneva in reply; -and as his letter has been preserved, we come face to -face with one who is still more interesting to us than -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">246</span> -brother Matthew Ory, Inquisitor of the kingdom of -France and all the Gauls—with the great head of the -Reformed Churches of France and Switzerland, at the -zenith of his power, though not without misgivings as to -its stability, zealous as brother Ory could have been -in upholding the Faith as he apprehended it, and as ruthless -as Cardinal Tournon in dealing with all who called -it in question. The letter is to the following effect:—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Monsieur mon Cousin!—When I wrote the letter you -have thought fit to impart to those who are taxed therein -with indifference and neglect, I thought not that the matter -would be taken up so seriously as it seems to be. My sole -purpose was to show you the fine zeal and devotion of those -who call themselves pillars of the Church, suffering as they do -such disorder among themselves, yet persecuting so cruelly -poor Christians who only desire to obey God in simplicity. -As the instance was so notable, however, and I was advised -of it, an opportunity presented itself, as I thought, of touching -on it, the matter falling, as it seemed, fairly within the scope -of my writing. But as you have shown to others the letter I -meant for yourself alone, God grant that it tend to purge -Christianity of such filth, of pestilence so mortal to man! If -your people are really so anxious to look into the matter as -you say, there will be no difficulty in furnishing you, besides -the printed book you ask for, with documents enough to carry -conviction to their minds. For I shall put into your hands -some two dozen pieces written by him who is in question, in -which some of his heresies are set prominently forth. Did -you rely on the printed book by itself, he might deny it as -his; but this he could not do if his own handwriting were -brought against him. In this way, the parties you speak of, -having the thing completely proven, will be without excuse if -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">247</span> -they hesitate further, or put off taking the steps required. -All the pieces I send you now—the great volume as well as -the letters in the handwriting of the author—were produced -before the printed work; but I have to own to you that I had -great difficulty in getting these documents from Mons. Calvin. -Not that he would not have such execrable blasphemies put -down; but that, as he does not wield the sword of justice himself, -he thinks it his duty rather to repress heresy by sound -teaching, than to pursue it by force. I importuned him, however, -so much, showing him the reproaches I might incur did -he not come to my aid, that he consented at length to entrust -me with the contents of my parcel to you. For the rest, -I hope, when the case shall have been somewhat farther advanced, -to obtain from him something like a whole ream of -paper, which the fine fellow—<i>le Galand</i>—has had printed. -At the moment, I fancy you are furnished with evidence -enough, and that there need be no more beating about the -bush, before seizing on his person and putting him on his -trial. For my own part, I pray God to open the eyes -of those who speak of us so evilly, to the end that they -may more truly judge of the motives by which we are -actuated.</p> - -<p>As I learn by your letter that you will not trouble me -further with the old proposals, I, on my side, will do nothing -to displease you; hoping nevertheless, that God will lead you -to see that I have not, without due consideration, taken the -step you disapprove. Recommending myself to your favour, -and praying God to give you his, &c., I remain,</p> - -<p class="author"> -(Signed) <span class="smcap">Guillaume Trie</span>.</p> -<p>Geneva, this 26th of March.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The art and purpose so plainly to be seen in the -foregoing letter need not be dwelt on. Anxious to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">248</span> -escape appearing in the odious light of informer, Calvin -was still eager to furnish the zealots of the Church he -had quitted himself, and by the heads of which he was -looked on as standing in the foremost ranks of heresy, -with evidence which he believed would assuredly bring -the man he held in despite to a cruel death by fire. -But Ory, whose special business was the prosecution of -heretics, and who knew much better than Calvin what -constituted evidence against them, was aware that the -MS. book and the two dozen pieces, written as said -by Michael Servetus, were not adequate to convict -Michel Villeneuve of the charge against him. -Handwriting, it seems, could be put out of court as -evidence in cases of heresy, through simple denial on -oath by the party accused. The point upon which -evidence was particularly required, by Ory and his coadjutors, -was in fact the <i>printing</i> of the book entitled -the ‘Restoration of Christianity;’ and none of the -pieces furnished gave any assurance either that -Michel Villeneuve was the writer, or Arnoullet and -Geroult the printers of this. Arneys must therefore -be desired to write to Cousin Trie once more, and ask -him to do his best with M. Calvin to furnish evidence -of the kind required. So anxious indeed were Ory -and his friends for this, that they despatched this, the -third letter of Arneys to Trie, by a special messenger, -who was ordered to wait and bring back the answer -with all speed.</p> - -<p>The answer came in due course, hardly, however, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">249</span> -so soon as we can fancy it was looked for, but to the -following effect:—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Monsieur mon Cousin!—I had hoped I should satisfy -your demands, in essentials at least, by sending you, as I did, -the handwriting of the author of the book. With my last -letter, indeed, you will find an acknowledgement by the man -himself of his real name, which he had disguised, and the excuse -he makes for calling himself Villeneuve, when his proper -name is Servetus or Revés. For the rest, I promise you, God -willing, to furnish you, if need be, not only with the entire -book he has just had printed, but with another in his handwriting, -in addition to the letters [already forwarded]. I -should indeed have already sent the book [in MS.] which I -refer to, had it been in this city; but it has been at Lausanne -these two years past. Had M. Calvin kept it by him, I believe -he would long ago, for all it is worth, have returned it to -the writer; but having lent it for perusal to another, it was, as -it seems, retained by him. I have formerly heard Monsieur -[Calvin] say that, having given answers sufficient to satisfy any -reasonable man, to no purpose, he had at length left off reading -more of the babble and foolish reveries, of which he soon -had had more than enough, there being nothing but reiteration -of the same song over and over again. And that you -may understand that it is not of yesterday that this unhappy -person persists in troubling the Church, striving ever to lead -the ignorant into the same confusion as himself, it is now -more than twenty-four years since he was rejected and expelled -by the chief Churches of Germany; had he remained -in that country, indeed, he would never have left it alive. -Among the letters of Œcolampadius, you will see that the first -and second are addressed to him under his proper name and -designation: <i>Serveto Hispano neganti Christum esse Dei -Filium, consubstantialem Patri</i>—To Servetus the Spaniard, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">250</span> -denying that Christ is the Son of God, consubstantial with -the Father. Melanchthon also speaks of him in some passages -of his writings. But methinks you have really warrant -enough in what is already sent you to dive deeper into the -matter, and to put him on his trial. As to the printers of the -book, I did not send you the table of contents as any proof -that Balthasar Arnoullet and William Geroult, his brother-in-law, -were the parties; but of the fact that they were so we -are well assured, nor indeed will it be possible for them to -deny it. The printing was probably done at the author’s expense, -and he may have taken the impression into his own -keeping; he must have done so, indeed, if you find it has left -the premises of the persons named. I rather think I omitted -to say that when you have done with the epistles, I beg you -will be good enough to return them to me. And now, commending -myself to your good grace, and praying God so to -guide you that you may do all that is agreeable in his sight,</p> - -<p class="author"> -I am yours, &c.,<br /> -<span class="smcap">Guillaume Trie</span>.</p> - -<p>Geneva, this last day of March, 1553.</p></blockquote> - -<p>It must still be needless to say that neither is this -any letter of young Trie. What could he have -known of the printed works of Michael Serveto, alias -Revés, or of his being condemned by the Churches of -Germany—which by the way he never was—or of his -expulsion from that country—which is also against the -fact? What intimation could he have had that Œcolampadius -had written to Servetus, the Spaniard, combating -his heresies and that Melanchthon had mentioned -him in sundry passages of his work, the ‘Loci communes’? -Calvin, on the other hand, was not only well -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">251</span> -informed of much that had happened to Michael Servetus -from the date of their meeting in Paris in 1534, -even to the hour in which he was now writing by the -hand of William Trie, but was himself the author of -some of the statements put into the mouth of that -worthy.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">252</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX.</h2> - -<p class="hang">ARREST OF SERVETUS AND ARNOULLET, THE PUBLISHER.—THE -TRIAL FOR HERESY AT VIENNE—SERVETUS IS -SUFFERED TO ESCAPE FROM PRISON.</p> - -<p>April 4. After the receipt of Trie’s third epistle, a -solemn council was convened within the Archiepiscopal -Château of Roussillon, at which were present the -Cardinal Tournon, the Archbishop of Vienne, the two -Grand Vicars, the Inquisitor Ory, and many Ecclesiastics -and Doctors in Divinity. There and then the -letters of Trie, the printed leaves of the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ and more than twenty epistles addressed to -John Calvin, were examined with every care and attention, -all being reported the work of Michael Servetus, -alias Revés, living at Vienne under the assumed name -of Michel Villeneuve. The documents being held of -the most seriously compromising character, the Cardinal -Archbishop of Lyons and the Archbishop of Vienne, -with the concurrence of the whole assembly, now gave -orders for the arrest of Michel Villeneuve, Physician, -and Balthasar Arnoullet, bookseller, to answer for their -faith on certain charges and informations to be laid -against them. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">253</span></p> - -<p>The Archbishop of Vienne returned home in the -afternoon in company with his Grand Vicar, Arzelier, -and having summoned the Vibailly de la Cour to the -Palace, informed him of the resolutions come to and -the pleasure of the Cardinal. In order that nothing -might transpire, and no understanding be come to -between the parties incriminated, the Vicar and Vibailly -agreed so to arrange matters that Villeneuve and -Arnoullet should be arrested at the same moment, but -imprisoned separately. The Vibailly accordingly proceeded -to the house of Arnoullet, and having sent in a -message desiring him to bring a copy of the New -Testament but just printed, Arnoullet was arrested on -the spot, and carried off to the Archiepiscopal prison. -Proceeding next to the house of M. de Maugiron, the -Lieutenant-Governor of Dauphiny, then indisposed, -and on whom it was known that Doctor Villeneuve -was in attendance, the Vibailly informed the Doctor -that there were several prisoners sick and some -wounded in the hospital of the royal prison who required -his services, as was indeed the case. Doctor -Villeneuve replied that independently of his profession -making it imperative on him immediately to obey such -a summons, he still took pleasure in being so usefully -employed. He therefore went at once; and whilst -engaged in his visit, the Vibailly sent requesting the -presence of the Grand Vicar. On his arrival Villeneuve -was informed that certain charges having been made -and informations laid against him, he must consent to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">254</span> -hold himself a prisoner until he had given satisfactory -answers to the questions that would be put to him. -The gaoler, Anton Bonin, was then summoned and enjoined -to guard the prisoner strictly, but to treat him -respectfully, according to his quality. He was to be -allowed his personal attendant or valet, Benoît Perrin, -a lad fifteen years of age, to wait on him; and his friends -were to have free access to him.</p> - -<p>April 5. Archbishop Paumier now hastened to -inform Brother Ory, the inquisitor, that they had Villeneuve -in custody, and begged him to come immediately -to Vienne. Ory, like a vulture swooping on the carcass, -is said to have made such haste—<i>pressa tellement -sa monture</i>—that he arrived in an incredibly short -space of time at Vienne. As it was then about the hour -of the midday meal, however, the Archbishop and he, -thinking it well to recruit the inward man before entering -on the serious business they had on hand, sate -themselves quietly down to table and dined. The -cravings of nature satisfied, Arzelier the Vicar-General, -and De la Cour the Vibailly of Vienne, were summoned -to the Palace—the secular in aid of the spiritual arm—and -the party proceeded to the prison.</p> - -<p>Having had Michel Villeneuve, sworn physician, -and now prisoner at their instance, brought before -them in the Criminal Court of the Palace, they proceeded -to question him on matters of which they -at the moment knew more than he, though we may -well believe his fears pointed in the true direction. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">255</span> -Informing the prisoner, as a preliminary, that he was -bound to answer truthfully to the interrogatories put to -him, which he promised to do, he was then sworn on -the Gospels and asked his name, his age, his place of -birth, and his profession.</p> - -<p>His name, he replied, was Michel Villeneuve, -doctor in medicine, forty-four years of age, and a -native of Tudela, in the kingdom of Navarre, residing -for the present, as he had done during the last twelve -years or thereabouts, at Vienne.</p> - -<p>Asked where and in what places he had lived since -he left his native country; he said that some seven or -eight and twenty years ago, before the Emperor Charles -V. left Spain for Italy, in view of his coronation, he -had entered the service of brother John Quintana, the -Confessor of the Emperor, being then no more than -fifteen or sixteen years old; that he had gone to Italy -in the suite of the Emperor, and been present at his -coronation at Bologna. That he then accompanied -Quintana to Germany, in which country he resided for -about a year, when his patron died; since which time -he had lived without a master, first at Paris, having -had lodgings in the Collége de Calvi, and then in the -Collége des Lombards, engaged in the study of Mathematics. -From Paris he had gone to Lyons, and spent -some time between that city and Avignon, but had -finally settled at Charlieu, where, having lived practising -his profession, for about three years, he had finally -been induced by Messeigneurs the Archbishop of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">256</span> -Vienne and the Archbishop of Maurice, to quit Charlieu -and establish himself at Vienne, in which city, as said, -he had lived since then to the present time.</p> - -<p>Asked whether he had not had several books -printed for him? he replied that at Paris he had a book -printed, the title of which was: <i>Syruporum universa -ratio ad Galeni censuram disposita</i>—a treatise on Syrups -according to the principles of Galen; and a pamphlet -entitled: <i>In Leonartum Fussinum, Apologia pro Symphoriano -Campeggio</i>—an apologetic address to Leonard -Fuchs for Symphorian Campeccius. He had further -edited and annotated the ‘Geography of Ptolemy.’ -Other than these, the works now named, he had written -none, nor had he had any others printed for him; but -he admitted that he had corrected the text of many -more, without adding to them anything of his own, or -taking from them anything of their writers.</p> - -<p>Being now shown two sheets of paper, printed on -both sides and having marginal annotations in writing, -and admonished that the matter of the writing might -bring him into trouble, he was informed, further, that -he, if he were the writer, might be able to explain or to -say in what sense he understood what was there set -down. One of the propositions in the writing was -particularly pointed out to this effect: <i>Justificantur -ergo Parvuli sine Christi fide, prodigium, monstrum -dæmonum!</i>—Infants therefore are justified without faith -in Christ, a prodigy, a portent of devils! and he was -informed that if he understood the words to say that -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">257</span> -infants had not by their regeneration [through baptism, -understood] received the perfect grace of Christ and -so were acquitted of Adam’s sin, this would be to -contemn Christ. He was therefore required to declare -how he understood the words. He replied that -he firmly believed that the grace of Christ, imparted -by baptism, overcame the sin of Adam, as St. Paul -declares (Rom. v.): ‘Where sin abounds there doth -grace more abound;’ and that infants are saved without -faith acquired, but through faith then infused by -the Holy Ghost.</p> - -<p>Having shown him how necessary it was that he -should alter several words in the written matter, he -promised to do so, saying however that he was not -prepared at a moment’s notice to say whether the -writing was his or not. It was very long, indeed, since -he had written anything. On examining the character -particularly, however, he now thinks it must be his. -In all that concerns the faith he yet begs to say that he -submits himself entirely to his holy mother the Church, -from whose teachings he has never wished to swerve. -If there be some things in the papers before the Court -open to objection, he believes he must have written -them inconsiderately, or only advanced them as subjects -for discussion. He then goes on to say that, having -now looked closely at the writing on the two leaves, he -acknowledges it as his, having the opportunity at the -same time of explaining the sense in which he would -have it understood. If there were anything else, he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">258</span> -concluded, that was found objectionable or that savoured -of false doctrine, he was ready on having it pointed out -to him to alter and amend it. The two leaves paged -from 421 to 424, and treating of baptism,<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> were then -ordered to be marked by the clerk of the Court, and -with the other papers produced, to be taken under his -charge; after which the sitting was suspended.</p> - -<p>April 6. Sworn as before upon the Gospels to -speak the truth (and from what we know and have -just seen feeling assured how indifferently he had -hitherto kept his word), Villeneuve was further interrogated -as follows: 1st. How he understands a proposition -in an epistle numbered xv., wherein the Living -Faith and the Dead Faith are treated of in terms that -seem perfectly Catholic, and wholly opposed to the -errors of Geneva, the words being these, <i>Mori autem -sensim dicitur in nobis Fides quando tolluntur vestimenta</i>—now -faith dies perceptibly in us when its vestments -are thrown off? To this he answered that he -believed the vestments of faith to be works of charity -and mercy. 2nd. Shown another epistle, numbered -xvi., on Free will, in opposition to those who hold that -the will is not free, he is asked how he understands -what is there said? With tears in his eyes he replies, -‘Sirs, these letters were written when I was in Germany, -now some five and twenty years ago, when there -was printed in that country a book by a certain Servetus, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">259</span> -a Spaniard; but from what part of Spain I know -not, neither do I know in what part of Germany he -dwelt, though I have heard say that it was at Agnon -(Hagenau in Elsass), four leagues from Strasburg, that -the book in question was printed. Having read it -when I was very young—not more than fifteen or -sixteen—I thought that the writer said many things -that were good, that were better treated by him, -indeed, than by others.’ Quitting Germany for -France, without taking any books with him, Villeneuve -went on to say, that he had gone to Paris with a -view to study mathematics and medicine, and had -lived there, as already said, for some years. Whilst -residing there, having heard Monsieur Calvin spoken -of as a learned man, he had, out of curiosity, and without -knowing him personally, entered into correspondence -with him, but begged him to hold his letters as private -and confidential—<i>sub sigillo secreti</i>. ‘I, on my part,’ -he proceeds, ‘seeking brotherly correction, as it were, -but saying that if he could not wean me from my -opinions or I wean him from his, I should not feel -myself bound to accept his conclusions. On which I -proposed certain weighty questions for discussion. He -replied to me shortly after, and seeing that my questions -were to the same effect as those discussed by Servetus, -he said that I must myself be Servetus. To this I answered -that, though I was not Servetus, nevertheless, -and that I might continue the discussion, I was content -for the time to personate Servetus, and should reply, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">260</span> -as I believed he would have done, not caring for what -he might please to think of me, but only that we might -debate our views and opinions with freedom. With -this understanding we interchanged many letters, but -finally fell out, got angry, and began to abuse each other. -Matters having come to this pass, I ceased writing, and -for ten years or so I have neither heard from him nor -he from me. And here, gentlemen, I protest before -God and before you all, that I had no will to dogmatise, -or to substitute aught of mine that might be found -adverse to the Church or the Christian Religion.’</p> - -<p>The prisoner being shown a third epistle numbered -xvii., on the Baptism of Infants, in which he says, -‘<i>Parvuli carnis non sunt capaces doni Spiritus</i>—Infants -as mere carnal beings are incapable of receiving -the gift of the Spirit,’—was desired to say in what -sense he meant these words to be taken. He answered -that he had formerly been of opinion that infants were -incompetent in the matter, as stated; but that he had -long given up such an opinion and now desired to -range himself with the teaching of the Church. Shown -a fourth epistle, numbered xviii., its heading or argument -being, ‘Of the Trinity, and the Generation of the -Son of God, according to Servetus,’ he acknowledged -it as having been written by him in the course of his -discussion with Calvin, when he was assuming the -part of Servetus; but as he had said of the former -letter, No. xvii., so he says of this, that he does not -now believe what is there set down, everything in the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">261</span> -letter having only been propounded to learn what -Calvin might have to advance in opposition to the -views set forth. A fifth letter, the burden of which is, -‘Of the glorified flesh of Christ absorbed in the Glory -of the Deity more fully than it was at the Transfiguration,’ -being handed to him, he said that when he -addressed his correspondent on this subject, he felt -at greater liberty than usual to say all he thought of -it individually, and was now ready to answer any -question put to him bearing upon it. None, however, -were asked.</p> - -<p>But the letters to Calvin were not yet done with. -A whole bundle of them, fourteen in number, was exhibited, -and the prisoner informed that the judges -found much matter there for which very particular -answers would be required. Having looked at the -letters, the prisoner said he saw that they were all -addressed to Calvin long ago, and with a view to learn -from him what he thought of the questions raised, as -already said. But he added that he was by no means -now disposed to abide by all he had written of old, -save and except in respect of such views as might be -approved by the Church and his Judges. He was -therefore ready to answer to each particular head on -which he might be interrogated. This the Judges proposed -to do at their next meeting, and meantime having -ordered a schedule of the principal points upon which -there appeared to be error against the faith to be drawn -up from the writings, all the documents being duly -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">262</span> -labelled and signed, the session was suspended until -the morrow.</p> - -<p>Immediately after the second interrogatory to which -he was subjected, Servetus on his return to prison sent -his servant Perrin to the Monastery of St. Pierre to -ask the Grand Prior if he had received the 300 crowns -owing to him—Villeneuve by M. St. André. The -money having been received, was remitted by the -hands of Perrin to his master. Had Servetus put off -his message to the Prior but for an hour, he would -have lost his money, the Inquisitor Ory having given -fresh orders to the gaoler to guard M. Villeneuve very -strictly, and to suffer him to see and have speech of -no one without his—the Inquisitor’s express permission. -Ory, we may presume, had not only no favour for -Servetus, but, with so much against him as already -appeared, could have had little doubt of bringing conviction -home to him and so having him sent in smoke -as an acceptable sacrifice to heaven. But Villeneuve -had friends among his other judges who were every -way disposed to aid him, if it were possible. Matters -certainly looked very black indeed: Michel Villeneuve -was plainly Michael Servetus of evil theological reputation; -flagrant heresy was already manifest in the documents -produced, and his answers to the interrogatories -were so little satisfactory that acquittal from the charges -laid against him, even at the outset of the process, -seemed out of the question. The judges, however, -were not all Brother Orys nor Cardinal Tournons, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">263</span> -though most of them were churchmen, and, to their -honour, both tolerant and merciful in circumstances -where their creed prescribed intolerance and deadening -of the heart to pity. Servetus had however to be sent -back to his prison; but the door of the cage might be -left open and the bird allowed to fly. And everything -leads to the conclusion that this was exactly what was -done.</p> - -<p>Connected with the prison there was a garden -having a raised terrace looking on to the court of the -palace of justice; and, abutting on the garden wall, a -shed, by the roof of which and a projecting buttress on -the other side a descent into the court-yard of the -palace could easily be made. The garden as a rule -was kept shut, but prisoners above the common in -station were permitted to use it for exercise and also -for occasions of nature. Having enjoyed this privilege -from the first, Servetus appears to have scrutinised -everything in the afternoon of April 6, after the conclusion -of his second examination. On the morning of the -seventh he rose at four o’clock and asked the gaoler, -whom he found afoot and going out to tend his vines, -for the key of the garden. The man, seeing his prisoner -in velvet cap and dressing-gown, not aware that he was -completely dressed and had his hat under his robe de -chambre, gave him the key and went out shortly afterwards -to his work. Servetus, on his part, when he thought -the coast must be clear, left his black velvet cap and -furred dressing-gown at the foot of a tree, leaped from -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">264</span> -the terrace on to the roof of the outhouse and from -that, without breaking any bones, gained the open -court of the Palais de Justice Dauphinal. Thence he -made for the gate of the Pont du Rhône, which was at -no great distance from the prison and passed into the -Lyonnais—these latter facts being by and by deposed -to by a peasant woman who had met him. Two hours -or more elapsed before his escape became known in -the prison, the gaoler’s wife having been the first to -discover it. She in her zeal and alarm committed -a hundred extravagances; and in her vexation tore her -hair, beat her children, her servants, and some of the -prisoners who chanced to come in her way. Her rage -that anyone should have had the audacity to break the -dauphinal prison of Vienne, of which her husband was -custodier, was such, that she even ran the risk of her -life by clambering to the roof of a neighbouring house, -in her eagerness to find traces of the fugitive.</p> - -<p>The authorities, informed of what had happened, -did all that became them, ordering the gates of the -town to be shut and more carefully guarded than usual -through the next few days and nights. Proclamation -was made by sound of trumpet and beat of drum, and -almost every house not only of the town, but of the -neighbouring villages, was visited. The magistrates of -Lyons and other towns, in which it was thought probable -their late prisoner might have taken refuge, were -written to by the Vienne authorities and inquiries made -whether or not he had money in the bank, or had drawn -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">265</span> -out any he might have had there. His apartments -were again visited, and all his papers, furniture and -effects inventoried and put under the seal of justice.</p> - -<p>In the town of Vienne it was generally thought -that the Vibailly De la Cour had been the active party -in favouring the evasion of Villeneuve. He was known -to be intimate with the doctor, who had lately carried -his daughter successfully through a long and dangerous -illness, and had been loud in praise of the skill and -devotion that had been shown with so happy a result. -Chorier,<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> the historian of Dauphiny, hints guardedly -at something of the kind when he speaks of the imprisonment -of M. Villeneuve on religious grounds. ‘It -fell out,’ says Chorier, ‘that by his own ingenuity and -the assistance of his friends, M. Villeneuve escaped -from confinement.’</p> - -<p>In the record of proceedings after the flight the -only thing mentioned is the fact of the gaoler having -given the prisoner the key of the garden; on all else -there is absolute silence; whence, as D’Artigny says, -we may infer that there is mystery of some sort connected -with the escape. We, for our part, should -have no difficulty in finding a key to the mystery, had -there been fewer grounds for the presumption of -friendly connivance than there undoubtedly were in -the business. John Calvin, arch-heretic in the eyes of -the Gallic Church and its heads, could not, we must -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">266</span> -presume, have been held in the highest possible esteem -by the Cardinal Archbishop of Lyons, to say nothing -of brother Mathias Ory, Inquisitor of the king of -France and all the Gauls. But the arrest of Villeneuve -and the proceedings against him thus far, had depended -entirely on information supplied by the Reformer of -Geneva.</p> - -<p>The managers of the process against Servetus were -men much too astute, much too clear-sighted not to -see that it was John Calvin who was writing under -the mask of William Trie; and one among them at -least may have known that the state of feeling between -the Reformer of Geneva and the Physician of Vienne -had long been such that he of Geneva might not be -indisposed to make use of them to wreak his vengeance -against a personal enemy under the guise of a common -heretic. The Judges indeed must all have seen from -the letters of Villeneuve to Calvin that the two men -were at daggers-drawn, and that the provocation on -either part was neither new nor slight, but of long -standing, and, judging by his present attitude, on Calvin’s -side deadly. We can fancy brother Mathias -Ory chuckling over the sweet simplicity of the -Viennese mediciner’s sorry subterfuge in pretending to -enact the part of ‘Servetus the Spaniard, though he -was no such personage, and knew nothing of the place -in Spain where he was born!’</p> - -<p>The authorities of Vienne, however, had no desire to -have their friend Villeneuve burned alive for heresy on -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">267</span> -testimony gratuitously supplied by the arch-heretic of -Geneva, and thereby give him, whom they hated and -feared far more than a thousand lay schismatics, a -triumph not only over an enemy, but over themselves, -for their lack of insight and zeal as guardians of the only -saving faith. And then, and in addition to all this, there -was Monseigneur Paumier to be considered—Paumier, -under whose patronage Villeneuve had settled at Vienne -and lived so long in the very shadow of the archiepiscopal -palace, on terms of intimacy with its distinguished occupant. -How should the great man escape suspicion -of heresy himself if it were known that he had been -living as a friend with one who held all the most holy -mysteries of the Roman Religion as mere vanities or -inventions of the Devil! The man had lived, it is true, -long and peaceably among them, respected in his life -and trusted in his calling; and if Calvin found heresy -and to spare in his writings against the tenets which he -as well as they held in common, they discovered outpourings -enough there against Predestination and Election -by the Grace of God, Effectual calling, Justification by -Faith, and the rest, that formed the groundwork of the -objectionable doctrines both of Luther and Calvin. If -M. the Vibailly De la Cour connived at the escape of -Villeneuve, and that he did there can hardly be a doubt, -we may be well assured that he acted with the concurrence -of his more immediate associates in the administration -of justice—lay and clerical. The Vibailly remained -unchallenged in his office; the gaoler was not -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">268</span> -dismissed, and Arnoullet the printer, for the present at -least, was set at liberty. Nothing of all this could -have happened had Justice not consented to be hoodwinked. -The gaoler’s wife, in fact, seems to have been -the only person in downright earnest in the business of -the escape. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">269</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_I_CHAPTER_XXI">CHAPTER XXI.</h2> - -<p class="hang">DISCOVERY OF ARNOULLET’S PRIVATE PRINTING ESTABLISHMENT—SEIZURE -AND BURNING OF THE ‘CHRISTIANISMI -RESTITUTIO’ ALONG WITH THE EFFIGY OF -ITS AUTHOR.</p> - -<p>The remainder of the month of April was spent in -making a renewed and more particular examination of -the books, papers, and letters of Villeneuve, and in -having copies made of the letters addressed to Calvin, -the originals of which were placed for safe custody -under the official seals. And here, if our surmises be -well founded: that the authorities of Vienne had really -no wish, on testimony supplied by Calvin, to convict -of heresy a man who had always comported himself as -a good Catholic and still professed himself a true son -of the Church, every way disposed to receive instruction -and bow to the decisions of those who must know -so much better than himself what was the true saving -faith—the matter would probably have ended, in so -far as those of Vienne were concerned. But Ory, -the Inquisitor, nowise anxious like the others to hush -up so promising an affair, had by some means been -informed in the beginning of the month of May that -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">270</span> -there had been a couple of presses kept at work away -from the proper printing establishment of Arnoullet.</p> - -<p>Of this significant fact, no mention had been made -either by Villeneuve or Arnoullet on their examination, -and whence Ory had the intimation we are left -to conjecture. There seems hardly room for doubt, -however, that it reached him through the old channel, -viz., Arneys; that Arneys had the news he gave -to Ory from Trie, and that Trie had the tale he told -from Calvin. Frelon, as we have seen, must have -been in the secret of Servetus, and Frelon was also -the friend of Calvin; from Frelon alone could Calvin -have had the particular information he shows he possessed -concerning the terms on which the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio’ was printed; and it was only from -Calvin that Trie could have obtained intelligence of -the kind he communicates to his relative Arneys of -Lyons. The process against Servetus, as we know, -began from Lyons; and from Lyons was it now resuscitated. -But who living there was so likely to have -heard of a printing press worked privately at Vienne, -twelve miles away, as he who had all he knew about -the heretic Villeneuve from Geneva, and had been the -instrument in setting on foot the movement that was -now to proceed to more disastrous issues?</p> - -<p>With the new and important hint but just received, -Ory sped off to Vienne from Lyons, his head-quarters; -and he may possibly have used even greater diligence -on this occasion than he did before when he is said to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">271</span> -have spurred his steed so vigorously. Summoning -the Vibailly and Grand Vicar to his side, the three -proceeded immediately to the premises that had been -indicated as the private printing place of the publisher -Arnoullet; and entering, sure enough, they found three -compositors at work, Straton, Du Bois, and Papillon -by name. It is not difficult to imagine the terror of -these men at the sight of such visitors. Before proceeding -to interrogate them severally, the Inquisitor -took care to address them generally on the enormity -of the crime of which he assumed they had been guilty, -and to say that they deserved the severest punishment -for having withheld the important information they -could have supplied. When proceedings were commenced -against their master and M. Villeneuve, he -said, they must be aware that it had been specially enjoined -upon all and sundry, under pain of being dealt -with as heretics, to communicate whatever they knew -about the book, which he declared they must have -known to be written by Villeneuve and printed by their -master Arnoullet. Stretching a point, as we may imagine, -he told the men further, that he had proofs in his -hands that they were the very parties who had worked -at the composition and printing of the book in question. -He now, therefore, exhorted them to speak the truth -and to ask pardon if they had been guilty or hoped -for favour, the authorities he added, indeed, intending -correction, not punishment.</p> - -<p>The workmen, terribly alarmed, fell as with one -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">272</span> -accord upon their knees, and Straton, speaking for -himself and the others, owned that they had printed -an octavo volume entitled ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -but were not aware that it contained heretical doctrines, -being ignorant of the Latin language in which it was -written, and never having heard that it did, until after -the prosecution had been set on foot. He informed -his questioner further that he and his associates had -been steadily engaged on the book from the feast of St. -Michael to January 3 last—over three months—when -the printing was completed; yet more, that they had -not dared to give information of their part in the -business for fear of being burned alive; and to conclude, -they now sought forgiveness, and threw themselves -on the mercy of the authorities. More particularly -questioned, Straton said that Michel de Villeneuve -had had the book in question printed at his own -expense, and had corrected the proofs in person. To -end the tale, and he may have thought to make amends -for his past silence, he said further that on January 13 -he had despatched five bales of the book to the care of -Pierre Merrin, typefounder, of Lyons.</p> - -<p>Delighted with the great discovery just made, inasmuch -as they would now have grounds of their own to -proceed upon, the three associates hastened to communicate -the information they had acquired to the -Archbishop of Vienne, who in turn imparted it to -Cardinal Tournon. Next day the Inquisitor Ory and -the Grand Vicar Arzelier set off for Lyons. Proceeding -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">273</span> -at once to the establishment of Pierre Merrin, they -questioned him as to what he knew of the business, and -particularly about certain bales, five in number, that -had lately come into his possession and were believed -to contain heretical books. Merrin, having no motive -for concealment, informed his visitors that about four -months back he had received by the canal boat of -Vienne five bales with the following address: From -M. Michel de Villeneuve, doctor in medicine, these five -bales, to be delivered to Pierre Merrin, typefounder, -near Notre Dame de Confort, Lyons. On the day -the bales were received, he added, a priest of Vienne, -Jacques Charmier by name, had come to him and -requested him to keep the bales until called for, saying -that they contained nothing but printing-paper. From -the time named, however, he had heard nothing from -the sender, neither had anyone called to enquire after -the bales or to take them away; and for his part he -knew not whether they contained white paper for -printing as said, or printed books as now alleged.</p> - -<p>Having finished their interrogatory and seen the -bales, the Inquisitor and Vicar made no scruple about -seizing them in the name of the public authorities. -Carrying them off at once, they were taken to Vienne -and deposited in a room of the Archiepiscopal palace.</p> - -<p>The priest Charmier was of course the next person -visited and questioned. He persistently denied all -knowledge of the contents of the bales which he, as he -was proceeding to Lyons, recommended to the care of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">274</span> -Merrin, at the request of M. Villeneuve. The mere -act of the poor priest, however, and his known intimacy -with Villeneuve, were held to have compromised him -to such an extent that he was put on his trial some -time afterwards, and sentenced to imprisonment for -three years!</p> - -<p>The bales once safe in the Archiepiscopal palace -of Vienne, were speedily undone, and there, sure -enough, as Straton had said, five hundred copies of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ complete, were displayed to -the eager eyes of the lookers-on. A single copy was -abstracted and given to Ory, to enable him at his -leisure to extract and take exception to such passages -as he might deem heretical; the rest were left in safe -custody under the palace roof.</p> - -<p>Every information up to June 17—for so long had -it taken to get at the facts as they have been stated—having -now been acquired, and the proofs in the -process being held complete, the Vibailly of Vienne, -in a session of the Court duly summoned, and in the -absence of Michel de Villeneuve, proceeded to pass -sentence on him, finding him attainted and convicted -of the crimes and misdemeanours laid to his charge, -viz., Scandalous Heresy and Dogmatisation; Invention -of New Doctrines; Writing heretical books; Disturbance -of the public peace; Rebellion against the -King; Disobedience of the ordinances touching heresy, -and Breach of the Royal Prison of Vienne. ‘For reparation -of the crimes and misdeeds set forth,’ said the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">275</span> -Judge, ‘we condemn him, and he is hereby condemned, -to pay a fine of 1000 livres Tournois to the King of -Dauphiny; and further, as soon as he can be apprehended, -to be taken, together with his books, on a -tumbril or dust-cart to the place of public execution, -and there burned alive by a slow fire until his body is -reduced to ashes.’ The sentence now delivered, moreover, -is ordered to be carried out forthwith on an effigy -of the incriminated Villeneuve, which is to be publicly -burned along with the five bales of the book in question, -the fugitive being further condemned to pay the -charges of justice, his goods and chattels being seized -and confiscated, to the advantage of anyone showing -just claims to the proceeds, the fine and expenses of the -trial, as aforesaid, having been first duly discharged.</p> - -<p>On the same day about noon the effigy of -Villeneuve, made by the executioner of the High Court -of Justice, having been put upon a tumbril along with -the bales of the book, was paraded through the streets -of Vienne, brought to the place of public execution, -hanged upon a gibbet erected for the purpose, and -finally set fire to, and with the five bales burned to ashes.</p> - -<p>The matter, however, did not rest here; it was not -yet concluded in all its parts. The secular arm had -done what was required of it, having burned the -criminal in effigy, failing his person, along with his -heretical book; but the ecclesiastical authorities must -also have their say in the case. When the utterance -came, and it came not until six months after the civil -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">276</span> -trial and sham execution, it was in every particular -confirmatory of the sentence already delivered, the -grounds of the decision however being gone into with -greater minuteness than before. Among other matters -particularly mentioned now, are the marginal notes in -the handwriting of the culprit on two printed leaves, -cut out of a copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutions;’ Seventeen -letters addressed to John Calvin and acknowledged by -Villeneuve to be from him; his answers to the Inquisitor -Ory, the Vibailly, and the rest, and the minutes -which had been made of his escape from the prison; -finally, his books, one entitled ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -and another in two parts: ‘De Trinitatis Erroribus, -Libri septem,’ and ‘De Trinitate, Dialogi duo.’ ‘From -all that has been brought to light,’ the judgment proceeds, -‘it is made manifest that the said Villeneuve is a -most egregious heretic, and as such is hereby adjudged, -convicted and condemned, his body to be burned, and -his goods to be confiscated, the judicial expenses incurred -and yet to be incurred to be defrayed out of the -proceeds of the sale.’ All the books written by Villeneuve -are further ordered to be diligently searched for, -and wherever found, to be seized and burned.</p> - -<p>It is not unimportant to notice that Arnoullet, the -publisher and printer, is associated with Servetus in -this ecclesiastical judgment. ‘The said Villeneuve and -Balthazar Arnoullet are attainted and to be held conjoined -in the sentence because of their complicity and -connection.’ Arnoullet however was more mercifully -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">277</span> -dealt with than Villeneuve; he was not condemned to -be burned alive; neither did he suffer imprisonment -for any great length of time, but was by and by set at -liberty on giving security for his good behaviour in -future. If Charmier, the priest, was sentenced to incarceration -for three years, having, as far as we know, -done nothing more than deliver a message from Villeneuve -to Merrin the type-founder, we might have -imagined that Arnoullet would scarcely have escaped -with so little scath; for to have aided and abetted in -the printing of such a book as that entitled the ‘Restoration -of Christianity,’ which impugned the system -that placed the whole of his judges—Cardinal Tournon, -Archbishop Paumier, Ory, Arzelier, and the rest—in -positions of affluence and influence, could only have -been looked upon as a crime little less heinous than -that of which the author of the book himself had been -guilty. But Charmier was known to have been on -friendly terms with Villeneuve; and Paumier may have -guessed what that implied; for let us not forget that -all we speak of came to pass shortly after Giovanni de -Medici, under the title of Leo X., had been Pope; and -that if the Reformation had more well-wishers in France -than dared to proclaim themselves, Scepticism too, and -of the deepest dye, was at the same time rife in high -places. The poor priest Charmier, however, being of -the rank and file only, must pay for having meddled; -but let us hope that Archbishop Paumier interfered in -due season and succeeded in greatly abridging the -term of his imprisonment. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">278</span> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">279</span></p> - -<p id="BOOK_II" class="ph1">BOOK II.<br /> - -<span class="large">SERVETUS IN GENEVA, FACE TO FACE -WITH CALVIN. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">280</span></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/i-280.jpg" alt="" /> -<p class="caption">Ioanis Calvinus</p></div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">281</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</h2> - -<p class="center">SERVETUS REACHES GENEVA—DETAINED THERE, HE IS -ARRESTED AT THE INSTANCE OF CALVIN.</p> - -<p>Escaped from the Dauphinal prison of Vienne, Servetus -must, in all likelihood, have found hiding at first -with friends in Lyons. But there, as indeed anywhere -else in France, his life was in imminent danger; so -that for his own sake, as well as that of his friends, -terribly compromised by his presence, he had to seek -safety at a distance—even in another country. Nor -was it present safety only that was in question: the -means of living in time to come had further to be -thought of. But master of a profession that is welcome -everywhere, he may have had little anxiety on -that score; and he who had lived so long unmolested -as Villeneuve or Villanovanus, after compromising -himself as Serveto, alias Revés, would have been at no -loss to find another name to shield him from recognition. -His first thoughts carried him in the direction of Spain, -but he found so many difficulties from the French -gendarmerie, that he turned back; believing then that -the best course he could follow would be to betake -himself to Naples, where he knew there was a large -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">282</span> -settled population of his own countrymen, among -whom he would find a sufficient field for the exercise -of his calling.</p> - -<p>Calvin—erroneously beyond question—speaks of -Servetus having wandered for four months in Italy -after his escape from the prison of Vienne. Had he -reached Italian ground at this time, he would not have -returned upon Geneva, and then—presuming that he -escaped Calvin’s further pursuit—he might have lived, -usefully engaged, to a good old age, and died quietly -in his bed. Servetus arrived in Switzerland from the -side of France, and must have been in hiding in that -country, or wandering about in disguise from place to -place between April 7, the date of his evasion from -Vienne, and the middle of July when he reached -Geneva. The hue and cry from Vienne was probably -not of a kind to be heard afar; they who left the -prison door open may have seen to that—Servetus -indeed says himself that they did. It was not such, -at all events, as to prevent his baffling pursuit and escaping -recognition: for he entered Geneva in safety; -and feeling the soil of a state beneath his feet where -other than Roman Catholic views of religion prevailed, -he could hardly have thought that he would suffer -molestation did he but keep quiet during the day or -two he meant to remain in order to rest and recruit.</p> - -<p>The experience Servetus had had so lately must -have satisfied him that he could hope for nothing from -the forbearance of Calvin; but he did not mean to put -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">283</span> -this to the test: his business was to make no noise, and -to be gone as quickly as possible. Though he had -made the latter part of his journey on horseback, the -usual mode of locomotion in those days, he even -deemed it prudent, as less likely to attract attention, -to enter Geneva on foot. He therefore discharged his -steed at Louyset, a village a few miles distant, where -he passed the night, and reached the city in the early -morning of some day after the middle of July, 1553. -Putting up at a small hostelry on the banks of the lake, -having the sign of the Rose, he appears to have lain -there privily and unchallenged for nearly a month.</p> - -<p>What could have induced Servetus to linger in a -place where we see, from the precautions he took both -in arriving and subsequently, that he could not have -thought himself safe, long remained a mystery; but -is cleared up in a great measure by the information we -obtain through the particulars of the trial to which he -was immediately subjected, and of which it is only of -late years that a full and entirely satisfactory account -has been obtained. We were disposed, at one time, to -ascribe the delay in setting out for Italy to the fascination -which the strong have over the weak, and to -imagine that our wanderer was still anxious for the -personal interview with Calvin he had formerly sought, -but been forced to forego, in Paris, and for which, as -we learn by the letter of Calvin to his friend Farel, he -had made fresh proposals at a later date.<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> He was -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">284</span> -now aware, however, that it was by Calvin he had been -denounced to the authorities of Lyons and Vienne, -arrested in consequence, put upon his trial, and only -saved his life by escaping from prison. He could not -possibly, therefore, have flattered himself that the man -who was so disposed towards him would receive him -in any friendly mood; though it probably never came -into his mind to imagine that the Reformer would be -disposed to take the knife in hand himself.</p> - -<p>As we now read the tale, we perceive that Servetus’s -presence in Geneva could not have been unknown -to all in the city, even from the day of his arrival; and -our persuasion is, that for some time at least he was kept -there against his will. On his trial we find him stating, -incidentally, that the windows of the room he occupied -at the Rose <i>had been nailed up!</i> What interpretation -can possibly be put on this? The nailing up could not -have been done to keep anyone <i>out</i> of a place of public -entertainment. It was therefore to keep someone <i>in</i>. -Servetus must in fact have been anxious from the first -to be gone; but he was detained by certain parties in -Geneva, not among the number of Calvin’s friends, -who thought to make political capital out of his presence -among them.</p> - -<p>Nor were it hard to imagine that he, smarting as he -then was under the sense of all that had but just befallen -him through the interference of the Reformer, and -listening for the moment to the influential persons who -promised him support, and possibly redress, was not altogether -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">285</span> -indisposed to pay his enemy back for the irreparable -injury he had suffered at his hands. But there is -nothing in all we know of Michael Servetus that leads -us for a moment to think of him as a revengeful man; -and though he may have lent an ear for a while to the -suggestions of his new friends, he must soon have -come to conceive misgivings as to the real meaning of -their attentions.</p> - -<p>Even whilst lying hidden in his inn he could hardly -have failed, after a while, to learn something of the state -of political partisanship prevalent in the theocratic -republican city of Geneva, and so have been more than -ever anxious to be gone. Hence the nailing up of his -chamber windows. On Sunday, August 13, he had -even spoken to the landlord of the ‘Rose’ to procure -him a boat for the morrow, to take him by the Lake as -far as possible on his way to Zürich. But his resolution -to delay his departure no longer was taken too -late. Weary of confinement, and always piously disposed, -he ventured imprudently to show himself at the -evening service of a neighbouring church; and being -there recognised, intimation of his presence in Geneva -was conveyed to Calvin, who, without loss of a moment, -and in spite of the sacredness of the day, denounced -him to one of the Syndics, and demanded his immediate -arrest.</p> - -<p>To effect this in the city of Geneva of the year of -grace 1553 was no matter of difficulty, little being -made in those days of seizing on the person, and not -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">286</span> -much of taking the life. The accredited officer, armed -with a warrant, found Servetus in his inn; informed -him he was to consider himself a prisoner; led him -away, and threw him into the common jail of the -town. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">287</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</h2> - -<p class="center">GENEVA AND THE STATE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AT -THE DATE OF SERVETUS’S ARREST.</p> - -<p>‘The year 1553,’ says Beza, in his life of Calvin, ‘by -the impatience and fury of the factious, was a year so -full of trouble that not only was the Church, but the -Republic of Geneva, within a hair’s breadth of being -wrecked and lost; all power had fallen into the hands -of the wicked (i.e., the patriotic party of freethought, -opposed to Calvin, and designated the Libertines), that -it seemed as though they were on the point of attaining -the ends for which they had so long been striving.’ -Eighteen years had then elapsed since the Reformation -first found footing in Geneva, and twelve since Calvin -had resumed his position—interrupted during a period -of two years—as a sort of spiritual dictator—‘the -Lycurgus of a Christian Democracy’—not only as Organiser -of the Faith, and Minister in the Church, but -as regulator and supervisor of the morals and manners -of the people.</p> - -<p>The Reformation, in so far as Geneva was concerned, -seems to have been hailed on political much -more than on religious grounds. Emancipation from -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">288</span> -the yoke of the Roman Catholic bishop, under which -its citizens had long fretted, meant escape from the -political machinations, through the Priest, of France on -the one hand, of Savoy on the other. The change -from Romanism to Protestantism appears to have been -due, in fact, to no particular discontent of the Genevese -with the old Popish forms, or to any zeal for the -new doctrines of Luther and his followers, but to a -cherished hope of being suffered to pass their lives with -as little control as might be from authority of any kind, -and that little imposed and administered by themselves.</p> - -<p>Moral discipline was notoriously lax over Europe -in the early years of the sixteenth century, nowhere -perhaps more so than at Geneva; and the liberty after -which its people sighed was often understood as license -rather than as life within the limits of moral law. -Accident, however, having brought John Calvin, already -a man of mark, to Geneva in the course of the year -1536, he was seized upon by William Farel, then in -principal charge of the spiritual concerns of the city, -and yielding to his most urgent entreaties—conjured, -indeed, in the name of God, to remain and aid in -the work of the Reformation—Calvin consented to -cast in his lot with the Genevese, still jubilant over -their lately recovered liberties and little amenable to -discipline of any kind.</p> - -<p>A more unlikely conjunction of elements can hardly -be conceived than that of the ascetic, gloomy Calvin -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">289</span> -with the lively, self-indulgent Genevese, to whom life -meant present enjoyment, and religion a pleasant addition -to existence on festivals and Sundays, to be put off -and on with their holiday garments and less to be -thought of than the next excursion to the mountains -in summer, or the approaching assembly for merriment -and the dance in winter.</p> - -<p>To Calvin life and its import wore a totally different -aspect. To him the present was but a prelude to the -future, a discipline preparing for eternity, and religion -therefore the great end and aim of existence. Anchorite -himself in the truest sense of the word, he -would possibly have had herbs the food, the crystal -spring the drink of the community. Fatalist too to a -great extent through his doctrine of election and predestination, -the joys of life—if life perchance had any joys—and -its trials—and they were many, were to be taken -with like passiveness and equanimity. Even the inclemencies -of the seasons, as dispensations of providence, -were not to be over-anxiously guarded against: the -school-house windows, it is true, were to be glazed or -protected in some sort by diaphanous skins or horn; -but this was to be no higher than their lower halves; -and in so much only that the snow-drift, the wind and -the rain might not interfere with the work of the -scholars.</p> - -<p>Conscious himself, through natural endowment and -added learning, of superiority to all about him, Calvin -had little or no sympathy with the liberty the Genevese -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">290</span> -were so proud of having achieved. A despotism was -his ideal of civil government; and his proclaimed -purpose from the first in settling at Geneva was to -make the city a stronghold of the Gospel, its people -subjects of the Lord, and their faith and morals a model -of all that had been proposed by the Reformation in -the sense in which he understood it. And how much -he differed in this from Luther, and Zwingli, need not -be said. The</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Wer liebt nicht Weiber, Wein und Gesang<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Ein Narr ist er und bleibts sein Lebenslang<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a><br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>of him of the Wartburg, must have sounded as simple -profanity to Calvin.</p> - -<p>That Calvin’s heavy hand was borne with by the -Genevese for two years, in the first instance, with no -small amount of discontent, indeed, but with no outbreak -of rebellion, must be set down, we imagine, to -the credit of human nature, which endures for a season -the irksome and even the ill, in hope of the good to -follow; but when the pressure is crushing, and there -is no prospect of alleviation, resistance, inevitably, -follows in the end.</p> - -<p>Calvin and the special Court he had inaugurated -under the title of the Consistory, had been anxious to -impose some new and still more stringent ordinance on -the city, but the Council, whose sanction was required -before any of the consistorial edicts could have way, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">291</span> -refused assent, and the citizens, emboldened by this, -forthwith appeared in open rebellion against what they -rightly construed as the tyranny and self-assertion of -the clergy. So unpopular in fact did the whole clerical -party become at this time, that its leader and his colleague -Farel were formally banished from the city, and -the subordinate ministers had to shrink into something -like obscurity if they would escape the necessity of accompanying -them.</p> - -<p>In sore displeasure with the ungrateful conduct of -the people, as he regarded it, Calvin sought shelter -first in Basle and then in Strasburg, where he was -welcomed by his brother Reformers, and by and by -provided with honourable means of subsistence, by an -appointment as Professor of Theology in the University.</p> - -<p>But he was not destined long to enjoy the leisure -of the Professor’s chair. Before two years had elapsed, -the more moderate, orderly, and pious party had come -again into power in Geneva, and he was waited on by -a deputation, headed by Amied Perrin, a man of the -highest influence among his fellow citizens, and entreated -to return and save them from themselves; -orderly existence, not otherwise attainable as it seemed, -being seen after all to be not too dearly bought even -by heavy payments in the shape of subserviency to -theocratic rule.</p> - -<p>Calvin returned to Geneva, then, and under circumstances -that gave him a great advantage over the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">292</span> -difficulties he had formerly encountered in carrying -into effect the system of discipline he was bent on introducing. -Perrin’s appearance at the head of the deputation -to Strasburg, he had seen as an omen of the -best augury; for Perrin’s influence in the Civic Council -was very great, and his approval of any measure proposed, -was taken as a sufficient guarantee by the citizens -at large, of its value. But Perrin was ambitious, -and certainly reckoned without his host when he hoped -by patronising John Calvin to make him in any way -the instrument of his own selfish or party designs;</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Two stars keep not their orbit in one sphere;<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>and if Perrin was bent on power, so was Calvin.</p> - -<p>Perrin, it may be, had never heartily sympathised -with the Reformation in its religious aspects; he certainly -sympathised still less with the Reformer. A -man of pleasure at heart, he was perhaps somewhat -indifferent to religion. Ready enough to abet Calvin in -his austerities towards the many, he was minded to -keep his own neck and the necks of his friends out of -the yoke. Calvin, however, had no idea of anything -of the kind: his law was of general application, or it -had no significance; his rule was <i>one</i> and it was for all. -No wonder, therefore, that Perrin’s league with the -Reformer came to an end ere long; and that when it -was not open dissidence between them, it was always -smouldering enmity.</p> - -<p>Calvin’s grand instrument in enforcing his discipline -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">293</span> -was the Consistory, an assembly made up of the entire -acting clergy of Geneva, with a limited number—no -more than twelve—of the laity added. This body was -entrusted with very extensive powers, which it may be -imagined were not suffered to lie idle, when we find it -pretending to regulate the head, and even the foot, -gear of the women; intruding itself into the dwellings -of the people, too, and looking into their saucepans and -pint pots to see that there was no indulgence in the way -of eating and drinking!</p> - -<p>Supported by a certain number of the native -Genevese, Calvin’s hands were immensely strengthened -by the crowd of refugees for conscience sake who -poured into Geneva from France and Italy, to escape -the persecution that had already begun to rage in -these countries. Henry II. of France, having presented -his mistress, Diana of Poitiers, with the proceeds -of all confiscations for heresy, her agents were -indefatigable in hunting out converts to the doctrines -of Luther and bringing them to justice, as it was called: -the greater the number of heretics burned, the higher -rose the fame for piety of the profligate king, and in -like measure the revenue of the heartless courtesan.</p> - -<p>The refugees as a rule, and almost as a matter of -necessity, were entirely devoted to the Reformer; and -having been most liberally met by the Genevese at -first, and put on a footing of all but perfect political -equality, they made themselves felt, through their -numbers, in the frequently recurring elections that -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">294</span> -formed elements in the Genevese Republican system. -Favoured in all by Calvin, the strangers, as they increased -in numbers, came at length to be ever more -and more disliked and distrusted by the native population; -so that Calvin may be found using language -such as this, when, speaking in the same breath of the -fugitives, his friends, and of the people who sheltered -both him and them within their walls:—‘They (the -Genevese) are dissatisfied with you (the Refugees), -because you run not riot with them in their disorderly -and barren lives.’ The native population, in a word, -found themselves, ere long, controlled and overcrowed -by a host of aliens, led by a bigoted and intolerant ecclesiastic—a -state of things never to be patiently endured, -but to be ended at the first favourable moment; and -it is to the culminating dissatisfaction of the Genevese -with clerical rule in 1553, much akin to that of the -year 1538, when Calvin had been forced to quit the -field, that Beza refers in the passage quoted above.</p> - -<p>So unpopular had Calvin again become in the year -1553, that, in writing to one of his friends, he speaks of -discontent and distrust as universally prevalent, especially -among the more youthful of the population. ‘The -accumulated rancour of their hearts,’ he says, ‘breaks -out from time to time; so that when I show myself in -the street, the curs are hounded on me: hiss! hiss! is -shouted to them; and they snap at my legs and tear my -clothes.’ Calvin must in truth have had a trying time -of it during most of the years he lived among the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">295</span> -Genevese; his own bed could as little have been of -roses without thorns, as he suffered the beds of the -citizens to be of down; for, save during brief lulls, he -and they seem to have passed their lives in a state of -covert, when it was not one of open, warfare.</p> - -<p>One of the earlier hostile moves of the civil Council -in the present crisis against the Reformer was the -exclusion, from the Greater Council of the State, of -some members of the Minor Council, known to be -among the number of his adherents. More than this, -his enemies having come to outnumber his friends in -the lately elected Council, he found himself frequently -outvoted in directions in which he had been used to -think of his wish or his will as already the law. Among -those who had now obtained a seat in the Supreme -Council, was one whom he had put under the consistorial -ban for some infringement of discipline, and forbidden, -until he showed signs of amendment, to present -his child for baptism. To choose Councillors from -among persons such as this, however, was, in Calvin’s -eyes, to fly in the face not only of all authority, but of -the Almighty himself.</p> - -<p>Another move against him was a resolution taken -by the Council to deprive the Refugees of the arms -with which they, like the native population, had been -entrusted at an earlier period for the common defence. -This was taken greatly to heart by Calvin, who stigmatised -it as a ‘barbarous and brutal act, perpetrated -by enemies of the Gospel against exiles for Christ’s -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">296</span> -sake.’ But the Council did not stop here in showing -its hostile mood. The priests, in the olden time, had -been privileged like the rest of the Community to be -present at the deliberations of the Council, and the -Ministers, their successors, had never been challenged -in their title to show themselves as auditors in the same -way. They were now, however, by a resolution of the -Council, declared incompetent to appear at its sittings -without special permission given. Of no great moment -in itself or politically considered, this interdict pointed -with even needless significance to mislike and mistrust -of the clergy as a body, and of their distinguished head -in particular—the Council would neither have him nor -his followers immediately informed of all the business -they had in hand.</p> - -<p>How keenly all these proceedings were felt by -Calvin is apparent from the tone of the letters he wrote -to more than one of his friends at this time. To his -friend Sulzer, of Basle, he says that for the last two -years they pass their lives at Geneva as if they were -living amid the declared enemies of the Gospel! and -he complains bitterly of the interference he suffers in -the exercise of his multifarious functions.</p> - -<p>Among the particular incidents that tended to widen -the breach between Calvin with the ecclesiastical party -behind him, and the civil authorities backed by the -more liberally disposed of the citizens, was the case of -Philibert Berthelier, one of the Councillors, a man of -note, respected and much looked up to by the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">297</span> -Genevese; for he was the son of that Philibert Berthelier -who had nobly striven for the liberties of the city, -in former years, and gone to his death on the scaffold -in their assertion. Berthelier, some eighteen months -or so before, for an offence against one or other of the -arbitrary ordinances of the Consistory—for having -gone to a ball with his wife and daughter, we think, -they having further exceeded in the matter of dress—had -fallen under the interdict of the Ministers, and been -forbidden to present himself at the celebration of the -Lord’s supper, until he had made submission and promised -amendment.</p> - -<p>Now Berthelier was not only a man of weight in -the Republic politically, but in the opinion of his fellow -citizens, of really irreproachable life and conversation; -and, his friends being then in power, he took steps to -have the interdict removed, which kept him from gratifying -his pious feelings by partaking of the commemorative -feast. To this end he presented a petition -to the Council, setting forth the grievance under which -he laboured, and praying for relief; and they, on their -part, took it on them forthwith not only to absolve him -of the disability of which he complained, but, proceeding -a step farther, they declared the Consistory incompetent -in time to come to pronounce sentences of -Excommunication at all; transferring the right to do -so from the Ecclesiastical Assembly to the Minor -Council of the State.</p> - -<p>This was felt by Calvin as the heaviest blow that -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">298</span> -had yet been dealt him. Of course he opposed the -measure with all his might. Heard in opposition to -its adoption, he declared that if it were maintained -the very foundations of the Reformation, in so far as -Religion was concerned, would be compromised. But -all his eloquence was thrown away; after long and -eager discussion the decree was finally confirmed. -Disgusted with the opposition he encountered at every -point, Calvin—though he soon shows that he is anxious -to free himself from any suspicion of the kind—appears -at the time to have had serious thoughts of throwing up -his charge and abandoning the city of Geneva to its own -evil devices. It was probably the consciousness that if -he left Geneva he would seem to be turning his back -on the whole of the Reform movement, which kept him -from taking the extreme step he may probably have -meditated. He had become accustomed, moreover, to -play the despot, and he who has once indulged in the -bitter sweets of arbitrary power scarcely retires otherwise -than by compulsion into the shade of private life. -And then, whither was he to betake himself? Not to -France, though he still looked with longing eyes -towards his native country; for open heresy, such as -he must have felt himself bound to profess, there led -inevitably to the stake; neither to Germany, where his -own peculiar views were not popular, and the several -centres of the great and glorious movement towards -light and freedom, brought to a head by Luther, were -all adequately occupied. He must stay at Geneva, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">299</span> -then, his ‘coign of vantage;’ abide the storm of the -present, and hope for better days to come. But it was -in bitterness of heart, waiting till reaction had spent -itself, and his voice could again be heard as the voice -of authority.</p> - -<p>It was at this moment precisely, whilst debate and -dispute, ecclesiastical and civil, were at their height, -that Michael Servetus reached Geneva, and altogether -unwittingly and unwillingly on his part became a -subject of contention between the party of free thought, -now in open rebellion against Calvin and the more -rigid of his blind or compliant followers. And we shall -possibly see reason to conclude that Servetus, though -tried for heresy and finally condemned and done to -death by slow fire for blasphemy against God, was in -some measure also the victim of the political situation—the -scape-goat of the two parties contending for -supremacy in Geneva. Had there been less of political -rancour there in the year 1553, and Servetus been -allowed competent counsel to defend him, it seems to -us, on the most careful consideration of the whole -subject, that the proceedings would not have been -suffered to take the turn they did, which led inevitably -to his condemnation to death, whilst the memory of -Calvin would have escaped the portentous blot that -goes so far to obscure all the other great qualities that -attach to his name. The world might then have had -triumphs within the domain of physical science other -than the discovery of the lesser circulation of the blood, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">300</span> -from the man of genius; and the Reformation—type of -the holy cause of human progress—have advanced -without the lamentable compromise of principle it -suffered when its leaders sent one of the very foremost -men of his age to the stake.</p> - -<p>In presence of the individual he had come to look -on as his personal enemy as well as the enemy of God, -Calvin appears to have forgotten all his earlier aspirations -after toleration. He was not now thinking of -himself as editor of ‘Seneca on Clemency,’ when to the -text of his author enjoining self-control or moderation -of mind—<i>animi temperantia</i>—having the power to take -vengeance, he adds: ‘It belongs to the nature of the -merciful man that he not only uses opportunities of -vengeance with moderation, but does not avail himself -of even the most tempting occasions to take revenge;’<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a>—a -noble sentence, but written in days long past, when -he saw persecution for conscience sake inaugurated by -Francis I. Neither had he himself as author of the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">301</span> -earlier editions of the ‘Institutions’ in his mind, where -he is as emphatic in denouncing the ‘Right of the Sword’ -in dealing with heresy as he was now, having become -the spiritual dictator of Geneva, ready to call it at all -times into requisition. Calvin’s natural temperament, -in fact, disposed him to severity in furtherance of -his purposes and his will. We have seen him in his -letter to Farel of February 1546, threatening Servetus -with death, did opportunity serve; and writing to a -French lady—Madame de Cany—about or a little before -the time that now engages us, in referring to some one -who had behaved ungratefully both to his correspondent -and himself, he says: ‘I assure you, madam, that -had he not taken himself off so speedily, I should have -held it my duty, in so far as it lay with me, to have had -him burned alive.’<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a></p> - -<p>But everything seemed to conspire against Servetus -at the moment of his reaching Geneva; for almost -immediately after his arrival there, and whilst his -presence was still unknown to Calvin, the Reformer -received a letter from a correspondent, Paul Gaddi of -Cremona by name, that must have greatly strengthened -his fears of Servetus’s objectionable influence in the -world, and, on theological grounds, confirmed him in -his purpose of pushing matters to extremities and -silencing the dangerous heretic for ever, did he but find -the opportunity. Gaddi, as it seems, had lately reached -Zürich from the north of Italy. At Ferrara, he informs -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">302</span> -his correspondent that he had had many long -and interesting conversations with the Duchess, who -showed the very best and most friendly dispositions -towards the Reformed Faith. But she was sorely in -want of a competent person, ‘a faithful Minister of the -word of God,’ as a guide against those by whom she -was surrounded. Gaddi, therefore, at the desire of the -Duchess requests Calvin to send her some one who -would give her true instruction, and free her from the -teaching ‘of the miserable Monk she has at her elbow, -who seeks not after what Christ requires, but after the -things that be profitable to himself.’</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘Much have I seen in these [northern] Italian cities,’ continues -Gaddi, ‘and many have I met with who profess Christ; -but few and far between are those who faithfully serve the -Lord. Various, truly, are the heresies that there abound, -so that the land is, in truth, a very Babylon. This, you may -be sure, I have not beheld without extreme distress of mind -and tearful eyes; but the heresy that flourishes the most of -all, is the doctrine of the proud and Satanic Servetus, insomuch -that many of the faithful entreat you to come forward, -and controvert his writings; a task to which they think you -are the more bound to apply yourself, as he boasts that no -one has yet dared to write against him. I, too, if my entreaty -may be of any avail, beseech you to undertake the business. -I know the influence your writings have with all in Italy, who -fear God. If you deigned to take pen in hand against George -[he had published a tract against predestination], who was -every way unworthy of your notice, for he was plunged in the -deepest ignorance, how much rather ought you to come forward -against this diabolical spirit, who is looked on by so -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">303</span> -many as having the highest authority in matters of doctrine. -And truly his teaching, though it be of the most impious and -pestilent kind, is calculated to impose on those whose eyes -serve them not to see far before them. Wherefore, I entreat -you yet again, to undertake the task I propose. Postpone, I -pray you, for a few days your other studies; betake you to -this most necessary work, and be the hammer that shall smite -the enemy.</p> - -<p class="author"> -Your most devoted,<br /> -<span class="smcap">Paulus Gadius Cremonensis</span>.</p> -<p>Zürich, July 23rd, 1553.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">304</span></p></blockquote> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</h2> - -<p class="center">SERVETUS IS ARRAIGNED ON THE CAPITAL CHARGE -BY CALVIN.</p> - -<p>In ordering the summary arrest of Servetus at the -instance of Calvin, as we have seen, the Syndic only -conformed with usage. But by the law of Geneva -grounds for an arrest on a criminal charge must be delivered -to an officer styled <i>Le Lieutenant Criminel</i>, -or the Lieutenant of Criminal Process—a personage -evidently holding a responsible position in the city—within -twenty-four hours thereafter, failing which the -party attached was set at liberty. To prepare the -articles of impeachment required, Calvin must have -spent the greater part of the night, turning over the -leaves of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ for the matter -of his charges. These bear very obvious marks of the -haste in which they were put together, several of them -being repetitions of others that had gone before, and -scarcely anything like order being observed in the -arrangement of the particulars adduced. Within the -legal time, however, the prosecutor was ready with his -articles, no fewer than thirty-eight in number, upon -which, as a preliminary to further proceedings, it was -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">305</span> -the duty of the ‘<i>Lieutenant Criminel</i>’ to interrogate the -prisoner, and from his replies to determine whether or -not there were grounds to found what we should call -a True Bill against him.</p> - -<p>Nor was this all. Criminal charges must be made -at the instance of some one who should avow himself -aggrieved, and not only bind himself over to prosecute -the suit he sought to institute to a conclusion, but be -content to go to prison with the party he accused, and, -in conformity with the requirements of the Lex Talionis, -or law of retaliation, engage, in case his charges were -not made good, to undergo the penalty that would befall -the incriminated party if they were substantiated.</p> - -<p>It would of course have been not only inconvenient, -but unbecoming for Calvin, the real prosecutor in the -case, to go into durance vile, his presence in the outer -world being so much required. He had therefore to -procure a substitute; and we might have expected to -find William Trie again brought forward, and made to -figure in setting on foot the trial for life or death at -Geneva, as he had already lent himself to figure in -that of Vienne. But Trie was not produced; it was a -certain Nicolas de la Fontaine, a French refugee in the -service of Calvin, in what capacity report speaks -variously, some designating him cook, whilst others, to -enhance his dignity, call him the Reformer’s Secretary. -Calvin himself speaks of him familiarly as <i>Nicolaus meus</i>, -my man Nicolas. That Fontaine was really the Reformer’s -cook seems now to have been satisfactorily -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">306</span> -ascertained; but he may have been a man of parts -and education for all that; refugees for conscience -sake could not always choose their calling in their new -abodes.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a></p> - -<p>On the morning of August 14th, accordingly, Nicolas -de la Fontaine presented himself before the <i>Lieutenant -Criminel</i>, Tissot, and the prisoner having been produced, -De la Fontaine declared himself formally the -Prosecutor of Michael Servetus of Villanova on certain -criminal charges, demanding at the same time that the -prisoner should, under penalties, be required to answer -truthfully to each of the articles now to be alleged -against him.</p> - -<p>These articles, thirty-eight in number, are taken -exclusively from Servetus’s work entitled ‘Christianismi -Restitutio,’ which is assumed as having been published -and found detrimental to the public peace (although it -had as yet been seen by no one in Geneva but Calvin -himself), not any of them from the earlier work entitled -‘De Trinitatis Erroribus,’ the printing of which and its -presumed influence in troubling the Churches of -Germany, infecting the world with heresy and causing -many to lose their souls, being nevertheless, as we see, -the first item in the list of its author’s delinquencies. -Calvin must have seen the propriety of producing the -treatise on Trinitarian Error, published two and twenty -years ago; but he had not a copy himself, neither could -he hear of one either in Geneva or Lausanne; for he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">307</span> -had written to his friend Viret for aid in the matter. -But Viret could not help him—he had no copy himself; -his friend Sonnerius, however, he thinks, has one; -‘were he at home he would not assuredly refuse us the -use of it.’ Obtaining it on Sonnerius’s return, he will -send it with the least possible delay to Geneva.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a></p> - -<p>The articles of impeachment, classified and summarised, -with the answers of Servetus, are as follows:</p> - -<p>I. and II. That about twenty-four years ago he -began to trouble the Churches of Germany with his -errors and heresies, and published an execrably heretical -book by which he infected many, and for which -he had been condemned and forced to fly the country -that he might escape punishment.</p> - -<p>To this Servetus replies: That he is not conscious -of having troubled any of the Churches of Germany; -and though he owns that he had published a little -book at Hagenau, he is not aware that he had infected -anyone, and certainly was never either tried or condemned -for anything he had done in Germany, neither -had he been forced to fly from that country to -escape punishment.</p> - -<p>III. and IV. Item: That he has not ceased since -then from spreading abroad his poison, in annotations -to the Bible and to the Geography of Ptolemy, and -more recently in a second book, clandestinely printed, -containing an infinity of blasphemies, &c.</p> - -<p>Replies: That it is true he wrote notes to the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">308</span> -Bible and to Ptolemy; but thinks he said nothing in -them that is not good; and in the book lately printed, -he does not believe that he blasphemes; but if it be -shown him that he says anything amiss he is ready to -amend it.</p> - -<p>V. Item: That having been imprisoned at Vienne, -when he saw that the authorities there would not accept -of his retractations, he had found means to escape -from prison.</p> - -<p>Replies: That he was indeed prisoner at Vienne, -having been denounced to the authorities there by -Monsieur Calvin and Guillaume Trie, and had made -his escape from prison, because the Priests would have -burned him alive had he stayed; the prison, however, -having been so kept that it seemed as though the -authorities meant him to save himself.</p> - -<p>VI., VII., VIII. Item: That he had written, published, -and said that to believe there were three distinct -persons: Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, in the single -essence of God was to forge or feign so many phantoms; -to have a God parted into three, like the three-headed -Cerberus of the heathen poets; all this being -said in the face of such doctors of the Church as -Ambrose, Augustin, Chrysostom, Athanasius, and the -rest, as well as of many holy men of the present day—Melanchthon -among the number, whom he had called -a Belial and Satan.</p> - -<p>Replies: That in the book he wrote on the Trinity, -he had followed the teaching of the Doctors who lived -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">309</span> -immediately after Christ and the Apostles; that he -believes in a Trinity—Father, Son, and Holy Ghost—but -owns that he does not attach the same meaning to -the word <i>person</i> as do modern writers; and though he -admits that he spoke of Melanchthon in the terms -stated, it was not in any printed book or in public, -but in a private letter; whilst Melanchthon, on his -part, and in a printed book, had used language of the -same kind towards him.</p> - -<p>IX. to XX. and XXVI. The whole of these articles, -with wearisome prolixity and iteration, refer to the -transcendental theological dogmas that touch on the -way and manner in which Christ is to be regarded as -the Son of God; the relationship in which He stands -to the ‘Word’ of the Gospel according to John, and how -the Word was made Flesh; in what respect Christ is -God, and in what respect he is Man, and how, as the -Son of God, he could have died like a man. To these -recondite propositions Servetus replies in a way that -has a sufficient look of orthodoxy, and was evidently -intended by him so to appear. He avows his belief -in the items generally on which he is challenged with -unbelief; and it may be that he could do so with a -clear conscience, he putting his own interpretation on -the language he used. Christ he acknowledged as the -Son of God, but this was because of his having been -begotten in some mysterious way by the Deity in the -womb of the Virgin Mary, He not having existed -actually but only potentially in the mind of God before -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">310</span> -the epoch of his incarnation. Christ, however, he -says, was <i>prefigured</i> by the angels who make their appearance -from time to time in the Hebrew Scriptures. -When <i>persons</i> are spoken of, further, they are to be -thought of as <i>images</i>, <i>formalities</i>, not real entities or -individuals; so that the three persons he acknowledges -in the Godhead are but so many <i>dispensations</i>, <i>modes</i>, -or <i>manifestations</i> which the Invisible God makes of -himself in creation.</p> - -<p>XXIV., XXV. and XXXV. These articles bear -upon Servetus’s conceptions of the Deity, in whose -Oneness of Being he declares that he yet acknowledges -not merely three <i>hypostases</i>, as generally said, but a -hundred thousand <i>dispositions</i> or <i>dispensations</i>, so that -God is part of ourselves, we part of His Spirit; the -<i>ideas</i> or <i>patterns</i> of all creatures and of all things having -been eternally present in the Divine Mind, though -they only acquired form and substance in Creation.</p> - -<p>XXVII. and XXIX. Item: That he had said -that the soul of man was mortal; that there was nothing -immortal in fact, but an elementary breath, the -soul having become mortal after Adam’s transgression.</p> - -<p>He replies by denying the allegations, and declares -that he never thought the soul of man to be mortal; -all he has said in his writings in connection with the -subject of immortality being to the effect that the soul -was clothed in corruptible elements which perished, not -that the soul itself was mortal or died in its essence.</p> - -<p>XXX., XXXI., and XXXIII. Item: That he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">311</span> -had spoken of Infant Baptism as a diabolical invention, -competent to destroy the whole of Christianity.</p> - -<p>He admits that he has said so, and is still of this -opinion; believing as he does that none should be baptized -until they had attained to years of discretion. -But he adds, that if it be shown him he is mistaken in -this, he is ready to submit to correction.</p> - -<p>XXXVII. Item: That in his printed book he -has made use of scurrilous and blasphemous terms of -reproach in speaking of M. Calvin and the Doctrines -of the Church of Geneva.</p> - -<p>Replies: That he himself had had abusive language -applied to him by Calvin in public; Calvin -having said that he, Servetus, was intoxicated with -his opinions; a reproach which had led him to reply in -similar terms to his opponent, and to show at the same -time from his writings that he was mistaken in many -things.</p> - -<p>XXXVIII. Item: That knowing his last book -would not be suffered, even among the Papists, he -had concealed his views from Geroult, the superintendent -of the office where it was printed.</p> - -<p>Replies: That he corrected the press at Vienne, -but did not conceal his views from Geroult, who knew -well enough what his opinions were.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p><i>August 15.</i> The information taken by the Lieutenant -in conformity with the course of procedure -required having been communicated to the Syndics -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">312</span> -and Council now constituted Judges in a criminal case, -and, the Court of Judicature solemnly inaugurated, the -prosecutor and prisoner were produced; when Nicolas -de la Fontaine made a formal demand that Michael -Servetus of Villanova, whom he charged with heresy, -should be put upon his trial. He presented an address -or petition, at the same time, in which the heads of the -charges he proposed to prove against the prisoner -were briefly enumerated, namely, the grave scandals -and troubles he had caused among Christians for -twenty-four years or thereabout; the heresies and -blasphemies he had spoken and written against God -with which he had infected the world; the wicked -calumnies and defamations he had published against -the true servants of God, more especially against -Monsieur Calvin, whose honour as his Pastor, he—the -prosecutor—felt bound to uphold if he himself would -be accounted a Christian, and also because of the discredit -that would attach to the Church of Geneva, did -the prisoner go at large, condemning, as he does, and -in an especial manner, the doctrine that is there -preached. ‘In as much, therefore,’ continues Calvin -through the mouth of Fontaine, ‘as the prisoner on his -examination yesterday replied in nowise satisfactorily -and simply by yea or nay to the questions put to him, -as you must have perceived, the greater number of his -answers being mere frivolous songs, may it please your -Lordships to compel him to answer formally, without -divergence or circumlocution, to each of the articles -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">313</span> -proposed; to the end that he be not suffered to go on -mocking God and your Excellencies, and that the proponent -be not frustrated in his rights.</p> - -<p>‘Now the proponent having <i>prima facie</i> made good -his allegations and satisfied you that the prisoner has -been guilty of writing heresy and dogmatising in the -manner alleged, he begs you humbly to recognise the -prisoner Michael Servetus as a criminal deserving of -prosecution by your attorney-general; and that he, the -proponent, be now declared free of all charge, damage, -and interest in the business. Not that he shuns or -declines to follow up a cause of the kind, which every -child of God ought indeed to pursue to the death, but -in compliance with the usages of your city, and because -it is not for him to undertake duties that belong to -another.’</p> - -<p>Having taken this petition into consideration, and -determined that there was <i>prima facie</i> evidence of -criminality on the part of the prisoner, the Council -proceeded in the afternoon of the same day to the old -Episcopal Palace, now turned into the Court in which -criminal causes were tried, and commenced proceedings -according to the forms in such cases used and -provided. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">314</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE TRIAL IN ITS FIRST PHASE.</p> - -<p>Formally installed in the Court of Criminal Judicature, -Nicolas de la Fontaine and Michael Servetus were -ordered to be brought before them by the Judges; and -the prosecutor declaring that he persisted in his allegations, -and the prisoner being put on his oath to speak -the truth under penalties to the extent of 60 sols, the -Trial commenced.</p> - -<p>To the question as to his name and condition, the -prisoner replied that his name was Michael Serveto, of -Villanova, in the kingdom of Aragon, in Spain, and -that by profession he was a physician. The articles -of impeachment already produced were then restated -seriatim, and to each he was required to answer categorically. -This he did, and generally in the terms -he had used in his preliminary examination, but accusing -Calvin, and Calvin alone, more imperatively -than before, of having provoked his arrest and prosecution -at Vienne, adding that had Calvin had his -way, he—the prisoner—would assuredly have been -burned alive. To all that had reference to the Doctrine -of the Trinity, the Nature of Christ, the relations -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">315</span> -between God and created things, he spoke as he had -already done. He again and pointedly denied that he -had ever said the soul was mortal; but admitted having -written that he thinks man commits no mortal sin before -the age of twenty years, adding that ‘under the Law -God had so ordered it.’ The Baptism of Infants he -acknowledged to be in his eyes a diabolical invention, -and calculated to corrupt the whole of Christianity; -declaring however, as formerly, that if it were shown he -erred in this opinion he was ready to retract and amend.</p> - -<p>As to the alleged attacks on the Church of Geneva -through the person of Calvin, he answered as before, -and now added that all he had written against Calvin -was with no view or desire to calumniate or injure him, -but only to show him his errors; and he now offers in -open congregation to make good his words by a variety -of reasons, and the authority of the Scriptures.</p> - -<p>This was to throw down the gauntlet to Calvin and -offer him battle on ground he could not decline, since -he too acknowledged no authority but holy writ, and we -need not doubt of his readiness to take up the pledge: -there was nothing indeed, as he declared, for he was -present in Court watching the proceedings, that he -desired more than to show himself in such a cause -before all the world.<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> The Court may be excused for -having imagined that in agreeing to such a wordy duel -between Calvin and Servetus they would be letting the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">316</span> -question slip out of their proper hands; or, as M. -Albert Rilliet<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> suggests, the friends whom Servetus -had among its members, measuring the mental -calibre of the two men, may have feared to see him -they favoured worsted by his redoubtable opponent, -whose dialectical skill and theological lore were so -well known to all. Deciding against the proposal of -the prisoner, therefore, the tribunal determined that the -trial should proceed in the usual way.</p> - -<p>So far as they had gone we can readily conceive -that the answers of Servetus must have seemed little -satisfactory to the Court. On even a large proportion -of the allegations made, they may have felt their incompetency -to form an opinion; but upon a few they -believed themselves fully able to come to a conclusion. -What he had said on Infant Baptism in particular was -greatly calculated to prejudice him in the minds of his -Judges; the doctrine he held being one among the -dangerous moral, social, and political principles of the -Anabaptists, though the whole of these were emphatically -disavowed and condemned by Servetus, who -really appears to have had nothing in common with the -dreaded sect but the opinion that Baptism should not -be performed until years of discretion were attained, -and that the rite should be solemnised by immersion or -affusion, not by merely sprinkling the face with water.</p> - -<p>The decision of the Court at the end of the day’s -proceedings was to the effect that, as the answers of the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">317</span> -prisoner Michael Servetus implied criminality, the trial -should go on; but that the prosecutor, Nicolas de la -Fontaine, whilst bound over to continue the suit, might -be released on the production of sufficient bail; and -this being immediately forthcoming in the person of -Monsieur Antoine Calvin, brother of the Reformer, -Calvin’s substitute and <i>Chef de Cuisine</i> was discharged -from custody, whilst Servetus was remanded to gaol. -Thus formally constituted prisoner on a criminal -charge, Servetus now delivered to the gaoler all the -money and valuables he possessed, the coin amounting -to ninety-seven gold crowns, the valuables being a -gold chain of the value of twenty crowns, and as many -as seven gold rings set with a table diamond, a ruby -and other stones of price.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>August 16, the Court, constituted as usual, was observed -to be less numerously attended than on the day -before, but with two important additions: Philibert Berthelier -among the Councillors, by right, and Germain -Colladon, introduced as Counsel for De la Fontaine. -Between these two men, says M. Rilliet, more perhaps -than between any other notable members of the Republic -of Geneva, the contrast was striking and complete. -They might even severally have been assumed -as representatives of the parties which divided the -state and contended for mastery. Berthelier was the -acknowledged head of the patriotic party, mostly native -Genevese, the Libertines as they were called, from their -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">318</span> -zealous defence of the immunities and privileges of the -citizens against the old tyranny of the Roman Catholic -Bishops and the recently introduced consistorial rules -and regulations of the Reformer. As son of one of -the martyrs to the public liberties of Geneva, and -possessed of wealth and influence, Berthelier had long -been opposed to the authority of Calvin; his patriotism -and his self-respect revolting against the domineering -character of the man and the stringency of his religious -and sumptuary regulations, so that the struggle in -which he and Colladon now engaged, with the unhappy -Servetus as their subject of contention, was but an -interlude in the strife that had been carried on between -Berthelier and Calvin for years.</p> - -<p>In Calvin’s arrest and prosecution of Servetus there -can be no question that Berthelier, making light of -the theological grounds on which the Spaniard was -arraigned, and trusting to the strength of his party in -the Council, believed he saw a means and opportunity -of worsting his old irreconcilable enemy. He thought -little, and it may be perhaps felt somewhat indifferent -as to the fate that would befal the individual whose -cause he espoused, did he fail in the purpose he proposed -to himself. Hate of Calvin blinded him to more -remote contingencies.</p> - -<p>Colladon, engaged of course by Calvin on behalf of -Nicolas de la Fontaine and the prosecution, was a man -of a totally different stamp from Berthelier. A refugee -from France, his native country, for conscience sake, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">319</span> -and seeking in Geneva freedom to enjoy his religious -convictions; austere in disposition, rigid in morals and -punctilious in outward observance, he had been forced -to fly from his home in consequence of zeal too openly -expressed for the cause of the Reformation. Safe in -Geneva, he gave himself heart and soul to Calvin, and -was found by him among the most useful of his auxiliaries -in formulating his discipline and enforcing its observance, -Colladon’s familiarity with business and his -legal knowledge qualifying him in every way for the -part he was ambitious to play. The party of which he -was a distinguished member were now in the minority, -but did not so remain for long. Within two years of -the time that engages us, they had gained the ascendency, -and were not slow to avenge themselves on the -legitimate sons of Geneva by forcing them in numbers -into banishment, and filling their places by naturalising -the French and Italian refugees, who continued pouring -into Geneva in crowds, to escape the persecution that -then raged in their native countries.</p> - -<p>The fiery dispute in which Berthelier and Colladon -engaged at this day’s sitting, seems to have concerned -Calvin much more than Servetus, its ostensible subject: -the French <i>Reformer</i> of Christianity far more than its -would-be Spanish <i>Restorer</i>, was the true object of the -attack and defence. The debate in the old episcopal -palace, in a word, was between the representatives of -the two factions that contended for supremacy in -Geneva. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">320</span></p> - -<p>We have unfortunately no complete account of -what transpired on this the first encounter between Berthelier -and Colladon. The Records of the Criminal -Court are significantly silent on the subject; but that -it was violent there can be no question, so violent -that the morning sitting had to be suspended before -the usual hour of rising. Yet are we at no loss to -divine the ground on which the presumed altercation -arose, when we note the point where the blank in the -proceedings occurs, coming as it does in immediate -connection with the articles having reference to the -subject of the Trinity. Servetus, in the course of the -interrogatory to which he was subjected, having replied -equivocally or unsatisfactorily as to the sense in which -the word person is to be understood in speaking of the -Trinitarian Mystery, Colladon must have contended -that he could show by various passages of the printed -book before the Court, that the prisoner now spoke -otherwise of the Trinity than he really believed, and -proceeded to handle him somewhat sharply, in the way -Counsel learned in the Law are still wont to treat those -they have under cross-examination; somewhat unfairly, -too, as Berthelier may have thought, so that he interposed, -and must even have said something not only in -defence of the prisoner, but of the opinions incriminated. -And here it was, and in consequence of the warmth of -the debate, that the proceedings had to be suspended.</p> - -<p>Before breaking up, a number of books, which had -been produced by the Counsel for the prosecution in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">321</span> -support of his case, were directed to be left with the -clerk of the Court; and each party in the suit, having -noted its case, was ordered to be in readiness to go on -at the next sitting. The books in question were the -works of Melanchthon and the letters of Œcolampadius, -the Geography of Ptolemy, and the Bible of Pagnini; -the two last of which the prisoner owned to having -edited and annotated. The most important of all, -however, was the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ upon the -interpretation of some of the passages of which, in -contrast with the present replies of the prisoner, arose -the altercation that led to the momentary suspension of -the proceedings.</p> - -<p>From the Registers of the Grand Council we learn -that on the morrow of the stormy session of the sixteenth, -Calvin presented himself before the Council and -demanded an audience. He had learned, he said, that -Philibert Berthelier had meddled in the suit against -Michael Servetus, and even spoken in defence of some -of the incriminated passages of the prisoner’s book—a -mortal offence in Calvin’s eyes, and an indication, not to -be mistaken, of hostility to himself as virtual pursuer of -the obnoxious heretic. The time had come, in fact, when, -throwing aside disguise, Calvin must come from behind -Nicolas de la Fontaine, avow himself the prosecutor, -and nip in the bud, if he could, the new growth of rebellion -against his rule for which Servetus, he saw, was -now to be made the pretext.</p> - -<p>In the interference of Berthelier, which we see -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">322</span> -must have given such umbrage to Calvin, we have the -first open indication by the Libertine party of their -sympathy with the prisoner; sympathy, real or pretended, -that may be said to have sealed the fate of the -unhappy Servetus; for the issue, though continuing to -be debated on the ground of speculative theology, on -which so many questions might be raised and doubts -entertained, was henceforth to a certain extent transferred -to the domain of politics, on which there was -the one practical issue involved, as to who or which -party that divided the state of Geneva should have the -upper hand.</p> - -<p>It may be fairly presumed that Calvin, with the -great advantage he had in natural talent and acquirements, -had no difficulty in satisfying the majority of the -Judges of the culpability of Servetus on theological -grounds; his opinions differed too obviously from all -they had ever been led to believe concerning the -Trinity and Infant Baptism, especially, to leave them -in any doubt as to this. Servetus differed, in fact, on -every point brought forward, from the doctrine familiar -to the mind of Geneva—enough of itself to lay him -under suspicion; and, accepting Calvin’s interpretation -of the incriminated passages of his book, which his -Judges must have felt bound in some sort to do, they -could have had nothing for it, had the prosecution now -insisted on having made out their case, but to proceed to -judgment, and pronounce the prisoner guilty. But this -was not done; the Judges appear not only to have felt -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">323</span> -no kind of hostility towards the solitary stranger in the -singular and painful position in which he stood, but -even to have been moved to something like compassion -in his behalf.</p> - -<p>After the suspension of the early sitting of the -16th in consequence of the stormy scene between -Berthelier and Colladon, and a pause to permit -the minds of all to regain a state of calm befitting -the circumstances, proceedings of an informal kind -only were taken later in the day. These are interesting, -nevertheless, because of the recommendation of the -Judges to Calvin in sequence to his avowal of himself as -virtual prosecutor, to use every fair endeavour to bring -the prisoner to what were thought to be better views, -as well as to furnish the Court with further and more -satisfactory evidence of his heretical guiltiness. To this -end Calvin was requested by the Court to visit the -prisoner, ‘the better to show him his errors—<i>affin que -myeux luy puyssent estre remonstrées ses erreurs</i>: to -assist him, <i>à assister luy</i>, and to do what he could with -him in respect of the interrogatories put to him, <i>et qu’il -vouldra avec luy aux interrogatoires</i>. This surely is -both interesting and important. The Court would -have spared the man, and given him an opportunity of -coming to an understanding with the prosecutor on the -difficult matters in debate between them. We shall -accordingly find by-and-by that Calvin, accompanied by -a number of ministers, in compliance with the benevolent -intentions of the Court, paid Servetus a visit in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">324</span> -prison; but with results that might have been foreseen—not -only not advantageous to him, but damaging in -the highest degree to his interests.</p> - -<p>On the resumption of proceedings next day, August -17, Calvin took his seat on the Bench, and under -him, in the area, were seen a number of ministers, his -colleagues, specially introduced, as said, to show the -prisoner his errors, but all, like their leader, we fear, -rather bent on convicting the dangerous heretic than -hopeful of convincing and winning over the mistaken -theologian.</p> - -<p>Colladon, as counsel for the prosecution, now went -on with his interrogatories as at the last meeting; and -various particulars which had hitherto remained in -the shade were brought prominently forward. Among -others it was positively averred that the prisoner had -been tried and condemned in Germany, a point only -hinted at before; and passages from private letters by -Melanchthon and Œcolampadius were quoted in support -of the allegation. In these the severest censure -is certainly passed on the views of the prisoner; but, -as he observed, the adverse opinions of the Reformers -referred to by no means implied that he had ever -been the subject of any judicial trial or condemnation -in Germany; a remark for which Colladon had no -better rejoinder than to say that had he and his printer -been apprehended and tried, they would undoubtedly -have been condemned.</p> - -<p>Questioned as to who was the printer of his book -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">325</span> -on ‘Trinitarian Error,’ he said it was Joannes Secerius -of Hagenau. On this, Colladon went on to say that -the book was full of heretical poison, and that it was impossible -it should not have infected many persons. But -there was no evidence adduced to show that it had; and -it is not unimportant to observe that Colladon’s statements -here are based on a document which is not -before the Court, a copy of the book on ‘Trinitarian -Error,’ though eagerly sought after, as we have seen, -not being anywhere to be found.</p> - -<p>On the note or scholium in the Ptolemy, calling in -question the truth of the Bible account of Judæa as a -land flowing with milk and honey, on which he was -challenged, Servetus declared that it was not by him, -but quoted from another writer, adding incautiously, -from himself, however, that the note contained nothing -reprehensible or that was not true. This aroused the -ire of Calvin, who now interposed, not certainly in -agreement with the recommendation of the Court to -show the prisoner that he had been led into error -through false information, as he might have done, but -to declare that he who approved the words of another -characterising Judæa as no land flowing with milk and -honey, but as meagre, barren, and inhospitable, necessarily -inculpated Moses; and that to use such language -was egregiously to outrage the Holy Ghost.</p> - -<p>Servetus, however, would not agree to this, coolly -denying any such conclusion; insomuch so, as Calvin -himself tells us, in no very choice terms, that ‘the villainous -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">326</span> -cur—<i>ce vilain chien</i>—though put to shame by -the obvious reasons adduced, did but wipe his muzzle, -<i>ne fit que torcher son museau</i>, and say: Let us go on, -there is no harm here—<i>passons oultre, il n’y a poynt là -de mal</i>’.<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a></p> - -<p>Another important article of the impeachment -brought into prominence in this day’s proceedings was -from among the prisoner’s annotations to the reprint -of Santes Pagnini’s Bible, which he supervised, as we -know, for Hugo de la Porte, the publisher of Lyons. -This Bible was said by the prosecution to be encumbered -with many glosses or comments totally opposed -to the Faith; the one most notably so of all perhaps -being appended to the thirty-third chapter of Isaiah, -where the servant of God who took on himself the -sins of the people is spoken of by the Prophet. ‘This -passage,’ said Calvin, ‘is referred by the prisoner to -Cyrus, whilst every Christian Church refers it to Jesus -Christ.’ But Servetus was again bold enough to maintain -his position in so far as to say that the interpretation -he had given of the passage was borne out in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">327</span> -some sort by the opinions of the old Doctors of the -Church, who acknowledged, as he said, a twofold sense -in the Scriptures—one, literal and historical, applying -to contemporaneous personages and events; another, -mystical and prophetic, bearing on Christ and the -future. ‘In speaking of the individual referred to, as he -had done, and calling him Cyrus, he said that he nevertheless -held the prophetical and most important bearing -of the text to be on Christ.’ But this did not -satisfy Calvin. He would by no means accept such an -explanation, and far from attempting by reason and -kindness to win the prisoner to views which he himself -believed to be more in conformity with the truth, he -launched out in passion, and declared that ‘the prisoner -would never have had the hardihood thus villainously -to corrupt so grand a passage had he not, abandoning -all shame, taken he knew not what diabolical pleasure in -getting rid of the whole Christian faith.’ The cool way -in which Servetus stood this outburst appears to have -irritated the Reformer extremely. Servetus was in -truth far in advance of Calvin and his age in his -exegesis. He was not blind, like all about him, to the -true import of the Hebrew writings styled prophetical, -but divined their only possible bearing upon events -and individuals contemporaneous with their writers—in -some cases even past and gone. It was to escape -doing violence to the idea of the inspiration under -which Servetus credited these ancient writings to have -been composed, that he acknowledged a prospective -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">328</span> -reference to incidents still in the womb of far distant -time.</p> - -<p>The printing of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ was -next adduced and made a principal topic of accusation -against the prisoner. To the question what object he -had proposed to himself in having the book printed, -he replied that his main purpose was to ventilate his -opinions and have them controverted in case they -were seen to be erroneous. But Calvin rejoined that -it was by no means necessary to print in order to obtain -correction of erroneous opinions, and this more -especially in a case such as his, where, as writer, he had -already been admonished of his errors.</p> - -<p>The delicate, difficult, and most essential element in -the impeachment, that, namely, having reference to the -Doctrine of the Trinity, was now and again brought -into the foreground. Particularly questioned on this -subject, Servetus maintained, that previous to the -Council of Nicæa no Doctor of the Church had used -the word <i>Trinity</i>; and that if the Fathers did acknowledge -a distinction in the Divine Essence, it was not -<i>real</i> but <i>formal</i>; that the <i>persons</i> were nothing more -in truth than <i>dispensations</i> or modes, not distinct entities -or <i>persons</i> in the usual acceptation of that word. -If he had called the Doctrine of the Trinity, as commonly -understood, a dream of St. Augustine and an -invention of the Devil, which he did not deny; if he -had further characterised the Trinity of modern theologians -as a three-headed monster, like the Cerberus -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">329</span> -of the poets, and styled those who overlooked the true -Trinity, which he himself recognised, as Tritheists, it -was solely because he believed the unity of God to be -denied or annulled by such a procedure. Colladon on -this—and prompted we may presume by Calvin—maintained -that the views imputed to the Fathers of -the Church by the prisoner were false as well as mischievous, -and that he could adduce none but apocryphal -writings full of absurdities in support of what he -said.</p> - -<p>Most of the other views and opinions of the prisoner -which were quoted as heretical in the act of impeachment -were either owned to by him, interpreted -in the way he understood them, or were taken as -proven by the Court; passages in support of this conclusion -having been referred to not only in the printed -copy of the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’ but in the -manuscript sent privately six years before to Calvin -for his strictures. There is one particular, however, -not mentioned in the record of proceedings, but given -by Calvin,<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> that is not uninteresting, as showing the -extreme pantheistic views to which Servetus had attained, -and may have prejudiced him not a little in the -eyes of his Judges, the air of offensive absurdity which -the pantheistic doctrine—adversely understood—assumes -when pushed to extremes, being made so prominently -to appear. The question had turned on the -relations between the Divine substance and the substance -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">330</span> -of creatures and things. ‘All things, all creatures,’ -said Servetus, ‘are portions of the substance of -God.’ Speaking in his own person, and interposing at -this point, Calvin says: ‘Annoyed as I was by so -palpable an absurdity, I answered: What, poor man, -did one stamp on this floor with his foot and say he -trod on God, would not you be horrified in having -subjected the Majesty of God to such unworthy usage?’ -He, on this, replied: ‘I have not a doubt but that this -bench, this table, and all you can point to around us, is -of the substance of God.’ When it was then objected -to him that on such showing the Devil must be of God -substantially; he, smiling impudently, said: ‘Do you -doubt it? For my part,’ continued he, ‘I hold it as a -general proposition that all things whatsoever are part -and parcel of God, and that nature at large is His substantial -manifestation.’ Calvin, we imagine, might have -spared Servetus on this head when we call to mind -how he commits himself to pantheistic views in that -passage of his ‘Institutions’ we have already referred to, -where he says he only objects to call Nature God because -of the harshness and impropriety of the expression. -He might further, with reference to the Devil, -have bethought him of the verse of Isaiah xlv. 7, -where these words occur as coming from Jehovah -himself: ‘I form the Light and create Darkness; I -make peace and create evil.’ Or of this from Amos -iii. 6: ‘Shall there be evil in a city and the Lord -hath not done it?’ Or yet this of Ezekiel xx. 25: -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">331</span> -‘I gave them statutes that were not good,’ &c. The -Jews, through by far the greater part of their history, as -a people acknowledged no Dualism in their Deity, as, -indeed, they only looked on their God Jahveh as the -greatest among the Gods. He was the good and -the evil principle in one. But it is easy to imagine -the damaging impression which Servetus’s logical but -terribly unorthodox statement must have made on the -minds of his Judges, ill-informed presumably as they -were on such questions. Had Calvin been minded to -help instead of determined to crush Servetus, he might -even have quoted Luther, who speaks in this wise in -his Table Talk: ‘God is present in all created things, -and so in the smallest leaflet and tiniest poppy-seed—Gott -also gegenwärtig ist in allen Creaturen; auch im -geringsten Blättlein und Mohnkörnlein.’</p> - -<p>Nor were the personal griefs of Calvin overlooked in -the inculpation of the prisoner. Beside the thirty letters -printed in the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ addressed -to the Reformer, a copy of his ‘Institutions’ was now -laid before the Court. This, like the MS. of the -‘Restitutio,’ sent privately and confidentially to Calvin, -was covered on the margins with numerous annotations, -little in conformity, as may be supposed, with -the accepted tenets of the Church of Geneva, and more -rarely still complimentary to the author. At such insolent -procedure we know that Calvin was greatly -offended, as appears by the language he thought fit to -use when writing to Viret and incidentally noticing the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">332</span> -liberties that had been taken with him by the annotator: -‘There is not a page of the book,’ he says, ‘that -is not befouled with his vomit.’</p> - -<p>Neither was the tergiversation of the prisoner in -what he had said about Geroult’s part in the printing -of the ‘Restitutio’ unnoticed. He is now reproached -with the variations in his replies on the subject to -the Lieutenant on the 14th, and to the Court on the -15th. His first answer we believe was truthful—Geroult -knew all about the book, as we shall find from -a letter of Arnoullet to his friend Bertet; his second was -untruthful, but uttered to shield the man who had aided -him in his enterprise, compromised, as he had come to -see, by what he had said before. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">333</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE, WITH THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL -OF GENEVA AS PROSECUTOR.</p> - -<p>Arrived at this stage, all the documents on which it -was proposed to proceed being before the Court, and -something more than a presumption of the prisoner’s -heretical opinions having already been made to appear, -Nicolas de la Fontaine, on his petition to that effect, -and his bail, Anthony Calvin, were formally discharged -as parties to the suit, its further prosecution being -handed over to Claude Rigot, the Attorney-General of -the city of Geneva.</p> - -<p>Before breaking up, however, and as if to occupy -the time until the usual hour of rising, a number of -questions irrelevant to the main plea, but tending to -gratify the curiosity of the Court, were put to the -prisoner. Among the number of these he was asked -particularly how he had contrived to escape from the -prison of Vienne. He informed the Judges, that he -had only passed two nights there; that the Vibailly, -De la Cour, was well disposed towards him, he having -been of great service to M. Maugiron, an intimate -friend of the Vibailly, who had ordered the gaoler to use -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">334</span> -him well, and allow him the freedom of the garden. -Taking advantage of this, he had scaled the wall and -got away in the manner already described, the Vibailly -having taken care that he should not be pursued and -recaptured.</p> - -<p>He added that he had intended and even tried in -the first instance to get to Spain, his native country; -but finding the obstacles so many, and fearing arrest at -every moment, he retraced his steps and made his way -to Geneva, purposing to proceed to Italy.</p> - -<p>Questioned further about the printing of the ‘Restitutio -Christianismi,’ he said it had been thrown off to -the extent of 1,000 copies, of which the publisher had -sent a bale to Frankfort in anticipation of the Easter -book-fair of that great mart. This was a piece of information -that was not lost on Calvin. He wrote a -few days after, having meantime gained further information, -to one of the Frankfort members, giving him -intimation of what had been done, telling him where -the packet was bestowed, and recommending its immediate -seizure and destruction, for which he seems -also to have furnished some sort of warrant or authority, -how obtained we are not informed, though it was -probably from Frelon.</p> - -<p>Interrogated as to the money he had about him -when imprisoned at Vienne, he replied that his cash -and valuables had not been taken from him on his -arrest there, but were still in his possession when he -reached Geneva. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">335</span></p> - -<p>The result of the unwarranted and eventful prosecution -of which he was the subject had thus far been -anything but favourable to the prisoner. The intervention -of Berthelier, above all, may be said to have -been highly prejudicial by bringing Calvin into the -field in person, and supplying him with an additional -motive for urging the suit to the issue that could alone -prove satisfactory to him—the condemnation capitally -of his insolent, personal, and dreaded theological -opponent, now associated with his political enemies. -Calvin was in truth much too formidable a personage -to be gainsaid on trifling grounds. More than one -member of the Court who might have been disposed -to favour the prisoner, could it have been done without -open defiance of the Reformer, quailed under his glance, -and shrank from the responsibility of opposing him, -when the direction the prosecution had taken came to -be understood. It was even said to be more dangerous -to offend John Calvin in Geneva than the King of -France on his throne! The prisoner whose life was -in debate was a stranger, unknown to the majority of -the Councillors; and it was doubtless thought better -by the timid to leave him to his fate, than to compromise -themselves by taking part with one who on his -own admission entertained opinions adverse not only -to the doctrine of the Church of Geneva, but to all they -had ever had presented to them as characteristic of -the Christian faith. There could be no doubt that the -man was a schismatic, a heretic; and heretic in Geneva -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">336</span> -meant an opponent of the head of its Church and the -form of Christianity it represented.</p> - -<p>Having by this time arrived at a better knowledge -of the state of affairs around him, and more than ever -aware of the possible danger in which he stood; beginning -moreover to feel less confidence in the support -which we may be certain had been privately promised -him, face to face in fact with the man who had already -sought his life and so nearly succeeded in bringing him -to a fiery death, Servetus seems now to have seen the -necessity of changing the somewhat confident tone he -had hitherto maintained in defending his opinions: -reticence takes the place of open assertion, and instead -of any clear avowal or defence of the views he held, -he is now found fencing with the obvious meaning of -the language he has used, and the conclusions to which -it leads, prevaricating too at times; in a word, doing all -in his power to appear not to have written in the way -the charges brought against him show from his works -that he had.</p> - -<p>The trial from this time may be said to have acquired -new significance. The private prosecutor and -his bail discharged, and the further conduct of the suit -handed over to the public prosecutor of the city, gave -it additional importance in the eyes of the community -at large, and heightened the interest felt in the issues -involved.</p> - -<p>Thrown into fresh hands, proceedings were necessarily -stayed for a few days to give the State Attorney -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">337</span> -time to get ready his case, so that there was no meeting -of the Court until the 21st. Between this -date and that of the suspension on the 17th, Calvin -is said to have been busy among those of the Council -he reckoned either as friends or not as avowed -antagonists, satisfying their doubts or strengthening -their presumptions of the prisoner’s guilt; showing -them the importance to the cause of religion and -society that he should be convicted; picturing him as -perhaps even less dangerous, if that were possible, on -account of the particular theological grounds set forth, -than as the enemy of all religion, sole foundation, as -he said, of the entire social fabric. The man had been -already tried, convicted, and condemned to death by -the Roman Catholics of Vienne. Would they, the -Senators of Geneva, show themselves less zealous than -the Papists of France in the cause of God and their -own true faith? Surely they would not, but doing -their duty and finding on the evidence, which Calvin -relied on as overwhelming, declare the prisoner guilty -of the heresies laid to his charge.</p> - -<p>Whether seen from a Popish or Protestant point of -view, though the matters in debate had no more to do -with real piety, with morality, or the foundations of -society than with the course of the seasons, Servetus -certainly entertained opinions on various topics of transcendental -theology different from those commonly received, -and in so far was a heretic. Of this much -Calvin had no difficulty in satisfying his supporters, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">338</span> -who consequently felt themselves absolved of any -scruples they might have entertained about condemning -one to death on purely speculative grounds which they -did not even pretend to understand.<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a></p> - -<p>Although what is said above about Calvin’s private -interference with the course of justice has been questioned, -when we know that he denounced his opponent -from the pulpit in no measured terms, and tampered -with the ministers of the Swiss Churches when they -were consulted on the case, we need not be too -scrupulous in accepting the statement as true. He may -have been alarmed by reports of something like wavering -on the part of certain members of the Court, and -even of questions raised as to the propriety of continuing -a suit involving matters so much out of the -usual course of criminal procedure as known at Geneva, -and the competence of laymen to take such subjects -into consideration at all. Rumours to this effect reaching -his ears may have led him into a course the impropriety -of which in calmer moments he might possibly -have understood. But Calvin was wholly without that -freedom from passion and that sense of relative equity -which go to the constitution of the judicial mind. He -lived in a perpetual imbroglio of quasi-criminal proceedings, -mostly begotten by his own arbitrary legislation; -and he was in the constant habit of interfering in -suits before the Courts of Geneva, less as jurisconsult -than as judge—as judge, too, in causes so commonly his -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">339</span> -own. Clerical writers who have lauded his comments -on the criminal proceedings of Geneva have not seen -these in their true bearings, or they would have expressed -themselves more guardedly than they have -done.<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a></p> - -<p>That proposals had really been made at the meeting -of the 21st to abandon further proceedings against -the prisoner, though overruled by the majority, seems -to be proclaimed by the resolution then come to, viz., -‘Inasmuch as the heresies charged against Michael -Servetus appear to be of great importance to Christianity, -resolved to continue the prosecution.’ Such a -resolution, though we have no intimation of that which -led up to it, coupled with Calvin’s activity out of doors, -suffices to show that Servetus had really had a chance -of escape from the grip of his pursuer at this particular -moment. But the occasion passed; and by way of -strengthening themselves in their determination to go -on with the questionable business in which they were -engaged, we now find the Councillors of the Protestant -city of Geneva actually writing to the Popish authorities -of Vienne, and making inquiry of them as to the -grounds on which Michael Servetus of Villanova, physician, -had been imprisoned and prosecuted by them, -and how he had escaped from confinement.</p> - -<p>To confirm themselves still further in their purpose -to proceed, it was moreover resolved that the Councils -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">340</span> -of Berne, Basle, Zürich, and Schaffhausen, together -with the ministers of their Churches, should be written -to and informed of what had thus far been done and -was still in progress. In yielding to the instigations -of Calvin, the Court in these last acts is plainly enough -seen to hesitate, and be indisposed to trust entirely to -his guidance. They would have the authorities of the -other Protestant cantons of Switzerland informed of -what was going on, and feel the pulse of their confederates -as to the propriety of proceeding farther, they, -under all the circumstances, being likely to be more -impartially disposed than the Church of Geneva and -its distinguished head.</p> - -<p>The Council of Geneva had in fact already had -occasion to know that where simple justice, whether in -the interest of the General or the Individual, was concerned, -Calvin’s lead should not always be too blindly -followed. In the case of Jerome Bolsec, whom Calvin -had arraigned for heresy two years before, against -whom he had used all his influence to secure a conviction, -and in which he would have succeeded (and the -man, almost as much a personal enemy as Servetus, -would have been beheaded) had he not been foiled by -the recommendations of the Swiss Churches and Councils, -which were unanimous in counselling moderation, -the minor Council of Berne even went so far as to -express a distinct opinion against the enforcement of -pains or penalties of any kind in cases of imputed -heresy. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">341</span></p> - -<p>But Calvin in his prosecution of those who opposed -him always shows himself both vindictive and -pitiless. Speaking of the way in which he would have -had Bolsec disposed of he says: ‘It is our wish that -our Church should be so purged of this pestilence that -it may not, by being driven hence, become injurious to -our neighbours.’ These words will bear one interpretation -only—Calvin would have had Bolsec put to -death. But he was withstood in his design, and mainly -so by the Church of Berne, the language of which -must have been highly displeasing to him; for the -Reporter, in counselling moderation, says: ‘How much -easier is it to win a man by gentleness than to compel -him by severity;’ and still more displeasing perhaps -was that which follows: ‘It cannot be said of God -that He blinds, hardens, and gives to perdition any -man, without at the same time assuming that it is God -who is the Author of human blindness and reprobation, -and therefore the cause of the sin committed.’ Now -Bolsec’s offence had been in saying that men are not -saved because elect, but are elect because of their -faith. ‘None are reprobate,’ continues the Reporter -from Berne, ‘by the eternal decrees of God, save those -who of their own choice refuse the election freely -offered to all. How shall we believe that God ordains -the fate of men before their birth; foredooming some -to sin and death, others to virtue and eternal life? -Would you make of God an arbitrary tyrant, strip -virtue of its goodness, vice of its shame, and the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">342</span> -wicked of the reproaches of their conscience?’ But -this is to cut the ground from under the feet of Calvin. -No wonder, therefore, that as the proud man would -not, and the self-satisfied man could not, bring himself -to admit his error, he would have had him who exposed -and led to such an exposition of it put out of -the way.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a></p> - -<p>It was whilst expecting replies from Vienne, and -waiting the convenience of M. Rigot, the Attorney-General, -that the Court proceeded to make inquiries of -the prisoner concerning his relations with Arnoullet, -the printer of the ‘Restoration of Christianity,’ a letter -of his to a friend of the name of Bertet having now -been put in and read to the Court. In this letter, -dated July 14, 1553, Arnoullet informs his friend Bertet -that he is still in prison, but is promised his liberty -next week, having got six substantial sureties for his -good behaviour in time to come. He had been -villainously deceived, he says, by his manager Geroult, -who corrected the rough proofs of the book, but never -said a word of the heresies it contained.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘I asked him,’ the letter proceeds, ‘whether it was all according -to God? And he replied that it was; and further, that -it contained a number of Epistles addressed to Mons. Calvin, -which he was minded to translate into French. But this I -forbade—without the permission of the author, which was refused. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">343</span> -When last in Geneva, Geroult saw and informed -M. Calvin that I had lately been there, without having waited -on him. The truth is, that I did not think he would have -me in such friendship now as in times past—by reason of my -having had anything to do with such a monster, whom God -look after! Geroult was in fact in league with the writer, -and never let fall a syllable to me until after your departure -for Frankfort [in charge of the Bale of the “Christianismi -Restoratio” among other book merchandise]. This, as you -know, gave occasion to your speaking to me so seriously as -you did about the book in question.</p> - -<p>‘As to what you say about my sending someone else to -Frankfort,—understand me, that I will have no one go but -yourself, and that you are to see every copy of the book destroyed, -so that there shall be left of it neither a leaf nor half -a leaf. Understand, too, that this is to be done without prejudice -to anyone. I am only sorry that we have all been -so grossly deceived in the business; but if God, our Father, -leave us the other goods we possess—more by far than those we -shall destroy—it will be well. As to what you say of my -having known that Villanovanus had been rejected by the -Christian Churches, and that avarice had something to do -with my having undertaken the work, let it suffice that I deny -this; and our long intimacy must have made you so well acquainted -with me, that you will not doubt I now speak the truth. -How the Inquisitor came to have your name, I cannot tell. -I can only assure you that in all the interrogations to which -I have been subjected by him I never named a living soul; nor -indeed was there ever mention made of you in my hearing.... -Be good enough to say to Mons. Calvin that I shall not -be in Geneva again without seeing him; and that if I have -not done my duty towards him in all respects, beg him to find -some excuse for me. He who is the cause of this [meaning -Geroult, doubtless] is now there; and when Monsieur Calvin -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">344</span> -shall have spoken with me, he will understand the reason of -my saying nothing more at present. Make my respects to -him meantime, and forgive me if I do not now write more -particularly of our affairs.’</p></blockquote> - -<p>This letter we see by the date was written either -shortly before or about the time of Servetus’s arrival in -Geneva, whither Geroult, who was a native of the city, -had betaken himself for safety on the arrest of Servetus -and Arnoullet. Bertet, fearing that Arnoullet might -suffer in the estimation of Calvin, seems to have thought -that the best means of exculpating his friend of complicity -with the writer of the heretical book was now -to show the letter he had lately received from Vienne -to Calvin; and he, we must conclude, laid it forthwith -before the Court, with no purpose assuredly of aiding -the prisoner in his defence. Arnoullet’s letter in exculpation -of himself goes far, as we see, to compromise -Geroult; and he being at this time in Geneva, his -liberty, perhaps even his life, was brought into -danger.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a></p> - -<p>The letter to Bertet being shown to the prisoner, -he averred that he could not take it upon him to say -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">345</span> -whether it was from Arnoullet or not, he never having -seen any of the publisher’s handwriting; he said, however, -that it certainly was at Arnoullet’s establishment -that the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ was printed, and -that Arnoullet had been arrested and imprisoned at -the same time as himself. Arnoullet’s disclaimer of -having known anything of the burden of Servetus’s -book must certainly be untrue. Unless all else we -know in connection with the business be false, he must -have had shrewd suspicions of its nature, and the suppression -of his name as publisher, and of Vienne as the -place of publication, shows that he was not without -misgivings of possible unpleasant consequences following -the appearance of the work were it known that -he had had anything to do with it.</p> - -<p>Arnoullet’s letter gave Calvin a hint which he did -not fail to improve upon; for he too wrote to Frankfort -informing his friends, the Protestant ministers -there, of the bale of Servetus’s books that had been sent -to their city—by Frelon, as I believe, not by Robert -Etienne, the bookseller of Geneva, as has been said,<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a>—recommending -its seizure and the destruction of its -contents.</p> - -<p>Calvin begins his letter thus:—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘I doubt not you have heard of Servetus, the Spaniard, -who more than twenty years ago infected Germany with a -villainous book, full of sacrilegious error of every kind. The -scoundrel having fled from Germany and lain concealed in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">346</span> -France under a false name, has lately concocted a second book -out of the contents of the first, but replete with new figments, -which he has had printed clandestinely at Vienne, a town not -far from Lyons. Of this book we learn that many copies -have been sent to Frankfort, in prospect of the approaching -Easter fair. The printer, a pious and respectable person, -when he came to know that the book was a mere farrago of -Errors, suppressed the copies he had on hand. It were long -did I enumerate the many Errors, the prodigious blasphemies -against God, that are scattered over its pages. Imagine to yourselves -a rhapsody made up of the impious ravings of every age; -for there is no kind of impiety which this wild beast from hell -has not appropriated. You will assuredly find in every page -matters that will horrify you. The author is now in prison -here at the instance of our magistracy, and I hope will shortly -be condemned and punished. But you are to aid us against -the further spread of such pestiferous poison. The messenger -[the bearer of this] will tell you where the books are bestowed -and their number; and the bookseller to whom they are consigned -will, I believe, make no objections to their being given -to the flames. Did he throw any obstacle in the way of this, -however, I venture to think you are so well disposed, that you -will take steps to have the world purged of such noxious corruption. -You shall not want authority, indeed, for what you -do in the business. If you are allowed to have your way, it -will not then be necessary to seek the interference of your -magistrates. But I have such confidence in you, that I feel -persuaded my hint will suffice to guide your action. The -matter, nevertheless, is of such moment, that I entreat you, -for Christ’s sake, not to allow the occasion of showing yourselves -zealous in your office to pass unheeded.</p> - -<p class="author"> -‘Farewell, &c.</p> - -<p>‘Geneva, 6 Calends of September, 1553.’</p></blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">347</span></p> - -<p>The session of the 21st, preliminaries ended, was -occupied in the beginning with a dispute between -the prisoner and Calvin, who came into Court on this occasion -again accompanied by a number of ministers, his -colleagues, introduced, says the Record of proceedings, -to maintain the contrary of the prisoner’s allegations in -respect of the authorities he cites as favouring his -views. Calvin thereupon, taking the lead, proceeded -to interpret the passages of the Fathers referred to by -the prisoner in a sense different from that put upon -them by him, and showed satisfactorily that the word -Trias or Trinity had really been used by writers before -the date of the Nicæan Council.</p> - -<p>It was on this occasion, as we learn from Calvin,<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> -that on a copy of Justin Martyr being produced by him -in support of his statement, Servetus expressed a wish to -see a Latin translation as well as the original Greek, -a slip which Calvin did not fail to turn to the prisoner’s -disadvantage, for knowing that there was no Latin -translation of Justin, he immediately challenged the -prisoner with being ignorant of Greek. ‘Look’ee,’ -says he in his <i>Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie -foy</i>, ‘this learned man, this Servetus, who plumes himself -on having the gift of tongues, is found to be about -as much able to read Greek as an infant to say the A. -B. C. ‘Seeing himself thus caught’ continues Calvin, -‘I took occasion to reproach him with his impudence. -What means this, said I? The book has not been -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">348</span> -translated into Latin, and you cannot read Greek. Yet, -you pretend you are familiar with Justin. Tell me, I -pray you, whence you have the quotations you produce -so freely as if you had Justin in your sleeve? But he -with his front of brass, as was his wont, though he had -leapt from the frying pan into the fire—<i>sauta du coq à -l’ânc</i>—quite unabashed, gave not the slightest sign of -feeling shame.’ No one, however, who has been at the -pains to look into the works of Servetus will doubt for -a moment that he was not only a competent Greek -scholar, but well advanced in the Hebrew also, with -both of which languages he shows that he was even -critically acquainted. Seeing himself beaten on the -occurrence of the word Trinity in the Greek of Justin, -he may have thought to find a makeweight in a Latin -translation against the original produced by Calvin. -There is indeed an ample display both of erudition -and linguistic accomplishments even in Servetus’s first -work, the seven books on Trinitarian Error.</p> - -<p>Another and still more significant discussion now -arose between the Reformer and the prisoner—and in -these ever-recurring debates we see the persistency with -which Calvin stuck to his opponent—as to the sense in -which the expression Son of God was to be understood. -Servetus maintained that it was not properly -applied to him who bore it until the moment of his -birth. Calvin, on the contrary, insisted that in conformity -with the usual interpretation of the first chapter -of the Gospel according to John, the authority of the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">349</span> -Creeds and the teaching of the Churches, the words -must be held to refer to the Divine Word which became -incarnate in Jesus Christ, having until then been a -distinct subsistence in the essence of God from Eternity. -In reply to this, Servetus explained and said that the -common interpretation of the language of John was -mistaken; the Son, as he declared, having only existed -<i>formally</i> or as an idea, dispensation or mode in the -mind of God previous to the Incarnation and Birth of -Christ, not as an entity—a <i>person</i>, in the usual acceptation -of the word, possessed of distinct individual -existence.</p> - -<p>Speaking authoritatively now and as from himself, -Calvin rejoined that if the Word had not been a distinct -<i>reality</i> in the essence of God, it could not have united -itself as such with the humanity of Christ; that the -body of Christ must then have been wholly of the substance -of God; and being so—not being perfect man -as well as perfect God—the redemption of mankind -could not have been effected by his death. Why the -impossibility, thus assumed, is not said. But let us -pause an instant and think of one pious man tried for -his life by another pious man, on grounds such as -these!—grounds on which neither the one nor the other -could find footing for a moment.</p> - -<p>Without opposing his prosecutor by urging his -own views more particularly at this stage, Servetus -now requested that he might be furnished with the -books necessary to him in his defence, and have pens, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">350</span> -ink, and paper supplied to him, with which to write a -petition to the Council. Calvin on this agreed to leave -the volumes he had brought into Court in the hands -of the prisoner, and the Judges ordered that any others -he required should be purchased for him at his proper -cost. The jailer finally was directed to supply him -with writing materials; the paper, however, being -limited to a <i>single sheet</i>! and to see particularly to his -being kept secluded—indication in either case, we -must presume, that the prisoner was believed not to -lack friends or prompters from whom Calvin thought -it would be well to keep him apart. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">351</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE TRIAL IN ITS SECOND PHASE—<i>continued</i>.</p> - -<p>When the Court assembled, on August 23, a series of -articles, embodying what may be characterised as a new -Act of Impeachment, was presented to it by M. Rigot -the Attorney-General, headed as follows: ‘These are -the questions and articles on which the Attorney-General -of Geneva proposes to interrogate Michael Servetus, -prisoner, accused of heresy, blasphemy, and -disturbance of the peace of Christendom.’</p> - -<p>The questions and articles now presented differ -materially from those proposed in the first instance by -Calvin in the name of his man, Nicolas de la Fontaine. -These, we have seen, refer almost exclusively -to the speculative theological opinions of Servetus, his -disrespectful treatment of Calvin, and his challenge of -the doctrine preached in the Church of Geneva. The -articles of the Attorney-General bear on matters more -purely personal to the prisoner; on his antecedents; -his relations with the theologians of Basle and Germany; -the printing of his books, more particularly the -last of them, and the fatal consequences that must -follow from its publication; his coming to Geneva, and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">352</span> -so on. Save his views on Infant Baptism, his other -dogmatical opinions are not particularly specified or -brought prominently forward; and his differences with -Calvin and the Church of Geneva are not even hinted -at. The theological element in the prosecution, in a -word, is almost entirely abandoned for denunciations -of the socially dangerous nature of the prisoner’s -doctrines, and his persistence in their dissemination.</p> - -<p>In the present mood of the Court, and aspect of -the prosecution, it would almost seem that had Servetus -been guilty of nothing more than offences in the -region of speculative theology and the use of uncivil -language towards Calvin and the Church of Geneva, -his delinquencies would not have put him beyond the -pale of escape from all but punishment of a secondary -or insignificant kind. The Attorney-General’s articles -appear in fact to have been framed under the mistaken -idea that Servetus, through the whole course of his life, -had been an immoral and so a dangerous and turbulent -spirit, of the kind with which he was himself, perhaps, -but too familiar in the City of Geneva. He did not, -any more than Calvin and the other Reformers, think -of Servetus as he was in truth—a speculative, yet perfectly -pious scholar, intent on bringing the Reformation -of Christian doctrine, begun by Luther, still nearer -to the simplicity of Apostolic, or even of pre-Apostolic, -times; for Michael Servetus had the mind to see and -to say that there was a Christian Religion, based on -love of God and man, with added faith in its Author, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">353</span> -before there were any Gospels; so that these are truly -but the varying and often discrepant reports of the -Master’s teaching, with mythological accretions and -interpolated Greek philosophoumena.</p> - -<p>Rigot appears from his articles, which have no look -of having been dictated by Calvin, to have regarded -Servetus as one whose efforts from first to last had -been directed to the confusion of society through the -teaching of an immoral doctrine and the example of -a dissolute life. To force an avowal of so much from -the lips of the prisoner himself was therefore the main -drift of the Attorney’s interrogatories. Must not the -prisoner be aware, said he, that his teaching gives -licence to youth to overflow in debauchery, adultery, -and other social crimes, as he maintains that there is -neither sin nor misdemeanour in such misdeeds, and -no punishment due to them under the age of twenty -years? Why had he not himself entered into the holy -state of matrimony? Had he not studied the Koran -and other profane books for arguments in favour of -Jews, Turks, and the like, and to controvert the -doctrines of all the Christian Churches? Had he -not been imprisoned elsewhere than at Vienne through -having been guilty of various crimes and misdemeanours? -Had he not been a party to quarrels in which he -had wounded another as well as been wounded himself? -If he had not led a dissolute and immoral life, showing -neither care nor zeal for all that became a Christian, -what could have induced him to treat adversely so much -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">354</span> -that lies at the root of the Christian Religion? Had -he not come, in fact, to Geneva with a view to spread -his doctrines and to trouble the Church as there established? -With whom had he had communication -since he came? Had he not spoken with William -Geroult, and was not Geroult aware of his intention to -come to Geneva? and so on, in the same strain, the -questions amounting to as many as thirty.</p> - -<p>But this was ground on which Servetus felt himself -secure; he could reply to all that was asked of him -now with a clear conscience, and without reticence or -prevarication. He had nothing to hide in his past life. -No moral delinquency had been laid to his charge, and -though he may have had a squabble with the Faculty -of Paris, the doctors were notoriously a contentious -crew, always quarrelling among themselves, though -they never, like the theologians, went the length of -burning one another. There was little, therefore, to -be said on that head; for the rest, he had lived -soberly, honourably, industriously; earning his bread -in the sweat of his brain, and for the last twelve or -fourteen years had been incessantly engaged in the -practice of his profession, neither using the sword nor -the spear, but salving the bruises and stanching the -wounds that men in their madness inflict on one -another, and nobly ministering to the yet longer list -of ills in the shape of fevers, fluxes, consumptions, -apoplexies, cancers, dropsies, &c., &c., that waylay us -on our course and give us rest at length. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">355</span></p> - -<p>The task which the public Prosecutor had set -himself of showing up Servetus as an ill-conditioned -and quarrelsome person, as a debauchee and evil-liver, -and in the imputed licentiousness and irregularities of -his life to find a motive for his attack on the dogmas -of the Christian faith, was, therefore, a complete failure.</p> - -<p>The Attorney-General of Geneva did not imagine, -as it seems, that the man who differed in his speculative -theological opinions from the masses, who follow -their leaders like sheep, could be other than an enemy -to both God and man.</p> - -<p>All the charges in the direction now taken, unsupported -as they were by a shadow of evidence, fell to -the ground. Servetus could say with truth that he was -no disturber of the peace—had never in the whole -course of his life provoked a personal quarrel, and if -he had once drawn his sword, as hinted, it was not as -aggressor, but in self-defence. By physical constitution -he said he was indisposed to matrimony; his not -having entered into that holy state being, as we have -seen, one of the items laid to his charge! Far from -having failed in chastity of life, he declared that he -had been ever studious of Scripture precepts on the -subject, and was even bold enough to think that he -had always lived as a Christian. And truly and in so -far as aught to the contrary was made to appear in the -course of the protracted and searching trial to which -he was subjected, Servetus must be held to come out -stainless. The logical conclusion, however, that speculative -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">356</span> -theological opinions, whether in conformity with -or adverse to accredited systems of belief, had no influence -one way or another on man’s moral conduct, -was lost upon Calvin and his age; and the vulgar -world of to-day cannot yet be said to have bettered -their opinion.</p> - -<p>The prosecution, losing ground the longer it continued -on this tack, reverted to what for it was the -surer course—the assumed danger to the cause of society -and the peace of Christendom from the publication -of books having the character ascribed to those -written by the prisoner. In spite of all the warnings -he had had, said Mr. Attorney Rigot, the kind and -repeated admonitions of learned theologians, sole -authorities on such subjects, and the unanimous condemnation -his first publication had encountered, he -not only continued to adhere to his errors, but with a -view to spread them farther had written and printed a -second, which was in fact but a reproduction and enlarged -edition of the first.</p> - -<p>To this Servetus answered that he thought he -should have offended God had he not done so; ‘he -had acted,’ he said, ‘with as perfect sincerity as if his -salvation had been in question.’ ‘Our Lord,’ he continued, -and quoting the tenth chapter of Matthew, -‘commands us to speak in Light that we have -been told in Darkness; and in the fifth chapter, the -Evangelist says further that we are not to put the -Light we have under a bushel, but to set it where it -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">357</span> -may be seen of all.’ Taking God and his conscience -for guides, therefore, he thought he was but following -the injunctions of the Scriptures and the ancient -Doctors of the Church in all he had written, nor does -he now think that he has done amiss, for his intentions -were good; and, as the Evangelist already quoted -(ch. v.) declares: ‘If the eye be single then is the -whole body full of Light,’ he therefore believes that -his intention having been good, the deed which followed -must be accounted good also. As to the printing -of the book entitled ‘The Restoration of Christianity,’ -he had no regrets. He had written and had -it printed because he hoped to bring back to its primitive -meaning much that he thought was erroneous -in current interpretations of Christian Doctrine; his -title of itself showed that he intended <i>the Restoration, -not the Destruction</i>, of Christianity, with which he had -been charged. With all this, however, he did not presume -to say that they who had written before him, and -in a different sense, understood nothing of the Christian -Religion; he only thought they had misconceived -and misconstrued some things, they especially who had -formulated their opinions subsequently to the date of -the Council of Nicæa.</p> - -<p>To the particular charge that he had spoken of the -Doctrine taught in the Reformed Churches as being -nowise Christian, and condemned all who did not think -with himself, he replied that he never imagined that -the Churches of Geneva and Germany were doomed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">358</span> -to perdition because of their teaching; he only thought -their ministers mistaken on some things.</p> - -<p>At this point, a private letter addressed by the prisoner -to Abel Poupin, one of the Ministers of Geneva, -written many years before, was produced and read to -the Court. Whence it came, or how it was obtained, is -not said; but as highly characteristic of the writer, and -foreshadowing the fate that was to befal him, it must -have a place in our story.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Monsieur Abel!—Although it is most plainly shown, in -my twelfth letter to Calvin, that the Law of the Decalogue -had been abrogated, I shall add a few words that you may -the better understand the innovation brought about by the -advent of Christ. If you turn to Jeremiah xxxi., verse 31 -<i>et seq.</i>, you will find it stated distinctly that the law of the -Decalogue was to be annulled. The prophet teaches that the -Covenant entered into with the Fathers, when they left Egypt, -was to be no longer in force. But this was the Covenant of -the Decalogue. For in <small>I</small> Kings, chapter viii., it is said that -the Covenant or Testimony—the Decalogue, to wit—was in -the Ark with the Fathers at their exodus from Egypt, whence -the Ark is called the Ark of the Covenant, that is of the -Tables, or Ten Commandments of the Law. Now this was -the form of the Covenant: God promised the Israelites that -they should be his people, if they did according to the words -of the Law, and they on their part engaged that they would -obey them. Such was the Covenant. And it is of this -Covenant that Jeremiah (chapter xviii.) speaks as being repealed, -as does Ezekiel (chapter xvi.), and Paul likewise in -his Epistle to the Hebrews. If God took us for his own -under that Law, we should lie under the curse, and perish by -its pressure. The Law therefore was repealed. God does -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">359</span> -not now receive us as his children but by faith in his beloved -Son, Jesus Christ. See then what becomes of your Gospel -when it is confounded with the Law. Your Gospel is without -the One God, without true faith, without good works. For the -One God you have a three-headed Cerberus; for faith a fatal -dream, and good works you say are vain shows. Faith in -Christ is to you mere sham, effecting nothing; Man a mere -log, and your God a chimæra of subject-will. You do -not acknowledge celestial regeneration by the washing with -water, but treat it as an idle tale, and close the kingdom of -heaven against mankind as a thing of imagination. Woe to -you, woe, woe!</p> - -<p>This, my third Epistle, is addressed to you with the wish -that you may be brought to better thoughts, and I mean not -to admonish you any more. It offends you, perchance, that I -meddle in those battles of the angel Michael, and seek to -bring you into the strife. But study the part I refer to carefully, -and you will see that there are men who do battle there, -exposing their lives for Christ’s sake. That the Angels -speak truth is proclaimed by the Scriptures. But see you -not that the question is of the Church of Christ fled from -Earth these many years? Is it not of division, of difference -that John himself makes mention? And who is the Accuser -challenging us with transgression of the Law and its precepts? -Accusation and seduction of the world, he says, were -to precede the battle; the battle therefore was to follow, and -the time is at hand, as he also tells us. And who are they -who shall gain the victory over the Beast? They who do -not accept his mark. I know for sure that I shall die in this -cause; but my courage does not fail me because of this; I -shall show me a disciple worthy of my master.</p> - -<p>I much regret that, through you, I am not allowed to -amend some places in my writings now in Calvin’s hands. -Farewell, and look for no more letters from me. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">360</span></p></blockquote> - -<p>I stand to my post and meditate, and look out for what -may further come to pass. For come it will, surely it will -come and that without long delay.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a></p> - -<p>This remarkable letter, interesting in so many respects, -is unfortunately without a date; it is the last of -three he had written, however, and must have been -produced either in 1546, or early in 1547. Highly -characteristic of the self-confidence and assurance of -the writer, we see him as ready to challenge the -Reformers as they were eager to denounce him. He -does not call them heretics and blasphemers, it is true, -nor does he speak of having them punished for the -mistaken views they entertain; and therein he shows -himself their superior. Crying woe upon them for -their errors, he never hints at the propriety of burning -them alive, though he is not blind to the great -probability of being subjected himself to a fate of the -kind.</p> - -<p>The letter to Abel Poupin, said Servetus to his -Judges, contains scholastic disputations on difficult subjects, -in the course of which controversialists make use -of strong language with no purpose but to enforce their -views or bring their opponents to the same way of -thinking as themselves, and not because they believe -them to be lost souls by reason of the dissimilar -opinions they entertain. For himself, he continues, he -had had more objectionable terms of reproach applied -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">361</span> -to him, than any he had used to others; and these not -by word of mouth or in private letters like his own, but -through printed books both in the French and Latin -tongues. What he had written to M. Abel, now more -than six years ago, was with no view to publicity, -but simply to elicit the truth—certainly with no intention -of slandering the Republic of Geneva and its -Churches.</p> - -<p>On the important question of baptism, he admitted -being of opinion that they who were baptized in their -infancy were not truly baptized; but added, that if it -were shown him he was mistaken in this, he was ready -to amend and ask forgiveness.</p> - -<p>The prosecutor reverting to the book lately printed -and asking the prisoner if he did not think it was calculated, -through the doctrine it taught, to bring great -troubles on Christendom? he replied that he did not -think his book calculated to introduce dispute or difference -among Christians; on the contrary, he thought -it would be found profitable, and give occasion to the -better spirits among men to speak better things; and -the truth, once admitted and proclaimed by the few, -would by and by spread to the many.</p> - -<p>Challenged with having come to Geneva to disseminate -his doctrines and sow dissension among the -Churches, he gave sufficient reason for his presence -among them when he said that he had only come on -his way to Italy, having been turned from his first intention -of trying to reach his native country, after his -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">362</span> -escape from the prison of Vienne, through fear of -arrest by the police of France.</p> - -<p>It is but fair to infer, as M. Albert Rilliet observes, -that the present bearing of Servetus, and the -moderation and pertinence of his replies to all the questions -put to him, must have made a favourable impression -on the Court. He was not now confronted with -Calvin, in whose presence he seemed to lose all self-control, -neither was he pressed upon questions of -speculative theology, upon which he either dared not -declare himself openly, or, if he did, was at once in -opposition to all his Judges knew of religion. In Rigot -as his questioner he had nothing more than an officer -discharging a public duty, not the hostile partisan he -had encountered in Colladon who, as agent of Calvin, -may have thought it incumbent on him to give the -most unfavourable turn to everything capable of being -construed to the advantage of the prisoner. The good -impression presumed could hardly fail to be strengthened -by the petition of the prisoner addressed to the -Court and read on the next day of the trial, August 24, -to this effect:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="center"><i>To the most honourable my Lords, the Syndics and Councillors -of Geneva.</i></p> - -<p>The Petition of Michael Servetus, now lying under a -criminal charge, humbly showeth—That it is a thing new -and unknown to the Apostles, Disciples, and ancient Churches, -to make the interpretation of the Scriptures, and questions -thence arising, grounds of criminal accusation. This is clearly -seen from Chapters xviii. and xix. of the Acts of the Apostles, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">363</span> -where accusers are referred to the Churches, when the matters -in question bear upon Religion only. So too in the time of -Constantine, when the Arian heresy was broached, and accusations -were brought on the part both of Athanasius and -Arius, the great Emperor, by his Council and the Councils of -the Churches, decided that, according to the old doctrine, -suits of the kind could not be entertained by civil tribunals—not -even in the case of such notorious heresy as that of -Arius,—but were to be taken into consideration and decided -by the Church. Further, that heretics were either to be -brought to reason by argument, or were to be punished by -banishment, when they proved refractory and refused to -amend. Now that banishment was the award of the ancient -Churches against heretics can be proved by a thousand -histories and authorities. Wherefore, my Lords, in consonance -with Apostolic teaching and the practice of the -ancient Church, your petitioner prays that the Criminal -Charge under which he lies may be discharged.</p> - -<p>Secondly, my Lords, I entreat you to consider that I have -committed no offence within your territory; neither, indeed, -have I been guilty of any elsewhere: I have never been seditious, -and am no disturber of the peace. The questions I -discuss in my works are of an abstruse kind, and within the -scope and ken of men of learning only. During all the time -I passed in Germany, I never spoke on such subjects save -with Œcolampadius, Bucer, and Capito; neither in France -did I ever enter on them with anyone. I have always disavowed -the opinions of the Anabaptists, seditious against the -magistrate, and preaching community of goods. Wherefore, -as I have been guilty of no sort of sedition, but have only -brought up for discussion certain ancient doctrines of the -Church, I think I ought not to be detained a prisoner and -made the subject of a criminal prosecution.</p> - -<p>In conclusion, my Lords, inasmuch as I am a stranger, ignorant -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">364</span> -of the customs of this country, not knowing either how -to speak or comport myself in the circumstances under which -I am placed, I humbly beseech you to assign me an Advocate -to speak for me in my defence. Doing thus, you will assuredly -do well, and our Lord will prosper your Republic.</p> - -<p>In the City of Geneva, the 22nd day of August, 1553.</p> - -<p class="author"> -<span class="smcap">Michael Servetus</span>,<br /> -In his own cause.<br /> -</p></blockquote> - -<p>This well-worded, and in its demands most reasonable -address, strange to say, received no notice beyond -an order to the clerk of the Court to enter it on the -minutes; the prisoner being at the same time curtly -admonished to go on answering the questions addressed -to him. But how hardly the poor man was being used -by his self-constituted Judges we shall see by the tenor -of the next petition he addressed to them. He had -been thrown into one of the foul cells or dungeons -appropriated to criminals of the vilest class, accused -of crimes against person and property; and there, in -addition to mental anguish, he had to suffer all the bodily -miseries that filth, foul air, cold and vermin inflict.</p> - -<p>The feeling evinced of late by the Court, in the -prisoner’s favour, appears now to have extended to the -town; the liberal party, the native Genevese, opposed -to Calvin, making of his prosecution of the solitary -stranger a handle against him; his friends on the contrary -speaking of it as proclaiming him the undaunted -defender of the cause of God and religion! The trial -we therefore see had become the occasion of alarm to -one political party in the state, of hope to another, and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">365</span> -of peculiar significance to both. Under present circumstances, -matters proceeding in nowise to his satisfaction, -Calvin must come again to the front; and we -have it on unquestionable authority that it was at this, -the very crisis in the fate of Servetus, that the Reformer -was guilty of the crying injustice of availing himself of -his pulpit, and in the face of numerous congregations -denouncing and vilifying his opponent in no measured -terms, exposing his unorthodox opinions in their most -glaring and repulsive aspects, proclaiming what he -characterised as their impious, blasphemous, demoralising -nature, and thundering reproaches on the mistaken -sympathy that had lately begun to be entertained for -the author of such infamies. By right or by wrong -Calvin was resolved that his old theological enemy, -now turned, as he believed, into their tool for his humiliation -by his political opponents, should not escape -him. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_366">366</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE TRIAL CONTINUED—THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL RECEIVES -FRESH INSTRUCTIONS FOR ITS CONDUCT.</p> - -<p>In the course of this extraordinary trial there seems -never to have been the slightest difficulty made about -shifting the grounds of the Accusation. The particulars -on which the prisoner was interrogated were -scarcely the same in all respects on any two successive -days, and often wide as the poles asunder of the proper -articles of impeachment produced against him. The -petition just presented by the prisoner was thus, without -scruple as without challenge, now made the ground -of a series of questions and harangues by the prosecutor, -studiously calculated to prejudice him in the eyes -of his Judges.</p> - -<p>Rigot had in fact made a great mistake in his own -articles of inculpation. The prisoner, as it seemed, was -even likely to escape through his mismanagement; -but, otherwise advised, and as if to make amends for -the line he had taken at first, he now showed himself -either indisposed or afraid to follow further the dictates -of his own more equitable nature. He had been in -conclave with Calvin and received fresh instructions -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">367</span> -from him, as Servetus affirmed without being contradicted. -Rigot, in truth, was no longer free, but cowed -by the stern resolve of the man of mind and iron will.<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a></p> - -<p><i>August 28.</i>—Abandoning the moderate tone he -had hitherto observed, and taking the petition of the -prisoner for his text, Rigot now entered on the task -prescribed him of showing that the early Christian -Emperors, contrary to the allegation in the petition, -did take cognisance of heresy, and by their Laws and -Constitutions consigned all who denied the doctrine of -the Trinity to death. ‘But the prisoner,’ said Rigot, -‘his own conscience condemning him and arguing him -deserving of death, would have the magistrate deprived -of the right to punish the heretic capitally. To escape -such a fate it is that he has now put forward the false -plea that for false doctrine the guilty are never to be -summarily punished. Not to seem to favour the errors -of the Anabaptists, moreover, ever rebellious against -the authority of the magistrate, it is that the prisoner -in his petition now pretends to repudiate their doctrines; -yet can he not show a single passage in his -writings in which he reprobates their principles and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_368">368</span> -practices.’ All this was obviously most unfair to the -prisoner. He was certainly opposed to infant baptism, -and in so much agreed with the Anabaptists; but, far -from declaring himself inimical to the constituted authorities -of the state, he is emphatic in proclaiming the -necessity of upholding them in the exercise of their -lawful authority, and on the duty incumbent on subjects -to obey.<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a></p> - -<p>‘The further allegation of the prisoner,’ continued -the public prosecutor, still harping on the petition, -‘that he never communicated his opinions to anyone, -is manifestly false; for here we have had him saying -that he should think he offended God did he not -impart to others that which God had revealed to him. -How shall we believe that, for the thirty years during -which he has been engaged in elaborating and printing -his horrible heresies, he has never communicated a -word of them to anyone? Bethink ye, that he began -at the age of twenty—an age when young people invariably -communicate their views and opinions to one -another, their friends and fellow-students—and by this -judge of the kind of conscience the man puts into his -answers with a view to abuse justice—as if he repented -in any way of his horrible misdeeds! for though now -saying that he is ready to submit to correction and ask -pardon, he again and far oftener audaciously maintains -that he has said nothing and done nothing amiss.’</p> - -<p>Whether influenced by Calvin, to whose party in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">369</span> -the State Rigot appears to have belonged, or involved -in the suit, and believing it his duty to do all in his -power to obtain the conviction of the prisoner, we see -him now speaking as if he were intimately persuaded -of Servetus’s culpability, and even looking on him as -already condemned; hence the indignation with which -he repels the petitioner’s request to have Counsel to -assist him in his defence. This, indeed, was a demand -that could by no means be granted without taking the -case from the criminal category in which it had been -placed by Calvin from the first. It is not so very long -since the felon or the incriminated for felony among -ourselves was denied the advantage of Counsel, and we -are not to wonder at the same rule obtaining in the -Republic of Geneva more than three hundred years -ago.</p> - -<p>Had Servetus succeeded in obtaining Counsel, he -could not, by the laws of Geneva, have been dealt with -capitally; and this would not have met the views of -Calvin, it being impossible in his opinion adequately to -punish the crime of which he held the man had been -guilty by any infliction short of death. Rigot therefore -became eloquent on the petitioner’s insolence, as he -called it, in asking for Counsel to aid him in his defence. -‘Skilled in lying as he is,’ said M. Rigot, ‘there is no -reason why he should now demand an advocate. Who -is there indeed,’ he proceeds, ‘who would or who could -consent to assist him in his impudent falsehoods and -horrible propositions? It has not yet come to this -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">370</span> -that such seducers as he have been allowed to speak -through Counsel; and then there is not a shadow of -the simplicity that might seem to require assistance -of the kind. Let him therefore be disabused of any -hope he may have conceived that so impertinent a -demand can for a moment be entertained, and ordered -to reply by yea or nay to the further questions to be -put to him.’ Rigot, we might fancy, must have thought -that artful lying was a principal part of a counsel’s -duties to his client.</p> - -<p>Descending to further particulars suggested by the -petition, the prisoner was asked, ‘On what grounds he -rested the statement he makes concerning the judgment -of heretics in the ancient church?’ To which he -answered: ‘On the histories we have of Constantine -the Great.’ ‘In the course of his law studies at -Toulouse, however,’ said the prosecutor, ‘the prisoner -must have made acquaintance with the code of Justinian, -with the chapters in particular which treat of the Trinity, -of the Catholic Faith, and of Heresy and Apostacy, in -which he must know that opinions such as those he -professes are condemned.’ The prisoner replied that ‘it -was now twenty-four years since he had seen Justinian, -and indeed he had never read him save in a cursory -way, as young men at school or college are apt to do; -and then,’ he went on to say, ‘Justinian did not live -in the age of the primitive church, but in times when -many things had become corrupted; when Bishops -had begun to tyrannise and had already made the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_371">371</span> -Church familiar with criminal prosecutions.’ To this -most pertinent reply, no answer was attempted.</p> - -<p>Reproached with having calumniated the Ministers -of the Word of God as teachers of false doctrine—which -on his part, said Monsieur Rigot, amounts to a capital -crime—Servetus admitted that calumny of the kind deserved -the severest punishment, but maintained nevertheless -that in disputation it was common and not -unpardonable for opponents to gainsay one another in -strong language, without being held guilty of calumny -or defamation, and so of deserving punishment by the -civil authorities for what they say.</p> - -<p>Referring next to his intercourse with Œcolampadius -and Capito, to whom he had ascribed conformity -with his views, although, said Rigot, he must know -that they were both doctors well approved by the reformed -churches, and consequently could not possibly -be of his mind on the subjects in debate; he replied -‘that consonance in every particular was not universal -either among the Reformers or the reformed churches; -Luther and Melanchthon, for instance, had both of -them written against Calvin on the subject of the -sacraments and free will. Without being in a condition -to prove what he says in his petition, he declares nevertheless -that in conversation with Capito, when they -were private and without other witness than God, he—Capito—did -assent to his views. Œcolampadius, he -owned, had withdrawn the approval he seemed to accord -in the first instance.’ -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">372</span></p> - -<p>When we refer to Œcolampadius’s letters,<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> we have -no difficulty in believing what Servetus here asserts to -be the truth. It was only after Servetus had more -thoroughly exposed his opinions in conversation, that -the Reformer of Basle saw the <i>unsoundness</i>, which had -not appeared in the confession of faith sent him at an -earlier period by his correspondent. And here let us -observe that, whilst Œcolampadius is now particularly -cited, nothing is said of Capito, still a Minister in the -Reformed Church. Capito, however, was, as it seems, -not entirely to be relied on in his views of the Trinity, -that stumbling-block in the way of the first Reformers, -so many of whom we have found giving but a half-hearted -assent to the verbal contradictions it involves: -the Reformers could spare one another as it -seems, on the subject, though they had no mercy for -Servetus!</p> - -<p>It being objected to the prisoner that he was in -manifest contradiction with himself when he said he -thought he should offend God did he not impart the -doctrine that had been revealed to him; he replied that -what he had stated was his opinion and the truth; not-withstanding -which he had spoken of his views to none -but the doctors of the Reformed Church particularly -named; a course he had followed, indeed, in consonance -with the commandment of our Lord, not to cast -pearls before swine: ‘I would not proclaim myself to -incompetent persons, and I was living among Papists -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">373</span> -in times when there was active persecution going on -and much cruelty practised.’</p> - -<p>The prosecutor now alleged, but as usual without -a tittle of evidence, that the prisoner had had extensive -epistolary relations with Italy, a country in which it -was believed his doctrines had many followers—a fact, -said Rigot, which it was unlikely he did not know, -and less likely, still, not to improve upon, did he know -it. To this Servetus replied by a simple denial: he -had had no communications with Italy by letter or -otherwise; adding that his only correspondents had -been Œcolampadius, Calvin, Abel Poupin, and F. -Viret, from whom alone the Court had any information -concerning letters of his. Had we no other intimation -of Calvin’s prompting, at this stage of the proceedings, -than the reference now made to the spread -of Antitrinitarian doctrines in Italy, we should feel -assured that it was he who was fighting under the -mask of Rigot, as he had formerly fought under that -of Trie and of De la Fontaine. Rigot was not likely -to know much of the spread of Antitrinitarian views -in Italy, but Calvin was, as we learn distinctly through -the letter of Paul Gaddi to him, which we have quoted. -Calvin, indeed, makes pointed and angry reference to -such a state of things both in his ‘Refutatio Errorum’ -and ‘Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie Foy.’</p> - -<p>The circumstances connected with the printing of -the ‘Restoration of Christianity’ at Vienne were once -more brought up, the prisoner being particularly questioned -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">374</span> -as to his relations with the publisher Arnoullet -and his manager Geroult. In contradiction to what -he had already admitted on this head, and with the -letter of Arnoullet to Bertet lying open before the -Court, he now averred that he had not had any, even -indirect, communication with Geroult on the subject of -his book! This, we regret to think, must necessarily -be untrue. The difficulty he had had to find a publisher, -as we see by the letter of his friend Marrinus; -the premium he had paid Arnoullet to have the work -undertaken, the secrecy with which the printing had -been carried on, added to other minor terms of the -contract—that all was to be at his proper cost, that he -was to be his own corrector of the press, &c.—-everything, -in a word, assures us that both Arnoullet and -Geroult were as well aware of what they were about -as the author himself. Arnoullet, we may be certain, -never intended to appear as either the printer or publisher -of the heretical work. It was to come out in -Italy, in Switzerland, in Germany—anywhere, everywhere, -save at Vienne, Lyons, or Paris, the principal -emporia of the book trade of France. Neither, indeed, -did Michel Villeneuve, the Physician, intend to show -himself at once as its author. The M.S.V., on the last -page, was a private mark by which the child might be -known and claimed by the parent at some future time, -when his fame had spread over Europe, when he had -been eagerly enquired after by an admiring world, -and raised above the heads of Luther, Melanchthon, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">375</span> -Œcolampadius and Calvin, as the great ‘Restorer of -Christianity’!</p> - -<p>The persistence with which Servetus stuck to the -untruth now uttered is not difficult of explanation: -his first admission of complicity on the part of the -Viennese publisher and his manager was made inadvertently -and without forethought; his retractation -and denial came of reflection and better feeling, when -he saw that the admission was calculated to bring the -two men who had aided him in his undertaking into -the same trouble as himself. In spite of what M. -Rigot says, Michael Servetus never meets us save as -a man of a perfectly guileless nature—more guileless -perhaps than truthful.</p> - -<p>As every point in the several indictments was made -subject of renewed inquiry, so do we now find further -questions addressed to the prisoner on his life and -social habits; for the prosecution, as we have seen, -held it matter of moment to present him, if possible, -as a person of immoral and ill-regulated life. They -had not now, however, any more than formerly, a particle -of evidence to show that he had ever lived otherwise -than soberly, chastely, and respectably; and as -to the allegation, brought up against him for the second -time, that he had said women were not such paragons -of virtue as to make matrimony necessary to secure -their more intimate converse, he declared, as he had -done already, that he had no recollection of ever having -said anything of the kind; but if he had, it was -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">376</span> -by way of bravado, and to conceal a certain infirmity -under which he laboured which indisposed or incapacitated -him, as he believed, from entering on matrimony.<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a></p> - -<p>Making an abrupt change of front, the prosecutor -now inquired of the prisoner what he meant by the -passage in his book where he says that, ‘The Truth -begins to declare itself and will be accomplished for -all ere long.’ ‘Do you mean that your doctrine is the -Truth, and will shortly be universally received?’ ‘I -mean to speak of the progress of the Reformation,’ -said Servetus; ‘the truth began to be declared in the -time of Luther, and has gone on spreading since then -until now.’ Had he stopped here, all would have been -well and the answer must have been scored to his -credit; but he went on to particularise and to say that -‘the Reformation would have to advance upon some -matters which in his opinion were not yet well set -forth.’</p> - -<p>This was immediately seized upon as a challenge -by the men who believed that the Reformation had -already been accomplished or completed through them; -so that he was forthwith required to explain what he -meant by such language. Here, however, he dared -not be outspoken; and though he made no denial of -his doctrine, which was seen of all to be in his estimation -the complement and crown of the Reformation, he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_377">377</span> -diverged into a variety of topics, floundered, and -wound up by proposing to enlighten the Court by a -reference to the Bible and the Fathers, or to explain -himself more fully than he had done in his book if -they would grant him a conference, in their presence, -with one or more men of learning. Pressed further, -he said that he could not divine whether his doctrine -would ever be generally accepted or not; but he -believed and should continue to believe that it was -founded in truth until shown to be otherwise. ‘Such -things,’ said he in conclusion, ‘are commonly enough -denounced and condemned as erroneous at first, but -are by and by acknowledged for truth and universally -accepted.’</p> - -<p>The prisoner had much the same difficulty in justifying -his singular opinion that persons under the age -of twenty were not accountable agents, or incapable of -sin, and so not obnoxious to punishment for their misdeeds. -He, in fact, made but an indifferent escape -from such a paradox by declaring that, in speaking as -he did, he had capital punishment only in view; not -that he thought there should be penalties of no kind -for evil-doers under age. They, he said, might be -properly punished by flogging, seclusion, and the like. -From what he says on another occasion we see that -this fancy of Servetus was founded on a literal and -arbitrary interpretation of the text where Jehovah, to -punish the Israelites, determines that no one over -twenty years of age is to enter the Land of Promise; -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_378">378</span> -all others are to leave their carcasses in the wilderness.</p> - -<p>Having said a few words in his book implying no -disapproval of the infidel Alkoran, the prisoner, in -reply to the reproaches made him for having spoken -without reprobation of such a personage as Mahomet -and his book, now averred that he had only adduced -Mahomet and the Koran to the greater glory of the -Lord Jesus Christ, and even ventured to add: ‘That -though the book generally is bad, it nevertheless contains -good things, which it is lawful to use’—language -that was looked on as little short of blasphemy by his -auditors, but that to us proclaims the superiority of the -speaker over the bigots around him.</p> - -<p>The last question in this day’s proceedings referred -to a sojourn he was said to have made in Italy -immediately before coming to Geneva, and how he -had passed his time since he arrived there. And here -again we find Calvin the prompter; for it is he who -speaks of Servetus having wandered for four months -in Italy before reaching Geneva. Any such journey -or sojourn, however, as that now hinted at, Servetus -positively denied; ‘and for such information as the -Court might require of his doings since he had entered -their city, he referred them to his host of the Rose, -where he had had his quarters before being thrown -into their prison.’ It is not difficult to see the drift of -the latter clause of the question; but Servetus was on -his guard now, and did not commit himself or his -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_379">379</span> -prompters, the Libertines, as he had done when the -printer of his book was in question.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p><i>August 31.</i>—After the lapse of three days an -answer was received to the letter addressed by the -Syndics and Council of Geneva to the authorities of -Vienne. In this missive the Genevese were informed -that it was impossible to comply with the request they -had made to have the documents connected with the -trial of Michel Villeneuve sent to them, inasmuch as -the authorities of Vienne could not sanction any -review or possible inculpation of their proceedings. -They therefore only forwarded duplicates of the -warrant of arrest and sentence of death passed upon -the said Villeneuve, and for themselves they demanded -‘the delivery of that individual into their hands, in -order that the sentence passed upon him might be -carried into effect,’ engaging, as they went on to say, -‘that it should be of a sort that would make any -search for further charges against him unnecessary.’<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a></p> - -<p>To this communication from Vienne, the Council -ordered a gracious answer to be returned; but they -declined to send back the prisoner, ‘inasmuch as -he was at present under trial before themselves for -matters in which they, too, promised that strict justice -should be done.’ To be sent back to Vienne, Servetus -knew would be to be consigned to certain death at -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_380">380</span> -the shortest possible notice; so that to the somewhat -needless question now put to him by the Court, their -own expressed determination considered: ‘whether he -preferred remaining in the hands of the Council of -Geneva, or to be sent back to Vienne? he fell on his -knees and entreated to be judged by the Council in -presence, who might do with him what they pleased; -but he begged them in no case to send him back to -Vienne.’ There he knew that the stake was driven, -and the faggots piled, whilst in Geneva, we must -imagine from his bearing, he did not at present fear -that anything of the kind could possibly come into -requisition.</p> - -<p>The business of Vienne thus brought into prominence, -the Council proceeded to inquire of the prisoner -concerning the trial there; touching once more on his -escape from the prison, his coming to Geneva, and any -communication he might have had since his arrival in -the city with persons resident therein. On the subject -of the trial and escape he could be open and communicative; -but he denied explicitly that since he reached -Geneva he had spoken with anyone save those who -waited on him and brought him his meals in the hostel -where he lodged—a denial against the truth of which -more than suspicion may fairly be allowed. But let us -observe that Servetus’s swervings from the absolute -truth are mostly to screen others rather than to save -himself. On the vital question of his religious opinions -be never blenched before his judges of Geneva. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_381">381</span></p> - -<p>It was now that the prisoner mentioned incidentally -the singular fact that the windows of the room he occupied -in the Rose Inn had been nailed up. But why -this was done he did not say; neither, strangely -enough, was any notice taken of it by the Court. -There can be little doubt, however, as we interpret the -matter, that it was to prevent him from taking himself -off without the knowledge of his prompters of the -Libertine party. Realising the full hostility of Calvin, -knowing that his life was aimed at, he was anxious -to be gone; but Perrin and Berthelier had resolved to -keep him and play him off against their tyrant and -the Clericals, reckless of the risk he was thereby made -to run, so as they might use him for their own selfish -ends. Hence the otherwise inexplicable delay of the -month in Geneva before his presence became known -to Calvin—the fatal delay that cost him his life!</p> - -<p>How it happened that Servetus was ever made an -object of interest to the Libertine party, detained as he -certainly was by them in his passage through Geneva, -is a question not altogether irrelevant. That he was -unknown even by name to the chiefs of this party, -and to everyone else resident in Geneva, save Calvin, -seems certain; and Calvin who had not seen his -Parisian acquaintance for nearly twenty years, had no -intimation of his presence there for nearly a month. -But William Geroult, the printer of Vienne, was in -Geneva when Servetus reached the city. Having -heard of his escape from prison, he may have been on -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_382">382</span> -the look-out for the possible coming of the fugitive. -Geroult, though of the Reformed Faith, we have seen -reason to believe was not among the number of -Calvin’s admirers. But native of Geneva and of the -Libertine party, we venture to think it was through -him that Servetus was made known to Perrin and Berthelier; -such particulars being further communicated -as suggested to them the use that might be made of -the fugitive against their clerical enemy. We have -seen the proceedings of August 23rd concluded by a -number of questions having reference to those with -whom the prisoner might have held communication -since he reached the city, and particularly if he had not -seen and spoken with William Geroult, and if Geroult -did not know that he intended to come to Geneva?</p> - -<p>That they might leave no incident in the previous -history of the prisoner unnoticed, the Court now questioned -him on his opinions touching the Mass, which -it was known he had declared to be a mockery and -a wickedness, his habit nevertheless having been to -attend its celebration during his residence at Vienne. -To this, put to him reproachfully, he replied that he -had but imitated Paul, who frequented the synagogue -like the Jews in general, though he had inaugurated -a new religion of his own; but for himself, he added -that he had sinned through fear of death, and regretted -what he had been obliged to do.</p> - -<p>Confronted with the gaoler of Vienne, who had -brought the missives of his masters to Geneva, and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_383">383</span> -asked if he knew the man, he replied that of course -he did, having been under his charge in prison for -two days; but he exonerated the gaoler from all complicity -with his escape. Furnished with a certificate to -this effect, the gaoler was dismissed, and returned to -Vienne.</p> - -<p><i>September 1.</i>—At the sitting on this day a letter -was received from M. Maugiron, Lieutenant-General -of the King of France for Dauphiny, which gave fresh -occasion for recurrence to the affairs of Vienne. In his -letter Maugiron informed the Syndics and Council of -Geneva that the goods and chattels and debts due to -Michel Villeneuve, estimated to amount to 400 crowns, -had been escheated by his Majesty the King, and given -to his—Maugiron’s—son; but that to come into possession -it was necessary to have a list of the parties -indebted to the doctor. He therefore requested the -Council to interrogate their prisoner on this head, and -furnish him with a list of the names and surnames of -debtors to the prisoner’s estate, as well as of the sums -severally due by each. The noble correspondent, -Lieutenant of the King of France for Dauphiny, must -have been oblivious of the professional services of the -physician Villeneuve when he consented to write as he -did to the Syndics and Council of Geneva; for we -have seen that Servetus was actually taken from the -house of this Monsieur Maugiron when in attendance -on him, to find himself a prisoner. Anxious to clear -himself of all suspicion of having aided and abetted in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_384">384</span> -the evasion from the prison of Vienne, Maugiron goes -on in his letter to express himself ‘rejoiced to know -that Villeneuve is now in the hands of Messieurs de -Geneve, and I thank God,’ he continues, ‘for the assurance -I feel that you will take better care of him -than did the Ministers of Justice of Vienne, and award -him such punishment as will leave him no opportunity -for dogmatising, or writing and publishing heretical -doctrines in time to come.’</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">‘Blow, blow, thou winter wind,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Thou art not so unkind<br /></span> -<span class="i0">As man’s ingratitude!’<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Let us not doubt that the heart of Michael Servetus -swelled with indignation and contempt at this -exhibition of heartlessness and meanness on the part -of the man he had tended in his sickness. The experience -of the physician, however, leads him to form -no very high estimate of the world’s thankfulness for -services in sickness: the fee at the moment is mostly -held to close the account. Sick men are weak; and -when they recover are usually well-disposed to forget -not only their weakness, but the physician who has -seen it.</p> - -<p>The appeal made to the self-esteem of the Council -of Geneva, and a possible desire on their part to enter -into rivalry with the judicial tribunal of Vienne, may -have contributed in some measure to the final condemnation -of Servetus. We do not read that they took the -becoming course at once of declining to question the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_385">385</span> -prisoner on matters having not even the most remote -connection with the cause; they seem actually to have -tried to elicit information from him, that would have -been of use to M. Maugiron, in making the gift of -his Majesty the King of France of much avail; but -Servetus positively declined to give any information -of the kind desired, as having no bearing on the -matters for which he was now on his trial, and being -likely to distress many poor persons who were -indebted to him. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_386">386</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</h2> - -<p class="center">SERVETUS IS VISITED IN PRISON BY CALVIN AND THE -MINISTERS.</p> - -<p>We have seen symptoms of something like a leaning -of the Court towards the prisoner. They had requested -Calvin and others of the Clergy to visit and confer with -him, and do their best to bring him to what all regarded -as a better understanding; and it would appear that -immediately after the last sitting, Calvin, accompanied -by several Ministers, proceeded to the gaol and had an -interview with the prisoner. Calvin of course was the -spokesman, and opened upon him with an address in -which he strove to show him not only the load of error -under which he laboured in his exposition of Scripture -generally, but the grave offence he had committed in -attacking the particular dogma of the Trinity, as interpreted -by the Churches, and in calling all who believed -in it Tritheists and even Atheists.</p> - -<p>From what we already know we may divine how -little a visit from John Calvin with such an exordium -was likely to lead to any satisfactory conclusion; Servetus -appears at first, indeed, to have declined even to -hear his visitors: he was too much oppressed by sorrow, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_387">387</span> -sickness, and long confinement, he said, to enter on -any defence of his views, and a prison was no fit place -for theological discussion.</p> - -<p>Stern, bigoted, and uncompromising as he was by -nature, Calvin would have been false to his calling as -a Minister had he not striven, though thus encountered, -to bring even a personal enemy to what he believed to -be proper thoughts of the Trinity, the nature of the -Logos and the Sonship of Christ; and we do not question -his will and inclination to do so; but in Servetus -Calvin saw the man who had insulted and so had mortally -offended him, whilst in Calvin, Servetus beheld the individual -who so lately, by underhand means and the -violation of his confidential correspondence, had wrecked -his fortunes and sought his life; the man, moreover, at -whose instance he was now in prison and subjected to -what he rightfully regarded as unworthy usage and an -unauthorised and unjust trial.</p> - -<p>We can but excuse the irritation that mastered -Servetus now, and lament that with Berthelier’s disastrous -countenance misleading him, he neglected the -chance that was undoubtedly offered him to save his -life, had it been but by a show of moderation and conciliatory -bearing. Calvin, however, must have persevered -for a while with the unfortunate physician, and -brought him to reply to more than one of the principles -of his system produced against him. Among others, -we find him reported as maintaining that wherever the -word <i>Son</i> is met with in the Scriptures, it is the <i>man</i> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_388">388</span> -Jesus that is to be understood; and when <i>Christ</i> is -spoken of as the Word and the Eternal Son, the language -is to be taken in a <i>potential</i> not in an actual -sense; neither Light, Logos, nor Son having existed -otherwise than in the mind of God before creation; the -actual or real Son in particular having only begun to be -when engendered in the womb of the Virgin Mary—and -so on, the discourse turning upon matters transcending -man’s power to know, and falling wholly within -the domain of faith or belief. On the last topic brought -under review, Servetus from the beginning of his career -was always empathic. ‘Si unum iota mihi ostendas quo -Verbum illud Filius vocetur, aut de Verbi generatione -fiat mentio, fatebor me devictum. Ubi Scriptura dicit -Verbum, dicit et ipse Verbum; ubi Filius, Filius; scilicet: -olim Verbum, nunc vero Filius.’ These are his -words in his earliest work, and from their tenor he -never swerved.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a></p> - -<p>The interview ended as we may imagine it could -only end—with increased irritation on the part of the -Ministers at the obstinate self-will of the heretic, as -they interpreted it, and without a ray of new light -having made its way into the mind either of the prisoner -or his visitors. His would-be enlighteners, however—he -thinking that they stood much in need of enlightenment -from him—were particular, before taking their -leave, in insisting on the right of the temporal power -in the state to repress and punish theological error. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_389">389</span> -Heretics, as they said, being liable by the Justinian -Code, still in force over Europe, to be proceeded against -and punished as criminals; and he having, in a highly -objectionable manner, attacked many among the most -sacred of the divine ordinances, would have no reason -to complain did he find himself dealt with in the -severest fashion as a blasphemer of the Church of God, -and disturber of the peace of Christendom.</p> - -<p>But neither, as we may imagine, were the words -of the deputation in this direction found of any avail -in leading the prisoner to their views. Civil tribunals, -he maintained, were utterly incompetent in matters of -faith, and had no right of the sword in cases of imputed -heresy. The Code of Justinian was in truth no authority, -having been compiled in times when the Church -had already lapsed from its original purity. The -violent repressive measures it sanctioned were wholly -unknown to the Apostles and their immediate successors. -Besides all this, he held the Church of Geneva -to be specially precluded from giving an opinion or -pronouncing a judgment upon his views; his opponent -and personal enemy, Calvin, wielding such paramount -authority there, as to make him in fact and in himself -the Church. How little all this, however true (and all -the less, perhaps, because true), was calculated to win -either Calvin or his followers to more friendly feelings, -may be imagined; but it shows us the brave, consistent, -conscientious, religious man, face to face with fate, and -a proffered opportunity to conciliate and save his life, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_390">390</span> -abiding by his convictions, and, with the warning but -just given him, rather than belie himself, verily courting -death. What would have happened had Galileo been -as conscientious and firm as Servetus? -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_391">391</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE COURT DETERMINES TO CONSULT THE COUNCILS -AND CHURCHES OF THE FOUR PROTESTANT CANTONS.</p> - -<p>It was at this time and on the suggestion of Servetus—as -Calvin affirms, of the Council, according to its own -minutes—that a resolution was come to, by which the -Church of Geneva was no longer to have the sole say -in the final decision of the guilt or innocence of the -prisoner. The Councils and the other reformed -Churches of Switzerland, it was resolved, were to be -consulted on the merits of the case. There was a precedent -for such a course; it had been followed only -two years before, under somewhat similar circumstances, -when Jerome Bolsec was tried for heresy at the instance -of Calvin. Calvin and the Ministers were consequently -directed by the Court to extract from the works of the -prisoner, and to deliver in writing, but without note -or comment, the particular passages involving the -erroneous or heretical opinions in debate between the -prosecution and him.</p> - -<p>This appeal to the Swiss Churches we cannot help -thinking of as fatal to Servetus. If his own concluding -reply to the deputation which visited him in prison -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_392">392</span> -did not lead to it, it was probably suggested to him by -Berthelier, who knew that it had saved Bolsec. But -Berthelier was not theologian enough correctly to appreciate -the dissimilarity of the propositions involved -in the two cases; and he certainly took no note of the -difference in the political circumstances of the several -times, or he would not have given the advice we -presume he did.</p> - -<p>From the letters which Calvin now wrote to several -of his friends, particularly to Sulzer, of Basle, we learn -that he was much averse to the idea of this appeal to -the Churches. Having been foiled by them in his -prosecution of Bolsec, he must have feared that what -had happened before might happen again. He knew -that he was less considered abroad than at home, and -seems not to have apprehended that the appeal now -resolved on, was not only to ensure his own triumph, -but to make the Reformed Churches of Switzerland -participators in his sin of intolerance and abettors of -the error (to give it no worse name) he committed -when he brought Servetus to his death. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_393">393</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE TRIAL IS INTERRUPTED THROUGH DIFFERENCES -BETWEEN CALVIN AND THE COUNCIL.</p> - -<p>The Churches were to be appealed to, then, and Calvin -applied himself immediately to make the best he -could of the case as it stood. With the diligence that -distinguished him, we need not doubt of his having -been soon ready with the Articles upon which the trial -of Servetus may be said to have entered on its third, if -it were not its fourth and definite, phase.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> But a notable -interval elapsed before we find the Council giving any -heed to the new Articles of Indictment, or taking steps -to have them despatched to the Cantons. The Council -had business of another kind to engage them, with -Calvin and his friends as their opponents on grounds -of policy, instead of their instigators and guides in a -trial for heresy. It was at this precise time that the -struggle to which we have alluded in our review of -the political situation took place between Calvin and -the Council on the right exercised by the Consistory -to excommunicate or deprive of Church privileges -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_394">394</span> -those who were known to have infringed one or another -of its arbitrary religious, moral, or sumptuary -regulations. Philibert Berthelier, having offended in -this direction, had fallen under the ban of the Consistory -some time before; but, having now appealed to -the Council for redress against what he held to be an -unjust award, his party were powerful enough not only -to obtain a decision in his favour, but to have the Consistory -deprived of the right to excommunicate at all.</p> - -<p>This was felt, of course, as a heavy blow by Calvin -and his supporters. Berthelier, formally absolved of -the Consistorial interdict, was declared at liberty to -present himself at an approaching celebration of the -Solemn Supper. And he would probably have shown -himself there, and an unseemly scene would have ensued; -for Calvin was as resolute to have his authority -respected within the walls of St. Peter’s Church, -as the Council could have been to have theirs upheld -within the precincts of the City. Berthelier himself, -however, being advised that though he was fully -entitled to present himself at the Table, it would -perhaps be as well did he abstain from doing so for -the present, took the hint and stayed away. But -several members of the Libertine party—each of whom -we must presume, in Calvin’s estimation, might have -subscribed himself as</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Parcus Deorum cultor et infrequens,<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>uninformed of this, and expecting countenance from -the presence of their leader, offered themselves among -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_395">395</span> -the other communicants. Being all well known to -Calvin, however, they were resolutely warned off by -him. Covering the typical Bread and Cup with his -outspread hands, he declared that they should sooner -hack them off than bring him to minister to those he -looked on as notorious scoffers at religion and its most -solemn rites. Here the minister was in his place and -within the pale of his office; so that they who came to -browbeat and humble him had to retreat from his -presence with shame to themselves and damage to -their party, whilst he stood erect in the fearless discharge -of his duty, and rose higher than ever in the -estimation of all lovers of law and order, even of the -stringent kind that prevailed in the theo-autocratic -city of Geneva.</p> - -<p>The letter which Calvin wrote, at this stormy -time, to his friend Viret, of Lausanne, is too interesting -and characteristic not to have a place here:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>... I had thought to have been silent about our affairs -of Geneva, fearing that I should only add needlessly to your -other anxieties; but lest rumours reaching you from other -quarters should distress you more than knowledge of the -truth, I think it best to tell you exactly what has happened.</p> - -<p>When Ph. Berthelier was forbidden to present himself at the -Lord’s Table some year and half ago, he then appealed to -the Council against the decree of the Consistory. We were -called into court to hold the scoundrel (<i>nebulo</i>) in check; and -when the case had been heard, the Senate declared that he -had been properly excommunicated. From that time until -now he has been quiet; whether in despair of mending -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_396">396</span> -matters or through indifference, I know not. But now, and -before the Syndicate of Perrin expires, he would have himself -reinstated by the Council in spite of the Consistory. I was -again summoned, and in copious words I showed that this -could with no propriety be done; that it would not be lawful, -indeed, to counteract in any such way the discipline of the -Church. When my back was turned, however, the Consistory -not having been further heard or represented, permission was -given him by the Council to present himself at the Table. -This being told to me, I took care immediately to have the -Syndic summon a special meeting of the Council, at which I -entered with such fulness into the question, as to leave nothing -which in my opinion could be said further to make -them change their mind—now vehement, now more persuasive, -I strove to bring them to a right way of thinking. I even -declared that I would sooner die, opposing their decree, than -profane the Sacred Table of the Lord.... The Senate -nevertheless replied that they saw no reason to depart from -the judgment already given.</p> - -<p>From this you will perceive that I should have nothing -for it but to quit my ministry, did I suffer the authority of -the Consistory to be trodden under foot, and consented to -administer the Supper of Christ to the openly contumacious -who declare that we Pastors of the Church are nothing to -them. But, as I say, I would sooner die a hundred deaths than -subject Christ to so foul a mockery. What I said yesterday -at two meetings, I need not recapitulate. But the wicked -and lost among us will now have all they desire. In so far as -I am concerned, it is the Church’s calamity that distresses me. -If God, however, give such licence to Satan that I am to be -thwarted in my ministry by violent decrees, I am as good as -dead in my office. But he who inflicts the wound will find -the salve; and truly, when I see how the wicked have gone -on all these years with such impunity, the Lord perhaps prepares -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_397">397</span> -some judgment for me, in respect of my unworthiness. -Whatever befals, it is nevertheless for us to submit to his will. -Farewell, and may God be with you always, guide you and -protect you! Pray incessantly that He consider this our -miserable Church!</p> - -<p>Geneva, The day before the nones (4th) of September, 1553.</p></blockquote> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_398">398</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE TRIAL IS RESUMED ON THE NEW ARTICLES -SUPPLIED BY CALVIN.</p> - -<p>It fell out, unfortunately for Servetus, that the decree -of the Council against the Consistory was the immediate -prelude to the resumption of his trial. The decision -come to had been warmly contested by Calvin, -as we see by the preceding letter, he looking on any -interference of the civil magistrate in questions which -he regarded from a purely ecclesiastical point of view, -as a blow not only to his spiritual authority in Geneva, -but to the cause of religion. He saw the late awards -of the Council in favour of Berthelier and against the -Consistory in the light of triumphs of his enemies -over himself, and mainly due to the influence of his -particular opponent, Amied Perrin, under whose presidency -the adverse decisions had been obtained.</p> - -<p>On the resumption of the Servetus trial, then, -the hot blood engendered by the recent struggle had -not yet had time to cool; and Calvin, on taking his place -in the reconstituted Criminal Court, found himself -once more not only face to face with his theological opponent, -but set beside his chief political enemies, Perrin -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_399">399</span> -and Berthelier. Elate with the advantage just gained, -they had kept their seats on the Bench, intending -doubtless to do what in them lay to secure a further -victory through Michael Servetus over the uncompromising -Reformer. It is not difficult to imagine -the influence, in the present state of affairs, which the -attitude of these men had on the fate of our unhappy -Servetus; for Calvin, with his many supporters acting -as his spies, was well informed of the countenance they -had given the prisoner privately, and seems to have -construed their presence at this particular moment as a -public demonstration in his favour. To convict Servetus -was therefore to thwart them, and the discomfiture -of the solitary stranger had become more than -ever a personal and political necessity to the Reformer.</p> - -<p>The articles from the works of Servetus from the -‘Christianismi Restitutio’ exclusively, on this occasion, -thirty-eight in number, had been laid before the Court -so long back as September 1, and are headed: -‘Opinions or Propositions taken from the Books of -Michael Servetus which the Members of the Church -of Geneva declare to be in part impious and blasphemous, -in part full of profound errors and absurdities, -all of them alike opposed to the Word of God and -the orthodox assent of the Church.’</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p><i>September 15.</i>—The Court constituted in the usual -manner, with Servetus before them sworn to speak the -truth, Calvin, who seems now to have taken the place -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_400">400</span> -of the Attorney-General, proceeded to interrogate the -prisoner on the new Articles of Impeachment. One of -the first of these, referring to the relationship of the Son -to the Father in the mystery of the Trinity, appears to -have given rise to another long, and we may imagine -excited debate between Calvin and the prisoner; from -which, however, the judges were able to gather so little -light that they interposed, and came to a resolution to -have any further discussion that might arise carried on -in writing and in the Latin tongue, instead of by word -of mouth and in French as heretofore.</p> - -<p>The substitution of Latin for French had in fact -become a necessity when the determination to consult -the other Reformed Churches of the Confederation was -adopted. Native to Geneva with its French-speaking -population, French was little understood at Berne, -Basle, Zürich, and Schaffhausen with their German inhabitants; -but the liberally educated among them were -generally familiar with Latin. Calvin, we must therefore -presume, had presented his new Articles in French, -so that they had to be translated and turned back into -Latin; but the trial appears to have suffered no particular -delay on this account. Presented anew in the -Latin tongue and approved by the Court, they were -ordered by it to be submitted to the prisoner, with the -intimation that he was required to answer them, and to -feel himself at liberty to alter or retract anything he -might now think he had written unadvisedly; to explain -anything he had said that was misunderstood; -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_401">401</span> -and to defend such of his opinions as were challenged, -by the citation of Scripture in their support. Nor was -he to be hurried in sending in his replies; he was to -take his own time, and to enter as fully as he pleased -into every question.</p> - -<p>As it is part of our business here to learn on what -grounds men of the highest culture burned one another -to death three hundred and twenty-four years ago—and -it is thought by some that there still remains such an -amount of ignorance, bigotry, and intolerance in the -world as might lead to a rekindling of the fires, were -the power to do so but added to the will—we feel bound -to make a somewhat particular study of the Articles on -which the unfortunate Servetus was finally incriminated -and doomed to die. We therefore proceed to lay -before the reader, in slightly condensed form, these -Articles, which will be seen, on the most cursory perusal, -to involve none but topics of transcendental dogmatic -theology—a subject which to reasonable men has now -lost almost all the significance it once possessed, but -which has still a large historical interest as showing, in -contrast with present views, the progress that has been -made from darkness into light; and as illustrating the -great, yet persistently neglected, truth, that the religious -feelings are no safe guides of conduct when dissevered -from the other emotional elements of human nature in -balanced action among themselves, enlightened by -science and associated with reason. Religion has in -fact at no time been the civiliser of mankind, as so -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_402">402</span> -commonly said, but has itself been the civilised -through advances made in science or the knowledge of -nature, and in general refinement. Brutal and blood-stained -among savages and the barbarous but policied -peoples of antiquity, Assyrians, Chaldæans, Egyptians, -Hebrews; cruel and intolerant among Newer Nations -well advanced in art and letters, but ignorant of the -world they lived in and the universe around them, -religion has only become humane as Science has been -suffered to shed her ennobling light, and will first prove -truly beneficent when Piety is seen to consist in study -of the laws of nature, which are the laws of God, and -Worship is acknowledged to be comprised in reverential -observance of their behests. What adequate idea of -God could be formed—if, indeed, it be possible for man -to form any adequate idea of God!—so long as this -earth—this mote in the ocean of Infinity—was thought -of as the centre of the universe, the one object of God’s -care, and a single family among the myriads that people -it as the sole recipients of his revealed word and will!</p> - -<p>But turn we to our Articles, which we proceed to -pass under review in connection with the answers -made to them by Servetus. In these we shall now find -him more intemperate than he has yet shown himself; -more aggressive, too; not only indisposed to yield in -jot or tittle, but negligent of opportunities to defend -his conclusions, and eager to attack his pursuer; ready -to call him opprobrious names, and to charge him with -wilful misrepresentation and malignity. The recent -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_403">403</span> -triumph of Perrin and Berthelier had obviously infected -Servetus, and not only lost him his chance of continuing -to improve his position with his judges, but even made -him careless of making any serious effort to prove himself -in the right.</p> - -<p>At the very outset of his replies, and by way of preface, -assuming the Articles to be Calvin’s and Calvin’s -alone, Servetus says: ‘It is impossible not to admire -the impudence of the man, who is nothing less than a -disciple of Simon Magus, arrogating to himself the -authority of a Doctor of the Sorbonne, condemning everything -according to his fancy, scarcely quoting Scripture -for aught he advances, and either plainly not understanding -me or artfully wresting my words from their -true significance. I am therefore compelled, before replying -to his <i>Articles</i>, to say, in brief, that the whole -purpose of my book is to show, <i>first</i>, that when the word -Son is met with in Scripture it is always to the man -Jesus that the term is applied, he having also the title -Christ given him; and, <i>second</i>, that the Son or second -Person in the Trinity is spoken of as a <i>person</i> because -there was visibly relucent in the Deity a Representation -or Image of the man Jesus Christ, hypostatically subsisting -in the Divine mind from eternity. It is because -this <i>rationale of the Person</i> is unknown to Calvin, and -because the whole thing depends thereon, that I refer -as preliminary to certain passages from the ancient -Doctors of the Church on which I rest my conclusions.’</p> - -<p>Passages sixteen in number, from Tertullian, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_404">404</span> -Irenæus, Clemens Romanus, and others, are then cited -to justify the sense he attaches to the words Person and -Son; from which we see that Servetus, following his -authorities, adopts the Neo-platonic view of the Son as -a pre-existing <i>idea</i> in the Divine mind, not as an <i>entity</i> -distinct from the essence of God, having a proper life -and subsistence of its own, and only proceeding in time -to become incarnate in the man Jesus.</p> - -<p>We were interested, of course, in referring to these -passages from the Fathers (they are given at length -in Calvin’s Refutation); and, though disappointed in -finding them less cogent and conclusive than we had -expected, we yet discover the germs of almost all that -is more fully developed by Servetus in connection with -the subjects of which they speak. ‘Tertullian,’ says -he, ‘declares, that to conform with things human, God, -in former times, assumed human senses and affections, -and made himself visible to man in the divinity of -Christ; and that the words Person and Son of God are -used in Scripture because God, invisible, intangible in -himself, was made visible in Christ. He who spoke -with Adam in the garden, with Noah, with Abraham, -and came down to see what the Babylonians were -about, and so on, was no other than Christ or a prefiguration -of Christ. He who spoke with Moses, too, -at different times was Christ—the Relucent visible -Image or Figuration of the invisible Deity. In the -essence of God there is no real distinction between the -Father and the Son; they do not constitute two invisible -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_405">405</span> -entities such as the <i>Tritheiti</i> imagine; it is no -more than a <i>formal</i> distinction that is made between -the invisible Father and the visible Son. It is the -idea of prolation or procession of one thing out of -another that has given occasion to certain <i>dispositions</i>, -<i>dispensations</i>, or <i>modes</i> in the Deity being turned into -so many entities, and so into a Trinity of Persons. -Quoting St. Paul, Tertullian says that “in the face of -Christ is seen the very light of God;” and to this -I myself refer repeatedly in my Third Book on the -Trinity; but Calvin, persisting in his blindness, will -not see God thus.’</p> - -<p>From Irenæus we find little that is not repetition of -what is said by Tertullian. ‘The Jews,’ he says, ‘did -not know that he who spoke with Adam and Abraham -and Moses in human form, was the Word, the Son of -God. But Jesus, as the Image, as the Word, was -then the Divine manifestation of God, being at once, -but without real distinction, both Word and Spirit; for -in the spiritual substance of the Father was comprised -the figuration and representation of the Word. Abraham -was taught and knew that the Angel who visited -him was the representative of the Word which was, or -was to be, the future man, the Son of God—dost hear, -Calvin?—the Word was the figuration of the man -Jesus! The Word is always spoken of as something -visible; so that when John says, “In the beginning -was the Word,” we are to understand the prefiguration -of Christ in the Deity: invisible in himself, God -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_406">406</span> -the Father is visible in the Son. The Logos and -the Spirit imply nothing of personal distinction in God -so that, when it is said, “God made all things by -his Word,” it is himself as Creator, and not another, -that is to be understood: the Word and the -Holy Ghost are not to be thought of as distinct -entities, but as dispositions in God.’</p> - -<table class="articles"> -<caption><i>The Thirty-eight final Articles of Impeachment, and Servetus’s -Replies.</i></caption> - <tr> - <th><span class="smcap">Articles.</span></th> - <th><span class="smcap">Replies.</span></th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>I.-IV. Servetus, says Calvin, - maintains that all who believe - in a Trinity in the essence - of God are Tritheists, or have - three Gods instead of one - God; or they are Atheists, - and properly have no God at - all, their God being tripartite - or aggregative, not absolute. - That the three Persons of the - Trinity are Phantoms; and - that there should be distinct - entities in the one God is a - thing impossible; so that a - Trinity of Persons in an Unity - of Being is a dream. Further: - That the Jews, resting on - numerous authorities, wonder - at the Tripartite Deity we acknowledge; - and, yet more, - That it was the admission of - <i>real</i> distinctions in the - Incorporeal - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_407">407</span> - Deity which led Mahomet - to deny Christ. - </td> - <td> - I.-IV. From the authors - quoted, it is evident that in the - Essence and Oneness of God - there is no <i>real</i> distinction - into three invisible entities. - That there is a figurative or - personal distinction between - the Invisible Father and the - Visible Son, however, I admit; - so that in this way I religiously - believe in a Trinity, - though denying it as usually - understood. The truth of - what I say about the Jews - and Mahometans, I maintain - to be amply borne out by history - and what we see among - the Turks of the present time.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>V. To colour his infamous - opinions, he speaks of a personal - distinction in the Godhead; - but this is external - only, not internal, or inherent - in the Essence of God; the - Word, according to him, having - been Ideal Reason from the - beginning—mere Reflection, - Figure, or Semblance; Person - only in the sense of appearance; - and that this prefigured - the future Man, Jesus Christ.</td> - <td>V. I have always acknowledged - the subsistence of the - Son in God, both externally - and internally. And you - contradict yourself; for if the - Reason was Ideal, then was it - Internal. It plainly appears - you know not what you say.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>VI. Confounding the Persons, - the Wisdom of Scripture - is said to have been formerly - both Word and Spirit, no real - distinction being acknowledged - between them; the - mystery of the Word and - Spirit being defined to have - been the effulgent glory of - Christ.</td> - <td>VI. Irenæus thus interprets - the matter; Wisdom, - he says, was the Holy Spirit. - So does Tertullian. Solomon - understands the wisdom that - was given him as the Holy - Spirit. And in my Eighth - Letter, I show that the whole - mystery of the Word and the - Spirit was to the glory of - Christ, because in him was - the plenitude both of the - Word and the Spirit. O - wretched man, thus to go on - condemning what you do not - understand!</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>VII. Denying any real - distinction in the Persons of - the Godhead Christ is said - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_408">408</span> - to have been invested with - such glory as to be not only - God of God, but very God - from whom another God - might proceed.</td> - <td>VII. Did I say another - God? I meant another mode - of Deity. But if it offend you - that I say another God, say - another Person [i.e. as Servetus - understands the word, - another manifestation] of - Deity. Why quote that - against me which I have myself - corrected? But you show - your candour on all occasions!</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>VIII. Christ is said to be - the Son of God not only and - in as much as he was engendered - by God in the womb of - the Virgin Mary; and this, not - by the virtue of the Holy - Ghost, but by God of his - proper substance.</td> - <td>VIII. Is not he rightly - called the son of him by - whom he is begotten? Therefore - do I say that God from - eternity and of his substance - produced [<i>protulit</i>] this Son; - and therefore is he said to - be of God naturally.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>IX. The Word of God - coming down from heaven, is - said to have been the flesh of - Christ; so that the flesh of - Christ is from heaven, his - body being the body of God, - his soul the soul of God; both - his soul and body having existed - from Eternity in the - proper substance of Deity.</td> - <td>IX. The Word, I say, is - now the flesh of Christ by hypostatical - union. I say well, - therefore, that the flesh of - Christ is from heaven, and indeed - is the heavenly Manna. - What else I say, I admit in - the sense in which I conceive - it. You fasten on such things - as these, and neglect the main - truth!</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>X. The essence of the - soul and body of Christ is - declared to be the Deity of - the Word and the Spirit, and - Christ to have existed from - the beginning in respect of - his body as well as his soul, - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_409">409</span> - the substance of the Deity - being not only in the soul but - in the body of Christ.</td> - <td>X. Essence is spoken of - as that by which anything is - sustained. Art thou not - ashamed to calumniate me, or - dost thou think that with thy - savage barking thou wilt dull - the ears of the Judges?</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XI. As if to show that to - him the divinity of Christ is - mere mockery, he says that it - means the wisdom, the power, - and the splendour of God; as - if it were only a certain - wisdom and power that in - him was excelling.</td> - <td>XI. You do unjustly ever; - you quote me falsely. I do - not say what you charge me - with saying. - and the splendour of God; as - if it were only a certain - wisdom and power that in - him was excelling.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XII. The man Jesus is - said to have been from the - beginning in his proper person - and substance, in or with God; - and yet two persons are elsewhere - ascribed to Christ.</td> - <td>XII. What you say first - is most true, and I wish you - understood it. Christ in himself - is one person; but in him - verily is the Holy Spirit, who - is also a person.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XIII. Having said that - the Word of God was made - man, he says that this Word - was the Seed of Christ; also - that it was different from the - Son; and that the Word by - which the world was created, - was produced by the grace of - God; whence it would follow - that Christ was not the Word - in question. It is said, further, - that the Word of God was - the Dew, the natural engenderer - of Christ in the womb - of the Virgin, similar to the - generative element of animals; - and, yet further, that the Son - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_410">410</span> - of God was naturally begotten - of the Holy Ghost by the - Word.</td> - <td>XIII. I speak here as do - Tertullian, Irenæus, Philo, and - others. In the passage you - quote, the Word is taken for - the voice from heaven saying, - ‘This is the Son of God.’ Who - does not see that the Word of - God is something other than - the man his Son? You have - not read me aright, neither - do you understand me. What - else you say, I admit.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XIV. The Word of God is - said to be itself the seed - generative of Christ; and as - the generative element is in - creatures, so is it in the Deity, - in whom was the seed of the - Word before the son was conceived - of Mary; the paternal - element in God acting in the - engenderment of Christ in the - same way as that of our - fathers in us.</td> - <td>XIV. All this I admit. - God acted as generator in the - way I explain in my first - Dialogue. [The Celestial influence - overshadowing the - Virgin acted in her as the dew - or the rain of heaven acts on - the ground, and brings forth - herb and flower.]</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XV. The Divine Word, it - is said, mingling with created - elements, was the agent in the - generation of Christ. The - divine and the human elements - coalescing, there came forth - the one hypostasis of the - Spirit of Christ, which is the - hypostasis of the Holy Ghost; - though it had been asserted - previously that the three elements - in Christ were of the - substance of the Father.</td> - <td>XV. I grant everything - here if you understand what - you say as having reference - to the paternal elements, so - called because of their existence - as ideal reason in God.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XVI. To corrupt what the - Apostle says—viz. that Christ - did not take on himself the - nature of the angels, but that - of the seed of Abraham—it is - said, by way of explanation, - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_411">411</span> - that he delivered us from - death.</td> - <td>XVI. I corrupt nothing, - but accept both interpretations; - you, however, quote - everything falsely and teach - falsely also.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XVII. God, he says, is - father of the Holy Ghost. - But this is nothing less than - to confound the persons—even - such persons as he feigns.</td> - <td>XVII. The confounding is - in your own mind, so that you - cannot comprehend the truth.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XVIII. Playing with the - word Person, he says there - was one sole personal image - or face, which was the person - of Christ in God, and was also - communicated to the angels.</td> - <td>XVIII. I play fast and - loose with nothing. I make - use of the language of those - I quote, which you treacherously - pervert.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XIX. As from either - parent there are in us three - elements, so are there three in - Christ; but in him the material - element is derived from - the mother only. Whence it - would follow that Christ had - not a body like to ours, and - this were to do away with our - Redemption.</td> - <td>XIX. The body of Christ, - I say, is like to ours, sin excepted; - excepted also this: - that his body is participant of - Deity.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XX. The celestial Dew, - overshadowing the Virgin and - mingling with her blood, transformed - her human matter into - God.</td> - <td>XX. The Transformation - referred to here is Glorification.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXI. Confounding the - two natures, he says that the - created and uncreated light - were in Christ one light; and - that of the Divine Spirit and - the human Soul there was constituted - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_412">412</span> - one substantial Soul - in Christ; so that the substance - of the flesh and the substance - of the Word were one substance.</td> - <td>XXI. He, I say, who is of - and in God, is with Him one - Spirit. Is there confusion - when two unite in one? Are - soul and body confounded - when they constitute an individual - man? Wretch that - thou art, thou dost not - understand the principles of - things! [See the letter to - which this remark gave occasion.]</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXII. Partaking of the - nature of God and man, - Jesus Christ, it is said, cannot - be spoken of as a creature, - but as a partaker of the nature - of creatures.</td> - <td>XXII. And what then?</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXIII. One and the same - Divineness which is in the - Father, it is said, was communicated - immediately, bodily, - to his Son, Jesus Christ; from - whom, mediately, by the - ministry of the Angelic Spirit, - it was communicated to the - Apostles. That in Christ only - is Deity implanted bodily and - spiritually; all of the Divine - that others have, being given - through him by a holy substantial - halitus, or breath.</td> - <td>XXIII. This, I say, is the - Truth.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXIV. As the Word went - into the flesh of Christ, so, it - is said, did the Holy Ghost - enter into the souls of the - Apostles.</td> - <td>XXIV. In some sort, in a - certain way, as I show in the - place you refer to.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXV. Confounding the - Persons, he asserts that the - λὀγος was naturally, voluntarily, - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_413">413</span> - ideal reason and procession,—the - resplendence of - Christ with God, the Spirit of - Christ with God, and the light - of Christ with God; whence it - would follow that the λὀγος - was nothing substantial, inasmuch - as it was the figure only - of a thing that was not yet in - being, and yet did not differ - from the Spirit.</td> - <td>XXV. You confound yourself - in what you say, and do - not understand what you speak - about—as if that which subsisted - hypostatically in God - was no real substance!</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXVI. Before the advent - of Christ, he says, there was - no visible hypostasis of the - Spirit. Whence it would follow - that there was neither - hypostasis nor real person, - seeing that there can be - no person that is not visible, - as he declares in his book and - asserts in his answers; speaking - also, as he does in another - place, of the Spirit of God, as - The Shadow in the Creation - of the world.</td> - <td>XXVI. Person in the - Word is called a visible hypostasis, - and in the Spirit is - spoken of as a perceptible hypostasis.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXVII. As all things are - said by Servetus to be in God, - so and in the same order were - they in God before creation, - Christ being first and foremost - of all—such being the kind of - Eternity he allows to the Son - of God. Further, that God, - by his Eternal Wisdom, decreeing - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_414">414</span> - to himself from Eternity - a visible Son, gives effect - to his decree by means of the - Word.</td> - <td>XXVII. All this is good, - and you would see it so were - you not perversely minded.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXVIII. Christ, he says, - so long as he abode in the - flesh, had not yet received the - new Spirit which was to be - his portion after the resurrection, - and was verily afterwards - imparted to him; so that he - now possesses hypostatically - the glory both of the Word - and the Spirit, prefigured by - the dove descending on him - in Jordan.</td> - - <td>XXVIII. There is nothing - here that is not true, would - you but be willing to understand - it.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXIX. In God, he maintains, - there are no parts and - partitions as in creatures, but - Dispensations, and this in such - wise that in the partition or - imparting of the Spirit every - portion is God. Beside this, - he says that our spirits substantially - are from Eternity, - and so are consubstantial and - coeternal; although he elsewhere - declares that the spirit - wherewith we are enlightened - may be extinguished.</td> - - <td>XXIX. All you say here - at first is true; but I do not - say that the Spirit of God in - itself is extinguished, because, - when we die, the spirit departs - from us.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXX. The Divine Spirit, - it is said, was infused into us - in the beginning by the breath - of God.</td> - <td>XXX. This is most true; - and you, miserable man, deluded - by Simon Magus, ignorest - it. Making a slave of - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_415">415</span> - our will, you turn us into - stocks and stones.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXXI. When we find it - stated in the Law that the - Spirit of God is in any one, - this is not to be taken as - meaning the Spirit of regeneration.</td> - - <td>XXXI. The words quoted, - I say, are for the most part so - to be understood.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXXII. Angels, he says, - were worshipped by the Jews - of old; so that he calls - Angels their Gods; but, this - being so, the true God could - never have been worshipped - by them—by Abraham in - particular—but Angels, only, - prefiguring Christ.</td> - - <td>XXXII. Almost everything, - I say, presented itself to - the Jews in the way of Figure.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXXIII. Admitting that - Christ or the Word had no - hypostatic [actual] existence - from the beginning, he nevertheless - declares that Angels - and the Elect were verily in - God from the first.</td> - - <td>XXXIII. What you mix - up and make me say here, is - false. Nothing created—no - creature—existed before the - moment of its creation.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXXIV. He maintains - that the Deity is present substantially - in all creatures.</td> - - <td>XXXIV. God, I say, is - present in all creatures by his - essence and power, and himself - sustains all things.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXXV. Having mixed - up many vain, perverse, and - pernicious dreams about the - substance of Souls, he concludes - at length that the Soul - is from God and of his substance; - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_416">416</span> - that a created inspiration - was infused into it - along with its divineness; and - that in respect of substance it - was united through the Holy - Spirit by a new inspiration - into one light with God.</td> - - <td>XXXV. Take away the - words, <i>of his substance</i>, you - will find the rest to be true; - and that it is you yourself - who dream with Simon - Magus.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXXVI. Though the soul - is not primarily God, yet does - it become Divine or is made - God by the Spirit, which, indeed, - is very God, so that it is - improper to doubt that our - Souls and the Holy Spirit - conjoined with Christ are of - the same elementary substance - as the Word conjoined - with the flesh. Further, that - created and uncreated things - combine and unite in one substance - of Soul and Spirit.</td> - - <td>XXXVI. This is so; many - things thus unite in one—bones, - flesh, nerves, soul, - spirit, and form, for instance, - to make the one substance of - Man.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXXVII. He has written - and published horrible blasphemies - against the Baptism - of Infants, and has said that - mortal sin is not committed - before the age of twenty - years.</td> - - <td>XXXVII. I own to having - written so; but when you - have convinced me that I - am in error in this, I will not - only acknowledge my fault, - but kiss the ground under - your feet.</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td>XXXVIII. The Soul, he - says, was made mortal by sin, - even as the flesh is mortal—not - meaning to say that the - Soul is annihilated, but that - deprived by pain of the vital - <span class="pagenum" id="Page_417">417</span> - actions of the body, it languishes, - and is shut up in hell - as if it were to live no more. - Thence he concludes that the - Regenerate have souls other - than they had before, new - substance, new divineness being - added to them [by the - Water of Baptism].</td> - <td>XXXVIII. The passage - you quote against me, shows - that you act perfidiously. I - there say that it is as if the - Soul died, and, languishing, is - detained in Hell. But if it - languishes, it still lives. See - what I have elsewhere said of - the ‘Survival of the Soul,’ - pp. 76, 229, and 718 [of the - Chr. Rest]. The souls of the - regenerate, I say, are other - than they were before; even - as a thing is said to be new or - altered by the accession of - new properties.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p>But enough of this—more than enough, indeed, is -before the reader to enable him to judge of the kind of -matter that never yet influenced man in his conduct -towards either God or his fellow, on which Michael -Servetus was adjudged to die.</p> - -<p>The answers of Servetus to the incriminated passages -of his book are obviously by no means either so -full or so satisfactory as he might easily have made them; -neither are they always so worded as unequivocally to -express his proper views; but of more moment than all, -they are given without the references to Scripture -which the Court had suggested, and would certainly -have had greater weight with it than aught else that -could be urged. Though he uses the words person -and hypostasis, we know that he did not understand -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_418">418</span> -them in the same way as theologians generally. He -did not acknowledge any proper personality in the -nature of God, who to him was invisible, all-pervading -Essence, inscrutable too, save as manifesting and -making himself known in Creation. Servetus’s persons -and hypostases are modes or manifestations of God in -nature, and, not limited to three, are, in truth, infinite -in number, and proclaimed in an infinity of ways. To -accommodate himself in some sort to such conceptions -as were current on the subject of the Trinity, he -uses language at times which it seems might fairly -bring him within the pale of orthodoxy, were we not -aware of the arbitrary meaning he attaches to the -terms employed: God, Father, all-pervading Being; -Christ, Son, visible manifestation of God to man; -Holy Ghost, Angel—ἐνέργεια, actuating force in nature. -Such, as we understand him, was the kind of Trinity -formulated by Servetus.</p> - -<p>The answers of the prisoner to the new articles of -incrimination were now ordered by the Court, which -has nothing to say to them itself, to be put into the -hands of the Reformer for his strictures. This gave -Calvin the opportunity which he did not fail to turn to -the best advantage. Treating Servetus’s Replies in a -very different spirit from that in which the Spaniard -had treated his Articles, he proceeded elaborately to -criticise and refute them; in other words, and more -properly, to demonstrate the incongruity and incompatibility -of Servetus’s admitted beliefs and opinions -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_419">419</span> -touching the transcendental propositions involved, with -the orthodox conclusions of himself and the Churches -generally. To a theologian like Calvin such a task -presented no difficulties; but the thoroughness of -his exposition or refutation, and the length to which -it runs, assure us of the pains he bestowed on the -work. Calvin is said to have spent no more than -two or three days in the composition of this elaborate -paper; had the time been two months and more, it -would have been little, and few men, we apprehend, -could have got through the work in less time.</p> - -<p>Signed by as many as thirteen ministers beside -himself—for Calvin would not forego the backing of his -colleagues in such a cause—the Refutation of the prisoner’s -replies to his prosecutor’s Articles of Inculpation -was laid before the Court at their next meeting; and -in a spirit of entire judicial fairness, was by them -ordered to be forthwith submitted to the prisoner, for -his observations in assent to, or dissent from, the interpretations -put upon his words. He was even particularly -told, as he had been before, that he was at liberty -to answer in the way and at the length he pleased.</p> - -<p>The understanding of the Court when giving -Calvin his instructions, was that his Extracts were not -to be accompanied by either note or comment—they -were to be ‘word for word’ from the writings of the -prisoner. But we see that he gave little heed to this -injunction; for many of the Articles are either prefaced -or concluded by a comment; Art. XVI. for example, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_420">420</span> -begins in this way: ‘That he may corrupt the saying -of the apostle,’ &c.; XVII.: ‘To say that God is -Father of the Holy Ghost, is to confound the persons,’ -&c.; XVIII.: ‘To show that he plays with the -word person,’ &c.; XXXV.: ‘After jumbling together -many insane and pernicious notions on the -substance of the soul,’ &c.; XXXVIII.: ‘That he -has written and published horrible blasphemies against -the baptism of infants,’ &c. Calvin, in short, could -not resist the opportunity of helping the Judges to -a conclusion in consonance with his own views, and -therefore adverse to those of his opponent.</p> - -<p>When we turn to Calvin’s Refutation of the Errors -of Michael Servetus, we observe him setting out by -saying that he will not imitate the prisoner in the use -of uncivil language, but confine himself strictly to the -matters in question. He would not be John Calvin, -however, did he keep his word; and truly his language -is at times little less offensive than that of Servetus; -whilst his comments, uniformly adverse, are ever studiously -calculated to damage the prisoner in the eyes -of his Judges. ‘Whosoever,’ says Calvin in concluding -his work, ‘will duly weigh all that is here adduced, -will not fail to see that the whole purpose of Servetus -has been to extinguish the light we have in the true -doctrine, and so put an end to all religion.’ But we, -for our part, say, after some pains bestowed, that whoever -peruses the writings of Servetus without a foregone -conclusion that <i>any one among the various formulated -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_421">421</span> -systems of religious doctrine he sees around him is -the</i> <span class="smcap">Absolute Truth</span>, <i>and alone essential to constitute -Religiousness</i>, will not fail to discover that not only -had Servetus no thought of putting out the light of -religion in the world, but that he was animated by a -most earnest desire, through another interpretation of -the Records which he, too, looked on as Revelations -from God, to set Christianity on another, and, as he -believed, a better foundation than it had yet obtained -from the labours of Luther, Calvin, and the rest of the -Reformers. Servetus was, in truth, but one among -the host of Reformers of every shade and colour who -made their appearance on the field at the trumpet-call -of Luther, and who had but this in common: hostility -to the ignorance and immorality of monk and priest, -to the pride and lust and abuse of power so conspicuous -in Pope and Roman Hierarch. And shall we in these -days think of him as impious and irreligious who held -that it was less than reasonable to speak of the coeternity -of a Father and a Son, taking the words in any -common-sense acceptation; and that a single entity -could not be conceived as subdivided into three distinct -entities or persons, without loss of its essential -unity, nor three distinct entities or persons be thought -of as amalgamated into one without loss of their several -individualities? Who said, moreover, that he believed -God to be the all-pervading essence and order of the -universe; man to be fitted for his state, each individually -answerable for his own sin, not for the sin of another, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_422">422</span> -and that faith in the highest exemplar of humanity -as he conceived it, that had ever appeared on earth, -added to a good life and its associate charities, was that -which was required for salvation? Shall we, we ask, -think of such a man as less pious, less religious, less -likely to be acceptable to God than one who believed -that there was a certain Word which was with God from -the beginning, and was indeed God, and yet another -than God; or that God, beside his proper all-sufficing -substance, was supplemented by several hypostases or -offsets, which were at once himself, yet other than -himself; that from eternity God had elected and -fore-ordained a relatively limited proportion of mankind -to salvation and eternal life, and doomed an infinitely -larger proportion to perdition and everlasting death? -Shall we, we say further, think that the man who was -tolerant of the speculative opinions of others, and -whose business in life it was to visit the sick and reach -the healing potion, was less of a good, and a true, and -a useful member of society, than he who aspired -through the unseen, the unknown and the unknowable, -to rule the world with a rod of iron, who was utterly -intolerant of other speculative opinions than his own, -and in enforcing his arbitrary rules for the regulation -of life and conversation, was merciless in the use of the -scourge, the branding iron, the sword, and the slow fire? -Surely we shall not. Were greatness associated in the -world with true nobility of nature, light-bringers, like -Michael Servetus, would assuredly be set on a higher -level than conquerors of kingdoms. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_423">423</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE TRIAL IS CONTINUED, AND SERVETUS ADDRESSES -LETTERS TO CALVIN AND HIS JUDGES.</p> - -<p>On returning to his dungeon after his examination on -September 15, Servetus addressed his prosecutor in -the following characteristic epistle, which the reply to -Art. XXI. appears to have suggested:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>To John Calvin, health!—It is for your good that I tell -you you are ignorant of the principles of things. Would you -now be better informed, I say the great principle is this: <i>All -action takes place by contact</i>. Neither Christ nor God himself -acts upon anything which he does not touch. God would not -in truth be God were there anything that escaped his contact. -All the qualities of which you dream are imaginations only, -slaves of the fields as it were. But there is no virtue of God, -no grace of God, nor anything of the sort in God which is not -God himself; neither does God put quality into aught in -which he himself is not. All is from him, by him, and in -him. When the Holy Spirit acts in us, therefore it is God -that is in us—that is in contact with us, that actuates us.</p> - -<p>In the course of our discussion I detect you in another -error. To maintain the force of the old law, you quote -Christ’s words where he asks: ‘What says the law?’ and -answers himself by saying: ‘Keep the commandments.’ But -here you have to think of the law not yet accomplished, not -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_424">424</span> -yet abrogated; to think further, that Christ, when he willed -to interpose in human things, willed to abide by the law; -and that he to whom he spoke was living under the law. -Christ, therefore, properly referred at this time to the law as -to a master. But afterwards, all things being accomplished, -the newer ages were emancipated from the older. For the -same reason it was that he ordered another to show himself -to the priest and make an offering. Shall we, therefore, do -the like? He also ordered a lamb and unleavened bread to be -prepared for the Passover: Shall we, too, make ready in this -fashion? Why do you go on Judaising in these days with -your unleavened bread? Ponder these things well, I beseech -you, and carefully read over again my twenty-third letter. -Farewell.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a></p></blockquote> - -<p>How little likely this epistle, however reasonable in -itself, was calculated to win the favour of Calvin, need -not be said. To pretend to set John Calvin right in -anything could, indeed, only be taken by him as an -impertinence.</p> - -<p>In the present disposition towards the prisoner—the -purely metaphysical and undemonstrable nature of -the matters in debate, taken into account—we may -reasonably conclude that the Judges had hoped he -would be able to explain away the offensive and heretical -sense in which his views were regarded by the -head of their Church—and indeed, and in so far as -they could be understood, as they must have been seen -by themselves.</p> - -<p>But Servetus, unhappily for himself, did not improve -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_425">425</span> -the opportunity presented him of righting himself in -any way with the Court by the manner in which he -set about dealing with Calvin’s strictures on his replies -to the incriminated passages of his book. He does not -now, as he had done before, however curtly and imperfectly, -reply to the Reformer’s refutations, and show -wherein he is misinterpreted or misunderstood; neither -does he present his views in another and more questionable -light than they are set by his accuser, which -he could readily have done in numerous instances at -least; and, where this was impossible, he might have -appealed to the reason and common sense of his Judges -for latitude in interpreting matters that really lie -beyond the scope of the human understanding. He, -however, did nothing of all this, but proceeded as -though he thought it neither necessary nor worth his -while to defend himself or his opinions any further—he -did not even take paper of his own for his reply, but -contented himself with jottings on the margins and between -the lines of Calvin’s elaborate refutation! the remarks -he makes, moreover, being rarely in the way of -answer or explanation. They are mostly curt expressions -of dissent, or simply abusive epithets applied to -the Reformer, who is called Simon Magus, liar, calumniator, -persecutor, homicide, and more besides. Instead -of persisting in his legitimate plea that he was but -another in the ranks of the Reformers, interpreting the -Scriptures by the understanding he had by nature and -his education, or declaring, as he had done before, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_426">426</span> -that he would be found ready to abjure those of his -opinions that were shown him to be opposed to their -teaching, and adverse to the peace of the world, he threw -down the gauntlet on the whole question, not to Calvin -only, but to the religious world at large. But this, the -point of view from which the religious question was regarded -in the middle of the sixteenth century, considered, -was simply to ensure his condemnation. Men -less bigoted, and, above all, less under the influence of -the most intolerant of bigots, might possibly have been -led to take pity on the writer, and to see him for what -he was in truth—a sincerely pious zealot of irreproachable -life, if much mistaken, as they believed, in his theological -conclusions; and so, and save in the use of intemperate -language, excusable on every ground of -Christian charity. But this, perhaps, was more than -could possibly be expected in the fifteen-hundred-and-fifty-third -year of the Christian æra.</p> - -<p>In returning the document so unhappily annotated, -Servetus appears to have felt that an apology was due -to the Court for the style of response he had adopted. -He therefore accompanied it with the following letter, -in which he seeks to excuse himself for the course he -has taken:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>My Lords,—I have been induced to write on Calvin’s paper -as there are so many short, interrupted expressions which, -apart from the context, would have neither sense nor signification. -But doing as I have done, setting the <i>pros</i> and <i>cons</i> -in juxtaposition, Messieurs the Judges will be able more -readily to decide on the questions in debate. Calvin must -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_427">427</span> -not be offended with me for this, for I have not touched a -word of his writing; and it was not possible, without infinite -confusion, to do otherwise than as I have done. Be pleased, -my Lords, to let those who may be appointed to judge or -report, have the two books now sent, as they will be thereby -spared the trouble of searching out the passages referred to, -these being all duly indicated. If Calvin makes any remarks -on what is now said, may it please you to communicate them -to me.</p> - -<p class="author"> -Your poor prisoner,<br /> -<span class="smcap">Michael Servetus</span>.<br /> -</p></blockquote> - -<p>This epistle, like the petitions presented to them, -received no notice from the Council, which at this time -was seriously engaged with business more interesting -to them in their civil and administrative spheres; so -that for some fourteen days no heed was given to the unfortunate -Servetus rotting in the felon’s gaol of Geneva, -or to the preparation and despatch of the documents to -be submitted to the Councils and Churches of the four -Protestant Cantons. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_428">428</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII.</h2> - -<p class="center">CALVIN ANTICIPATES THE JUDGES IN THEIR APPEAL TO -THE SWISS CHURCHES.</p> - -<p>Calvin, unlike Servetus, was never remiss. Sedulous -to leave as little as might be to accident, and nothing, if -he could guard against it, to independent conclusion, -he did not fail to take advantage of the pause in the -proceedings that now occurred, by being beforehand -with the judges, and writing to the leading ministers -of the Swiss Churches, every one of whom was of -course personally known, and, with few exceptions, -even servilely devoted, to him. Addressing Henry -Bullinger, on September 7, he says:—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>The Council will send you, ere long, the opinions of -Servetus in order to have your advice. It is in spite of us -that you have this trouble forced on you; but the folks here -have come to such a pass of folly and fury that they are suspicious -of all we say. Did I declare that there was daylight -at noon, I believe they would question it. Brother Walter -[Bullinger’s son-in-law] will tell you more [of the state of -affairs here].</p></blockquote> - -<p>Calvin, it would therefore appear, did not like the -appeal to the Churches. We have said that he had -formerly been baffled in his pursuit of Jerome Bolsec, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_429">429</span> -by the moderation they recommended when consulted on -the case. He would have had his own and the Church -of Geneva’s decision suffice; the motion for appeal -to the wider sphere, moreover, seems really to have -come from Servetus, and this of itself would have -sufficed to make it distasteful to Calvin. The Council’s -giving in to it must have been regarded by him, if not -as an insult, yet as a mark of distrust: hence his -angry allusion to the fury and folly of the Genevese. -He made the best of the matter, however, as we have -said, by having the start of the Council; and not only -writing to the chiefs of the four Churches, but in the -case of Zürich at least, by sending a messenger—Brother -Walter—specially commissioned to give Bullinger, -its head pastor, information of a kind he would -not trust to writing.</p> - -<p>Bullinger, in reply to the written and verbal communication, -informs Calvin that—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘Walter’s news has indeed saddened and disquieted him -greatly.’ In some sort of trouble himself, as it seems, Bullinger -can heartily sympathise with his brother of Geneva; yet is -he ‘without fear for the future, though there be in the town -around him more dogs and swine than he could desire! Still -many things are to be put up with for the sake of the Elect, -and we have to enter the Kingdom of Heaven through great -tribulation. But do not, I beseech you, forsake a Church -which has so many excellent men within its pale. Bear all -for the sake of the Elect. Think what cause of rejoicing your -retreat would give to the enemies of the Reformation, and -with what danger it would be fraught to the French refugees. -Remain! The Lord will not forsake you. He has, indeed, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_430">430</span> -now presented the noble Council of Geneva with a most -favourable opportunity of clearing itself from the foul stain of -heresy, by delivering into its hands the Spaniard Servetus. -You will have heard, of course, that he has put forth another -book, wherein he surpasses himself in impiety; but if the -blasphemous scoundrel be dealt with as he deserves, the -whole world will own that the Genevese have the impious in -horror, that they are forward to pursue the obstinate heretic -with the sword of justice, and well disposed to assert the -glory of the Divine Majesty! Nevertheless, and in any case -should they not do so, you ought not to abandon your post -and expose the Church to new misfortunes. Fight on bravely, -then, trusting in God.’<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a></p></blockquote> - -<p>From what he says, we see that Bullinger had not -been informed of all that had taken place in Geneva, -and that the printing of ‘the other book,’ which he -could not yet have seen, had been the occasion of its -author’s arrest and trial. But the letter to Calvin, -prompted by the news he had received through Brother -Walter, satisfies us that Calvin at this time felt little -at his ease in Geneva, and in nowise sure of the -support he was to have from his friend Bullinger. -He had no doubts as to the theological criminality -of Servetus; neither had he any qualms as to the -kind of punishment he designed for him; but he was -wroth with the Council for the impartiality it showed -towards one who had dared, as he believed, to beard -him in his own domain, and ventured to subscribe -himself as having the support of the great heavenly -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_431">431</span> -head of all the Churches. As Calvin interpreted the -latest proceedings of the Council, they appeared -simply hostile to himself. Failing now in his prosecution -of the Spaniard, his social influence would be compromised, -and with the check he had just received in the -affair of Berthelier, and the power of the Consistory -to excommunicate, whereby his religious foothold was -seriously shaken, he must have threatened, if he did not -really contemplate, the extreme step of abandoning the -Genevese to their own evil devices. Bullinger probably -took Calvin’s threat of quitting his charge in Geneva, -as conveyed to him by Brother Walter, too literally. -From the suspicion of any such purpose, we find him -anxious immediately to clear himself by the letter he -forthwith addressed to the Zürich pastor:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘From your letter, most excellent Brother (he says), I learn -that you have not been so accurately informed of the griefs -whereof I complain as I could have wished. The wicked -people about me, knowing that I am irritable, my stomach -troubling me often and in various ways, have lately been -striving to get the better of my patience. But sharp as the -struggle has been, they have not succeeded in turning me in -the slightest measure from my course. I have been armed -against all the arrows they have aimed at me. The Lord -may have put me of late so sorely to the proof among this -people, that I might learn by experience what heavy trials -have to be borne by his ministers. He who has upheld me -hitherto will not, I trust, fail to possess me with less fortitude -in time to come. Wherefore, trusting in his aid, I have -never been really minded to quit the station in which he has -placed me. Never once, when your Walter was here lately, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_432">432</span> -did I think of giving way and yielding to the contumelies -and indignities that were heaped upon me. The report to -the contrary was raised by the factious, that they might injure -me.’</p> - -<p>Calvin then goes on to inform his friend of the affair of -Berthelier, and the permission he had received from the -Council to present himself at the Lord’s Supper, and continues: -‘Knowing the brazen face of the man who, with every occasion -given him, has still stood in my way; and believing -that he would be disposed to vanquish me if he could, I declared -to the Council that I would not administer to him, and -said that I would sooner die than prostitute the bread of the -Lord by giving it to dogs or such as made a mockery of the -Gospel, and trod the ordinances of the Church under foot. -You have not understood aright what I said. Do not imagine -that anything is changed. Something more may possibly be -attempted at the next meeting of the Council. May the Lord -lead the perverse to desist from their efforts! For my part, -it is certain that I will never suffer the discipline sanctioned -by the senate, and the decree of the people, to be set aside. -If I am prevented from discharging the duties of my office, -I may have to yield to force, but I will never renounce the -liberty I possess; for, that abandoned, my ministry would be -in vain. I am not made of such stubborn stuff, however, as -not to feel sorely distressed when I think of the future scattering -of this flock; but whilst I have the power, I shall do all -I can to hold them in the right way. Do you with your -prayers come to our aid, and entreat that Christ may keep to -himself his flock of this place.</p> - -<p>Things go on no better in France. Wherever there is the -pretext, they do not spare bloodshed. Three are condemned -to death at Dijon, if they be not already burned; and the -danger is that the commotions we hear of in Scotland will -add fuel to the fires. Seven or eight youthful persons have -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_433">433</span> -been thrown into prison at Nemours, and in several other -French towns many more have met with a like fate. Farewell!</p></blockquote> - -<p>The letter which Calvin wrote about the same -time to Sulzer, pastor of Basle, also deserves a place -here, as showing the pains he took to influence the -minds of his friends in his own favour and against -Servetus.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>The name of Servetus, who, twenty years ago, infected -the Christian world with his vile and pestilent doctrines, is -not, I presume, unknown to you. Even if you have not read -his book, it is scarcely possible that you should not have heard -something of the kind of opinions he holds. He it is of whom -Bucer, of blessed memory, that faithful minister of Christ, a -man otherwise of the most gentle nature, declared that ‘he -deserved to be disembowelled and torn in pieces.’ As in -days gone by, so of late he has not ceased from spreading -abroad his poison; for he has just had a larger volume secretly -printed at Vienne, crammed full of the same errors. The -printing of the book having been divulged, however, he was -thrown into prison there. Escaping from prison—by what -means I know not—he wandered about in Italy for some -four months; but driven hither at length by his evil destiny—<i>tandem -hic malis auspiciis appulsum</i>—one of the syndics, at -my instigation, had him arrested.</p> - -<p>Nor do I deny that I have been led by my office to do all -in my power to restrain this more than obstinate and indomitable -individual, so that the contagion should continue no -longer. We see with what licence impiety stalks abroad, -scattering ever new errors; and we have also to note the -indifference of those whom God has armed with the sword to -vindicate the glory of his name. If the Papists approve -themselves so zealous and so much in earnest for their superstitions, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_434">434</span> -that they cruelly persecute and shed the blood of -innocent persons, is it not disgraceful in Christian magistrates -to show so little heart in defending the assured Truth? But -where there is the power of prevention, there are surely limits -to the moderation that suffers blasphemy to be vented with -impunity.</p> - -<p>As regards this man, then, there are three things to be -considered: First, the monstrous errors with which he corrupts -all religion, the detestable heresies with which he strives -to overthrow all piety, and the abominable fancies with which -he surrounds Christianity, and seeks to upset from the -foundation every principle of our Faith. Secondly, the obstinacy -with which he has comported himself, the diabolical -persistency with which he has despised all the counsels given -him, and the desperate insistance wherewith he has been forward -to spread his poison. Thirdly, the daring with which -he, even now, produces his abominations. So far is he from -showing any sign or giving any hope of amendment, that he -does not scruple to fasten his plague-spot on those holy men, -Capito and Œcolampadius—as if they were his associates! -Shown the letters of Œcolampadius, he said he wondered by -what spirit he, Œcolampadius, had been induced to depart -from his first opinion!...</p> - -<p>There is but one thing more on which I would have you -advised, viz.: That the Questor of our city, who will deliver -you this, is of a right mind in the business, which is, that the -prisoner shall not escape the fate we desire—<i>ut saltem exitum -quem optamus non fugiat</i>.</p> - -<p>I say nothing now of French affairs; there being no news -here of which I imagine you are not as well informed as we, -unless it be that on last Sabbath-day three of our pious -brothers were burned to death at Lyons, and a fourth met a -like fate in a neighbouring town. It is scarcely credible how -these men, illiterate, but enlightened by the spirit of God, and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_435">435</span> -ennobled by the perfections of the Doctrine, behaved on the -occasion; with what unswerving constancy they met their -fate. But it is not there only; in other parts of France burnings -of the same sort go on incessantly; nor seems there any -prospect of mitigation. Farewell!</p> - -<p>Geneva; v. of the Ides (19) of Septr. 1553.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Calvin, we see from this epistle, believed that he -would be fully justified in having Michael Servetus -burned alive at Geneva because they differed in their -interpretation of the Trinity; but that the Papists of -Lyons were inexcusable for sending to a fiery death -those who with himself did not acknowledge the Pope -as God’s vicegerent on earth, and Romish doctrine -as the true and only saving faith. It is the <i>evil destiny</i> -of Servetus, too, that has led him into the toils of the -Reformer; and to be of a <i>right mind</i> in the business -of the prosecution, then proceeding is, so to play into -the hands of the prosecutor that his victim shall not -escape the death designed him!</p> - -<p>It was of Zürich, however, more than of any of the -Churches consulted, that Calvin felt most in doubt. -The tolerant views of Zwingli were in some sort hereditary -there; and Bullinger, who was its chief pastor, -had disappointed him in the case of Bolsec. But he -must also have had strong misgivings of Basle, when -he was induced to write the long and particular letter -to Sulzer, its leading minister, which we have just -perused. The more refined and delicate tone that is -said to have pervaded society in the city of Basle indisposed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_436">436</span> -its people to violence or extremes; and -‘Thorough’ was always the word on Calvin’s banner.</p> - -<p>If he had doubts of Zürich and Basle, Calvin could -place implicit reliance on Neuchatel, where Farel, his -oldest, most devoted, and most obsequious friend presided -as head of the Church. Addressing Farel soon -after the arrest of Servetus, he writes:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>It is even as you say, my dear Farel,—we are indeed -variously and sorely tried and tossed about by storms! We -have now a <i>new</i> business with Servetus—<i>jam novum habemus -cum Serveto negotium</i>. His intention may, perchance, have -been to pass through this city; but it is not precisely known -why he came hither. When he was recognised, however, I -thought it right to have him arrested, my man Nicholas presenting -himself as accuser on the capital charge, and binding -himself by the law of retaliation, to proceed against him. -Articles of accusation under as many as forty heads were -presented in writing on the day following the arrest. He -prevaricated at first, which led to our being called in. Recognising -me, he behaved as though he held me obnoxious to -him. I, as became me, gave no heed to him. The senate, in -fine, approved of all the charges, and he was sent back to -prison. On the third day after, my brother becoming bail -for Nicholas, he was set at liberty.</p> - -<p>I say nothing of the effrontery of the man; but such was -his madness that [in the course of the interrogatory] he did -not hesitate to say the Devil was in the Deity—<i>Diabolus inesse -Divinitatem</i>—and more, that in so many men there were so -many gods, Deity being substantially communicated to them, -as, indeed, he said it was to stocks and stones! <i>I hope the -sentence will be capital at the least—Spero capitale saltem fore -judicium</i>; but I would have the cruel manner of carrying it -out remitted. Farewell!</p></blockquote> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_437">437</span></p> - -<p>Calvin’s charge was therefore, as we see, to no -halting or half-way conclusion. He proceeded from the -first for a capital conviction—he hoped it would be -nothing short of this; and being so, he knew the kind -of death the man must die. It is a poor show of -humanity, therefore, that he makes at the end of his -letter. But there is a phrase at the beginning of the -epistle which deserves very particular notice: ‘<i>Iam -novum habemus cum Serveto negotium</i>—we have now -on hand a <i>new business</i> with Servetus.’ But there was -no <i>older business</i> with Servetus at Geneva. It was at -Vienne that this took place. Writing to Farel, his -oldest and most trusted friend, Calvin reverts in mind -to the fact, and his words reflect or echo back his -inward thought. Of the justice of this surmise we -seem to find confirmation in Viret’s letter of August 22, -which we have seen in reply to the one in which Calvin -inquires after a copy of the book on Trinitarian Error; -for there the pastor of Lausanne says: <i>Nunc vobis est -alia cum Serveto disputatio</i>—and now you have <i>another</i> -contention with Servetus;<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> an obvious reference to -a passage in one of the Reformer’s letters of the same -tenor as that he has just addressed to Farel. Calvin, -it is notorious, always shirked acknowledgment of -the part he played in the affair of Vienne. Even -the self-complacency that comes of theological zeal -did not permit him to find an excuse for underhand -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_438">438</span> -dealing, and the violation of a correspondence that was -private and entirely confidential. He was, by no means, -insensible to the infamy that cleaves to an act of the -kind, however, and in his own case could say, ‘Zebedæus -has been perfidiously showing confidential letters -of mine, which I wrote to him fifteen years ago from -Strasburg!’<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a></p> - -<p>Farel’s reply to the last epistle of Calvin, dated -from Neufchatel on September 8, is as follows:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>I have returned from Normandy, restored to my usual -good state of health.... It is a wonderful dispensation of -God that has brought Servetus to this country. I wish he -may come to his senses, late though it be. It will indeed be -a miracle if he prefer death, and, turning to God, consent to -edify the spectators—he dying one death who has caused the -death of so many others!</p> - -<p>Your judges will only show themselves hard-hearted contemners -of Christ, enemies of the true Church and of its pious -doctrine, if they prove insensible to the horrible blasphemies -of so wicked a heretic. But I hope God will so order it that -they may merit commendation by putting out of the way the -man who has so long and so obstinately persevered in his -heresies to the perdition of so many! In desiring to have -the cruelty of the punishment mitigated, you appear as the -friend of him who has been your greatest enemy. There -are some, however, who would let heretics be doing—as -if there were any difference between the office of the -pastor and that of the magistrate! Because the Pope condemns -the faithful for the crime of heresy, and hostile judges -cause innocent persons to undergo the punishment that should -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_439">439</span> -be reserved for blasphemers, it is absurd to conclude that -heretics are not to be put to death, in order that the faithful -may be preserved. But do you act, I pray, in such a manner -as to show that in time to come no one will be suffered to -promulgate new doctrines and to throw everything into confusion, -as this Servetus has done. For my own part, I have -often said that I should be ready to suffer death did I teach -aught that was opposed to the true doctrine, and should -deem myself deserving of the most terrible tortures did I turn -even one from the faith that is in Christ. I would not, therefore, -apply to another a different rule.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Farel is neither an elegant nor an agreeable, still -less a logical, writer; but he is zealous in behalf of the -true doctrine—the doctrine, to wit, he holds himself. -God, the father of mankind, who sends the rain and -the sunshine indifferently on all, has, in the opinion -of this poor bigot, by a special dispensation of his -providence, led a sincerely pious man, according to -his lights, to Geneva, there to be first harshly and -ignominiously treated by another sincerely pious man, -according to his lights; and finally through the influence -he exerts over its clergy and magistracy, to be -put to a lingering death by slow fire! Farel never -thought of himself, with his ‘True Doctrine,’ as a -heretic in the highest degree in the eyes of his neighbours -the Roman Catholics of France with <i>their</i> ‘True -Doctrine.’</p> - -<p>It is more than questionable, indeed, whether Farel -had ever read a word of Servetus’s writings. He was -a man of action, fearless, full of fiery zeal, and a ready -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_440">440</span> -talker, but with no great amount of scholarly acquirement, -and still less of philosophy. In anything of his -we have seen, and save in what is said of his harangues, -he never meets us otherwise than as a man of narrow -mind, utterly intolerant and entirely under the influence -of Calvin. If Servetus had sinned by persevering in -heresy, and corrupting souls, so had he, so had Calvin, -so had Melanchthon and the rest, in the estimation of -their neighbours the Papists of neighbouring lands; and, -though he speaks glibly of myriads who had lost their -chance of salvation through Servetus, there was never -a tittle of evidence adduced on the trial to show that -even a single individual had been influenced by his -writings. On the contrary, all who are brought forward -in connection whether with the man or his works—Œcolampadius, -Bucer, Melanchthon—are proof and -more than proof against both him and them. Calvin -and Farel, as we see, had made up their minds that -Servetus was to be condemned to death weeks before -the conclusion of his trial. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_441">441</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV.</h2> - -<p class="center">SERVETUS SENDS A LETTER AND A SECOND REMONSTRANCE -AND PETITION TO HIS JUDGES.</p> - -<p>Smarting under a sense of the unjustifiable treatment -to which he was so relentlessly subjected, and weary -of the delays that had taken place through the disputes -between the Consistory represented by Calvin, and the -Council, Servetus now gave vent to the pent-up storm -within him in the following characteristic remonstrance. -Alluding to the backing his persecutor received from -the clergy, and the number of names attached to the -Refutation of his Replies, he exclaims:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Thus far we have had clamour enough and a great crowd -of subscribers! But what places in Scripture do they adduce -as their authority for the Invisible Individual Son they acknowledge? -They refer to none; nor, indeed, will they ever -be able to point to any. Is this becoming in these great -ministers of the Divine Word, who everywhere boast that they -teach nothing that is not confirmed by distinct passages of -Holy Writ? But no such places are now forthcoming; and my -doctrine, consequently, is impugned by mere clamour, without -a shadow of reason, and without the citation of a single -authority against it.</p> - -<p class="author"> -<span class="smcap">Michael Servetus</span>,<br /> -who signs alone, but has Christ for his sure protector!</p></blockquote> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_442">442</span></p> - -<p>Engaged with more immediate and interesting -business in the political and administrative sphere of -their duties, the Council had, in fact, left that in which -their prisoner Michael Servetus was so particularly -concerned unnoticed for something like fourteen days. -This long delay gave him reasonable cause for complaint, -and furnished him with grounds not only for the -outburst given above, but for a further petition and remonstrance -to the following effect:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="center"><i>To the Syndics and Council of Geneva.</i></p> - -<p>My most honoured Lords!—I humbly entreat of you to -put an end to these great delays, or to exonerate me of the -criminal charge. You must see that Calvin is at his wit’s end -and knows not what more to say, but for his pleasure would -have me rot here in prison. The lice eat me up alive; my -breeches are in rags, and I have no change—no doublet, and -but a single shirt in tatters.</p> - -<p>I made another request to you, which was for God’s sake; -but to prevent your granting it, Calvin alleged Justinian -against me. It is surely unfortunate for him that he brings -against me that which he does not himself believe. He neither -believes nor does he agree with what Justinian says of the -Church, of Bishops, of the Clergy, nor of many things besides -connected with religion. He knows well enough that [in -Justinian’s day] the Church was already corrupted. This is -disgraceful in him—all the more disgraceful as he keeps me -here for the last five weeks in close confinement, and has not -yet adduced a single passage [of Scripture] against me.</p> - -<p>I have also demanded to have counsel assigned me. This -would have been granted me in my native country; and here -I am a stranger and ignorant of the laws and customs of the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_443">443</span> -land. Yet you have given counsel to my accuser, whilst -refusing it to me, and have further set him at large before -having taken any true cognisance of my cause. I now demand -that my cause may be referred to the Council of Two -Hundred. If I am permitted to appeal to it, I hereby appeal; -declaring, as I do, that I will take on me all the expenses, -damages, and interests, and abide by the award of the Lex -Talionis as well in respect of my first accuser [De la Fontaine] -as of Calvin his master, who has now taken the prosecution -into his own hands.</p> - -<p>From your prison of Geneva, this 15th of Septr. 1553.</p> - -<p class="author"> -<span class="smcap">Michael Servetus</span>,<br /> -in his own cause.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The Council appear to have been nowise moved -by this very reasonable petition. The request for -counsel, here reiterated, was not noticed—it had already -been disposed of, and could not be granted; but -the petition to have his case referred to the Council of -the Two Hundred was discussed and rejected: the -tribunal before which he was on his trial was competent -in every respect by the laws of the State. Orders, however, -were given that the articles of clothing he required -should be procured for him at his proper cost; but as -it seems to have been the business of no one to see the -order carried into effect, or because the Council and -custodians of the gaol of Geneva were accustomed to -see their prisoners in rags and devoured by vermin, it -was unheeded at the time, although attended to at a -somewhat later period in this eventful history. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_444">444</span></p> - -<p>Had there been no resolution to take the opinion -of the Councils and Churches of the confederate Reformed -Cantons, everything necessary to a decision -was again before the Court. The term had indeed -been exceeded within which by the law of Geneva the -proceedings ought to have ended—the law positively -forbidding the protraction of a criminal suit beyond the -term of a calendar month. The law had, therefore, been -violated; but there was no one to urge the point in -behalf of the prisoner, any more than there had been to -expose Calvin’s disobedience of the Council’s orders to -present his Articles of Incrimination without note or -comment. Neither the Clerical nor the Libertine party, -however, had yet done with the unfortunate Servetus, -although it was not before their meeting of September -21 that the Council found itself at leisure to take up -the tangled skein of the Servetus-prosecution again, -and to order the necessary documents to be prepared -for submission to the Councils and Churches they had -determined to consult. Before despatching these when -ready, they seem to have thought it would be well to -show Calvin the short demurrers of Servetus to his -elaborate Refutation; expecting, probably, that he would -have something to say to them, but not meaning to let -Servetus see anything Calvin might think proper to -add. There was no occasion however, as it fell out, -to act on this rather partial reservation. The Reformer -did not think fit to notice even one of the unhappy -annotations of his enemy, in which the lie direct is given -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_445">445</span> -him something like fifty times; and the epithet <i>nebulo</i>—knave—is -not the most offensive that is applied to him. -He did not add a word to what he had already written. -A mere glance at the unhappy jottings sufficed, as it -seemed, to make him feel sure of his suit; Servetus, -he saw, stood self-condemned in his neglect to adduce -Scripture authority for his peculiar views, or to show -that they had either been misinterpreted or misunderstood -by his pursuer. The abusive epithets so plentifully -heaped on Calvin only recoiled upon himself. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_446">446</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE SWISS COUNCILS AND CHURCHES ARE ADDRESSED -BY THE COUNCIL OF GENEVA.</p> - -<p>From the duel as heretofore carried on between Calvin, -backed by the Ministers of Geneva, and Servetus, -seconded by Christ alone, as he said, the process was -now to be widened in its scope and debated between -the solitary stranger and the Reformation at large, or -so much of it at least as was represented by the Protestant -Churches of Berne, Basle, Zürich, and Schaffhausen. -As many as four copies of the writings that -had passed between the prosecution and the prisoner -had, therefore, to be made, and for this a couple of days -were required; so that it was not until after the third -week of September that the messenger usually charged -by the authorities of Geneva with their despatches was -furnished with his credentials to the Councils and -Ministers of the four towns named. The documents -forwarded were copies of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -and of the works of Tertullian and Irenæus; the thirty-eight -articles from the writings of Servetus extracted -by Calvin; Servetus’s replies to these in defence of his -views; and Calvin’s Refutation of his errors, as he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_447">447</span> -characterised them, having Servetus’s jottings, disclaimers, -and abusive epithets interspersed. Grounding -their opinions on these lengthy documents, the Swiss -Churches were requested to declare themselves on the -orthodox or heretical nature of the passages inculpated, -and so, in fact, to pronounce on the guilt or innocence -of the prisoner in respect of the heresy and blasphemy -imputed to him; their standard being, of course, the -particular form of Christianity professed by the prosecutor -and themselves.</p> - -<p>In referring to the Churches in communion with -that of Geneva, the Council is careful to say that it -would not be supposed to entertain any doubts of the -competency of the Church of Geneva to pronounce a -definitive opinion on the questions at issue; it would -only have further light before coming to a decision in -a matter of so much moment. The style of address -adopted by the Council of Geneva to the Councils and -Churches of the Cantons consulted will be sufficiently -appreciated from the letters sent to Zürich. And first -the one addressed to the Ministers:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="author">Geneva, September 21, 1553.</p> - -<p>Honourable Sirs!—Well assured that you are every way -disposed to persevere in the good and holy purpose of upholding -and furthering the Word of God, we have thought we -should do you an injustice did we not inform you of the business -in which we have been engaged for some time past. It -is this. There is a man now in prison with us, Michael Servetus -by name, who has thought fit to write and have printed -certain books on the Holy Scriptures, containing matters which -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_448">448</span> -we think are nowise according to God and the holy evangelical -doctrine. He has been heard [in his defence] by our -ministers, who have drawn up Articles against him, to which -he has replied, and to his replies answers have been given—all -in writing; and we pray you, for the honour of God, to -take the papers now forwarded to you into consideration, and -to return them by the same messenger with your opinion and -advice. We beg you further to look into the book which will -be delivered to you by our messenger, so that you may be -well and fully informed of the unhappy propositions of the -writer.</p> - -<p>In writing thus and asking your advice we desire to say -that we do so without any mistrust of our own ministers.</p> - -<p class="center"><i>To the Burgomaster and Council of Zürich.</i></p> - -<p class="author"> -Geneva, September 22, 1553.</p> - -<p>High and mighty Lords!—We know not if your Lordships -are aware that we have in hand a prisoner, Michael Servetus -by name, who has written and had printed a book containing -many things against our religion. This we have shown to -our ministers; and, although we have no mistrust of them, we -desire to communicate the work to you, in order that, if it so -please you, you may lay it before your clergy, together with -the replies and rejoinders that have been made in connection -therewith. We therefore pray you to be good enough to -submit the documents now sent to your ministers and request -them to give us their opinion of their merits, to the end that -we may bring the business, to which they refer, to a close.</p></blockquote> - -<p>On the result of the course now taken the fate of -Servetus evidently depended. Did the four Swiss -Churches find the extracts from his writings heretical -and blasphemous, the Council of Geneva, in their capacity -of criminal judges, would find themselves justified -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_449">449</span> -in passing upon him the extreme sentence of the -law; and Calvin’s determined pursuit not only of his -theological opponent and personal enemy, but of his -political antagonist and, in some sort, <i>rival</i>, as he had -been made to appear through the espousal of his cause -by the leaders of the Libertine party, would be brought -to the conclusion he desired. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_450">450</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI.</h2> - -<p class="center">SERVETUS AGAIN ADDRESSES THE SYNDICS AND -COUNCIL OF GENEVA, AND ACCUSES CALVIN.</p> - -<p>If Calvin, then, as we apprehend, had every reason to -anticipate an answer in his favour from the Churches, -so do we find Servetus possessed by the assured hope -that he would be acquitted, or, at most, be found guilty -of nothing involving a heavier penalty than banishment -from the Republic of Geneva. Of heresy he did not -think for a moment he had been more guilty than every -one of the Reformers whom he had been accustomed to -hear spoken of in the polite circles of Vienne not only -as schismatics, but as heretics of the deepest dye. If -his ‘Restoration of Christianity’ had been burned by -the hangman of Vienne, had not Calvin’s ‘Institutions -of the Christian Religion’ been summarily condemned -by the whole Catholic world, and put on the -Index of prohibited books by the Roman Curia? -So sure does Servetus appear to have felt of final -acquittal at this time—guiltless of blasphemy as in -his soul he knew himself to be, and bolstered by the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_451">451</span> -false hopes of his false friends, that whilst the scales -of justice were still trembling on the beam, he, from -his filthy cell, in rags, and devoured by vermin, even -he aspired to become the accuser of the man by -whom he was himself accused, and subjected to all -the indignities he endured! It could only have -been under the excitement of some such persuasion -that he now wrote the following extraordinary letter -to the Council:—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="center"><i>To the Syndics and Council of Geneva.</i></p> - -<p>My most honoured Lords,—I am detained on a criminal -charge at the instance of John Calvin, who has accused me, -falsely saying that in my writings I maintain—</p> - -<p>1st. That the soul of man is mortal, and</p> - -<p>2nd. That Jesus Christ had only taken the fourth part of -his body from the Virgin Mary.</p> - -<p>These are horrible, execrable charges. Of all heresies and -crimes, I think of none greater than that which would make -the soul of man to be mortal. In every other there is hope of -salvation, but none in this. He who should say what I am -charged with saying, neither believes in God nor justice, in the -resurrection, in Christ Jesus, in the Scriptures, nor, indeed, in -anything, but declares that all is death, and that man and -beast are alike. Had I said anything of the kind—said it not -in words only, but written and published it, I should myself -think me worthy of death.</p> - -<p>Wherefore, my Lords, I demand that my false accuser be -declared subject to the law of retaliation, and like me be sent -to prison until the cause between him and me, for death or -other penalty, is decided. To this effect I here engage -myself against him, submit myself to all that the Lex Talionis -requires, and declare that I shall be content to die if I am -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_452">452</span> -not borne out in everything I shall bring against him. My -Lords, I demand of you, justice, justice, justice!</p> - -<p>From your prison of Geneva, this 22nd of September, -1553.</p> - -<p class="author"> -<span class="smcap">Michael Servetus</span>,<br /> -pleading his own cause.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The letter was followed by a series of articles in form -like those lately brought against himself, headed—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p class="center"><i>Articles on which Michael Servetus demands that John Calvin<br /> -be interrogated.</i></p> - -<p>I. Whether in the month of March last he did not write, -by the hand of William Trie, to Lyons, and say many things -about Michael Villanovanus called Servetus. What were the -contents of the letter, and with what motive was it sent?</p> - -<p>II. Whether with the letter in question he sent half of the -first sheet of the book of the said Michael Servetus, entitled -‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ on which were the Title, the Table -of Contents, and the beginning of the work?</p> - -<p>III. Whether this was not sent with a view to its being -shown to the authorities of Lyons, in order to have Servetus -arrested and impeached, as happened in fact?</p> - -<p>IV. Whether he has not heard since then that in consequence -of the charges thereby brought against him, he, the -said Servetus, had been burned in effigy, and his property -confiscated; he himself having only escaped burning in -person by escaping from prison?</p> - -<p>V. Whether he does not know that it is no business of a -minister of the gospel to appear as a criminal accuser and -pursuer of a man judicially on a capital charge?</p> - -<p>My Lords, there are four great and notable reasons why -Calvin ought to be condemned:</p> - -<p><i>First</i>: Because doctrinal matters are no subjects for -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_453">453</span> -criminal prosecutions, as I have shown in my petition, and -will show more fully from the Doctors of the Church. Acting -as he has done, he has therefore gone beyond the province of -a minister of the Gospel, and gravely sinned against justice.</p> - -<p><i>Second</i>: Because he is a false accuser, as the above -articles declare, and as is easily proved by reading my book.</p> - -<p><i>Third</i>: Because by frivolous reasons and calumnious -assertions he would suppress the Truth as it is in Jesus -Christ, as will be made obvious to you, by reference to my -writings; what he has said of me, being full of lies and -wickedness.</p> - -<p><i>Fourth</i>: Because he follows the doctrine of Simon Magus, -in great part, against all the Doctors of the Church. Wherefore, -magician as he is, he deserves not only to be condemned, -but to be banished and cast out of your city, his goods -being adjudged to me in recompense for mine which he has -made me to lose. These, my Lords, are the demands I -make.</p> - -<p class="author"> -<span class="smcap">Michael Servetus</span>,<br /> -in his own cause.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Although we have only conjecture to aid us in -understanding the temper that now shows itself in -Servetus, and the hope he evidently entertains of -triumphing over his prosecutor, we cannot be mistaken -in ascribing it to the influence of Perrin and Berthelier. -They must have imagined that the same result would -ensue from the appeal to the Churches as had followed -the reference made to them in the case of Jerome Bolsec, -and believed that the worst that would befal their -puppet would be banishment from the city and territory -of Geneva. If they could but cross and spite the -refugee Frenchman, their clerical tyrant, through the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_454">454</span> -fugitive Spaniard, their end would be attained, although -at the cost, perhaps, of a certain amount of inconvenience -to their instrument. The conclusion of Servetus’s -last address to the Council shows clearly the opinion -he had been led to form of Calvin’s present position -in Geneva. ‘As the magician he is,’ says Servetus, -‘he ought to be condemned, and cast out of your city, -his property being adjudged to me in recompense for -all I have lost through him!’ The Council appear -to have taken no more notice of this last address and -demand of their prisoner than they had of his preceding -more reasonable petitions and remonstrances.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>The pause in the proceedings that ensued, pending -the receipt of replies from the Churches consulted; -the silence of the Council upon his letter and inculpation -of Calvin, combined with the effects of continued -imprisonment, anxiety, and hope deferred, on a body -not of the strongest, would seem before long to have -induced a frame of mind different from that so unmistakably -displayed of late by the prisoner. The petition -forwarded three weeks later to the Council is pitched -in a much lower key than the one last presented.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Most noble Lords,—It is now about three weeks since I -petitioned for an audience, and still have no reply. I entreat -you for the love of Jesus Christ not to refuse me that you -would grant to a Turk, when I ask for justice at your hands. -I have, indeed, things of importance to communicate to you, -very necessary to be known. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_455">455</span></p> - -<p>As to what you may have commanded to be done for me -in the way of cleanliness, I have to inform you that nothing -has been done, and that I am in a more filthy plight than -ever. In addition, I suffer terribly from the cold, and from -colic, and my rupture, which cause me miseries of other kinds -I should feel shame in writing about more particularly. It -is very cruel that I am neither allowed to speak nor to have -my most pressing wants supplied; for the love of God, Sirs, in -pity or in duty, give orders in my behalf.</p> - -<p class="author"> -From your prison of Geneva,<br /> -<span class="smcap">Michael Servetus</span>.</p> - -<p>October 10, 1553.</p></blockquote> - -<p>This appeal to the duty as well as the compassion -of the Council was the first of any he had addressed -to it which met with an immediate response. One of -the Syndics, attended by the Clerk of the Court, was -commissioned to visit the prisoner, and inquire into his -state, being requested, further, to see measures taken -to have him furnished with the articles of clothing he -required, so that the resolution formerly come to in -this direction should no longer remain a dead letter.</p> - -<p><i>October 19 and 23.</i> A month had all but elapsed -before the messenger to the Councils and Churches of -the Protestant Swiss Cantons returned with the replies -of the Magistrates and Pastors to the Documents -submitted to them by the Council of Geneva. But he -came at last. As the answers were in Latin, translations -into French had to be made for the behoof of -those among the councillors of Geneva who were indifferently -versed in the Latin tongue. Some days -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_456">456</span> -more were required for this; so that though the messenger -arrived on October 19, the papers in Latin and -French were only ready on the 23rd, when they were -laid before the Council, once more solemnly assembled -in its judicial capacity, with the prisoner before them.</p> - -<p>The Church of Berne which was the first referred -to [and had its head pastor, Haller, as reporter of its -conclusion?], blames Servetus not only for his heresies, -but for his insolence and want of respect for Calvin.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>He seems (says the report) to have thought himself at -liberty to call in question all the most essential elements of -our religion, to upset everything by new interpretations of -Scripture, and to corrupt and throw all into confusion by -reviving the poison of the ancient heresies.... We pray -that the Lord will give you such a spirit of prudence, of -counsel, and of strength, as will enable you to fence your -Church and the other Churches from this pestilence, and that -you will at the same time take no step that might be held -unbecoming in a Christian magistracy.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The Church of Zürich [of which Bullinger must -have been the reporter], replied at greater length -than that of Berne, or, indeed, any of the other -Churches, going minutely into the question of Servetus’s -opinions, which are pronounced to be at once heretical -and blasphemous. The Ministers of this Church are -particular also in insisting on the propriety of upholding -Calvin in his prosecution of the heretic.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>We trust (say the pastors of Zürich), that the faith and -zeal of Calvin, your pastor, and our brother, his noble devotion -to the refugees and the pious, will not be suffered by you -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_457">457</span> -to be obscured by the unworthy accusations of this man, -against whom, indeed, we think you ought to show the greater -severity, inasmuch as our Churches have the evil reputation -abroad of countenancing heretics, and even of favouring heresy. -But the holy providence of God, they proceed, waxing in -fervour, presents you at this moment with an opportunity of -clearing yourselves as well as us, from such injurious imputations, -if you but resolve to show yourselves vigilant, and well -disposed to prevent the further spread of the poison. We -do not doubt, indeed, that your Excellencies will act in this -wise.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Schaffhausen was content to subscribe to all that -had been said by Zürich (whose conclusion, consequently, -had been communicated to it); but could not -resist insinuating how it thought the Spaniard should -be dealt with.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>We do not doubt (say its Ministers) that you, with commendable -prudence, will so repress this attempt of Servetus, -that his blasphemies shall not be suffered to eat like a gangrene -into the limbs of Christ. To use lengthy reasonings with -a view to free him from his errors, would but be to rave with -a madman.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The pastors of the Church of Basle [with Sulzer -as reporter], the last consulted, are rejoiced to see -Servetus in the hands of the magistrates of Geneva; -feeling persuaded that they will not be wanting either -in saintly zeal or Christian prudence, in finding a remedy -for an evil that has already led to the ruin of -vast numbers of souls. The theological culpability of -the man is also much aggravated in their opinion by -the obstinacy and insolence with which he persists in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_458">458</span> -his errors, instead of yielding to the reflections which -imprisonment and the instructions of the pastors of -Geneva ought to have led him to make.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>We exhort you, therefore (they conclude), to use, as it -seems you are disposed to do, all the means at your command -to cure him of his errors, and so to remedy the scandals he -has occasioned; or, otherwise, does he show himself incurably -anchored in his perverse opinions, to constrain him, as is your -duty, by the powers you have from God, in such a way that -henceforth he shall not continue to disquiet the Church of -Christ, and so make the end worse than the beginning. The -Lord will surely grant you his spirit of wisdom and of -strength to this end.</p></blockquote> - -<p>We thus see that the Churches, whilst they all agree -in condemning, refrain from declaring in precise terms -the kind of punishment they would have awarded the -prisoner—they do not in so many words say they -would have him put to death; but finding him guilty -of heresy and blasphemy, they knew that by the law of -the land he must die. Condemning him unequivocally, -therefore, for his theological views, they, in fact, pronounce -his doom. To have done so directly, would -have been trenching on the rights of the Council of -Geneva, by whom, under the circumstances, a covert -wish was sure to be better taken than an open recommendation. -And let us not overlook the base and -selfish motive that underlies the severity counselled: -by putting the heretical Spaniard to death, the Swiss -Churches will free themselves from the imputation of -favouring heresy! -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_459">459</span></p> - -<p>So much for the conclusions and implied wishes of -the Ministers. The Magistrates of the cities consulted, -differ but little, if at all, from their Clergy. -The Council of Berne express a hope that their brothers -of Geneva will not allow the wickedness and evil -intentions of their prisoner to make further head, all -he says being so manifestly opposed to the Christian -religion, which they think it must be his purpose to -vilipend and do what in him lies to exterminate. -They, therefore, ‘entreat the Senate of Geneva so to -comport themselves—and they do not question their -inclination in this—that such sectaries and disseminators -of error as their prisoner shall no longer be suffered -to sow in the Church of Christ.’</p> - -<p>The reply of Berne is said by Calvin to have had -greater influence on the Judges of Servetus than that of -any of the other Councils. Geneva had oftener than -once in former years been indebted to Berne for assistance -in her straits, and still continued, to a considerable -extent, under the influence of the Canton that was looked -up to as Chief in the Swiss Confederation. The Magistrates -of Berne, moreover, were more outspoken, -perhaps, than those of any of the other Cantons.</p> - -<p>But we discover, after all, that neither the Churches -nor Councils were acting independently and of knowledge -self-acquired of the business. The Clergy were -dominated by Calvin, the Councils by the Clergy; -and there appears to have been collusion and concert -among the reporters both of the Churches and Senates. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_460">460</span></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Yesterday (September 26), (writes Haller of Berne, to -Bullinger of Zürich) we received the documents in the case of -Servetus, and have since been studying them in view of our -reply. But we should like to know what your answer is -before we send ours. We therefore entreat you immediately to -inform us of its tenor. Yet wherefore so much ado! the man -is a heretic, and the Church must get rid of him. Let me, -however, I beseech you, speedily know the conclusion you -have come to.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The Zürich pastor would seem to have been the -most active of all the ministers in collecting and imparting -information of a kind that would lead to unanimity -of conclusion among the Churches and Councils. -His friend, Ambrose Blaurer, acknowledging receipt -of a letter from him communicating the decision of -Zürich, says that he ‘had thought the pestilent Servetus, -whose book he had read twenty years ago, must -long since have been dead and buried.’ But the self-righteous -man must add further: ‘We are surely tried -by heresies and satanic abortions of the sort, in order -that they who are steadfast in the faith may be made -known.’ Sulzer of Basle has also been primed by him -of Zürich, for, in reply to the intimation he has received -of what has been done, he says that he, Sulzer, ‘is -rejoiced to have heard of the arrest of Servetus in a -quarter where it seems he may be effectually kept -from infecting the Church with his heretical dogmas -in time to come; although I know there be some who -are violently opposed to Calvin’s proceedings, and the -subserviency of the Senate in the business.’ -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_461">461</span></p> - -<p>So much for the Churches and Councils of the Cantons -consulted; and how little the latter were disposed -to act, or, indeed, were capable of acting of themselves, -and on their own appreciation of the questions submitted -to them, is made manifest by the letter which Haller -wrote to Bullinger at this time:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>I have to give you my best thanks, dear Sir and Brother, -for your diligence in communicating with the Genevese [and, -of course, with the Bernese also] so speedily. Our Council -have been of the same mind as yours in their reply. We, <i>as -ordered by them</i>, have exposed the principal errors of Servetus, -article by article. When our Councillors had been made -aware of their nature, they were so horror-struck, that I have -no doubt, had the writer been in prison here, he would have -been burned alive. But as the matters in question were very -little intelligible to them, they desired that I should reply in -a letter as from myself to the Council of Geneva. They -added, however, from themselves, that they exhorted the -Genevese so to deal with the poison that it should not, by -any negligence of theirs, be suffered to spread to neighbouring -districts; and, indeed, it has often happened that commotions -in Geneva have extended from its walls and got footing within -ours. I think I need not send you a copy of our reply, as it -agrees so entirely in every respect with your own.</p> - -<p class="author"> -Yours most truly,<br /> -<span class="smcap">J. Haller</span>.</p> - -<p>Berne: October 19, 1553.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The Churches and Councils consulted, then, were -at one in their condemnation of Servetus. But it has -been presumed that ecclesiastical conclusion and innuendo -backed by civilian assent, might still have failed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_462">462</span> -to bring matters to the issue aimed at by the prosecution, -had not political considerations intervened to complicate -and sway judicial action. We are ready enough -to believe that there was so much common sense in -the Senate of Geneva, and such a feeling of the impossibility -of attaining to absolute certainty in questions -of dogmatic theology, that they were even more -indisposed than they plainly show themselves to have -been to come to a final decision in the case of their -prisoner. But to assume that political considerations -had the lead in the condemnation of Servetus, would, -we venture to think, be a great mistake. To remove -the prosecution from the sphere of theology to that of -policy, were to take from it its chief interest and significance. -But the arrest was made, the trial was begun, -and the sentence was delivered exclusively on theological -grounds. The political element that got mixed -up with the business, was no more than an accident, and -cannot truly be said to have influenced the judgment -finally given. The four Swiss cantonal Councils and -Churches which condemned Servetus, condemned him -on theological grounds alone; they knew little or nothing -of the political strife that agitated Geneva, and -were not swayed by it in their decision.</p> - -<p>Servetus himself, ill-advised and misled by those -who had access to him, fully persuaded of the truth of -his opinions, and relying on their consonance with -Scripture, as he read it, may be said to have left his -Judges one way only out of the difficult and delicate -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_463">463</span> -position in which they found themselves; and this was -by finding him guilty of the theological errors laid to -his charge. He appeared to be opposed not only to -every religious principle as known to them, and as -understood alike by Catholics and Protestants, but he -had used such objectionable language in speaking of -subjects held so sacred as the Trinity and the Baptism -of Infants, that even the most tolerant in the present -day would find it inexcusable; how much less warrantable -must it have appeared amid the universally prevalent -intolerance of three centuries ago! Nevertheless, it -may be that the mind of every member of the Council -had not yet been made up as to the <i>degree</i> of the prisoner’s -guiltiness, or even granting him guilty of everything -imputed to him, that he, therefore, deserved to -die; and die he must if they so declared him.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>All the grounds for a definitive decree being before -the Court on their meeting of the 23rd, we must -presume that the sense of the members generally as -to the guiltiness of the prisoner had been ascertained, -and that the opinion of the majority to this effect was -only not formulated and pronounced because of the -absence of some of the leading Councillors—that of -Amied Perrin, the first Syndic, being particularly remarked. -An adjournment was therefore moved; but -to afford no further excuse for delay in bringing the -protracted business of the Servetus Trial to an end, -summonses for a special session on the 26th were -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_464">464</span> -ordered to be issued. Doubtful of the decision, as -it might seem, and anxious for delay in consequence -of the tenor of the letters from the Churches, Perrin -had absented himself from the meeting of the 23rd, -through indisposition, as he said himself, through -<i>feigned</i> indisposition, according to Calvin, as we learn -from a letter of his to his friend Farel of the 26th, -in which he speaks of his great political antagonist -by the derisive title of <i>Cæsar comicus</i>. Meantime, -the members of the Court present determined to -proceed to the gaol, and inform the prisoner of their -purpose to have him before them with the least possible -delay, to hear their final award. Before taking their -leave, and as if to intimate to the unhappy Servetus -what was to follow, they placed him under the care -of two special warders, who were to hold themselves -responsible with their lives for his safe custody.</p> - -<p>The unusual visit of his Judges, and the additional -guard set over him must, we should imagine, have -sent a chill to the heart of the unfortunate Servetus, -and gone far to damp out the hope he had been -led to entertain either of acquittal or a sentence short -of that which he knew Calvin had made up his mind -from the first to extort. Yet does he not appear even -now to have thought it possible that his Judges would -condemn him to death. Self-conscious rectitude alone, -and a better belief than it deserved in the world’s will -to do justly and mercifully, had blinded him to the fate -that awaited him. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_465">465</span></p> - -<p>During the three days’ pause that now ensued, some -faint show of sympathy for the prisoner was manifested -outside the walls of the Council chamber; but it came -from no one of weight or standing in the Republic. -Zebedee, the pastor of Noyon, a known opponent of -Calvin on some of his theological tenets, and Gribaldo, -an Italian by birth, by profession a lawyer, now a refugee -from his home for conscience’ sake, were bold -enough to proffer something in his behalf; Gribaldo -even going so far as to defend certain of his conclusions, -and having a word to say in favour of toleration. But -he was not backed by the congregation of his countrymen, -domiciled in Geneva, so that the move he made -had no result. The show of opposition on the part of -the Italian to his sovereign will and pleasure was not, -however, forgotten by Calvin. Denounced by him at -a later period for irregularity of some sort, in contravention -of consistorial law, Gribaldo found it advisable -for safety’s sake to quit Geneva.</p> - -<p>Still there were not wanting many, both laymen -and clerics, natives of Geneva, as well as refugees, devoutly -attached to Calvinistic doctrines, who showed a -lively repugnance to pushing matters the length of -capital punishment in cases of heresy; the instinctive -feeling of all pointing to this as the conclusion aimed at -by the prosecution. For Reformers—heretics themselves -in the eyes of the dominant European Church—to -have recourse to measures that appeared in such an -odious light when brought into requisition by Roman -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_466">466</span> -Catholics, seemed illogical, unwarrantable, and dangerous. -But the number who raised their voices in this -direction was small. The prisoner was not an object -of interest to the Libertine party in general; a stranger -in Geneva, he was in some sort the particular puppet -of Perrin and Berthelier, rather than the representative -of a principle. Even to the leaders he was nothing -more than a counter in the political game of the day. -In a word, and in so far as anything was known about -him to the public, the man entertained extraordinary, -and what seemed blasphemous opinions on religion, -as they had learned to understand the word, and -so must be a wicked and worthless person, who might -safely be left to be dealt with by the ministers and -civil authorities in the way they judged best.</p> - -<p>Calvin, at this momentous juncture, maintained an -attitude of entire confidence as to the pending decision. -He had been informed of the tenor of the letters received -from the Swiss cities; and, aware of their uniform -agreement in the theological culpability of Servetus, -he could rely on the effect this must produce on -the minds of the Judges. He seems even to have -thought it unnecessary any longer to exert the special -influence he could always bring to bear on any question -in debate before the Council—he refrained from -preaching against the prisoner and holding him up as -a blasphemer against God and religion, as had been -his wont.</p> - -<p><i>October 26.</i>—The Council, in its capacity of High -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_467">467</span> -Court of Criminal Justice, solemnly convoked for -this day, was well attended, though not quite complete -as to numbers; Amied Perrin, cured of his indisposition, -presiding.</p> - -<p>The Governing Body of the Republic of Geneva -consisted, as we have seen, of two extreme and mutually -opposed parties—the Libertines, or patriots, and -the Clericals, or abettors of Calvin and theocratic rule. -Each of these had representatives in the Council whose -voices could be implicitly relied on. But—as in all -general assemblies that ever came together, there are -still found a certain number of neutrals or waverers, -men of no strong convictions one way or another; too -weak in some cases to rely on themselves and act -independently; too strong in others to be led by any -convictions but their own, whose votes could make -the balance incline one way or another, so were they -not wanting in the Council of Geneva at this time. -Now, in the fateful meeting of October 26, it was observed -that several of the most constant opponents of -Calvin had absented themselves, whilst not one of his -regular supporters failed to appear.</p> - -<p>The resolution to be come to was delicate, on -matters unfamiliar, and apt to excite the scruples of the -conscientious and timid. It was the life of no brutal -offender against person or property, no criminal, in -fact, save by construction, that was in debate, but -that of a scholar of varied accomplishments, against -whom no social delinquency had been charged, or, if -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_468">468</span> -charged, which had not been rebutted, and fallen to the -ground. Yet was this man accused of heresy and -blasphemy against God and religion, not only by the -distinguished head of the Church of Geneva and its -other ministers, but was now found guilty of these -theological crimes, involving, as they were said to do, -disruption of the entire social fabric, by every one -of the Confederate Churches and Councils consulted. -What, forsooth, could be urged in behalf of him who -had spoken of the Trinity as a three-headed monster, -comparable to the hell-dog of the heathen poets, and -declared the Baptism of Infants to be an invention -of the devil?</p> - -<p>And then, and yet more, it was not by the Reformed -Churches only that the prisoner had been -challenged for heresy, and found guilty; he had been -tried and convicted on this ground by their neighbours -the Roman Catholics of Vienne, been burned in -effigy by them along with his books, and only escaped -burning in person by breaking from his prison. The -Genevese, moreover, had been frequently reproached -as well by papists as by professors of other forms of -Christianity akin to their own, with laxity in matters -of doctrine, and even called abettors of heresy and -shelterers of heretics; and they had, indeed, been invaded -of late by a host of individuals fleeing for their -lives, through entertaining all manner of new and -hitherto unheard-of opinions on religion.</p> - -<p>Weary on every side of wranglings upon subjects -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_469">469</span> -they did not understand, the clerical party in the -Senate would not be thought less than zealous for the -true Faith—the Faith which was their own; whilst the -more timid of their adversaries sought excuse and escape -from responsibility by absenting themselves at the -moment the vote must be given on the guilt or innocence -of the prisoner. But everything at the moment -conspired to associate theological dissidence with social -criminality, and to make of the independent critic of -particular religious dogmas the enemy of all religion.</p> - -<p>In the light, therefore, in which Servetus was regarded, -his cause was not seen as one through which, -in the event of a decision in his favour, the Liberal -party in the Council of Geneva might hope to find -greater freedom to lead their lives in the way they -listed; neither, through a sentence adverse to him, was -it one through which they foresaw that the iron hand -of Calvin would be made either lighter or heavier -than it was. There were, in fact, more reasons for -letting Calvin have his way here than for opposing -him—for suffering Servetus to burn, than for saving -his life. The Council had been hard upon the Reformer -of late, and were not disposed to quarrel with -him in a matter that had but a remote connection with -their domestic concerns. Backed as their great theologian -was by the Swiss Churches, they believed that -they might safely and with propriety now show themselves -on his side, by condemning the heretic to -death. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_470">470</span></p> - -<p>The meeting of the Court on the 26th, then, not so -fully attended as we have said by the usual opponents -of Calvin as by his supporters, had to face the painful -duty of pronouncing sentence on their prisoner at last. -A resolution finding him guilty of the charges alleged, -and so deserving of death, must now have -been moved by one of the members—by whom we -are not informed—for we find it immediately met, on -the part of Perrin, by a counter-resolution, declaring -him not guilty. Perrin, we must presume, maintained -that the charges were not of a nature that fell properly -under their cognisance as a Court of Criminal Justice. -Nothing had been brought home to the prisoner that -showed him to be a disturber of the public peace, and -so came within the sphere of what he held to be their -proper jurisdiction. Perrin must, therefore, have argued -that the Court could only pronounce him not guilty. -But this would plainly have been to stultify the whole -of their proceedings during the last two months and -more. The Court, by the laws of the country, was -competent in causes of every complexion, and the -prosecution had proceeded from the first on the ground -of theological criminality. The proposition of the -First Syndic, consequently, could not be entertained, -but was rejected as a matter of course. Perrin then -moved that the cause should be remitted to the -Council of the Two Hundred. But this proposal was -also negatived: the General Council in its capacity of -Criminal Court, could not waive its right of decision in -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_471">471</span> -a case in which its competence was recognised, and -such ample pains had been taken to get at the merits -of the case. Perrin must then, doubtless, have pleaded -for some punishment short of the extreme penalty of -death awarded to the heretic by the law of the land. -This last effort failing like the others, and the Records -of the Court giving no intimation of any further -motion in favour of the prisoner, the following -resolution was moved, and by a majority of votes -adopted:</p> - -<p>‘Having a summary of the process against the -prisoner, Michael Servetus, and the reports of the -parties consulted before us, it is hereby resolved, and, -in consideration of his great errors and blasphemies, -decreed, that he be taken to Champel, and there burned -alive; that this sentence be carried into effect on the -morrow, and that his books be burned with him.’<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a></p> - -<p>The sentence once resolved on, appears to have been -immediately communicated to Calvin, and he in the -same hour proceeded to inform his most intimate friend -Farel of the result. In anticipation of the event, he -had, indeed, written to Farel some days before, begging -him to come to Geneva. The clergy of the city having -acted with Calvin to a man in the prosecution, it was -thought more seemly that a stranger should attend the -prisoner in his last moments, than one of themselves; -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_472">472</span> -hence Calvin’s first letter of October 14, in anticipation -of the final sentence, and to the following effect:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>I have no words, my dear Farel, adequately to express my -thanks to you for your great solicitude in respect of ourself -and our Church. I purposely abstained from writing to you -for fear of inducing you to take horse so soon (Farel had -been dangerously ill), and I would not be troublesome to you -until time pressed. You say, indeed, that you do not thank -me for sparing you; and I know how willing, nay, how eager -you are at all times to labour for the Church of God, how -ready ever to come to our aid.</p> - -<p>As to the state of affairs with us, I imagine you are already -well informed, through Viret, or rather through my letters to -him, which, however, were really meant for you both in common. -The enemy is now intent on the business that -comes on for discussion before the General Council about the -Ides of November, and I think it would be well were Viret to -come to us then; but I would have you here somewhat sooner—about -the time when the affair of Servetus will be drawing to -a close; and this I hope will be before the end of the ensuing -week.... I would not, however, incommode you, or have -you stir, where no immediate necessity compels.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Farel had not arrived so soon as Calvin expected, -so he writes again on the 26th, and informs his friend that -answers had been received from the Churches unanimous -in their condemnation of Servetus. Alluding to the -proceedings during the last few days of the trial, when -Perrin, the First Syndic, made vain attempts by delay -and entreaty to save the prisoner’s life, Calvin speaks -of the merciful man by the nickname under which he -was wont to characterise his great Libertine opponent, -and says: -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_473">473</span></p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Our comical Cæsar having feigned illness for three days, -mounted the tribune at length with a view to aid the wicked -scoundrel—<i>istum sceleratum</i>—to escape punishment. Nor did -he blush to demand that the cause might be remitted to the -Council of the Two Hundred. But in vain, all was refused, -the prisoner was condemned, and to-morrow he will suffer -death.</p></blockquote> - -<p>Self-centred, resolute as he was, we yet see in -Calvin’s anxiety to have Farel beside him, that he felt -the want of such support as an all-devoted friend alone -can give in supreme moments of our lives. His last -letter could not have reached Farel in such time as -would have enabled him to be in Geneva on the day -of the execution; but when it was despatched Farel -was already on his way from Neuchatel, and reached -Geneva in the evening of the 26th, so that he had the -news of all that had taken place, and of the fate that -awaited the unhappy Servetus on the morrow, from the -mouth of Calvin himself. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_474">474</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE ATTITUDE OF CALVIN—THE HOPES OF SERVETUS.</p> - -<p>Informed of the decree of the Court, Calvin tells us -that he bestirred himself to have the sentence carried -out in the way usual in criminal cases, by beheading -with the sword, instead of burning by slow fire. The -heretic must be got rid of, he must die, but the Reformer -would give a civil rather than an ecclesiastical -complexion to the business, and escape imitation of the -Roman Catholic cruel mode of putting God’s enemies, -as heretics were called, to death. The Council, however, -did not enter into his views. The Canon Law, -still in force over Europe, condemned the convicted -heretic to death by fire, and the majority of the Court -determined to abide by the statute as it stood. Bigotry -and intolerance, fanned to fever heat, were in the ascendant, -and would forego none of their most terrible -means of punishing the offender, and striking terror -into the vulgar mind. The oblation in such cases provided, -would even have appeared to lose its significance, -had it been presented otherwise than as ‘a sacrifice of -a sweet savour made by fire to the Lord’; for still influenced -by the ritual of the old Hebrew Law, which, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_475">475</span> -in earlier days, required the first-born of man and -beast for the altar, and had criminals of all sorts ‘hung -up before the sun,’ lives forfeited for theological errors, -were, in reality, offerings to appease the wrath or win -the favour of the Supreme!</p> - -<p>Servetus, meanwhile, made aware that the trial was -at an end, and that nothing more remained for him but -to learn his fate, though he may have been alarmed -by the additional measures taken for his safe custody, -seems not yet, as we have said, to have abandoned the -persuasion that he would either be acquitted or subjected -to some minor or merely nominal penalty. He -was not conscience-stricken; he knew himself guilty of -no impiety or intentional blasphemy; his object from -first to last had been to present what he thought were -higher, truer views of the Revelation which he believed -God had made of himself to mankind in the olden time -in Judæa; and the proclaimed purpose of his latest -work, as he said himself to his Judges, was the <i>Restoration</i>, -not the destruction of Christianity. More than -this: he was not now among Papists bound to intolerance -by their creed, but among Protestants in Geneva—the -stronghold of free thought and its necessary logical -adjunct, toleration; among men who had studied, -reasoned, and, like himself, put their own construction -on writings which he as well as they believed to be the -Word of God. And then, had he not all along been -upheld by Perrin and Berthelier, in the belief of triumphing -over his persecutor? How should hopes of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_476">476</span> -longer life in view of further effort in the cause that -was dear to him, and of freedom to shape out thoughts -on matters high and holy, have forsaken him? True, -Calvin had aimed at his life through the people of -Vienne; and in his present bonds, and all the unworthy -usage he suffered, he could not fail to realise the persistent -hostility of the man who held him in such despite. -Still he was in Geneva, though a prisoner, and -Calvin was not all in all within that Republican city. -There was a powerful party opposed to the tyranny and -self-assertion of the ecclesiastic, the distinguished heads -of which gave him their countenance and support—there -seemed hardly room for doubt: he would not be -found guilty of having blasphemed, but would be acquitted -and set at liberty.</p> - -<p>Cherishing such hopes and so supported, are we to -wonder that the Sentence of Death took the unhappy -Servetus entirely by surprise? Only imparted to him -in the early morning of the day on which he was -doomed to die, he was at first as if struck dumb by the -intelligence. He did but groan aloud and sigh as if his -heart would burst; and when he recovered speech at -length, it was only to rave like one demented, to strike -his breast, and cry in his native Spanish, Misericordia, -Misericordia! By degrees, however, he recovered his -self-possession and became more calm. Master of himself, -and reverting in thought to his pursuer, his first -coherent words were to request an interview with -Calvin, which he, we need not doubt, was nowise slow -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_477">477</span> -to grant, for he must have thought it both a flattering -and a hopeful proposal. Now had the sinner come to -his senses; now would he make a clean breast of it, -abjure the convictions of his life, and with a lie on -his lips be made meet for glory! But nothing of all -this was in the mind of Servetus. He had no misgivings -about his theological conclusions; in these he -was securely anchored; but he felt like a true man in -the face of impending fate, and would own that he had -not comported himself with all the respect that was -rightfully due to his theological opponent. Hence his -request for the interview.</p> - -<p>Accompanied by two of the Councillors, Calvin entered -the prison an hour or two before noon of the -fateful October 27, 1553, and prefacing the account he -has left us of what transpired at the meeting, by saying -that Servetus had received the notice of his sentence -and impending doom with a ‘sort of brutish -stupidity—<i>cum belluina stupiditate</i>,’ he proceeds: ‘I -asked him what he wanted with me—<i>quidnam vellet?</i> -To which he replied, that he desired to ask my pardon.’ -I then said that I had never prosecuted anyone -on merely personal grounds; that I had admonished -him with all the gentleness I could command as -many as sixteen years ago, and not without danger to -my own life had spared no pains to cure him of his -errors. But all in vain! my expostulations appeared -rather to excite his bile. Quitting speech of myself, -however, I then desired him rather to ask pardon of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_478">478</span> -the Eternal God, towards whom he had shown himself -but too contumelious, presuming, as he had done, -to take from his Essence the three hypostases that -pertain to it; and saying that were it possible to -show a personal distinction between the Father, Son, -and Holy Ghost, we should have a three-headed Cerberus -for a God; with much beside that need not now -be repeated. Seeing, ere long, that all I said went for -nothing, and feeling indisposed to trespass on the time -of the Magistrates, or to appear something more than -my Master, in obedience to the precept of Paul, I took -my leave of the heretic, αὐτοκατάκριτος—self-condemned.<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a></p> - -<p>But there is a deep-lying truth in the French -adage: ‘Qui s’excuse s’accuse—<i>he who excuses accuses -himself</i>.’ The first impulse of the tolerant Servetus, -on coming to his senses, was to ask pardon of the man -who had brought him to his death; the first impulse -of the implacable Calvin was to apologise for his deed, -and to shift to a sense of public duty, a course to which -his secret soul informed him he had been mainly -prompted by private hate. Nor is that which Calvin -connects with his apology, when he speaks of having -imperilled his life for Servetus’s sake, to be received -as true in fact. That he would have braved any -danger that might have accompanied the public discussion -of their opinions proposed by Servetus in -1534, we can well believe; but he was not required -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_479">479</span> -to face it, and all their subsequent correspondence, -private and confidential as it was, could have been -attended with peril neither to him nor Servetus—or -if to either it must have been to Servetus had he -been discovered in correspondence with the arch-heretic -of Geneva. We can hardly imagine Calvin to have -been so totally devoid of humanity as to have felt no -compunctious visitings when he stood face to face with -the man whom his persistent enmity alone had brought -to such a pass; but he would also have been other -than he meets us in history, and otherwise circumstanced -than he was as αὐτοκράτωρ—despot of Geneva—had -he not felt something of self-gratulation and -even of triumph, when pardon was asked of him by -his humbled foe. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_480">480</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII.</h2> - -<p class="center">THE SENTENCE AND EXECUTION.</p> - -<p>An hour before noon of October 27, 1553, the -‘Lieutenant Criminel,’ Tissot, accompanied by other -officials and a guard, entered the gaol, and ordered the -prisoner to come with them, and learn the pleasure of -My Lords the Councillors and Justices of Geneva.</p> - -<p>The tribunal, in conformity with custom, now assembled -before the porch of the Hotel de Ville, received -the prisoner, all standing. The proper officer -then proceeded to recapitulate the heads of the process -against him, Michael Servetus, of Villanova, in the -Kingdom of Aragon, in Spain, in which he is charged—</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p><i>First</i>: with having, between twenty-three and twenty-four -years ago, caused to be printed at Hagenau, in Germany, a -book against the Holy Trinity, full of blasphemies, to the -great scandal of the Churches of Germany, the book having -been condemned by all their doctors, and he, the writer, forced -to fly that country. <i>Item.</i> With having, in spite of this, not -only persisted in his errors and infected many with them, -but with having lately had another book clandestinely printed -at Vienne in Dauphiny, filled with the like heresies and execrable -blasphemies against the Holy Trinity, the Son of God, -the Baptism of Infants, and other sacred doctrines, the foundations -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_481">481</span> -of the Christian religion. <i>Item.</i> With having in the -said book called all who believe in a Trinity, Tritheists, and -even Atheists, and the Trinity itself a dæmon or monster -having three heads. <i>Item.</i> With having blasphemed horribly, -and said that Jesus Christ was not the Son of God from all -Eternity, but only became so from his Incarnation; that he -is not the Son of David according to the flesh, but was created -of the substance of God, having received three of his constituent -elements from God, and one only from the Virgin Mary, -whereby he wickedly proposed to abolish the true and entire -humanity of Jesus Christ. <i>Item.</i> With declaring the Baptism -of Infants to be sorcery and a diabolical invention. <i>Item.</i> With -having uttered other blasphemies, with which the book in -question is full, all alike against the Majesty of God, the Son -of God, and the Holy Ghost, to the ruin of many poor souls, -betrayed and desolated by such detestable doctrines. <i>Item.</i> -With having, full of malice, entitled the said book, though -crammed with heresies against the holy evangelical doctrine, -‘Christianismi Restitutio—the Restoration of Christianity,’ the -better to deceive and seduce poor ignorant folks, poisoning -them all the while they fancied they were sitting in the shadow -of sound doctrine. <i>Item.</i> With attacking our faith by letters -as well as by his book, and saying to one of the ministers of -this city that our holy evangelical doctrine is a religion -without faith, and indeed without God, we having a Cerberus -with three heads, for our God. <i>Item.</i> For having perfidiously -broken and escaped from the prison of Vienne, where he had -been confined because of the wicked and abominable opinions -confessed in his book. <i>Item.</i> For continuing obstinate in his -opinions, not only against the true Christian religion, but, as -an arrogant innovator and inventor of heresies against Popery, -which led to his being burned in effigy at Vienne, along with -five bales of his book. <i>Item.</i> And in addition to all of which, -being confined in the gaol of this city, he has not ceased -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_482">482</span> -maliciously to persist in the aforesaid wicked and detestable -errors, attempting to maintain them, with calumnious abuse of -all true Christians, faithful followers of the immaculate Christian -religion, calling them Tritheists, Atheists, and Sorcerers, -in spite of the remonstrances made to him in Germany, as -said, and in contempt of the reprehensions and corrections -he has received, and the imprisonment he has undergone as -well here as elsewhere.</p> - -<p>Now, we the Syndics and Judges in criminal cases within -this city, having reviewed the process carried on before us, at -the instance of our Lieutenant having charge of such cases, -against thee, Michael Servetus of Villanova, in the Kingdom -of Aragon, in Spain, whereby guided, and by thy voluntary -confessions made before us, many times repeated, as well as by -thy books produced before us, we decree and determine that -thou, Michael Servetus, hast, for a long time, promulgated false -and heretical doctrine, and, rejecting all remonstrance and -correction, hast, maliciously, perversely, and obstinately, continued -disseminating and divulging, even by the printing of -books, blasphemies against God the Father, the Son, and the -Holy Ghost, in a word, against the whole foundations of -the Christian religion, thereby seeking to create schism and -trouble in the Church of God, many souls, members of which -may have been ruined and lost—horrible and dreadful thing, -scandalous and contaminating in thee, thou, having no shame -nor horror in setting thyself up in all against the Divine -Majesty and the Holy Trinity, and having further taken pains -to infect, and given thyself up obstinately to continue infecting -the world with thy heresies and stinking heretical poison -(<i>tes heresies et puante poyson hereticale</i>)—case and crime of -heresy grievous and detestable, deserving of severe corporal -punishment.</p> - -<p>These and other just causes moving us, desiring to purge -the Church of God of such infection, and to cut off from it so -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_483">483</span> -rotten a member, we, sitting as a Judicial Tribunal in the seat -of our ancestors, with the entire assent of the General Council -of the State, and our fellow-citizens, calling on the name of -God to deliver true judgment, having the Holy Scriptures -before us, and saying: In the name of the Father, Son, and -Holy Ghost, we now pronounce our final sentence and condemn -thee, Michael Servetus, to be bound and taken to Champel, -and there being fastened to a stake, to be burned alive, along -with thy books, printed as well as written by thy hand, until -thy body be reduced to ashes. So shall thy days end, and -thou be made an example to others who would do as thou -hast done. And we command you, our Lieutenant, to see -this our sentence carried forthwith into execution.</p></blockquote> - -<p>The staff, according to custom, was then broken -over the prisoner, and there was silence for a moment.</p> - -<p>The terrible sentence pronounced, the pause that -followed was first broken by Servetus; not to sue for -mercy against the final award, from which he knew there -was no appeal, but to entreat that the manner of carrying -it out might be commuted for one less dreadful. ‘He -feared,’ he said, ‘that through excess of suffering he -might prove faithless to himself, and belie the convictions -of his life. If he had erred, it was in ignorance; -he was so constituted mentally and morally as to desire -the glory of God, and had always striven to abide by -the teachings of the Scriptures.’ The appeal to the -humanity of the Judges, however, met with no response. -Farel, indeed, who was present, interposed, telling him -that to obtain any favour he should begin by acknowledging -and showing contrition for his errors. But he -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_484">484</span> -gave no heed to this, and went on to say that ‘he had -done nothing to deserve death; he prayed God, -nevertheless, to forgive his enemies and persecutors.’ -Rising from the suppliant attitude he had assumed, he -exclaimed, ‘O God, save my soul; O Jesu, Son of the -eternal God, have compassion upon me!’</p> - -<p>From the porch of the Hotel de Ville, where the -sentence was delivered, a solemn procession was now -formed for Champel, the place of execution, passing by -the Rue St. Antoine, and leaving the city by the corresponding -gate: the ‘Lieutenant Criminel,’ and other -officers on horseback, a guard of archers surrounding -the prisoner and Farel, who accompanied him on his -death walk, and did not cease from efforts to wring -from him an avowal of his errors. But in vain; he -had no answer other than broken ejaculations and invocations -on the name of God. ‘Is there no word in -your mouth but the name of God?’ said Farel. ‘On -whom can I now call but on God?’ said the unhappy -Servetus. ‘Have you no last words for anyone—for -wife or child, perhaps, if you have either?’ said the -well-meaning pastor; but he met with no reply; though -when admonished to do so, the doomed man made no -difficulty about asking the people to join him in his -prayers. This gave Farel an opportunity to say to -the crowd, ‘You see what power Satan has when he has -taken possession of the soul. This is a learned man, -who perhaps even meant to do well; but he fell into -the power of the devil, and the same thing might -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_485">485</span> -happen to any one of you. Though he has said that -you have no God, he yet asks you to join him in his -prayers!’</p> - -<p>But this is not all we have on the last moments of -Servetus. Writing to his friend, Ambrose Blaurer, soon -after the fatal October 27, Farel says, ‘You ask me -about Servetus, so justly punished by a pious magistracy. -I was at Geneva when the sentence was delivered, -and with him when he died. The wretched -man could not be brought to say that Christ was the -Eternal Son of God. When I urged him on the -subject, he desired me to point to a single place in the -Scriptures in which Christ is spoken of as the Son of -God before his birth. All that could be done had no -effect in turning him from this error; he said nothing -against what was urged, but went on his way; we -could by no means obtain what we desired, viz., that -he should own his error and acknowledge the truth. -We exhorted, we entreated, but made no impression. -He beat his breast, asked pardon for his faults, invoked -God, confessed his Saviour, and much besides, but -would not acknowledge the Son of God, save in the -man Jesus. Nor was I alone in my exhortations; some -of the brethren also interposed, and admonished him -ingenuously to admit and say that he hated his errors; -but he only replied that he was unjustly condemned to -death. On this I said: “Do you, who have so greatly -sinned, presume to justify yourself? If you go on -thus I shall leave you to the judgment of God, and -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_486">486</span> -accompany you no farther. I meant to exhort the -people to pray for you, hoping you would edify them; -and thought not to leave you till you had rendered your -last breath.” After this he said nothing more of himself, -although when I spoke of the Father, Son, and -Holy Ghost, whom we preach in our churches, and in -whom the faithful believe, he said that it was right and -good to do so; but when I went on to say that he did -not really think thus, and had written otherwise, he -would not admit it. He told me by the way that he -had had some things from a man who enjoyed no small -reputation among some of us. But though I do not -doubt of Erasmus having been infected in no trifling -degree by the writings of the Rabbins, I know that -in his later works at least he expresses himself otherwise -than in those of earlier date. But the unhappy -Servetus could not readily be made to imbibe the truth -and put it to increase; neither could he be cured of his -errors by the sound teaching of others.</p> - -<p>‘It were long did I repeat—I do not think, indeed, -I can remember—all that was said between seven in -the morning and mid-day. In sum, however, although -he made no particular confession of his faith, God hindered -his name and doctrine from being impugned by -any open contumelious expression.’</p> - -<p>When he came in sight of the fatal pile, the -wretched Servetus prostrated himself on the ground, -and for a while was absorbed in prayer. Rising and -advancing a few steps, he found himself in the hands -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_487">487</span> -of the executioner, by whom he was made to sit on a -block, his feet just reaching the ground. His body -was then bound to the stake behind him by several turns -of an iron chain, whilst his neck was secured in like -manner by the coils of a hempen rope. His two books—the -one in manuscript sent to Calvin in confidence six -or eight years before for his strictures, and a copy of -the one lately printed at Vienne—were then fastened to -his waist, and his head was encircled in mockery with a -chaplet of straw and green twigs bestrewed with brimstone. -The deadly torch was then applied to the -faggots and flashed in his face; and the brimstone -catching, and the flames rising, wrung from the victim -such a cry of anguish as struck terror into the surrounding -crowd. After this he was bravely silent; -but the wood being purposely green, although the -people aided the executioner in heaping the faggots -upon him, a long half-hour elapsed before he ceased to -show signs of life and of suffering. Immediately before -giving up the ghost, with a last expiring effort he cried -aloud: ‘Jesu, Thou Son of the eternal God, have compassion -upon me!’ All was then hushed save the -hissing and crackling of the green wood; and by-and-by -there remained no more of what had been Michael -Servetus but a charred and blackened trunk and a -handful of ashes. So died, in advance of his age, one -of the gifted sons of God, the victim of religious fanaticism -and personal hate. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_488">488</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX.</h2> - -<p class="center">AFTER THE BATTLE—VÆ VICTORIBUS!</p> - -<p>Even before the trial of Servetus had come to an end -we have seen it attracting the attention of some of -the freer minds of Geneva—such as were not over-awed -by the dominant spirit of Calvin or not absorbed -in the political strife of the hour. A criminal suit on -the ground of a new interpretation of Scripture, as it -had been made in fine so clearly to appear, struck reasonable -men not only as illogical but as indefensible in a -city whose autonomy and entire religious system were -founded on a right of the kind assumed by itself. -Calvin’s dictum, that Servetus’s purpose was the overthrow -of all religion, was not seen to be borne out by -the facts of the case when calmly considered, and, to -the popular apprehension, was wholly belied by the -pious bearing of the man in the last hours of his life. -Even Farel, misled as he was by his fanaticism, -could not help saying to the people, that ‘after all the -man may have meant well.’</p> - -<p>The protracted trial at an end, the sacrifice made, -the Councillors of Geneva seem immediately to have -come to their senses, and discovered that they had transgressed -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_489">489</span> -the true limits of their authority in condemning -to death one who owed them no allegiance, who -had been guilty of no crime or misdemeanour whether -within the bounds of their jurisdiction or elsewhere, -and whose heresies implied no rejection of the Scriptures -as the Word of God, or of the teaching of -Christ and his Apostles as the means of salvation. -Servetus’s heresy amounted to no more than repudiation -of what he maintained to be erroneous interpretations -of the language of the Gospels, of metaphysical assumptions -from heathen philosophies, and mystical -procedures unwarranted by a line whether of the Old -or the New Testament. They overlooked the fact -that the presence of the man among them was due to -flight from the fate that waited on all who had the -courage of their opinions amid the blood-stained intolerance -of Roman Catholicism; that he was only -another among the host of refugees—their spiritual -Dictator himself not excepted—who now crowded the -streets of Geneva; and that, but for the hostile interference -of Calvin, he, like so many more, would have -been welcomed as ‘a bird escaped from the net of -the fowler;’ sheltered had he elected to remain, furthered -on his way had he chosen to depart.</p> - -<p>That thoughts of the kind had taken possession of -the Council is proclaimed by the fact of their quashing -the indictment preferred by Farel and the Consistory -against Geroult, Arnoullet’s foreman, three -days after the death of Servetus, on the score of the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_490">490</span> -part he had had in printing the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ -and concealing the character of its contents from -his master. Farel and the clergy in their blind zeal -would have persevered in their efforts to have another -victim. But the civilians interposed. Enough—more -than enough had already been done to satisfy the -outer world that the Genevese, if reputed heretics -themselves, were no favourers of heresy of another -complexion than their own. Left to calm reflection, -the Council may well have come to see that they had -only lent themselves to theological intolerance, when -they imagined they were fulfilling an important part -of their magisterial duties.</p> - -<p>The entire ground, indeed, on which the trial had -been instituted would not bear close scrutiny. The -book, on the presumed publication and dissemination -of which it had been set on foot, had not yet been -seen in Geneva save by Calvin: there was not then -another copy in the city but the one sent, as I believe, -by its hapless author through Frelon to the Reformer. -Neither had the ostensible institutor of the suit, -Nicolas de la Fontaine, the shadow of a grievance -against Michael Servetus, the writer of the book. -He could never have seen it out of Calvin’s hands, he -was almost certainly unacquainted with the language -in which it was written, and, if he were not, he could -still never have read a word of it but at Calvin’s -prompting—he had not, in all probability, even heard -the name of Servetus until he had it from the mouth -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_491">491</span> -of his master! De la Fontaine, moreover, was no -citizen of Geneva any more than Calvin himself<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a>—neither -of them could have had a legal title to prefer -a criminal charge; master and man were aliens alike, -and in Geneva on the same plea as Servetus; they -fleeing for their lives from the Inquisitors and agents -of the concubine of Henry of France, he from the Inquisitor -and Church authorities of Dauphiny.</p> - -<p>More than this. ‘He,’ it is said, ‘who casts the first -stone should be himself without sin.’ Calvin pursued -Servetus to death mainly on the ground of his divergent -interpretation of the Trinitarian mystery. But -was Calvin himself quite sound on this head, and was -he equally hostile to all who called the dogma in -question? We have had him saying that he only -objected to speak of God and Nature as signifying -the same thing, because of the harshness or impropriety -of the expression. But he who so delivers himself -identifies God and the Universe, and excludes -ideas of personality and subdivision in the essence -of the Deity. No wonder, therefore, that Calvin -was oftener than once charged with unorthodoxy from -the Catholic point of view on the subject of the -Trinity. In the Confession of Faith which he formulated -for the Church of Geneva in the year 1536, it -is certain that neither the word Trinity nor the word -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_492">492</span> -Person is to be found;<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> and when challenged at a -later period by Caroli, the colleague of Viret at Lausanne, -on the matter, he did not so express himself as -to satisfy his accuser. In a remarkable note, moreover, -‘On the word Trinity and the word Persons,’ -written apparently to meet the surmises suggested by -the absence of the sacred vocables from the Confession, -Calvin says:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘Inasmuch as these words, ‘Trinity’ and ‘Persons,’ are -found by us to be very serviceable in the Church of Christ, -as by them the true distinction of the Father, Son, and Holy -Spirit is more clearly expressed, and controversial discussions -are better served by their means, we say that we have no such -objection to them as forbids us to receive them from others -or to make use of them ourselves. Therefore, do we again -declare, as we have formerly declared, that we accept the -words, and would not that they ceased to be used in the -Churches. For neither in our expositions of the Scriptures or -when preaching to the people do we shun them; and we -have instructed others [in private]—<i>docebimus alios</i>, that they -should not superstitiously avoid them. Did anyone, however, -from religious scruples, feel indisposed to make use of the -words—although we avow that such superstition is not -approved by us, and we shall continue striving to correct it—still, -this seems no sufficient reason why a man, otherwise -pious and having like religious views as ourselves, should be -rejected. His want of better knowledge in this direction -ought not to carry us the length of casting him out of the -Church, or lead us to conclude that he was therefore altogether -unsound in the faith. Neither, meantime, are we to think -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_493">493</span> -evilly of the Pastors of the Church of Berne, if they refuse to -admit anyone to the ministry who declines to use the words.’<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a></p></blockquote> - -<p>We leave the reader to draw his own conclusions -from this, and only ask him to say, on its showing, -what excuse can be found for Calvin’s deed in burning -Servetus? Scattered throughout the writings of the -Genevese Reformer we encounter many expressions -which prove plainly enough how much against the -grain he finally confessed partition in the unity of God. -‘The first principle to be acknowledged in the Scriptures,’ -he says, ‘is the Being of One God; but as the -same Scriptures speak of a Father, a Son, and a Holy -Ghost, what have we for it—<i>quid aliud restat</i>—but to -own three Persons in the Godhead? These, however,’ -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_494">494</span> -he proceeds in the usual orthodox fashion to say, and in -contradiction to the words first made use of, ‘imply no -plurality of persons, neither do they destroy the essential -unity of God; for where were Quaternity to be found -does the one God comprise in himself three properties—<i>ubi -autem quaternitas reperitur si unus Deus tres in se -proprietates contineat</i>?’<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> Where, indeed! But the -question is of <i>persons</i> not of properties; as in the -affair with Caroli it was of an Eternal Son not of an -Eternal Word.</p> - -<p>In another place we find him using such language -as this: ‘The words of the Council of Nicæa are -these: God of God—a hard expression I admit, for -the removal of the ambiguity of which no better interpreter -can be found than Athanasius, who indited it—<i>Deum -a Deo—dura loquutio fateor, sed ad cujus tollendam -ambiguitatem nemo potest esse magis idoneus -interpres quam Athanasius qui eam dictavit</i>.’</p> - -<p>Elsewhere, though we have omitted to note the -place, he declares that the Athanasian symbol was -never approved by any of the legitimate [i.e. Protestant] -Churches—<i>cujus symbolum nulla unquam legitima -ecclesia approbâsset</i>.’<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> Such writing is surely very -noteworthy. Calvin’s acknowledgment of a Trinity -is neither of his understanding nor his faith; it is enforced -merely and obviously in opposition to the reason -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_495">495</span> -he had from God for his guidance. But Michael -Servetus, whom he sent to a fiery death, not only does -not deny, but expressly, and oftener than once, avows -that he acknowledges a Trinity in the Essence of God. -He, too, found the words Father, Son, and Holy Ghost -in the Scriptures; and, as little disposed as Calvin to -gainsay a word they contain, he actually uses language -the simple sense of which is that precisely under which -Calvin seeks to shield himself; only he employs the -word <i>dispositions</i> instead of <i>properties</i>. Calvin, when -he attempts to reconcile the idea of a Trinity of persons -co-existing with an unity of Being, and does not use -language that contradicts itself, speaks no otherwise -than Servetus, and arrives in fine at the same interpretation -of the Trinitarian Dogma: the <i>persons</i> are -<i>dispositions</i> to the one, <i>properties</i> to the other!</p> - -<p>After the most careful study of the writings of Servetus -we have been able to bestow, we have it forced -upon us that had Calvin been so minded he could from -them, more readily, and far more consistently, have -defended their author as a sincerely pious, though in his -opinion, a much mistaken man in his interpretation of -Christian doctrine, than prosecuted him as the enemy -of all religion, a monster, as he says, made up of mere -impieties and horrible blasphemies! But to the intolerant -bigot, engrossed by his own conceits and -dislikes, all Servetus’s confiding piety was hypocrisy, -his touching prayers mockery, and his eloquence as -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_496">496</span> -becoming in him as a coat of mail to a hog—‘<i>qu’une -jaserame un Truie</i>’(!)</p> - -<p>Nor can Calvin have credit given him for religious -zeal, as the principal, still less as the sole ground for -his prosecution of Servetus. He would condone the -Church of Berne for repudiating him who denied the -Trinitarian mystery, but could not forgive the Spaniard’s -intemperate and disrespectful style of address -to himself. In this lay the prime cause of offence to -the man, accustomed to have all the world bowing -down before him, who was always addressed as ‘<i>Monsieur</i>,’ -not as ‘<i>Maître</i>,’ like the rest of the clergy, and -whose appointments, however modest in our eyes, -equalled those of a dignitary of the Church in neighbouring -lands. One of Nicolas de la Fontaine’s counts -against the man he did not even know, but whom he -arraigned for life or death, is the objectionable language -indulged in towards his pastor; and we have Calvin’s -own words against himself when he says that Servetus’s -‘arrogance, not less than his impiety, led to his -destruction;’ whilst he elsewhere owns, that ‘had -Servetus but been possessed of even a show of modesty -he would not have pursued him so determinedly on -the capital charge.’</p> - -<p>By way of conclusion here, let us observe that -Calvin’s fundamental principle of Election by the -Grace of God ought to have stayed his hand from all -persecution on religious grounds. He is constantly -spoken of as a man possessed of a peculiarly logical -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_497">497</span> -mind. But if it be by the eternal decrees of God that -some are ordained to salvation and some to perdition, -how should Servetus or anyone else come between -God and his purposes? How should the Elect be -prejudiced, or the Reprobate made worse by the act -of man? -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_498">498</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX.</h2> - -<p class="center">CALVIN DEFENDS HIMSELF.</p> - -<p>Dissatisfaction with what had been done appears to -have become general immediately after the execution -of Servetus. It extended beyond the walls of the -Council chamber and found wider expression than in -the arrest of proceedings against Geroult. Ballads -and pasquinades, little complimentary to Calvin and -his party, circulated freely, and were all the more persistently -spread in private if none dared to utter them -in public or sing them in the streets. Calvin himself -acknowledges that fear alone of consequences repressed -for a time any open expression of abhorrence for the -death of Servetus. Certain it is, that before the year -was out, save among friends and obsequious followers, -the act in which he had taken the prominent part came -to be so unfavourably construed that he felt forced -to appear as his own apologist, and in justification -of his deed to proclaim his victim not only a heretic -because of theological dissidence, with which the -people of Geneva were familiar enough and not -always greatly scandalised, but to hold him up as -wholly without religious convictions himself, the open -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_499">499</span> -enemy of all religion in others, the conspirator against -the moral well-being of the world, and the conscience-stricken -craven in face of his impending fate!</p> - -<p>To this task Calvin would seem to have been more -especially incited by Bullinger, who loses no opportunity -of showing himself hostile to Servetus; and even -thinks that ‘were Satan to come back from hell and -take to preaching for pastime, he would make use of -much the same language as Servetus the Spaniard.’<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> -Writing to Calvin at this time, and thinking doubtless -of the growing unpopularity of his friend, Bullinger -says: ‘See to it, dear Calvin, that you give a good account -of Servetus and his end, so that all may have -the beast in horror—<i>ut omnes abhorreant a bestia</i>!’ -To which Calvin replies: ‘If I have but a little leisure -I shall show what a monster he was.’<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a></p> - -<p>Such were the inducements Calvin had for entering -on the apologetic defence of himself through denouncing -the errors, impugning the motives, and blackening the -fame of Servetus to which he now applied himself and -had ready for publication both in French and Latin -early in the year 1554, the title of the French book in -brief being ‘<i>Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foy</i>;’ -that of the Latin, ‘<i>Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei de sacra -Trinitate contra errores Michaelis Serveti, &c.</i>’<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_500">500</span></p> - -<p>In his introduction Calvin informs the reader that -he had ‘not at first thought it necessary to come -forward with any formal refutation of the errors of -Servetus,’ the ponderous absurdity of his ravings appearing -so plainly that he imagined it would be like -winnowing the wind to do so, for there was really no -danger of anyone of sound mind and ordinary understanding -not being found superior to such follies. ‘But -better informed, knowing the poison to be deadly in its -kind, and having regard to the amount of stupidity and -confusion which God, to avenge Himself, inflicts on all -who despise his doctrine, I have felt myself compelled -as it were to take up the pen, and in exposing the errors -of the man to furnish grounds for better conclusions. -When Servetus and his like, indeed, presume to meddle -with the mysteries of religion, it is as if swine came -thrusting their snouts into a treasury of sacred things. -May God pay all with the wages they deserve whose -vicious proclivities lead them to burn after one novelty -or another, which they can no more resist than can the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_501">501</span> -man from scratching who has the itch!—<i>pas plus que -celui qui a la ratelle qui démange</i>.’</p> - -<p>‘The punishment that befel Servetus,’ he continues, -‘is always ascribed to me. I am called a master in -cruelty, and shall now be said to mangle with my pen -the dead body of the man who came to his death at my -hands. And I will not deny that it was at my instance -he was arrested, that the prosecutor was set on by me, -or that it was by me that the articles of inculpation were -drawn up. But all the world knows that since he was -convicted of his heresies I never moved to have him -punished by death. There needs no more than simple -denial from me to rebut the calumnies of the malevolent, -the brainless, the frivolous, the fools, or the dissolute.’</p> - -<p>There is much in what precedes to challenge comment, -and the language, self-condemnatory of the writer -in one respect, if not purposely meant to mislead, is -yet greatly calculated to do so in another. If Servetus’ -teaching was such ponderous folly that it could by no -possibility have any influence in the world, why did Calvin -proceed against him from the first on the capital -charge? It is God, too, who inflicts such stupidity on -mankind as makes the intervention of John Calvin -necessary to set things right; and the denial and vituperative -epithets at the end of the paragraph last quoted -do not cover an obvious intention on his part to have -the reader conclude that he had had nothing to do with -the doom which befel the Spaniard. But Calvin knew -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_502">502</span> -that by the law of Geneva the convicted heretic must -die; and he had written to his friend Farel on August -20, within a week of the arrest, that he hoped the sentence -<i>would be capital at the least</i>—<i>spero capitale saltem -judicium fore</i>. All the favour Calvin ever asked for -Servetus was that he might die by the sword instead -of by brimstone and slow fire. He does not say so -much indeed, but it almost looks as if he would have -the world believe that he had moved to save the man’s -life! We have his own acknowledgment, however, -of the active part he took in the prosecution of Servetus -at Geneva, and his expressed hope of what the sentence -should be. This much he could not deny; the facts of -the case put it out of his power. But he always shirked -complicity with all that happened at Vienne. There -there was underhand dealing and betrayal of trust, -and he would fain have the world believe that he had -had nothing to do with the ugly business. But here, -too, everything we know, is against him, and all he says -by way of freeing himself from the charge of having -denounced Servetus to the authorities of Lyons seems -but to strengthen the conclusion that he did. Calvin -was an able man undoubtedly, but he was not a cunning -man, and often lets his pen give expression to thoughts -of things gone by, which he would not have suffered to -appear had he been more artful.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>In one of his epistles he says, ‘Nothing less is said of me -than that I might as well have thrown Servetus amid a pack -of wild beasts as into the hands of the professed enemies of -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_503">503</span> -the Church of Christ; for I have the credit given me of -having caused him to be arrested at Vienne. But why such -sudden familiarity between me and the satellites of the -Pope? Is it to be believed that confidential letters could -have passed between parties who had as little in common as -Christ and Belial? Yet why many words to refute that -which simple denial from me suffices to answer! Four years -have now passed since Servetus himself spread this report. -I only ask why, if he had been denounced by me, as said, he -was thereafter suffered to remain unmolested for the space of -three whole years? It must either be allowed that the crime -I am charged withal is a pure invention, or that my denunciation -did him no harm with the Papists.’</p></blockquote> - -<p>True, and answers to all he says are not far to -seek. Why the familiarity with the satellites of the -Pope? That he might be avenged through them on -one whom he regarded at once as a dangerous heretic -and a personal enemy. How should confidential letters -have passed between parties who had so little in common -as himself and the Roman Catholics of Lyons? -Because he would have had them the instruments of -his vengeance. If denounced by him, as said, how -did Servetus remain unmolested for three whole years? -Because denunciation for heresy of one who lived in -good repute with his friends as a true son of the -Church, by another standing in the very foremost -ranks of heresy, was taken no notice of by Cardinal -Tournon and his advisers.—All that Calvin says now -seems but to demonstrate the truth of what we have -from Bolsec, and may possibly have been the ground -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_504">504</span> -of the warning against the over free expression of his -opinions which Servetus is said to have received long -before the <i>denouement</i> that followed the printing of the -‘Christianismi Restitutio.’ Calvin continues:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>‘Would that the errors of Servetus might have been -buried with him; but as his ashes continue to spread a -pestiferous stench I go on to expose his heresies, a task -delayed till now through no fear of measuring myself with -one like him, for I have coped with adversaries much more -redoubtable than he, but because I had other work in hand -of more importance as I believed. He, however, who contends -that it is unjust to punish heretics and blasphemers, -I say, becomes their deliberate associate. You tell me of the -authority of man; but we have the word of God and his -eternal laws for the government of his Church. Not in vain -has He commanded us to suppress every human affection for -the sake of religion. And wherefore such severity, if it be -not for this, that we are to prefer God’s honour to mere -human reason.’</p></blockquote> - -<p>But the St. Bartholomew and all the nameless -horrors that have been perpetrated in the name of -religion and to uphold what is called the honour of -God, are the logical outcome of principles that lead to -such language. Calvin’s treatment of Servetus was in -truth nothing less than a direct encouragement to the -Roman Catholics of France to persevere in their -atrocities towards the Protestants. Geneva, which had -been looked on as the bulwark of independent -thought and of freedom to worship God according to -conscience came to be regarded as the seat of another -Inquisition. All and sundry who pretended to -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_505">505</span> -think for themselves, and who did not include Election -and Predestination in their creed, must be silent. Did -they speak or say a word against the rules and regulations -of the modern propounder of the doctrine of -God’s partiality, they were mercilessly hunted down, -fined, imprisoned, scourged on the back, branded on -the cheek, banished from their homes, or, as in the -case of Servetus, put to death; even as the moving -cause of all these atrocities would himself have been -dealt with in France had he there avowed what were -there styled the heretical opinions he entertained—the -damnable doctrines he taught. Persecution which -follows necessarily from the principles on which the -Church of Rome is founded, could not be entered on -by the Reformed Churches without a total abnegation -of those to which they owe their existence.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a></p> - -<p>But it is not with Servetus’s doctrines alone that -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_506">506</span> -Calvin occupies himself in his ‘Declaration’ and ‘Defence.’ -He must further darken the fame of the man -whom he slew, for the consistency and fortitude he displayed -when confronted with death, as we have seen -him essaying to detract from the purity and probity -of his life on his trial. ‘Servetus,’ says Calvin, ‘was -only bold when he had no fear of punishment before -him; but so overwhelmed was he in face of his impending -fate, that he was lost to all and everything -about him. Praying with the people he had said -were Godless, he yet prayed as if he had been in the -midst of the Church of God, and thereby showed that -his opinions were nothing to him! Giving no sign of -regret or repentance, saying never a word in vindication -of his doctrines, what, I ask you, is to be thought -of the man who, at such a time, and with full liberty to -speak, made no confession one way or another, any -more than if he had been a stock or a stone? He had -no fear of having his tongue torn out; he was not forbidden -to say what he liked; and though at last he -declined to call on Jesus as the eternal Son of God -(Calvin omits to say that he called devoutly with his -latest breath on Jesus as Son of the eternal God), -inasmuch as he made no declaration of his faith, who -shall say that this man died a martyr’s death?’ ‘Theological -hatred,’ says a late esteemed writer,<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> ‘never -inspired words more atrociously cruel and unjust than -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_507">507</span> -these of Calvin;’ and we do not hesitate to indorse -the dictum. Calvin’s challenge of Servetus’s fortitude -in the face of death is most unjust. Servetus went -bravely to his death; though to him, in the vigour of -life, and possessed of all his powers,</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">With thoughts that wandered through Eternity,<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>life assuredly was sweet; and to lose it not only for no -crime, but for the avowal of what he believed to be holy -truth, was hard indeed. To Servetus existence was -not summed up in ministering to mere material wants -and putting off and on at eve and morn; it meant <i>doing</i> -in the knowable, <i>speculating</i> in that which transcends -the known, furthering knowledge of the world we live -in, striving after congruous conceptions of the Almighty -Cause of the good, and ministering to the ill that befals—a -truly noble life!</p> - -<p>But Calvin could no more forgive Servetus his -constancy and consistency than he could endure his -theological divergences and his personal insults. -‘Could we but have had a retractation from Servetus -as we had from Gentilis!’ exclaims he, upon another -occasion. Strange! that men in whom the religious -sense is strong should still be blind to the truth that if -there be sincerity in the world, they, too, who feel -strongly though divergently on religion, must be as -truly religious and sincere as themselves; and that -convictions in the sphere of faith—those garments of -the soul—cannot be put off and on at pleasure, like the -garments of the body! -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_508">508</span></p> - -<p>It were needless to say that Calvin’s refutation, or -shall we say <i>condemnation</i> of Servetus, is full and complete, -if it be not at all times of the complexion which -unimpassioned weighing of the argument, considerate -appreciation of the purpose, and truthful interpretation -of the language of an opponent would have secured. -Both of the forms in which the book appeared were -well received by the public; the ‘<i>Déclaration pour -Maintenir la Vraye Foy</i>’ having been extensively read -by those who were not masters of the Latin; the -‘<i>Fidelis expositio Errorum</i>’ by those who were. -Bullinger, it appears from what Calvin says, must formerly -have urged him on to severity; and, as we have -just seen, now shows himself anxious to have his friend -appear in defence of what had been done. Writing -immediately after the publication of the book, he congratulates -the writer on his work; the only fault he has -to find with it being the terseness of the style, which -leads at times to obscurity, and its brevity. Calvin, in -reply, excuses himself for the conciseness of his language -and the modest length of his work. But his -letter, in so far as it relates to our subject, is too important -not to have a place in our narrative.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>Your last letter, Calvin says, was duly delivered by our -excellent brother Tho. Jonerus. I was from home at the time, -so that I could not show him the hospitality he deserved, but -it so fell out that the Lord in my absence provided for him in -a way that could not have been bettered.... I have -always feared that in my book my conciseness may have -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_509">509</span> -occasioned some obscurity; but I could not well guard against -it. I may say, indeed, that with the end I had in view other -motives led me to the brevity you speak of. In writing at -all it was not only my principal but my sole object to expose -the detestable errors of Servetus. It seemed to me that the -subjects handled were best discussed in the plainest terms, -and that the impious errors of the man should not be overlaid -by any lengthy or ornate writing of mine. I, therefore, -say nothing more of the severity of the style on which you -animadvert. I have, indeed, taken every possible pains to -show the common reader how without much trouble the -thorny subtleties of Servetus may be exposed and refuted. I -am not blind to the fact, however, that though I am wont to -be concise in my writings I have felt myself more bound to -brevity here than usual. But so it be only allowed that the -sound doctrine has been defended by me in sincerity of faith -and with understanding, this is of far more moment than any -regrets I may feel for having been forced on the task. You, -however, for the love you bear me, and led by the candour -and equity of your nature, will judge me favourably in what I -have done. Others may construe me more harshly; say I -am a master in severity and cruelty, and that with my pen I -lacerate the body of the man who came to his death through -me. Some, too, there are, not otherwise evilly disposed, who -say that the world is silent as to what was done, and that no -attempt is made to refute my argument on the punishment of -heresy, through fear of my displeasure. But it is well that I -have you for the associate of my fault, if, indeed, there be any -fault; for you were my authority and instigator. Look to it, -therefore, that you gird yourself for the fight....</p> - -<p class="author"> -<span class="smcap">Jo. Calvin.</span></p> - -<p>Geneva, November 3, 1554.</p></blockquote> - -<p>This interesting letter<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> seems to show that Calvin -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_510">510</span> -had already conceived misgivings of his conduct in the -affair of Servetus. When John Calvin condescends to -seek support beyond himself, and to charge a friend -with having egged him on to the deed whose memory -seems now to rankle in his mind, he must have felt less -sure than was his wont that all he did was well done</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i16">This even-handed justice<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Commends the ingredients of our poison’d chalice<br /></span> -<span class="i0">To our own lips; (and tells us) we but teach<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Bloody instructions, which, being taught, return<br /></span> -<span class="i0">To plague the inventor.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Self-reliant as he was, and ready else to take on himself -the responsibility of his acts, we yet see that he, -the strong man among the strong, now felt the want -not only of sympathy and approval, but of some one -to share the ‘fault, if fault there were,’ in a relentless -pursuit and terrible deed. When he would thus associate -Bullinger with himself in his pitiless persecution of -the ill-starred Servetus, Calvin must refer to the letter -he had had from the Zürich pastor of September 14, -as well as to the one in which the reply of the Church -of Zürich to the Council of Geneva is couched—reply -of which there need be no question Bullinger was the -writer. Of all the ministers of the Swiss Churches -Calvin, we believe, had the highest respect for Bullinger, -who, as he did not always truckle to him, fell out -of favour at times, but only to come back anon with -heartier consideration than before. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_511">511</span></p> - -<p>Melanchthon, too, whom we have found taking -more notice of the work on Trinitarian Error than any -of the other Reformers, would seem to have gone -on to the end of his life increasing in hostility to its -author. He, indeed, shows little of the mildness with -which he is commonly credited whenever in later years -the name of Servetus meets him. Writing to Calvin -in October 1554, a year consequently after the death -of Servetus, and when he had probably read the -‘Apologia de Mysterio Trinitatis,’ addressed to him, -and printed at the end of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -Melanchthon congratulates the Reformer ‘for all he -had done in bringing so dangerous a heretic to justice.’ -‘I have read your able refutation of the horrible blasphemies -of the Spaniard; and for the conclusion attained -give thanks to the Son of God who was umpire -in your contest. The Church, too, both of the day -and of the future, owes you thanks, and will surely -prove itself grateful.’<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a></p> - -<p>Calvin’s more intimate friends and partisans, with -few exceptions, approved of his zeal in vindicating the -honour of God, as they said, and treading out, as they -imagined, the threatening spark of heresy kindled by -Servetus. Later admirers and adherents, again, unable -to condone his deed, attempt to find, and flatter themselves -that they do find, excuse for him in the ruder -and sterner temper of the times in which he lived. -But we own, regretfully, that with all we know, we -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_512">512</span> -cannot follow them in this. Calvin was not only a man -of the highest intelligence, he was also possessed of a -carefully cultivated mind. An admirable scholar, deeply -read in the humanities, and familiar with history, he -had in earlier life, and in face of the persecution for -conscience’ sake beginning under Francis I., manfully -raised his voice for toleration. He had even gone out -of his way, as we have seen, and spent his money in -republishing Seneca’s ‘Treatise on Clemency,’ with -added comments of his own, by way of warning, beyond -question, to his sovereign against the fatal course on -which he saw him entering.</p> - -<p>Addressing another among the monarchs of the -earth in a later work,<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> he says: ‘Wisdom is driven from -among us, and the holy harmony of Christ’s kingdom, -that makes lambs of wolves and turns spears into -pruning-hooks, is compromised when violence is impressed -into the service of religion.’ And yet again -we have him using words like these: ‘Although we -are not to be on familiar terms with persons excommunicated -by the Church for infractions of discipline, we -are still to strive by clemency and our prayers to bring -them into accord with its teaching. Nor, indeed, are -such as these only to be so entreated; but Turks, Saracens, -and others, positive enemies of the true religion, -also. Drowning, beheading, and burning are far from -being the proper means of bringing them and their like -to proper views.’<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_513">513</span></p> - -<p>Calvin had, therefore, got beyond his age and its -spirit of intolerance; and, having turned his back on -the Church of Rome, no shelter can be found for him -in an appeal to its sanguinary principles and practice. -Calvin, in a word, is inexcusable for refusing to Servetus -the liberty he arrogated for himself, and for -turning the city that sheltered him into a shambles for -the man of whom religiousness alone had made an -enemy, and persecution had driven into his power.</p> - -<p>Servetus, however, it is said, was a heretic, a blasphemer. -But what was Calvin in the eyes of those he -had forsaken? The most egregious of heretics, whose -teaching had led thousands from the faith of their -fathers, and imperilled their salvation; a traitor, too, -whose independent principles turned subjects into -rebels, and tended to make despotic rule by Priest and -King impossible. And this is true; for we are not to -overlook the fact that it is to Calvin, with however -little purpose on his part, that we mainly owe the large -amount of civil and religious liberty we now enjoy.</p> - -<p>Of Calvin, more truly perhaps than of any man that -ever lived, may the dictum of the poet, where he says:</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">The evil that men do lives after them,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">The good is oft interred with their bones,<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>be held to be reversed. In Calvin’s case it was the ill -he did that died, the good that lived. With no respect -for civil liberty himself, and still less for religious liberty -beyond the pale of his own narrow confession of faith, -Calvin must nevertheless be thought of as the real -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_514">514</span> -herald of modern freedom. Holding ignorance to be -incompatible with the existence of a people at once -religious and free, Calvin had the school-house built beside -the church, and brought education within the reach -of all. Nor did he overlook the higher culture. He -restored the College of Geneva, founded half a century -before by a pious and liberal citizen, but utterly neglected -in Roman Catholic times; and as a complement -to the University he founded the Academy. Forbidden -to set foot on the land of his birth, he was nevertheless -the genius of its religious growth, and in company with -this, of its aspirations after freedom. But for the fickleness -and falseness of its princes, France might have had -reformed Christianity for her faith; and with the intelligence, -morality, and true piety of her Huguenot sons -in possession of their homes, might possibly have been -spared her Grand Monarques and despotism, her -Revolutions, her Buonapartes, and her wars that have -drenched the soil of Europe in blood ever since Henry -of Navarre proved untrue to himself and Liberty. -But Scottish Presbyterianism and English Puritanism -and Nonconformity in its multifarious, sturdy, self-sufficing -forms, and 1688, were each and all the legitimate -outcome of a system which told the world that -there was no such thing in the law of God as divine -right to govern wrongly; and in asserting free-thought -for itself in matters of opinion, by indefeasible logic -gave a title to all to think freely.</p> - -<p>There can be little question, in fact, that Calvinism, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_515">515</span> -or some modification of its essential principles, is the -form of religious faith that has been professed in the -modern world by the most intelligent, moral, industrious, -and freest of mankind. If Calvinism, however, -tend to make men more manly and more fit for freedom, -it has also a certain hardening influence on the -heart, disposing to severity. Yet has not even this been -without its compensating good; for when Calvin—impersonation -of relentless rigour—sent the pious Servetus -to the flames, it may be said that the knell of -intolerance began to toll. Persistence in consigning -dissidents from the religious dogmas of the day to -death was made henceforth impossible, and persecution -on religious grounds to any minor issue has come by -degrees to be seen not only as indefensible in principle, -but immoral in fact; for it strikes at the root of the -very noblest elements in the constitution of humanity—Conscience -and Loyalty to Truth.</p> - -<p>But Calvinism has had its day. The free inquiry -of which it sprang has slowly, yet surely, carried all -save its wilfully blind or ignorant adherents beyond -the pale of their old beliefs. More than a century ago -the Church of Geneva broke not only with its Confession -of Faith as formulated by its founder, but with -confessions of faith of every complexion; so that one -of its leaders, on occasion of the late tercentenary -commemoration of the death of the Reformer, could -say: <i>Nous ne sommes plus Calvinistes selon Calvin</i>. -Nor has the defection of the Swiss been singular; they -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_516">516</span> -have been followed more or less closely by the Dutch, -the Germans, the more advanced of the Protestant -Church of France, and finally and at length by the -Scotch. In the land of Knox, the very stronghold -of Judaic Christianity as defined by Calvin and his -great disciple, open rebellion has broken out against -the narrowness of the Creed and Catechism of the -Westminster Assembly of Divines so obsequiously -followed until now; prelude, doubtless, to further -disruption and greater change than have yet been -seen; for modern criticism and exegesis, and ever -advancing science, proclaim arrest at any grade in -the Religious Idea yet attained by the Churches to be -impossible. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_517">517</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XXI">CHAPTER XXI.</h2> - -<p class="center">CALVIN’S DEFENCE IS ATTACKED.</p> - -<p>Even whilst the trial was proceeding, we have seen -that Calvin was not without opposition in his pursuit -of Servetus. Amied Perrin, his great political rival, -had striven for mercy or a minor punishment to the -last; and he was not without followers in the Council. -But they were outnumbered and out-voted there, so -that the light of the ‘blessed quality that is not -strained’ was quenched. Outside the circle of the -governing body also, more than one voice was raised -against the manifest aim of Calvin to have his theological -opponent capitally convicted. But it was by -persons of inferior note. David Bruck, among others, -a man of talent and quondam minister of a congregation -of Anabaptists in the North, now living privately -and respected under the name of David Joris at -Berne, went so far as to speak of Servetus as a pious -man, and to declare that if all who differed from others -in their religious views were to be put to death, the -world would be turned into one sea of blood.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a></p> - -<p>But the writer who received most notice from -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_518">518</span> -Calvin and his friends was he who appeared under -the assumed name of Martin Bellius. Taking as his -text the 29th verse of the 4th chapter of Paul’s Epistle -to the Galatians: ‘As then he that was born of the flesh -persecuted him that was born of the Spirit, even so is -it now,’ Bell proceeded to show that persecution to -death on religious grounds, though it might be Judaism -was not Christianity, and that many learned men and -eminent doctors of the Church, both of older and more -modern times, had been emphatic in condemnation of -all intolerance in the sphere of religion. Bell’s book, -small in bulk but weighty in argument, was felt as -a home-thrust by the Reformer of Geneva, his own -words in favour of toleration among others being -quoted against him. It is often spoken of at the time -as the Farrago—Calvin himself so designates it when -sending a copy of it to his friend Bullinger. But -neither Calvin nor his friends liked the book; and -it is in depreciation of its real significance that it is -spoken of as a medley.<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a></p> - -<p>Premising an Introduction, addressed to Frederick, -the reigning Duke of Würtemberg, in which the writer -sets forth his own views, he asks the Duke whether -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_519">519</span> -he should think a subject of his deserving of death -who, avowing belief in God and his earnest desire to -live in conformity with the precepts of Scripture, should -say that he did not think baptism was properly performed -on an infant eight days old; but was of opinion -that the rite should be deferred until years of discretion -had been attained and the recipient could give a reason -for the faith that was in him? Did the subject think -further that if he were required by law to baptize infants -he was running counter to Christ’s ordinance, -and felt that he was doing violence to his conscience, -Bell asks the Duke again, ‘Did he think, if Christ were -present as Judge, that He would order the man who so -delivered himself to be put to death?’ Replying to -his question himself, he says: ‘I venture to believe -that He would not.’</p> - -<p>Our author then proceeds to quote from the works -of many writers, who maintain that the punishment of -heretics is no part of the civil magistrate’s duty; from -Erasmus, who declares that God, the Great Father of -the human family, will not have heretics, even hæresiarchs, -put to death, but tolerated in view of their possible -amendment. ‘When I think how reprehensible are -heresy and schism,’ says the great scholar, ‘I am scarce -disposed to condemn the laws against them; but when -I call to mind the gentleness wherewith Christ led his -disciples, I shrink from the instances I see of men sent -to prison and the stake on the ground of their disagreement -with scholastic dogmas.’ From Aug. Eleutherius, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_520">520</span> -who opines that ‘they are not always truly heretics -whom the vulgar so designate.’ From Lactantius, who -says ‘Force and violence are out of place in matters -of faith; for religion cannot be forced on mankind; -words not stripes are here the proper instruments of -persuasion.’ From Augustin, who goes so far as to -say that ‘for the sake of peace even dogs are to be -tolerated in the Church. The Catholic servants of -God are not to stain themselves with the blood of their -enemies, but to be examples of patience and forbearance. -It is no business of theirs to gather the tares -for burning before the harvest is ready; they who err -are men, and it is man’s part to bear with the erring; -the tares do no real harm to the wheat; and if the -erring be not cured here, they do not escape punishment -hereafter.’</p> - -<p>There is much besides from others, which we spare -the reader; but we have to show that clemency for -theological divergence was no novelty in the age of -Calvin; and no one will imagine for a moment that -he had forgotten what he had written himself, or was -ignorant of a word that had ever been said on the subject -by others.</p> - -<p>Martin Bell’s tractate was so eagerly seized upon by -the public, and proved so influential in turning the tide -of self-gratulation on which Calvin had been floating -somewhat at his ease since the appearance of his ‘Declaration’ -and ‘Defence,’ that it was thought necessary -to find an antidote to the bane of reason and mercy, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_521">521</span> -so modestly but so convincingly presented in its pages. -Calvin would probably have felt himself constrained to -take the field again, and, ‘confronting Bell with self-comparisons,’ -to answer him ‘point against point’ in -person, had he not had his friend De Beza at hand to take -his place. Engaged at the moment with his Commentary -on Genesis, Calvin felt little disposed to interrupt -his work by entering anew on an old theme, though -ever ready to gird himself for the fight on one with -novelty to recommend it. The task of meeting Martin -Bell he therefore delegated to De Beza, who appeared -anon in a volume three or four times the size of the -Farrago in answer to its plea for latitude in the interpretation -of the Scriptures, and against the infliction of -death for the religious divergence called heresy in -any or all of the multifarious forms in which it shows -itself.</p> - -<p>With the terrible text of the Jewish Bible, ‘If thy -brother, thy son, the wife of thy bosom, or the friend -that is as thine own soul, entice thee, saying, Let us go -and serve other Gods; thou shalt not consent to him, -neither shall thine eye have pity on him, neither shalt -thou spare him, but thou shalt surely kill him, thy -hand shall be first upon him to put him to death,’ &c. -(Deut. xiii. 6 and seq.), and much besides, akin to this, -assumed as the command of God, Beza had no very difficult -task before him in persuading himself and his party -that they had abidden by the Law in all that had been -done; satisfied as they were besides that those who -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_522">522</span> -gainsaid them were the enemies of God and man when -they presumed to defend doctrines dishonouring, it -was said, to the Supreme and destructive of the peace -of the world.—God, in a word, was with them; the -Devil and corrupt humanity on the side of their opponents, -and there an end.</p> - -<p>We do not observe, however, that Beza’s reply, -though very ably conceived, and written with the skill -of the practised controversialist, had any great influence. -It was not reprinted in a separate form, and -although translated into Dutch, seems to have been -little read beyond the circle of Calvin’s friends and -followers. Short as was the time that had elapsed -since Servetus perished, the apologists of the man who -sent him to his death were already in the rear of -public opinion on the subject. The jurisdiction of the -magistrate had come to be seen ever more and more -clearly to lie within the sphere of <span class="smcap">Act</span>, and to have -nothing to do with <span class="smcap">Opinion</span>.</p> - -<p>A conclusion so wholesome as this was greatly -strengthened by the appearance of another book in immediate -reply to Calvin’s ‘Declaration’ and ‘Defence,’ -entitled: ‘Contra Libellum Calvini, &c. against Calvin’s -book, in which he strives to show that heretics are -to be dealt with capitally.’<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> This is the little work -that is often referred to as ‘a Dialogue between Calvin -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_523">523</span> -and Vaticanus,’ ‘Dialogus inter Calvinum et Vaticanum.’ -In the Preface to the copy I have used, the -work is ascribed to Sebastian Castellio, and several -short papers from this distinguished scholar are appended -to the text; but he most certainly was not -its author. An old and determined opponent of -Calvin, whose doctrine of Predestination and Election -he had had the hardihood, in a special pamphlet, -to criticise and controvert, Castellio had aroused the -ire of Calvin; and it was on this ground probably -that he had the credit given him of having written -the ‘Dialogus.’ Calvin’s displeasure, we know, never -meant anything less than personal hate and persecution, -so that, in his answer to what he styles the ‘calumnies’ -of Castellio, after the preliminary abuse in which he -calls him ‘faithless and unmannered,’ he says, ‘They -who do not know thee to be shameless and a deceiver, -do not know thee aright. I should like to be informed -how thou wilt prove that I am cruel? By throwing -the death of thy master Servetus in my face, perhaps; -and saying, that with my pen I mangle the body of -the man who came to his death through me; but did -I not entreat for him? His judges will bear me out -in this; two of whom, at least, were his particular -patrons.’<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a></p> - -<p>In the passage just quoted, Calvin seems to reply -to what Vaticanus has said in his introduction to the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_524">524</span> -book that engages us, viz., that Servetus was the first -who had been put to death at Geneva on grounds of -religion, and that it was done at the instance and on -the authority of Calvin—‘<i>impulsore et authore Calvino</i>.’ -Vaticanus continues: ‘Calvin will perhaps say, as is his -wont, that I am a disciple of Servetus. But let not -this frighten anyone. I am no defender of the doctrines -of Servetus, but I shall so expose the false doctrines -of Calvin, that every one shall see as plain as -noonday that he thirsted for blood. I shall not deal -with him, however, as he dealt with Servetus, whom -he proceeded to tear in pieces with his pen, after having -burned him and his books. I do not, therefore, discuss -the Trinity, Baptism, &c., seeing that I have not the -books of Servetus, whence I might learn what he -says on these subjects, Calvin having taken such pains -to have them burned—<i>quippe combustos diligentia Calvini</i>. -I shall not burn the books of Calvin; their -author is alive, and his books may be had both in -French and Latin, so that every one may see whether -I falsify aught he writes. But Servetus was a -blasphemer of God, says Calvin. The man himself, -however, believed that he honoured God, and persuaded -himself that he glorified God in his death. -But the persuasion is false, says Calvin. Be it so; -yet Servetus himself was not false; had he been so, -he would assuredly have saved his life; he therefore -died for his opinions.’</p> - -<p>Without defending the views of Servetus we thus -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_525">525</span> -see Vaticanus asserting the courage and consistency of -the victim which had been unjustly called in question -by Calvin.</p> - -<p>Coming to the burden of the book we find as many -as 150 passages from Calvin’s ‘Defensio orthodoxæ -fidei’ commented and controverted, and in addition, four -from the reply of Zürich to the Council of Geneva.</p> - -<p>By much the most complete and able of the works -against Calvin and those who would have heretics -punished by being put to death, is that of Minus Celsus -of Sienna.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> A fugitive from his native country to escape -arrest and punishment for having forsaken Popery, -Minus Celsus found safety at length after passing -through many perils in Switzerland. ‘Escaped from -the hands of Antichrist, as he says, and safe amid the -Rhetian Alps,’ he was not a little scandalised to find -nothing of the unity of doctrine among the Reformed -Churches he had been led to expect before leaving his -native country. ‘They held together as one, indeed, in -hate of the Pope, calling him Antichrist and looking on -the Mass as idolatry, but they differed on innumerable -other points among themselves, and not only persecuted -but went the length of putting each other to death, and -this in no such primitive way as by stoning, in old -Hebrew fashion, but by roasting the living man with a -slow fire, <i>vivum lento igne torrendo</i>—punishment more -horrible than Scythian or Cannibal ever contrived.’ -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_526">526</span></p> - -<p>Celsus had heard of the execution of Servetus at -Geneva, and been assured by some who were present, -persons worthy of all trust, that the constancy of the -sufferer was such that many of the spectators, finding -it impossible to imagine anything of the kind endured -without the immediate support of God, instead of feeling -horror for a blasphemer rightfully put to death, were -led to look on him as a martyr to the cause of truth, -and so made shipwreck of the faith in which they had -hitherto lived.</p> - -<p>This led Celsus to think of the treatise he had -formerly written in his native language on the proper -way of dealing with heresy, and turning it into Latin -he resolved to have it printed. He did not live, however, -to carry out his purpose; his book was only published -some years after his death by a friend who gives -no more than the initials of his name, J. F. D., but adds -M.D., whereby we learn that he was a physician.</p> - -<p>‘No man,’ says Mosheim,<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> ‘can write more amiably -or controvert more gently than this Minus Celsus. He -never uses a word that is either bitter or insulting. His -principal opponents are Calvin and Beza, of course, but -he does not name them specially when he controverts -their conclusions, although he proclaims his horror of -all violence in matters of faith. He does, indeed, speak -of Calvin once by name, but it is with mingled commendation -and sorrow that ‘one who had deserved so -well of the Church on many counts, and who thought -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_527">527</span> -in earlier years that religion was not to be furthered by -severity or violence, should have finally fallen away -from his better persuasion. Why he changed, I know -not: God knows.’ Calvin did not live to see this -excellent work of the Siennese Celsus. Although -written in his lifetime, the great Reformer died twenty -years before it saw the light. How it would have -affected him we can only say with our pious Celsus, -God knows! -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_528">528</span></p> - -<h2 id="BOOK_II_CHAPTER_XXII">CHAPTER XXII.</h2> - -<p class="center">CALVIN’S BIOGRAPHERS AND APOLOGISTS.</p> - -<p>Among writers nearer our own time there are few who -openly and unreservedly uphold Calvin in his conduct -to Servetus, none who now advocate persecution unto -death for divergence in religious opinion. Even they -who hold the memory of Calvin in the highest honour -are driven, as we have seen, to find excuses for him in -his pursuit of the indiscreet but pious Spaniard. We -in these days do, indeed, believe that they who should -approve his deed would sin even as he did. Paul -Henry, the author of one of the latest lives we have of -Calvin, and his measureless partisan and apologist, even -with the moderate acquaintance he has with Servetus’ -works, feels himself forced at times to pause in the -unmitigated condemnation of their author he is disposed -to indulge in. Like Farel, in contact with the -victim, telling the people that ‘after all the man -perhaps meant well;’ Henry says, that ‘from the -executed man, <i>der Gerichtete</i>, we hear certain echoes of -Christianity which sadden as they flow not from the -true faith. But his pyre still gleams portentous to the -world, and even when it burned it was a herald of the -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_529">529</span> -dawn of better days to come. Servetus, in his steadfast -protestation even unto death, became a true Reformer. -His fate has for ever impressed the Protestant (Henry -has the Evangelical) Church with hate of the besetting -sin of the Church of Rome, the crime of dealing with -religious error by inflicting death. It has even familiarised -the world with the thought that there is a still -higher development of the religious principle in man -than has yet found expression in either the Roman or -Reformed Churches, awaiting a coming time.’</p> - -<p>This surely is noble writing. Nor does the apologist -pause here, but goes on to speak of him who to -Calvin and his age was a blasphemer of God, as being -really and in truth ‘a pious man.’ ‘Were an assembly -of Deputies from every Christian Church now to meet -on Champel,’ says Henry, ‘to take into consideration -all that is extant on the life and fate of Servetus, and to -review the facts in the light of the times to which they -refer, they would speak Calvin free from reproach and -pronounce him not guilty; of Servetus, on the other -hand, they would say, guilty, but with extenuating circumstances.’ -We venture to believe, and trust we have -shown cause sufficient to warrant our conclusion, that -the sentence would be precisely the reverse. Calvin -would be found guilty, but with extenuating circumstances; -Servetus not guilty in all but the use of intemperate -and sometimes improper language.</p> - -<p>Henry, to his honour, goes yet farther; he does not -approve of Calvin’s attempt to detract from the horror -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_530">530</span> -and pity we feel for Servetus’ fate, by charging him -with cowardice in the face of death. ‘Let us observe -in Servetus,’ says the biographer of Calvin, ‘those beautiful -traces of the true life which he showed at the last: -his regret for former tergiversations, his humility, his -constancy, his earnest prayer to God, and his forgiveness -of his enemies. Had he but had the truth in his -heart he would have died a true martyr; but he must -tremble in his death hour, for he had blasphemed the -Majesty of God.’ But Servetus did not tremble in his -death hour, he never blasphemed the Majesty of God, -and he died in charity with all men, even with him who -had brought him to his untimely end, and who ten -years after the death of his victim had no better title -for him than <i>Chien et meschant Garnement</i>,—dog and -wicked scoundrel!</p> - -<p>Mosheim, to whom we owe the gathering and preservation -of much that is interesting in connection with -Servetus, working in the middle of the bygone century, -and referring to what Calvin himself avows, viz., ‘that -he would not have persevered so resolutely on the -capital charge had Servetus been but modest and not -rushed madly on his fate,’ exclaims, ‘What an avowal! -Servetus, after all, must burn not because he had outraged -the word of God, and infected the world with -error, but because he had addressed John Calvin in -disrespectful language! Calvin’s avowal is truly a hard -knot for those to untie who hold that revenge had -nothing to do with the death of Servetus. For my -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_531">531</span> -own part I am not bound to weigh all the grounds that -tell for or against the Reformer, and I am not, perhaps, -altogether impartial. I am minded, however, that they -are not wholly in the right who say that Calvin proceeded -against the unhappy Spaniard led on by hatred -and revenge alone; and I am not so certain that they -are in the wrong who think it was not mere religious -zeal which suggested and carried the tragedy to its -conclusion. What is man! The very best often serve -God and themselves when they fancy they are serving -God alone.’</p> - -<p>With these words of the pious historian of the -Church we conclude; tempering the severer criticism -suggested by the facts as they present themselves, with -the more charitable construction of the ecclesiastic. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_532">532</span> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_533">533</span></p> - -<h2>APPENDIX</h2> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_534">534</span> -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_535">535</span></p> - -<h2 id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX.</h2> - -<p>An account of the extant copies of the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio;’ of the reprints of the work by Dr. de Murr and -Dr. Mead, and of the notices the work has received in earlier -and later times.</p> - -<p>The ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Michael Servetus is one -of the rarest books in the world. Of the thousand copies -known to have been printed, two only are now known to survive; -one of these being among the treasures of the National -Library of Paris, the other among those of the Imperial and -Royal Library of Vienna. The history of both of these -copies, curiously enough, is complete from rather a remote -date, and it is somewhat provoking to know that both of them -were once in this country; but bigotry sent the one, and want -of religious sympathy, presumably, suffered the other to leave -our shores. The Paris copy certainly belonged to Dr. Richard -Mead, the distinguished physician and medallist, who lived in -the reign of Queen Anne, and is believed, before it came into -Mead’s possession, to have formed part of the Library of the -Landgrave of Kur-Hesse. How it got dissevered from this -is not known. It was probably stolen and brought to -England as to a sure market. Mead, liberal in politics and -presumably in religion also, appears to have felt so much interest -in Servetus’ work, not only by reason of the physiological -matter it contained, but because of the free spirit -of inquiry it breathed, that he was minded to have it reprinted -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_536">536</span> -and made generally accessible. He had accordingly got half-way -with a new and handsome edition of the work in 4to. -form, so far back as the year 1723, when his purpose reached -the ears of Gibson, the then Bishop of London. Alarmed at -the idea of light being let in on the world that had not been -strained through the haze of Episcopalian orthodoxy, Gibson -addressed himself immediately to the Censor of the Press for -an injunction; and at his instance and order the impression, -so far as it had gone, was seized, adjudged heretical, and publicly -burned. A few copies of the reprint, however, must -have escaped the conflagration, of which one is now in the -Library of the London Medical Society. This I have had an -opportunity of examining, and find that there wanted but -little to have completed the most essential part of the work, -the last page printed being the first of the chapter entitled -‘De Justitia Regni Christi.’</p> - -<p>Disgusted, we may imagine, with the bigotry of Bishop -Gibson and his abettors, and, it may be also, to secure his -copy of the original against the chance of seizure, confiscation, -and the fire, Doctor Mead exchanged it with M. de Boze, -Member of the French Academy of the Fine Arts, for a series -of medals, of which the Doctor was a known collector. The -library of M. de Boze being purchased after his death by -M. Boutin, late Intendant of Finance, and the President de -Cotte, in common, the Servetus fell to the share of De Cotte, -who sold it by-and-by at an exorbitant price, as said, to -M. Gaignat, who parted with it in turn for a still larger sum—as -much as 3,810 livres—to the Duc de la Vaillière, the -greatest book collector of the age. On the death of De la -Vaillière, and the dispersion of his magnificent library under -the hammer, in 1784, the ‘Rest. Christianismi,’ believed -at the time to be the only copy in existence, was secured for -the sum of 4,120 livres tournois for the Bibliothèque du Roi, -and it now remains one of the treasures of the great National -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_537">537</span> -Library of France. Much of the above information we gather -from the letter of M. l’Abbé Rive, Librarian to the Duc de la -Vaillière, which is appended to the London edition of Dutens’ -‘Recherches sur l’origine des Découvertes attribuées aux -Modernes,’ of the year 1766.</p> - -<p>But this is not all, nor even the most interesting of all we -know about the Paris copy of the rare and remarkable book. -It has the name of ‘Germain Colladon’ on the title-page, -and the various passages on which Servetus was finally arraigned -and condemned are underscored. It can, therefore, -be no other than the copy which belonged to Colladon, the -barrister, who prosecuted Servetus at Geneva, and must have -been given him along with his brief by the attorney in the -case. But the attorney in the case of Servetus was John -Calvin; and we need not, therefore, doubt that the underlining -is by ‘l’impitoyable Calvin’—the ruthless Calvin, as M. -Flourens, who gives so much of the foregoing information -as we have not supplemented, characterises the Genevese -Reformer. The book shows what M. Flourens supposed to -be scorching in one part; and this he gratuitously accounts -for, by supposing that it is the copy which was to have been -burned along with its author, but was saved in some unaccountable -way. That copy, we may be well assured, was reduced -to ashes and scattered to the winds with those of its -hapless writer; and the presumed scorching, on the careful -examination it received from the Rev. Henry Tollin, turns out -to be the effect of damp. See Flourens’ ‘Histoire de la Découverte -de la Circulation du Sang’ (Paris, 1854), 2nd Ed. -Ib. 1857, p. 154.</p> - -<p>The Vienna exemplar of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ -again, when we first meet with a notice of it, belonged to -Markos Szent Ivanayi, a Transylvanian gentleman, resident -in London in the year 1665. Szent Ivanayi must, we presume, -have held Unitarian principles, and on his return to his -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_538">538</span> -native country (in some districts of which Unitarianism is -the established or prevailing form of religion), he presented -his copy of the ‘Restitutio’ to the Congregation of Claudiopolis, -with which he was in communion; and they, at a later date, -by the hands of their superior, Stephen Agh, gave it, as the -most valuable thing they possessed, to Samuel, Count Teleki -de Izek, in acknowledgment of some act of favour from the -magnate. The Count, on his part, informed of the rarity of -the book, and rightly deeming that it was a gift such as a -subject might offer to his sovereign, presented it to the Emperor -Joseph the Second of Austria, by whom it was graciously -accepted and forthwith enshrined in the great Library of -Vienna. This copy of the ‘Restitutio’ is in better condition -than that of Paris—‘<i>præstat nitiore</i>,’ says Dr. de Murr, from -whom we have the foregoing information (De Murr, Chr. Th., -M.D., ‘Adnotationes ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas, cum variis ad -Scripta Michaelis Serveti pertinentibus.’ 4to. Erlangen. 1805).</p> - -<p>The authorities of Roman Catholic Austria, in 1790, more -liberally disposed than those of Protestant England in the -year of grace 1723, not only gave Dr. de Murr permission to -have a transcript made of the ‘Restitutio,’ but raised no objections -to his having his copy printed and published—a task -which he happily accomplished in 1791, ‘when the work appeared -anew, like a Phœnix from its ashes,’ as he says. The -reprint is, indeed, an exact counterpart of the original—line -for line, page for page being followed throughout; and as the -letter and paper have also been chosen to correspond as -nearly as possible with those of the prototype, it might have -been found difficult to distinguish between the one and the -other, were a third copy of the original ever to turn up, had -not Dr. de Murr put a mark upon his edition in the date of -its publication in extremely small figures—thus, <span class="x-small">1791</span>, at the -bottom of the last page. This, too, is a scarce book, so we -presume the edition was small. -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_539">539</span></p> - -<p>The earliest intimation the world at large received of -the existence of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio’ of Servetus -is to be found in Dr. Wm. Wotton’s ‘Reflections upon -Learning, Ancient and Modern’ (London, 1694); but his reference -is to nothing more than the passage bearing on the -way in which the blood from the right side of the heart -reaches the left. ‘The passage,’ says Wotton, ‘was communicated -to him by his friend Mr. Charles Barnard, a very -learned chirurgeon, who had had it transcribed for him by a -friend who copied it from Servetus’ book.’ Wotton, therefore, -had never seen the book himself. The copy from which the -passage was transcribed, in all likelihood was the one which -either was at the time or afterwards became the property of -Dr. Mead.</p> - -<p>The next writer who refers to Servetus and his new views -of the pulmonic circulation is Dr. James Douglas, in his -‘Bibliographiæ Anatomicæ Specimen’ (London, 1715). But -neither had Douglas had an opportunity of examining the -work for himself. He does no more, in fact, than copy the -passage as given by Wotton.</p> - -<p>The first member of the medical profession who gave any -account of Servetus’ physiological and psychological opinions -from an actual survey of the ‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ from -De Murr’s reprint, I believe to have been the late Dr. G. -Sigmond, an amiable man and accomplished scholar, who has -not been very long gone from among us. Sigmond, however, -has left us the result of his study in an appreciative Dissertation -in Latin and English; the introduction being in our -mother tongue, the text in the old language. Sigmond’s -work is entitled, ‘The Unnoticed Theories of Servetus; a -Dissertation addressed to the Medical Society of Stockholm. -8vo., London, 1826.’ To his great honour, Dr. Sigmond is -the first naturalist in these days who dared to see Michael -Servetus for what he was in truth: an accomplished and sincerely -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_540">540</span> -pious man, but differing, to his sorrow, from both -Catholics and Protestants on some of the dogmatical assumptions -of their common creeds. The copy of the ‘Christianismi -Restitutio’ which Dr. Sigmond possessed, as said -above, was one of Dr. de Murr’s reprints, which had been -bequeathed to him by his friend Dr. James Sims, for many -years President of the Medical Society of London, a learned -man and lover of books, who believed it to be the original—a -belief not shared in by Sigmond, however, though he seems -to have known nothing of De Murr or his edition. This -copy, I think, must be the one which is now in the Library -of the British Museum, purchased in 1855, when Sigmond, -having lost the property he inherited from his father, seems -to have parted with his books, though he only died in 1873.</p> - -<p>The question touching the Discovery of the Circulation of -the Blood, which will ever make Servetus an object of interest -to the medical profession, and had been in abeyance for -some considerable time past, has been brought under renewed -consideration of late, and busts and statues of several -learned and meritorious individuals have been inaugurated to -their memory as ‘discoverers of the circulation.’ In the porch -of the Instituto Antropologico of Madrid, for example, there -is a statue raised by Dr. Velasco to the memory of Michael -Servetus on this score, and we have but just heard of a bust set -up at Rome to Andrea Cæsalpino on the same ground. So distinguished -a physiologist as Dr. Valentin, moreover, has come -forward as an advocate of the claims of another and until now -unheard of discoverer of ‘the great physiological fact’ in anticipation -of Harvey. In his work entitled, ‘Versuch einer physiologischen -Pathologie des Herzens,’ Leipzig, 1866, Dr. Valentin -will be found saying that ‘it must now be conceded that -the pulmonary circulation was known to Servetus in 1553 -[and he might have added, to Realdus Columbus in 1559], -and both this and the general systemic circulation to Ruini, -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_541">541</span> -in 1598. That the pulmonic or lesser circulation—more properly -the passage or mode of transference of the blood from -the right to the left side of the heart—was known to Servetus -and to both Columbus and Cæsalpinus after him, there can -be no question; but I have assured myself, from a careful -study of the works of these distinguished individuals, that -none of them, least of all Ruini [Dell’ Anatomia del Cavallo, -Bologna, 1598], was fully or truly informed on the subject. -None of them apprehended the circulation of the blood as -did Harvey, and as we his followers do in the present day.</p> - -<p>It were out of place did I pursue this subject further now; -but I hope to take it up anon in a new ‘Life of Harvey,’ long -meditated and all but completed, in which I shall show that -after all that had been done by those who went before him, -there still wanted the combining intellect, the inductive genius -of a Harvey to bring light out of darkness, order out of confusion, -and to lay the foundations, strong and sure, of our -modern physiology and rational medicine by proclaiming the -heart the moving power, and the arteries and veins the channels -of a continuous, general circulation of the blood.</p> - -<p class="copy"> -LONDON: PRINTED BY<br /> -SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE<br /> -AND PARLIAMENT STREET -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_542">542</span></p> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_543">543</span></p> - -<p class="ph1"><i>HENRY S. 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Crown 8vo. price 5<i>s.</i></p> - -<p class="copy"><i>Spottiswoode & Co Printers, New-street Square, London.</i></p> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">1</a> -The Reverend Henry Tollin, Pastor of the French Protestant Church, -of Magdeburg, who has made the life and works of Servetus the particular -subject of his studies for many years, inclines to Tudela as the place, and -1511 as the year, of Servetus’s birth. See his ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend’ -in Kahnis’ <i>Zeitschrift für die Historische Theologie</i>. Jahrg. 1875, S. 545.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">2</a> -<i>Vide</i> Tollin: ‘Servet’s Kindheit und Jugend,’ in Kahnis’ <i>Zeitschrift -für die Historische Theologie</i>, 1875, S. 557. We have, however, -searched in vain for any evidence of Angleria’s presence in Saragossa at -any time, even as a casual resident. In his comprehensive and highly -entertaining work, the ‘Opus Epistolarum,’ we find letters of his from -Valladolid, Burgos, Vittoria, Madrid, and elsewhere, but not one from -Saragossa during the years covered by Servetus’s stay at the university, -according to Tollin.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">3</a> -Tollin (Toulouser Studenten-Leben im Anfang des 16ten Jahrhunderts), -in Riehl’s <i>Historisches Taschenbuch von 1874</i>, S. 76, speaks as -if he had been present with Servetus at Toulouse; accompanied him over -the St. Michael’s bridge that spanned the Garonne; beheld the iron cage -suspended from its balk above the river for ducking heretics until they died; -looked on at the religious processions that filed incessantly through the -streets, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">4</a> -McCrie’s <i>Hist. of the Reformation in Spain</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">5</a> -The last edition of Sabunde we have seen is neat and available, -‘curante Joachim Sighart,’ Solisbach. 1852, 8vo. It is unfortunately -without the Prologue.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">6</a> -There is a copy of what we believe to be the second edition of -Sabunde, fol. Argentorat. 1495, in the British Museum, over which we spent -some hours with much delight. Also a copy of Montaigne’s translation, -beautifully printed, and in fine preservation.—8vo. Paris, 1569.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">7</a> -Tollin: ‘Die Beichtväter Kaiser Karls V.;’ in <i>Magazin für die -Literatur des Auslandes, April, Mai, 1874</i>. A series of three short -papers, but of surpassing interest, to which we are happy to refer.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">8</a> -Robertson, <i>History of Charles V.</i>, vol. ii. book v. p. 40.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">9</a> -‘Christianismi Restitutio,’ p. 462.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">10</a> -Dialogi de Trinitate II., ad calcem (1532). ‘Ce n’est point par des -réticences hypocrites qu’on fait durer un jour de plus une croyance qui a -fait son temps. Toute opinion librement conçue est bonne et morale -pour celui qui l’a conçue. De toutes parts on arrive à résumer la législation -extérieure de la Religion en un seul mot: <span class="smcap">Liberté</span>.’ Renan, -‘Fragments philosophiques,’ 1876.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">11</a> -By Tollin, who makes him visit Luther at Coburg, in company with -Bucer. See his <i>Luther und Servet, eine Quellenstudie</i>. 8vo. Berlin, -1875.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">12</a> -Cochlæus, <i>De Actis et Scriptis Martini Luther</i>, p. 233, fol. Mogunt. -1549.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">13</a> -Tollin, <i>Die Beichtväter Karls V.</i>, S. 261.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">14</a> -<i>Jo. Œcolampadii et Huldrici Zwinglii Epist.</i> Lib. iv. Basil, 1536, -fol.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">15</a> -Op. cit. ut supra.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">16</a> -Sandius, <i>Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum</i>, 12mo. Freistadt. 1684.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">17</a> -Tollin in <i>Magazin für ausländische Literatur</i>, Juni 10, 1876.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">18</a> -<i>Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii.</i> Basil. 1535, fol.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">19</a> -<i>Vom Ampt der Oberkait in Sachen der Religion. Ain Bericht auss -götlicher Schrüft des hailigen alten Lerers und Bischoffs Augustini, &c.</i> -4to. Augsb. 1535.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">20</a> -Luther’s Werke by Walch, vol. xxii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">21</a> -<i>Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">22</a> -<i>Epist. Melanchthonis apud Bretschneider: Corpus Reformatorum.</i> -Ep. ad Camerarium.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">23</a> -Conf. H. Tollin, <i>Melanchthon und Servet, eine Quellenstudie</i>. 8vo. -Berlin, 1876, pp. 9-31.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">24</a> -Ep. ad Camerar. apud Bretschneider, ut sup.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">25</a> -It is upon this passage, which we translate and interpret somewhat -differently from Tollin, that he grounds his statement of Servetus having -come into contact with Luther; a presumed meeting of which we fail to -find a trace in any contemporary document. See Tollin’s <i>Dr. M. -Luther und Dr. M. Servetus—Eine Quellenstudie</i>. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">26</a> -<i>Epistolæ ab Ecclesiæ Helveticæ Reformatoribus, a Jo. Fueselino -editæ.</i> 8vo. Tigur., 1742.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">27</a> -‘E noi non cercano la Divinità fuor del Infinito Mondo e le Infinite -Cose, ma dentro questo et in quelle’ (1585). <i>Opere di Giordano Bruno, -da Dottore Adolpho Wagner</i>, i. 275. Lips. 1830.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">28</a> -</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">‘Natur hat weder Kern noch Schale:<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Sie ist das All mit einem Male.’<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Nor core nor husk in nature see:<br /></span> -<span class="i0">The All and All in One is she.<br /></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Im Innern ist ein Universum auch;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Daher der Völker löblicher Gebrauch,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Ein jeglicher das Beste das er kennet<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Er Gott—ja seinen Gott—benennet.—<i>Goethe.</i><br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Which may be rendered somewhat literally thus:—</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Within there is an Universum too;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Whence the folks’ custom, good and true,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">That each the Best he knows of all,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">He God—his God, indeed—doth call.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">29</a> -‘Der alte und der neue Glaube.’ All Theists agree in this: that -God is One, Changeless, and Eternal. But God without the Universe -would not be the same as God with the Universe; whence the conclusion -that God and the Universe can only be conceived of as correlatives. Seeing -the impossibility of dissevering Property from the Object in which it inheres, -the modern philosopher discards hypothetical agencies, under the name -of Spirits, of every kind; from the all-pervading force that keeps suns and -planets in their spheres, to such special agencies as those of brain and -nerve. Servetus, we have seen, had himself got the length of saying that -out of man there was no Holy Spirit.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">30</a> -To Calvin God was no other than the Immanent Pantheistic principle -of Modern Philosophy: ‘Ubique diffusus, omnia sustinet, vegetat et -vivificat in cœlo et in terra—everywhere diffused, he gives life and growth -and continuance to all things in heaven and earth.’ These are his words. -He then goes on to say: ‘Fateor quidem pie hoc posse dici, modo a pio -animo proficiscatur, <i>Naturam esse Deum</i>—I own, indeed, that provided -we speak reverently it may be said that <i>Nature is God</i>.’ As this would -be a ‘hard and inappropriate expression,’ however, and as in using it -‘God is confounded with his works,’ he thinks it is objectionable. -<i>Institut. Religionis Christianæ</i>, I. iv. 14, and I. v. 5 of an early edition.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">31</a> -Newspaper report of a Sermon preached by Dean Stanley on -Christmas day, 1875.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">32</a> -At the end of the copy of the ‘De Trin. Error.,’ which Alwörden -describes in his <i>Historia Michaelis Serveti</i>, now in the National Library -at Paris, there is a MS. <i>Refutation</i> of the views of the writer, which -Tollin ascribes with great show of probability to Bucer, who, as we know, -was personally acquainted with Servetus. Of this Refutation (Confutatio) -Tollin has given an extended analysis in <i>Riehm und Köstlin’s Theologische -Studien und Kritiken für 1875</i>, S. 711.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">33</a> -Conf. <i>Epist. Zwinglii et Œcolampadii</i>. Basil, 1592.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">34</a> -<i>Dialogi de Trinitate</i>, 12mo. (1532), in the same form and type as -the <i>De Erroribus</i>, and still without the name of the publisher or place of -publication.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">35</a> -Servetus’s <i>De Trinitatis Erroribus</i> is generally believed to be one -of the rare books, yet it is commonly enough met with in England. So -long ago as the year 1725, however, a copy bound with the <i>Dialogi</i> sold -for the large sum of between four and five hundred French livres. There -is a counterfeit edition published in Holland, and only to be distinguished -from the original by the paper being somewhat better and the type a -shade larger. The Book was never, in so far as we know, publicly condemned -and burned. It was translated into Dutch (4to. 1620) with the -epigraph: Prœft alle Dingen ende behout het gœde, 1 John iv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">36</a> -‘Claudii Ptolemæi Alexandrini Geographicæ Enarrationis Libri -Octo; ex Bilibaldi Pirckhemeri Tralatione, sed ad Græca et prisca exemplaria -a Michaele Villanovano jam primum recogniti. Adjecta insuper -ab eodem Scholia,’ etc. Lugduni, ex Officina Melch. et Gasp. Trechsel, -1535. Fol.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">37</a> -</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Accipe non noti præclara volumina mundi,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Oceani et magnas noscito lector opes.<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Plurima debetur typhis tibi gratia, gentes<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Ignotas, et aves quas vehis orbe novo;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Magna quoque autori referenda et gratia nostro<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Qui facit hæc cunctis regna videnda locis.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">38</a> -Tollin has collected a great deal of very interesting information -on Servetus’s geographical studies, in his paper entitled ‘Michel Servet -als Geograph,’ in the <i>Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde</i>, 1875, S. 182 -et seq.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">39</a> -Quoted by Tollin in his Essays: ‘Wie Servet ein Mediciner -wurde,’ in Goschen’s <i>Deutsche Klinik</i>, No. 8, 1875; and ‘Servet und -Symphorien Champier,’ in Virchow’s <i>Archiv für pathologische Anatomie</i>, -Bd. 61. Berlin, 1875.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">40</a> -<i>Paradoxorum Medicinæ</i>, Libri iii., fol. Basil. 1535.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">41</a> -In <i>Leonhardum Fuchsium Defensio Apologetica</i>, pro Symphoriano -Campeggio.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">42</a> -<i>Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia.</i> I have searched the -libraries of London in vain for either of these Treatises of Servetus. -That the one addressed to Fuchs once existed among us, however, is -certain; for its title is to be seen in the catalogue of Dr. Williams’s -Library (Grafton Street, University College); but unfortunately the -work is not now to be found—it had disappeared before the present -Librarian, Dr. Hunter, came into office. Mosheim went so far as to -maintain that the Defence of Champier was a myth (Versuch, &c., einer -Ketzergeschichte, S. 72), and Dr. de Murr, though he did not question -its existence, never saw it. (<i>In Bibliothecas Hallerianas additamenta</i>, -4to. Helmst.) The Rev. Henri Tollin of Magdeburg has been more -fortunate; for he has not only seen but actually possesses copies of both -the Apologetic defences, as well as a copy of the pamphlet against the -Parisian Doctors, if I understand him aright. In a letter with which I -was lately favoured, he informs me that he intends to publish the more -interesting passages from the Defence of Champier, and the entire Tract -on Judicial Astrology.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">43</a> -‘Qua in re auxiliarios habui, primum Andreum Vesalium, juvenem -Mehercule! in Anatome diligentissimum; post hunc, Michael Villanovanus -familiariter mihi in consectionibus adhibitus est, vir omni genere -literarum ornatissimus, in Galeni doctrina vix ulli secundus. Horum -duorum præsidio atque opera, tum artuum, tum aliarum partium exteriorum, -musculos omnes, venas, arterias et nervos in ipsis corporibus -examinavi studiosisque ostendi.’ <i>Io. Guinteri Institutionum Anatomicarum</i>, -Lib. iv., 4to. Basil, 1539.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">44</a> -The reader who is curious on this matter will find what I believe to -be the first representation of the anatomist engaged in dissecting the -human body in the <i>Fasciculus Medicinæ of Io. à Ketham</i>, fol. Venet. -1495, of which there is a copy in fine preservation in the library of the -Royal College of Surgeons.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">45</a> -Syruporum universa Ratio ad Galeni censuram diligenter exposita; -cui, post integram de Concoctione disceptationem, præscripta est vera -purgandi methodus, cum expositione Aphorismi: Concocta medicari.</p> - -<p class="center">Michaele Villanovano Authore.</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Πρὸς τὸν φιλιατρον. εύροα ποιήσον τατεσώματα<br /></span> -<span class="i0">τατεπεπανων Ωμὰ Χυμων, ταυτης δογματα ἴσθι βιθλιου.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p class="center">Parisiis<br /> -ex officino Simonis Colinæi. [1537].</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">46</a> -<i>Syr. Universa Ratio</i>, fol. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">47</a> -Doubtless the <i>Disceptatio Apologetica pro Astrologia</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">48</a> -See Landseer’s <i>Sabæan Researches</i>, 4to. London.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">49</a> -<i>Vide</i> De Murr, <i>Annotamenta ad Bibliothecas Hallerianas</i>, 4to. -Helmstadt, 1805. Since this was written I have an interesting letter -from Pastor Tollin, in which he informs me that he actually possesses a -copy of the pamphlet!</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">50</a> -Bolsec, <i>Vie de Calvin</i>, 12mo. Paris, 1557.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">51</a> -The title is the same as before. In addition to the old address to -his reader, however, Villeneuve now appends these lines:—</p> - -<p>Ad Eundem.</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Si terras et regna hominum, si ingentia quæque<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Flumina, cœruleum si mare nôsse juvat,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Si montes, si urbes, populos opibusque superbos,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Huc ades, hæc oculis prospice cuncta tuis.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Which may be paraphrased thus:—</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">This world and all its kingdoms wouldst thou know,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">What mighty rivers to blue oceans flow,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">What mountains rise, what cities grace the lands,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Thick-peopled, rich through toil of busy hands,—<br /></span> -<span class="i0">—If for such lore thou hast a mind to call,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Open this book, and there survey it all.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">52</a> -<i>Vie de Calvin</i>, &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">53</a> -This, the second edition of Villanovanus’s Ptolemy, is one of the -very rare books. All of the impression that could be discovered when -Servetus was burned in effigy at Vienne, along with his <i>Christianismi -Restitutio</i>, appears to have been seized and committed to the flames. -I find both editions in the library of the British Museum.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">54</a> -<i>Habes in hoc Libro, prudens Lector, utriusque Instrumenti novam -Tralationem editam a Reverendo sacræ theologiæ Doctore Sancte Pagnini.</i> -Lugdun. 1527-28, fol. Such is the title of this, which we presume to be -the first edition of Pagnini’s Bible. Between it and the one of Cologne -of 1541, edited by Melchior Novesianus, we find no other until we come -to that of Villanovanus. Pagnini is said in the letter of J. F. Pico de -Mirandola, which precedes the text, to have been twenty-five years -engaged on the work. It is accompanied by no fewer than two commendatory -epistles from Popes Adrian VI. and Clement VII., and is said to -be the first edition of the Bible that is found divided into chapters. -Richard Simon (<i>Hist. du vieux Testament</i>, liv. ii.) speaks slightingly of -its merits; but it has been highly prized by others, as good judges as -he. To us it appears a very admirable version, our own English Bible -being generally so like it, that we fancy it must have been used by our -Translators.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">55</a> -Sandius, <i>Bibliotheca Antitrinitariorum</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">56</a> -<i>Neue Nachrichten</i>, etc. Helmst. 1750, 4to., S. 89-90.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">57</a> -‘Servetus nuper ad me scripsit, ac literas adjunxit longum volumen -suorum deliriorum, cum thrasonica jactantia, dicens me stupenda et -hactenus inaudita visurum. Si mihi placeat, huc se venturum recepit. -Sed nolo fidem meam interponere. Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea -authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar.’ Calvin to Farel, dated Ides -of February, 1546. From the original letter in the Paris Library; a -certified copy, published by Paul Henry in his <i>Leben Johann Calvins</i>, -3ter. Band; Beilagen, S. 65; from which the above paragraph is transcribed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">58</a> -Cont. Bolsec (Hieron. Hermes), Docteur Médecin à Lyon: <i>Histoire -de la Vie, Mœurs, Actes, Doctrine, Constance et Mort de Jean Calvin, -Grand Ministre à Genève</i>. Paris 1577, 12mo. Also in Latin, but of later -date—<i>Vita Calvini, &c.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">59</a> -It is a capital mistake to suppose, as Mosheim and others have done, -that the <i>Christianismi Restitutio</i> was ever exposed for sale, or readily to be -had either at Geneva or elsewhere. It cannot be shown that more than four -or five copies at most of the book ever left the bales in which the whole impression -was packed. There was, <i>first</i>, the copy sent, as I venture to think, -by Servetus through Frelon to Calvin, which led to the arrest and trial -at Vienne. <i>Second</i>, the copy taken from the five bales seized at Lyons -for the use of the Inquisitor Ory. <i>Third</i>, the copy transmitted for their -inspection to the Swiss Churches and Councils. <i>Fourth</i>, the copy given -to Colladon by way of Brief by Calvin, with the passages underscored, -on which Servetus was finally arraigned and condemned. And <i>Fifth</i>, -the copy which we find Calvin sending to Bullinger at his request. Of -these copies one may even have served two ends: after making the -round of the Churches and coming again into Calvin’s hands, it may very -well have been that which he despatched to Bullinger. That the book -was not to be had immediately after the execution of Servetus is proved -conclusively by what Sebastian Castellio, the accredited author of the -work entitled, <i>Contra Libellum Calvini</i>, says on the subject: <i>He had not -been able to obtain a sight of Servetus’s book, so as to inform himself of -what he writes, Calvin having taken such pains to have it burned—‘cum -Serveti libros, quippe combustos diligentia Calvini, non habeam, ut ex iis -possem videre quid scriberet.’</i> The <i>Christianismi Restitutio</i>, in fact, remained -completely unknown in the Republic of Letters until its existence -was proclaimed by Wotton in his <i>Reflections on Learning, Ancient and -Modern</i>, in the year 1694 (all but a century and a half after the death of -its author), by the publication of the passage on the pulmonary circulation, -extracted, we must conclude, from the copy that was then in England, -and subsequently became, if it were not already, the property of Dr. -Meade—the identical copy with the name on the title-page of Germain -Colladon, the advocate who prosecuted Servetus at the instance of Calvin, -now in the national library of Paris.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">60</a> -The title of the original, in full, is as follows:—</p> - -<p><i>Christianismi Restitutio.</i> Totius Ecclesiæ Apostolicæ est ad sua limina -vocatio, in Integrum Restituta Cognitione Dei, Fidei Christi, Justificationis -nostræ, Regenerationis Baptismi, et Cœnæ Domini Manducationis -Restitutio denique nobis Regno Cœlesti, Babylonis impia Captivitate -soluta, et Antichristo cum suis penitus destructo.</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="rtl">בעת ההיא יעמוד מיכאר השׂר</span><br /> -καὶ ὲγένετο πόλεμος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ.<br /> -MDLIII.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">61</a> -‘Whose soever sins ye remit,’ etc., John, xx. 23—writing added to -the original text, beyond doubt, and dating from long after the time of -Jesus, when the Church had acquired a status and was looking for -power.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">62</a> -It were beyond the scope of my work to pursue this subject further; -but let me say that having compared the first edition of the ‘Loci’ (1521) -with the one of 1536 and others, of which there are copies in the British -Museum Library, I find it impossible to overlook the influence of -Servetus on Melanchthon, as of Melanchthon on Servetus. For fuller information -the reader is referred to Tollin’s exhaustive, <i>Philip Melanchthon -und Michael Servet, eine Quellenstudie</i>. 8vo. 1876.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">63</a> -For some account of the existing copies of the <i>Christianismi -Restitutio</i>, see the Appendix to this book.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">64</a> -It may be well to remark on the confusion in the notice of the -<i>volume</i> or book which in Trie’s second letter, as we read it, is said to have -been sent among other documents, twenty-four in number; whilst in his -third epistle he regrets that <i>the volume</i> cannot be forwarded at the moment, -because of its having been lent two years ago to a friend of Calvin, -resident in Lausanne. The ‘great book’ first sent may have been the -copy of Calvin’s ‘Institutes,’ annotated on the margins by Servetus; a -conclusion that is borne out by the reference, by and by made in the impending -trial, towards the end of the first day’s proceedings, to pages -421-424, where Baptism is the subject treated. The volume that cannot -be forwarded at the time, because it had been lent to some one in -Lausanne, is certainly the MS. copy of the ‘Restitutio Christianismi,’ sent -by Servetus to Calvin some years before for his strictures, which he could -never get returned, Calvin having lent it to Viret of Lausanne, and grown -careless to take so much notice of the writer as would have been implied -in recovering and returning him his work.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">65</a> -They were leaves from the <i>Institutions</i> of Calvin, with annotations -by Servetus.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">66</a> -Chorier, <i>Etat politique de Dauphiné</i>, tome i., p. 335, quoted by -D’Artigny.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">67</a> -<i>Calvin to Farel</i>, Book I., p. 169.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">68</a> -</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Who loves not woman, wine, and song,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">A fool is he his life-time long.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">69</a> -<i>Lucii Annæi Senecæ De Clementia Libri Tres</i>, Paris, 1532. The -work was published by Calvin at his own expense, as a warning, unquestionably -against persecution on religious grounds. It is of great rarity in -its original shape, but is reprinted in the Geneva Edition of his <i>Opera -Minora</i> of the year 1597.</p> - -<p><i>Seneca on Clemency</i> is also to be found translated into English: -‘Lucius Annæus Seneca, his first Book of Clemency, written to Nero -Cæsar,’ Lond. 1553. The sentence quoted above and commented by the -French editor is rendered by the English translator briefly but not unhappily -thus:</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">For it doth rather cowardice appear<br /></span> -<span class="i0">Than clemency an injury in mind to bear:<br /></span> -<span class="i0">’Tis he in whose command revenge doth lie<br /></span> -<span class="i0">That’s merciful if he do pass it by.<br /></span> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">70</a> -<i>Thesaur. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss</i>, v. 450.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">71</a> -<i>Thes. Ep. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss</i>, v. 577.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">72</a> -Conf. Mosheim, op. cit. Beylagen. S. 255.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">73</a> -<i>Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et Reuss</i>, v. 591.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">74</a> -<i>Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy</i>, p. 357, in ed. of collected -minor works in French.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">75</a> -<i>Mém. de la Société d’histoire et d’Archéologie de Genève</i>, tom iii., 1844.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">76</a> -<i>Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy</i>; original ed., p. 354. Let -us reiterate that Servetus spoke truly when he said that the comment on -Palestine was none of his. We have already said that it is copied without -change of a word from the Ptolemy of Pirckheimer. We add further -that the scholium of the German editor was not challenged by Erasmus, -Melanchthon, or Œcolampadius, who seem all to have corresponded with -Pirckheimer on his edition. (<i>Vide</i> Tollin, in <i>Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft -für Erdkunde zu Berlin</i>. Bd. für 1875.) It was only, therefore, when -the comment came to be looked at through the distorting medium of -personal enmity that it was seen as libelling Moses and outraging the -Holy Ghost.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">77</a> -<i>Déclaration pour maintenir la vraie foy.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">78</a> -See a letter of Jo. Haller to H. Bullinger, quoted farther on.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">79</a> -Compare Galiffe in <i>Mém. de l’Institut National Genevois</i>, 1862, -p. 75.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">80</a> -The documents connected with the case of Bolsec must, we apprehend, -have been communicated to Servetus. He often uses the same -words as his predecessor in Calvin’s displeasure; and imitates him also -in the desire he expresses to have Calvin interrogated and put on his -trial for certain matters especially interesting to himself.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">81</a> -There is in fact a minute in the <i>Records of Geneva</i> of a formal requisition -made by Farel on October 30, and so three days after the -execution of Servetus, to have Wm. Geroult summoned to appear and -give an account of himself to the Council. The Lieutenant-Criminel, -Tissot, had even, as it seems, been charged with the business of making -the necessary inquiries preliminary to the institution of a criminal suit. -But we find no mention of any further step being taken in the matter. -The civil authorities, with three days for reflection, probably thought -that enough, more than enough perhaps, had already been done by the -burning of the principal offender.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">82</a> -By the writer of the <i>Dialogus inter Vaticanum et Calvinum</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">83</a> -<i>Fidelis Refutatio</i>, and <i>Déclaration pour maintenir</i>, &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">84</a> -From the <i>Criminal Records</i>, first published by Mosheim, op. cit. -Beylagen, S. 414.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">85</a> -In the summary of the trial given by Trechsel<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> from the archives of -Berne, the articles now brought forward by Rigot, and the questions -founded on them, are in the handwriting of the amanuensis usually employed -by Calvin to make copies of his letters and papers; and beyond -question were all dictated by Calvin himself. He perceived that he could -trust Rigot no further without risk of failure, and so resumed the position -he had taken with Trie, his servant Fontaine, and even in person, as we -have seen.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">86</a> -<i>Die Antitrinitarier: Michel Servet und seine Vorgänger</i>, S. 307.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">87</a> -Conf. <i>Chr. Rest.</i> pp. 433 and 655, and Ep. 29 to Calvin.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">88</a> -<i>Vide</i> pp. 34, 48, Book I.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">89</a> -Herniosus ab utero Servetus dicit se uno latere <i>resectum</i> fuisse, ad -lævandam infirmitatem. Uno oculo amisso, attamen, non ideo cæcus -homo; neque teste uno ablato impollens.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">90</a> -The letter of the Council of Geneva and the reply of the authorities -of Vienne are published in the new ed. of Calvin by Cünitz and Reuss, -vol. xiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">91</a> -Conf. <i>De Trin. Error.</i> fol. 93.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">92</a> -First under Calvin with Nicolas de la Fontaine as his agent; then -under Colladon engaged by Calvin; next under Rigot as public prosecutor -and now under Calvin and the Swiss Churches.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">93</a> -Here is what Servetus says on this subject, in connection with the -Sabellian or Patripassian heresy, in his earlier work: As the proper -passion of the flesh is to be born, so is it the proper passion of the flesh -to suffer, to be scourged, to be crucified, to die. But all this does not -touch the spirit, for it is not the soul that suffers or that dies, but the -body. Who so profane as to imagine that the angel in me dies although -I die? (<i>De Trinitatis Erroribus</i>, f. 76, b.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">94</a> -From Mosheim’s <i>Neue Nachrichten, Beilagen</i>, S. 102, copied from -the archives of the Church of Zürich.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">95</a> -Bullinger’s letter bears date from Zürich, Sep. 14, 1553, and is printed -in Calvin’s correspondence by Cünitz and Reuss.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">96</a> -The letter is given at length in the <i>Thes. Epist. Calvini a Cünitz et -Reuss</i>, v. 591.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">97</a> -Calvin to Bullinger, April 21, 1555, in <i>Epist. Calvini</i>, 8vo. Hanov. -1597.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">98</a> -Vue le sommaire du procés de Michel Servet, prisonnier, le rapport -de ceux, esquel on a consultez, et considéré les grands erreurs et -blasfémes—Est este arreté: Il soyt condamné à estre mené a Champel, -et la brulez tout vivfz, et soyt exequeté a demain, et ses livres bruslés.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">99</a> -Defensio Orthodoxæ Fidei, &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">100</a> -Calvin only took letters of naturalisation as a citizen of Geneva -four years before his death in 1564, eleven years after the death of -Servetus.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">101</a> -See the Confession in full, in Cünitz and Reuss’s edit. of the <i>Opera -Calvini</i>, viii. 704.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">102</a> -<i>De Voce Trinitate et Voce Persona.</i><a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a></p> - -<p>Quoniam voces istas Trinitatis et Personarum plurimum Ecclesiæ -Christi commodare intelligimus, ut et vera Patris, Filii et Spiritus -Sancti distinctio clarius exprimatur, et contentiosis controversiis melius -occurratur, ab his usque adeo non abhorremus, ut libenter amplexemur, -sive ex aliis audiendæ sive a nobis usurpandæ sint. Itaque quod antea a -nobis factum est, in posterum quoque operam daturos, quoad licebit -recipimus, ne earum usus in Ecclesiis nostris aboleatur. Nam neque ab iis -inter scribendum, vel in Scripturæ ennarrationibus in concionibus ad populum, -abstinebimus ipsi, et alios docebimus ne superstitiose refugiant. Si -quis autem, præpostera religione, teneatur quominus eas usurpare libenter -ausit, quanquam ejusmodi superstitionem nobis non probari testamur, -cui corrigendæ non sit defuturum nostrum studium; quia tamen non -videtur nobis hæc satis firma causa cur vir alioqui pius et in eandem -religionem nobis sensu consentiens repudietur, ejus imperitiam hac in -parte eatenus feremus ne abjiciamus ipsum ab Ecclesia, aut tanquam male -sentientem de fide notemus. Neque, interim maligne interpretabimur si -Bernensis Ecclesiæ Pastores eos ad verbi ministerium admittere non -sustineant quos comperint voces istas aspernari.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">103</a> -Op. sup. cit. viii. p. 707.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">104</a> -<i>Fidelis expositio Errorum Michaelis Serveti</i>, &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">105</a> -These words I have, however, since found quoted by Henry: <i>Leben -Calvins</i>, i. 181, and by Kampschulte, <i>Johann Calvin</i>, i. 297.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">106</a> -<i>Fuessli, Epistolæ ab Ecclesia Helvet. Reformatoribus.</i> 8vo. Tigur. -1748.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">107</a> -<i>Calvini Epist. et Respons.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">108</a> -The full titles are these: Déclaration pour maintenir la vraye Foy -que tiennent tous Chrétiens de la Trinité des Personnes en un seul Dieu. -Par Jean Calvin. Contre les Erreurs de Michel Servet, Espaignol; où il -est aussi monstré qu’il est licite de punir les heretiques; et qu’a bon droit -ce meschant à esté executé par justice en la Ville de Genève. Chez Jean -Crespin. A Genève, 1554, p. 356. 8vo.</p> - -<p>Defensio orthodoxæ fidei de sacra Trinitate contra prodigiosos errores -Michaelis Serveti, Hispani; ubi ostenditur hæreticos jure gladii coercendos, -et nominatim de homine hoc, tam impio, justè et merito sumptum Genevæ -fuisse supplicium, per Johannem Calvinum. Apud Olivum Roberti -Stephani, 1554, p. 262. 8vo. Both of the versions are subscribed by all -the Genevese clergy, and though they differ somewhat in minute particulars, -they agree in everything essential. We have fine copies of both -originals in our national Library.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">109</a> -For a more particular account of Calvin’s severities, the reader is -referred to a paper by M. Galiffe in the <i>Mémoires de l’Institut National -de Genève</i> for 1862, p. 79. But torture was an old institution in Geneva, -and Servetus is said only to have escaped the rack on the remonstrance -of Vandel, one of the senators of the libertine party. In older days we -read of one Postel, who, failing to answer so satisfactorily as was desired -when cited before the Roman Catholic bishop and his court, for some -offence, was ‘suspended by the rope’—by the wrists we believe. A first -suspension, however, not proving effectual, a second was ordered; but it -being now dinner time, the culprit was suspended a second time whilst -his lordship the bishop dined! In more recent times, and under Calvin’s -rule, a certain Billiard, having been guilty of jeering at the thunder and -lightning during a terrible storm, whilst the inhabitants of Geneva generally -were on their knees praying to God for mercy, was adjudged to be lashed -by the common hangman at the tail of a cart through the streets of the -city! Germain Colladon declared that he deserved death; but as he had -a wife and family they might be content with the scourging!</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">110</a> -<i>Em. Saisset: Michel Servet comme philosophe. In Mélanges de -Critique et d’ Histoire.</i> 12mo., Paris, 1865.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">111</a> -First printed by Mosheim from the autograph, in his <i>Neue Nachrichten -von dem berühmten Spanischen Aertzte Michael Serveto, Beilagen</i>, -S. 106. 8vo., Helmst. 1750.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">112</a> -<i>Corpus Reform. Ep. Melanch. ad An.</i>, 1554.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">113</a> -Comment. in <i>Acta Apostol. ad Regem Daniæ</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">114</a> -<i>Institutiones Religionis Christ.</i> Lib. i. Cap. 2, of the earlier editions.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">115</a> -Joris’s able letter in low German is given by Mosheim, op. cit., p. 421.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">116</a> -The proper title of this rare book, of which we have a copy in the -library of the British Museum is: <i>De Hæreticis an sint persequendi et -omnino quomodo sit cum eis agendum, doctorum virorum, tum veterum -tum recentiorum, sententiæ</i>, &c. The opinions of the learned, both of -ancient and modern times, concerning heretics: Are they to be persecuted; -or how otherwise are they to be dealt with? A book most necessary -and useful in these distracted times to sovereign princes and magistrates -in dealing with a matter of such difficulty and danger. 12mo., Magdeburgh, -1554.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">117</a> -<i>Contra libellum Calvini quo ostendere conetur hæreticos jure gladii -coercendos esse.</i> S. L. [1554]. Of this rare book I have not met with an -original copy; but there is the reprint (after 1602) in the Brit. Mus. -Library.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">118</a> -Conf. <i>Fuessli: Sebastian Castellio, eine Lebensgeschichte zur Erläuterung -der Reformation</i>. 8vo. Zürich und Leipz. 1767.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">119</a> -<i>Mini Celsi Senensis de Hæreticis capitali supplicio afficientibus; -adjuncta sunt Theod. Bezæ ejusdem argumenti et And. Duditii Epistolæ -duæ contrariæ.</i> 8vo. s. L. 1584.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">120</a> -<i>Ketzergeschichte</i>, S. 301.</p></div></div> - -<div class="transnote"> - -<h3>Transcriber’s Note:</h3> - -<p>Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.</p> - -</div> - -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<hr class="full" /> -<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SERVETUS AND CALVIN***</p> -<p>******* This file should be named 54226-h.htm or 54226-h.zip *******</p> -<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/4/2/2/54226">http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/2/2/54226</a></p> -<p> -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed.</p> - -<p>Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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