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diff --git a/old/54180-0.txt b/old/54180-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 571e1f9..0000000 --- a/old/54180-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17373 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, -Volume I, by James Bruce - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, Volume I - In the years 1769, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772 and 1773 - -Author: James Bruce - -Release Date: February 17, 2017 [EBook #54180] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS VOL. 1 OF 2 *** - - - - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Wayne Hammond and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - TRAVELS - - TO DISCOVER THE - - SOURCE OF THE NILE, - - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773. - - IN FIVE VOLUMES. - - BY JAMES BRUCE OF KINNAIRD, ESQ. F. R. S. - - [Illustration] - - VOL. I. - - _Opus aggredior opimum casibus, atrox prœliis, discors seditionibus, - Ipsâ etiam pace sœvum._ TACIT. Lib. iv. Ann. - - - EDINBURGH: - PRINTED BY J. RUTHVEN, - FOR G. G. J. AND J. ROBINSON, PATERNOSTER-ROW, - LONDON. - - M.DCC.XC. - - - - -[Illustration] - -TO THE - -KING. - - -SIR, - -The study and knowledge of the Globe, for very natural and obvious -reasons, seem, in all ages, to have been the principal and favourite -pursuit of great Princes; perhaps they were, at certain periods, the -very sources of that greatness. - -But as Pride, Ambition, and an immoderate thirst of Conquest, were the -motives of these researches, no real advantage could possibly accrue to -mankind in general, from inquiries proceeding upon such deformed and -noxious principles. - -In later times, which have been accounted more enlightened, still a -worse motive succeeded to that of ambition; Avarice led the way in -all expeditions, cruelty and oppression followed: to discover and -to destroy seemed to mean the same thing; and, what was still more -extraordinary, the innocent sufferer was stiled the Barbarian; while -the bloody, lawless invader, flattered himself with the name of -Christian. - -With Your MAJESTY‘s reign, which, on many accounts, will for ever be -a glorious æra in the annals of Britain, began the emancipation of -discovery from the imputation of cruelty and crimes. - -It was a golden age, which united humanity and science, exempted -men of liberal minds and education, employed in the noblest of all -occupations, that of exploring the distant parts of the Globe, from -being any longer degraded, and rated as little better than the -Buccaneer, or pirate, because they had, till then, in manners been -nearly similar. - -It is well known, that an uncertainty had still remained concerning the -form, quantity, and consistence of the earth; and this, in spite of -all their abilities and improvement, met philosophers in many material -investigations and delicate calculations. Universal benevolence, a -distinguishing quality of Your MAJESTY, led You to take upon Yourself -the direction of the mode, and furnishing the means of removing these -doubts and difficulties for the common benefit of mankind, who were all -alike interested in them. - -By Your MAJESTY‘s command, for these great purposes, Your fleets -penetrated into unknown seas, fraught with subjects, equal, if not -superior, in courage, science, and preparation, to any that ever before -had navigated the ocean. - -But they possessed other advantages, in which, beyond all comparison, -they excelled former discoverers. In place of hearts confused with -fantastic notions of honour and emulation, which constantly led to -bloodshed, theirs were filled with the most beneficent principles, with -that noble persuasion, the foundation of all charity, not that all men -are equal, but that they are all brethren; and that being superior to -the savage in every acquirement, it was for that very reason their duty -to set the example of mildness, compassion, and long-suffering to a -fellow-creature, because the weakest, and, by no fault of his own, the -least instructed, and always perfectly in their power. - -Thus, without the usual, and most unwarrantable excesses, the -overturning ancient, hereditary kingdoms, without bloodshed, or -trampling under foot the laws of society and hospitality, Your -MAJESTY‘s subjects, braver, more powerful and instructed than those -destroyers of old, but far more just, generous, and humane, erected in -the hearts of an unknown people, while making these discoveries, an -empire founded on peace and love of the subject, perfectly consistent -with those principles by which Your MAJESTY has always professed to -govern; more firm and durable than those established by bolts and -chains, and all those black devices of tyrants not even known by name, -in Your happy and united, powerful and flourishing kingdoms. - -While these great objects were steadily conducting to the end which the -capacity of those employed, the justness of the measures on which they -were planned, and the constant care and support of the Public promised, -there still remained an expedition to be undertaken which had been long -called for, by philosophers of all nations, in vain. - -Fleets and armies were useless; even the power of Britain, with the -utmost exertion, could afford no protection there, the place was so -unhappily cut off from the rest of mankind, that even Your MAJESTY‘s -name and virtues had never yet been known or heard of there. - -The situation of the country was barely known, no more: placed -under the most inclement skies, in part surrounded by impenetrable -forests, where, from the beginning, the beasts had established a -sovereignty uninterrupted by man, in part by vast deserts of moving -sands, where nothing was to be found that had the breath of life, -these terrible barriers inclosed men more bloody and ferocious than -the beasts themselves, and more fatal to travellers than the sands -that encompassed them; and thus shut up, they had been long growing -every day more barbarous, and defied, by rendering it dangerous, the -curiosity of travellers of every nation. - -Although the least considerable of your MAJESTY‘s subjects, yet not -the least desirous of proving my duty by promoting your MAJESTY‘s -declared plan of discovery as much as the weak endeavours of a single -person could, unprotected, forlorn, and alone, or at times associated -to beggars and banditti, as they offered, I undertook this desperate -journey, and did not turn an ell out of my proposed way till I had -completed it: It was the first discovery attempted in Your MAJESTY‘s -reign. From Egypt I penetrated into this country, through Arabia on one -side, passing through melancholy and dreary deserts, ventilated with -poisonous winds, and glowing with eternal sun-beams, whose names are as -unknown in geography as are those of the antediluvian world. In the six -years employed in this survey I described a circumference whose greater -axis comprehended twenty-two degrees of the meridian, in which dreadful -circle was contained all that is terrible to the feelings, prejudicial -to the health, or fatal to the life of man. - -In laying the account of these Travels at Your MAJESTY‘s feet, I humbly -hope I have shewn to the world of what value the efforts of every -individual of Your MAJESTY‘s subjects may be; that numbers are not -always necessary to the performance of great and brilliant actions, -and that no difficulties or dangers are unsurmountable to a heart warm -with affection and duty to his Sovereign, jealous of the honour of -his master, and devoted to the glory of his country, now, under Your -MAJESTY‘s wise, merciful, and just reign, deservedly looked up to as -Queen, of Nations. I am, - - SIR, - - YOUR MAJESTY’s - - Most faithful Subject, - - And most dutiful Servant, - - JAMES BRUCE. - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -However little the reader may be conversant with ancient histories, -in all probability he will know, or have heard this much in general, -that the attempt to reach the Source of the Nile, the principal -subject of this publication, from very early ages interested all -scientific nations: Nor was this great object _feebly_ prosecuted, -as men, the first for wisdom, for learning, and spirit (a most -necessary qualification in this undertaking) very earnestly interested -themselves about the discovery of the sources of this famous river, -till disappointment followed disappointment so fast, and consequences -produced other consequences so fatal, that the design was entirely -given over, as having, upon the fairest trials, appeared impracticable. -Even conquerors at the head of immense armies, who had first discovered -and then subdued great part of the world, were forced to lower their -tone here, and dared scarcely to extend their advances toward this -discovery, beyond the limits of bare wishes. At length, if it was -not forgot, it was however totally abandoned from the causes above -mentioned, and with it all further topographical inquiries in that -quarter. - -Upon the revival of learning and of the arts, the curiosity of mankind -had returned with unabated vigour towards this object, but all -attempts had met with the same difficulties as before, till, in the -beginning of his Majesty’s reign, the unconquerable spirit raised in -this nation by a long and glorious war, did very naturally resolve -itself into a spirit of adventure and inquiry at the return of peace, -one of the first-fruits of which was the discovery of these coy -fountains[1], till now concealed from the world in general. - -The great danger and difficulties of this journey were well known, -but it was likewise known that it had been completely performed -without disappointment or misfortune, that it had been attended with -an apparatus of books and instruments, which seldom accompanies the -travels of an individual; yet sixteen years had elapsed without any -account appearing, which seemed to mark an unusual self-denial, or an -absolute indifference towards the wishes of the public. - -Men, according to their different genius and dispositions, attempted -by different ways to penetrate the cause of this silence. The candid, -the learned, that species of men, in fine, for whom only it is worth -while to travel or to write, supposing (perhaps with some degree of -truth) that an undeserved and unexpected neglect and want of patronage -had been at least part of the cause, adopted a manner, which, being -the most liberal, they thought likely to succeed: They endeavoured to -entice me by holding out a prospect of a more generous disposition in -the minds of future ministers, when I should shew the claim I had upon -them by having promoted the glory of the nation. Others, whom I mention -only for the sake of comparison, below all notice on any other ground, -attempted to succeed in this by anonymous letters and paragraphs in the -newspapers; and thereby absurdly endeavoured to oblige me to publish -an account of those travels, which they affected at the same time to -believe I had never performed. - -But it is with very great pleasure and readiness I do now declare, -that no fantastical or deformed motive, no peevish disregard, much -less contempt of the judgment of the world, had any part in the delay -which has happened to this publication. I look upon their impatience -to see this work as an earnest of their approbation of it, and a -very great honour done to me; and if I had still any motive to defer -submitting these observations to their judgment, it could only be that -I might employ that interval in polishing and making them more worthy -of their perusal. The candid and instructed public, the impartial and -unprejudiced foreigner, are tribunals merit should naturally appeal to; -it is there it always has found sure protection against the influence -of cabals, and the virulent strokes of malice, envy, and ignorance. - -It is with a view to give every possible information to my reader, -that in this introduction I lay before him the motives upon which -these travels were undertaken, the order and manner in which they were -executed, and some account of the work itself, as well of the matter as -the distribution of it. - -Every one will remember that period, so glorious to Britain, the -latter end of the ministry of the late Earl of Chatham. I was then -returned from a tour through the greatest part of Europe, particularly -through the whole of Spain and Portugal, between whom there then was -an appearance of approaching war. I was about to retire to a small -patrimony I had received from my ancestors, in order to embrace a life -of study and reflection, nothing more active appearing then within my -power, when chance threw me unexpectedly into a very short and very -desultory conversation with Lord Chatham. - -It was a few days after this that Mr Wood, then under-secretary of -state, my very zealous and sincere friend, informed me that Lord -Chatham intended to employ me upon a particular service; that, -however, I might go down for a few weeks to my own country to settle -my affairs, but by all means to be ready upon a call. Nothing could be -more flattering to me than such an offer; when so young, to be thought -worthy by Lord Chatham of any employment, was doubly a preferment. No -time was lost on my side; but, just after my receiving orders to return -to London, his Lordship had gone to Bath, and resigned his office. - -This disappointment, which was the more sensible to me, that it was -the first I had met in public life, was promised to be made up to -me by Lord Egremont and Mr George Grenville. The former had been -long my friend, but unhappily he was then far gone in a lethargic -indisposition, which threatened, and did very soon put a period to his -existence. With Lord Egremont’s death my expectations vanished. Further -particulars are unnecessary, but I hope that at least, in part, they -remain in that breast where they naturally ought to be, and where I -shall ever think, not to be forgotten, is to be rewarded. - -Seven or eight months were past in an expensive and fruitless -attendance in London, when Lord Halifax was pleased, not only to -propose, but to plan for me a journey of considerable importance, -and which was to take up several years. His Lordship said, that -nothing could be more ignoble, than that, at such a time of life, -at the height of my reading, health, and activity, I should, as it -were, turn peasant, and voluntarily bury myself in obscurity and -idleness; that though war was now drawing fast to an end, full as -honourable a competition remained among men of spirit, which should -acquit themselves best in the dangerous line of useful adventure and -discovery. “He observed, that the coast of Barbary, which might be said -to be just at our door, was as yet but partially explored by Dr Shaw, -who had only illustrated (very judiciously indeed) the geographical -labours of Sanson[2]; that neither Dr Shaw nor Sanson had been, or -had pretended to be, capable of giving the public any detail of the -large and magnificent remains of ruined architecture which they both -vouch to have seen in great quantities, and of exquisite elegance and -perfection, all over the country. Such had not been their study, yet -such was really the taste that was required in the present times. He -wished therefore that I should be the first, in the reign just now -beginning, to set an example of making large additions to the royal -collection, and he pledged himself to be my supporter and patron, and -to make good to me, upon this additional merit, the promises which had -been held forth to me by former ministers for other services.” - -The discovery of the Source of the Nile was also a subject of these -conversations, but it was always mentioned to me with a kind of -diffidence, as if to be expected from a more experienced traveller. -Whether this was but another way of exciting me to the attempt I shall -not say; but my heart in that instant did me justice to suggest, that -this, too, was either to be atchieved by me, or to remain, as it had -done for these last two thousand years, a defiance to all travellers, -and an opprobrium to geography. - -Fortune seemed to enter into this scheme. At the very instant, Mr -Aspinwall, very cruelly and ignominiously treated by the Dey of -Algiers, had resigned his consulship, and Mr Ford, a merchant, formerly -the Dey’s acquaintance, was named in his place. Mr Ford was appointed, -and dying a few days after, the consulship became vacant. Lord Halifax -pressed me to accept of this, as containing all sort of conveniencies -for making the proposed expedition. - -This favourable event finally determined me. I had all my life -applied unweariedly, perhaps with more love than talent, to drawing, -the practice of mathematics, and especially that part necessary to -astronomy. The transit of Venus was at hand. It was certainly known -that it would be visible once at Algiers, and there was great reason to -expect it might be twice. I had furnished myself with a large apparatus -of instruments, the completest of their kind for the observation. In -the choice of these I had been assisted by my friend Admiral Campbell, -and Mr Russel secretary to the Turkey Company; every other necessary -had been provided in proportion. It was a pleasure now to know that -it was not from a rock or a wood, but from my own house at Algiers, I -could deliberately take measures to place myself in the list of men of -science of all nations, who were then preparing for the same scientific -purpose. - -Thus prepared, I set out for Italy, through France; and though it -was in time of war, and some strong objections had been made to -particular passports solicited by our government from the French -secretary of state, Monsieur de Choiseul most obligingly waved all -such exceptions with regard to me, and most politely assured me, in a -letter accompanying my passport, that those difficulties did not in any -shape regard me, but that I was perfectly at liberty to pass through, -or remain in France, with those that accompanied me, without limiting -their number, as short or as long a time as should be agreeable to me. - -On my arrival at Rome I received orders to proceed to Naples, there to -await his Majesty’s further commands. Sir Charles Saunders, then with -a fleet before Cadiz, had orders to visit Malta before he returned to -England. It was said, that the grand-master of that Order had behaved -so improperly to Mr Hervey (afterwards Lord Bristol) in the beginning -of the war, and so partially and unjustly between the two nations -during the course of it, that an explanation on our part was become -necessary. The grand-master no sooner heard of my arrival at Naples, -than guessing the errand, he sent off Cavalier Mazzini to London, where -he at once made his peace and his compliments to his Majesty upon his -accession to the throne. - -Nothing remained now but to take possession of my consulship. I -returned without loss of time to Rome, and thence to Leghorn, where, -having embarked on board the Montreal man of war, I proceeded to -Algiers. - -While at Naples, I received from slaves, redeemed from the province -of Constantina, accounts of magnificent ruins they had seen while -traversing that country in the camp with their master the Bey. I saw -the absolute necessity there was for assistance, without which it was -impossible for any one man, however diligent and qualified, to do any -thing but bewilder himself. All my endeavours, however, had hitherto -been unsuccessful to persuade any Italian to put himself wilfully into -the hands of a people constantly looked upon by them in no better light -than pirates. - -While I was providing myself with instruments at London, I thought -of one, which, though in a very small form and imperfect state, had -been of great entertainment and use to me in former travels; this is -called a Camera Obscura, the idea of which I had first taken from the -Spectacle de la Nature of the Abbé Vertot. But the present one was -constructed upon my own principles; I intrusted the execution of the -glasses to Messrs Nairne and Blunt, Mathematical instrument-makers -opposite to the Exchange, whom I had usually employed upon such -occasions, and with whose capacity and fidelity I had, after frequent -trials, the greatest reason to be satisfied. - -This, when finished, became a large and expensive instrument; but being -separated into two pieces, the top and bottom, and folding compactly -with hinges, was neither heavy, cumbersome, nor inconvenient, and the -charge incurred by the additions and alterations was considerably more -than compensated by the advantages which accrued from them. Its body -was an hexagon of six-feet diameter, with a conical top; in this, as in -a summer-house, the draughtsman sat unseen, and performed his drawing. -There is now, I see, one carried as a show about the streets, of nearly -the same dimensions, called a Delineator, made on the same principles, -and seems to be an exact imitation of mine. - -By means of this instrument, a person of but a moderate skill in -drawing, but habituated to the effect of it, could do more work, and in -a better taste, whilst executing views of ruined architecture, in one -hour, than the readiest draughtsman, so unassisted, could do in seven; -for, with proper care, patience, and attention, not only the elevation, -and every part of it, is taken with the utmost truth and justest -proportion, but the light and shade, the actual breaches as they stand, -vignettes, or little ornamental shrubs, which generally hang from and -adorn the projections and edges of the several members, are finely -expressed, and beautiful lessons given, how to transport them with -effect to any part where they appear to be wanting. - -Another greater and inestimable advantage is, that all landscapes, and -views of the country, which constitute the background of the picture, -are real, and in the reality shew, very strikingly indeed, in such a -country as Africa, abounding in picturesque scenes, how much nature -is superior to the creation of the warmest genius or imagination. -Momentary masses of clouds, especially the heavier ones, of stormy -skies, will be fixed by two or three unstudied strokes of a pencil; and -figures and dress, in the most agreeable attitudes and folds, leave -traces that a very ordinary hand might speedily make his own, or, what -is still better, enable him with these elements to use the assistance -of the best artist he can find in every line of painting, and, by the -help of these, give to each the utmost possible perfection; a practice -which I have constantly preferred and followed with success. - -It is true, this instrument has a fundamental defect in the laws of -optics; but this is obvious, and known unavoidably to exist; and he -must be a very ordinary genius indeed, and very lame, both in theory -and practice, that cannot apply the necessary correction, with little -trouble, and in a very short time. - -I was so well pleased with the first trial of this instrument at -Julia Cæsarea, now Shershell, about 60 miles from Algiers, that I -commissioned a smaller one from Italy, which, though negligently and -ignorantly made, did me this good service, that it enabled me to -save my larger and more perfect one, in my unfortunate shipwreck at -Bengazi[3], the ancient Berenice, on the shore of Cyrenaicum; and this -was of infinite service to me in my journey to Palmyra. - -Thus far a great part of my wants were well supplied, at least such as -could be foreseen, but I still laboured under many. Besides that single -province of ruined architecture, there remained several others of equal -importance to the public. The natural history of the country, the -manners and languages of the inhabitants, the history of the heavens, -by a constant observation of, and attention to which, a useful and -intelligible map of the country could be obtained, were objects of the -utmost consequence. - -Packing and repacking, mounting and rectifying these instruments alone, -besides the attention and time necessary in using them, required -what would have occupied one man, if they had been continual, which -they luckily were not, and he sufficiently instructed. I therefore -endeavoured to procure such a number of assistants, that should each -bear his share in these several departments; not one only, but three -or four if possible. I was now engaged, and part of my pride was to -shew, how easy a thing it was to disappoint the idle prophecies of the -ignorant, that this expedition would be spent in pleasure, without -any profit to the public. I wrote to several correspondents, Mr -Lumisden, Mr Strange, Mr Byers, and others in different parts of Italy, -acquainting them of my situation, and begging their assistance. These -gentlemen kindly used their utmost endeavours, but in vain. - -It is true, Mr Chalgrin, a young French student in architecture, -accepted the proposal, and sent a neat specimen of rectilineal -architecture. Even this gentleman might have been of some use, but his -heart failed him; he would have wished the credit of the undertaking, -without the fatigues of the journey. At last Mr Lumisden, by accident, -heard of a young man who was then studying architecture at Rome, a -native of Bologna, whose name was Luigi Balugani. I can appeal to Mr -Lumisden, now in England, as to the extent of this person’s practice -and knowledge, and that he knew very little when first sent to me. -In the twenty months which he staid with me at Algiers, by assiduous -application to proper subjects under my instruction, he became a very -considerable help to me, and was the only one that ever I made use of, -or that attended me for a moment, or ever touched one representation -of architecture in any part of my journey. He contracted an incurable -distemper in Palestine, and died after a long sickness, soon after I -entered Ethiopia, after having suffered constant ill-health from the -time he left Sidon. - -While travelling in Spain, it was a thought which frequently suggested -itself to me, how little informed the world yet was in the history of -that kingdom and monarchy. The Moorish part in particular, when it was -most celebrated for riches and for science, was scarcely known but from -some romances or novels. It seemed an undertaking worthy of a man of -letters to rescue this period from the oblivion or neglect under which -it laboured. Materials were not wanting for this, as a considerable -number of books remained in a neglected and almost unknown language, -the Arabic. I endeavoured to find access to some of those Arabian -manuscripts, an immense collection of which were every day perishing in -the dust of the escurial, and was indulged with several conversations -of Mr Wall, then minister, every one of which convinced me, that the -objections to what I wished were founded so strongly in prejudice, that -it was not even in his power to remove them. - -All my success in Europe terminated in the acquisition of those few -printed Arabic books that I had found in Holland, and these were -rather biographers than general historians, and contained little in -point of general information. The study of these, however, and of -Maracci’s Koran, had made me a very tolerable Arab; a great field was -opening before me in Africa to complete a collection of manuscripts, an -opportunity which I did not neglect. - -After a year spent at Algiers, constant conversation with the natives -whilst abroad, and with my manuscripts within doors, had qualified -me to appear in any part of the continent without the help of an -interpreter. Ludolf[4] had assured his readers, that the knowledge of -any oriental language would soon enable them to acquire the Ethiopic, -and I needed only the same number of books to have made my knowledge -of that language go hand in hand with my attainments in the Arabic. My -immediate prospect of setting out on my journey to the inland parts -of Africa, had made me double my diligence; night and day there was -no relaxation from these studies, although the acquiring any single -language had never been with me either an object of time or difficulty. - -At this instant, instead of obtaining the liberty I had solicited to -depart, orders arrived from the king to expect his further commands at -Algiers, and not to think of stirring from thence, till a dispute about -passports was settled, in which I certainly had no concern, further -than as it regarded me as his Majesty’s actual servant, for it had -originated entirely from the neglect of the former consul’s letters -directed to the secretary of state at home, before my coming to Algiers. - -The island of Minorca had been taken by the French; and when the fort -of St Philip surrendered by an article common to all capitulations, -it was stipulated, that all papers found in the fort were to be -delivered to the captors. It happened that among these was a number -of blank Mediterranean passes, which fell therefore into the hands of -the French, and the blanks were filled up by the French governor and -secretary, who very naturally wished to embroil us with the Barbary -states, it being then the time of war with France. They were sold to -Spaniards, Neapolitans, and other enemies of the Barbary regencies. -The check[5] (the only proof that these pirates have of the vessels -being a friend) agreed perfectly with the passport filled up by the -French governor, but the captor seeing that the crew of these vessels -were dark-coloured, wore mustachoes, and spoke no English, carried the -vessel to Algiers, where the British consul detected the fraud, and -was under the disagreeable necessity of surrendering so many Christians -into slavery in the hands of their enemies. - -One or two successful discoveries of this kind made the hungry pirates -believe that the passport of every vessel they met with, even those -of Gibraltar, were false in themselves, and issued to protect their -enemies. Violent commotions were excited amongst the soldiery, abetted -under hand by several of the neutral consuls there. By every occasion -I had wrote home, but in vain, and the Dey could never be persuaded -of this, as no answer arrived. Government was occupied with winding -up matters at the end of a war, and this neglect of my letters often -brought me into great danger. At last a temporary remedy was found, -whether it originated from home, or whether it was invented by the -governor of Mahon and Gibraltar, was never communicated to me, but -a surer and more effectual way of having all the nation at Algiers -massacred could certainly not have been hit upon. - -Square pieces of common paper, about the size of a quarter-sheet, were -sealed with the arms of the governor of Mahon, sometimes with red, -sometimes with black wax, as the family circumstances of that officer -required. These were signed by his signature, countersigned by that -of his secretary, and contained nothing more than a bare and simple -declaration, that the vessel, the bearer of it, was British property. -These papers were called _Passavants_. The cruiser, uninstructed in -this when he boarded a vessel, asked for his Mediterranean pass. The -mailer answered, He had none, he had only a passavant, and shewed the -paper, which having no check, the cruiser brought him and his vessel -as a good prize into Algiers. Upon my claiming them, as was my duty, -I was immediately called before the Dey and divan, and had it not -been from personal regard the Turks always shewed me, I should not -have escaped the insults of the soldiery in my way to the palace. The -Dey asked me, upon my word as a Christian and an Englishman, whether -these written passes were according to treaty, or whether the word -_passavant_ was to be found in any of our treaties with the Moorish -regencies? All equivocation was useless. I answered, That these passes -were not according to treaty; that the word _passavant_ was not in -any treaty I knew of with any of the Barbary states; that it was a -measure necessity had created, by Minorca’s falling into the hands of -the French, which had never before been the case, but that the remedy -would be found as soon as the greater business of settling the general -peace gave the British ministry time to breathe. Upon this the Dey, -holding several _passavants_ in his hand, answered, with great emotion, -in these memorable terms, “The British government know that we can -neither read nor write, no not even our own language; we are ignorant -soldiers and sailors, robbers if you will, though we do not wish to rob -you; but war is our trade, and we live by that only. Tell me how my -cruisers are to know that all these different writings and seals are -Governor Mostyn’s, or Governor Johnston’s, and not the Duke of Medina -Sidonia’s, or Barcelot’s, captain of the king of Spain’s cruisers?” It -was impossible to answer a question so simple and so direct. I touched -then the instant of being cut to pieces by the soldiery, or of having -the whole British Mediterranean trade carried into the Barbary ports. -The candid and open manner in which I had spoken, the regard and esteem -the Dey always had shewed me, and some other common methods with the -members of the regency, staved off the dangerous moment, and were the -means of procuring time. Admiralty passes at last came out, and the -matter was happily adjusted; but it was an affair the least pleasing -and the least profitable, and one of the most dangerous in which I was -ever engaged. - -All this disagreeable interval I had given to study, and making myself -familiar with every thing that could be necessary to me in my intended -journey. The king’s surgeon at Algiers, Mr Ball, a man of considerable -merit in his profession, and who lived in my family, had obtained leave -to return home. Before I was deprived of this assistance, I had made -a point of drawing from it all the advantages possible for my future -travels. Mr Ball did not grudge his time or pains in the instruction he -gave me. I had made myself master of the art of bleeding, which I found -consisted only in a little attention, and in overcoming that diffidence -which the ignorance how the parts lie occasions. Mr Ball had shewn me -the manner of applying several sorts of bandages, and gave me an idea -of dressing some kinds of sores and wounds. Frequent and very useful -lessons, which I also received from my friend Doctor Russel at Aleppo, -contributed greatly to improve me afterwards in the knowledge of physic -and surgery. I had a small chest of the most efficacious medicines, a -dispensary to teach me to compound others that were needful, and some -short treatises upon the acute diseases of several countries within -the tropics. Thus instructed, I flatter myself, no offence I hope, I -did not occasion a greater mortality among the Mahometans and Pagans -abroad, than may be attributed to some of my brother physicians among -their fellow Christians at home. - -The rev. Mr Tonyn, the king’s chaplain at Algiers, was absent upon -leave before I arrived in that regency. The Protestant shipmasters who -came into the port, and had need of spiritual assistance, found here -a blank that was not easily filled up; I should therefore have been -obliged to take upon myself the disagreeable office of burying the -dead, and the more chearful, though more troublesome one, of marrying -and baptizing the living; matters that were entirely out of my way, but -to which the Roman Catholic clergy would contribute no assistance. - -There was a Greek priest, a native of Cyprus, a very venerable man, -past seventy years of age, who had attached himself to me from my first -arrival in Algiers. This man was of a very social and chearful temper, -and had, besides, a more than ordinary knowledge of his own language. -I had taken him to my house as my chaplain, read Greek with him -daily, and spoke it at times when I could receive his correction and -instruction. It was not that I, at this time of day, needed to learn -Greek, I had long understood that language perfectly; what I wanted -was the pronunciation, and reading by accent, of which the generality -of English scholars are perfectly ignorant, and to which it is owing -that they apprehend the Greek spoken and written in the Archipelago is -materially different from that language which we read in books, and -which a few weeks conversation in the islands will teach them it is -not. I had in this, at that time, no other view than mere convenience -during my passage through the Archipelago, which I intended to visit, -without any design of continuing or studying there: But the reader will -afterwards see of what very material service this acquaintance was to -me, so very essential, indeed, that it contributed more to the success -of my views in Abyssinia than any other help that I obtained throughout -the whole of it. This man’s name was Padre Christophoro, or Father -Christopher. At my leaving Algiers, finding himself less conveniently -situated, he went to Egypt, to Cairo, where he was promoted to be -second in rank under Mark, patriarch of Alexandria, where I afterwards -found him. - -Business of a private nature had at this time obliged me to -present myself at Mahon, a gentleman having promised to meet me -there; I therefore sailed from Algiers, having taken leave of the -Dey, who furnished me with every letter that I asked, with strong -and peremptory orders to all the officers of his own dominions, -pressing recommendatory ones to the Bey of Tunis and Tripoli, states -independent, indeed, of the Dey of Algiers, but over which the -circumstances of the times had given him a considerable influence. - -The violent disputes about the passports had rather raised than lowered -me in his esteem. The letters were given with the best grace possible, -and the orders contained in them were executed most exactly in all -points during my whole stay in Barbary. Being disappointed in the -meeting I looked for at Mahon, I remained three days in Quarantine -Island, though General Townsend, then deputy-governor, by every -civility and attention in his power, strove to induce me to come on -shore, that he might have an opportunity of shewing me still more -attention and politeness. - -My mind being now full of more agreeable ideas than what had for some -time past occupied it, I sailed in a small vessel from Port Mahon, -and, having a fair wind, in a short time made the coast of Africa, at -a cape, or headland, called Ras el Hamra[6], and landed at Bona, a -considerable town, the ancient Aphrodisium[7], built from the ruins of -Hippo Regius[8], from which it is only two miles distant. It stands -on a large plain, part of which seems to have been once overflowed by -the sea. Its trade consists now in the exportation of wheat, when, in -plentiful years, that trade is permitted by the government of Algiers. -I had a delightful voyage close down the coast, and passed the small -island Tabarca[9], lately a fortification of the Genoese, now in the -hands of the regency of Tunis, who took it by surprise, and made all -the inhabitants slaves. The island is famous for a coral fishery, and -along the coast are immense forests of large beautiful oaks, more than -sufficient to supply the necessities of all the maritime powers in the -Levant, if the quality of the wood be but equal to the size and beauty -of the tree. - -From Tabarca I sailed and anchored at Biserta, the Hippozaritus[10] of -antiquity, and thence went to pay a visit to Utica, out of respect to -the memory of Cato, without having sanguine expectations of meeting any -thing remarkable there, and accordingly I found nothing memorable but -the name. It may be said nothing remains of Utica but a heap of rubbish -and of small stones; without the city the trenches and approaches of -the ancient besiegers are still very perfect. - -After doubling Cape Carthage I anchored before the fortress of the -Goletta, a place now of no strength, notwithstanding the figure it -made at the time of the expedition of Charles V. Rowing along the -bay, between the Cape and this anchorage, I saw several buildings -and columns still standing under water, by which it appeared that -old Carthage had owed part of its destruction to the sea, and hence -likewise may be inferred the absurdity of any attempt to represent the -site of ancient Carthage upon paper. It has been, besides, at least ten -times destroyed, so that the stations, where its first citizens fell -fighting for their liberty, are covered deep in rubbish, far from being -trodden upon by those unworthy slaves who now are its masters. - -Tunis[11] is twelve miles distant from this: It is a large and -flourishing city. The people are more civilized than in Algiers, and -the government milder, but the climate is very far from being so good. -Tunis is low, hot, and damp, and destitute of good water, with which -Algiers is supplied from a thousand springs. - -I delivered my letters from the Bey, and obtained permission to visit -the country in whatever direction I should please. I took with me a -French renegado, of the name of Osman, recommended to me by Monsieur -Bartheleny de Saizieux, consul of France to that state; a gentleman -whose conversation and friendship furnish me still with some of the -most agreeable reflections that result from my travels. With Osman -I took ten spahi, or horse-soldiers, well armed with firelocks, and -pistols, excellent horsemen, and, as far as I could ever discern upon -the few occasions that presented, as eminent for cowardice, at least, -as they were for horsemanship. This was not the case with Osman, who -was very brave, but he needed a sharp look-out, that he did not often -embroil us where there was access to women or to wine. - -One of the most agreeable favours I received was from a lady of the -Bey, who furnished me with a two-wheeled covered cart, exactly like -those of the bakers in England. In this I secured my quadrant and -telescope from the weather, and at times put likewise some of the -feeblest of my attendants. Besides these I had ten servants, two of -whom were Irish, who having deserted from the Spanish regiments in -Oran, and being British born, though slaves, as being Spanish soldiers, -were given to me at parting by the Dey of Algiers. - -The coast along which I had sailed was part of Numidia and Africa -Proper, and there I met with no ruins. I resolved now to distribute my -inland journey through the kingdom of Algiers and Tunis. In order to -comprehend the whole, I first set out along the river Majerda, through -a country perfectly cultivated and inhabited by people under the -controul of government, this river was the ancient Bagrada[12]. - -After passing a triumphal arch of bad taste at Basil-bab, I came the -next day to Thugga[13], perhaps more properly called Tucca, and by the -inhabitants Dugga. The reader in this part should have Doctor Shaw’s -Work before him, my map of the journey not being yet published; and, -indeed, after Shaw’s, it is scarcely necessary to those who need only -an itinerary, as, besides his own observations, he had for basis those -of Sanson. - -I found at Dugga a large scene of ruins, among which one building was -easily distinguishable. It was a large temple of the Corinthian order, -all of Parian marble, the columns fluted, the cornice highly ornamented -in the very best style of sculpture. In the tympanum is an eagle flying -to heaven, with a human figure upon his back, which, by the many -inscriptions that are still remaining, seems to be intended for that -of Trajan, and the apotheosis of that emperor to be the subject, the -temple having been erected by Adrian to that prince, his benefactor and -predecessor. I spent fifteen days upon the architecture of this temple -without feeling the smallest disgust, or forming a wish to finish it; -it is, with all its parts, still unpublished in my collection. These -beautiful and magnificent remains of ancient taste and greatness, so -easily reached in perfect safety, by a ride along the Bagrada, full as -pleasant and as safe as along the Thames between London and Oxford, -were at Tunis totally unknown. Doctor Shaw has given the situation of -the place, without saying one word about any thing curious it contains. - -From Dugga I continued the upper road to Keff[14], formerly called -Sicca Venerea, or Venerea ad Siccam, through the pleasant plains -inhabited by the Welled Yagoube. I then proceeded to Hydra, the -Thunodrunum[15] of the ancients. This is a frontier place between the -two kingdoms of Algiers and Tunis, as Keff is also. It is inhabited by -a tribe of Arabs, whose chief is a marabout, or saint; they are called -Welled Sidi Boogannim, the “sons of the father of flocks.” - -These Arabs are immensely rich, paying no tribute either to Tunis or -Algiers. The pretence for this exemption is a very singular one. By -the institution of their founder, they are obliged to live upon lions -flesh for their daily food, as far as they can procure it; with this -they strictly comply, and, in consideration of the utility of this -their vow, they are not taxed, like the other Arabs, with payments to -the state. The consequence of this life is, that they are excellent -and well-armed horsemen, exceedingly bold and undaunted hunters. It -is generally imagined, indeed, that these considerations, and that of -their situation on the frontier, have as much influence in procuring -them exemption from taxes, as the utility of their vow. - -There is at Thunodrunum a triumphal arch, which Dr Shaw thinks is more -remarkable for its size than for its taste or execution; but the size -is not extraordinary; on the other hand, both taste and execution are -admirable. It is, with all its parts, in the King’s collection, and, -taking the whole together, is one of the most beautiful landscapes in -black and white now existing. The distance, as well as the fore-ground, -are both from nature, and exceedingly well calculated for such -representation. - -Before Dr Shaw’s travels first acquired the celebrity they have -maintained ever since, there was a circumstance that very nearly ruined -their credit. He had ventured to say in conversation, that these -Welled Sidi Boogannim were eaters of lions, and this was considered -at Oxford, the university where he had studied, as a traveller’s -license on the part of the Doctor. They took it as a subversion of the -natural order of things, that a man should eat a lion, when it had -long passed as almost the peculiar province of the lion to eat man. -The Doctor flinched under the sagacity and severity of this criticism; -he could not deny that the Welled Sidi Boogannim did eat lions, as he -had repeatedly said; but he had not yet published his travels, and -therefore left it out of his narrative, and only hinted at it after in -his appendix. - -With all submission to that learned university, I will not dispute -the lion’s title to eating men; but, since it is not founded upon -patent, no consideration will make me stifle the merit of Welled -Sidi Boogannim, who have turned the chace upon the enemy. It is an -historical fact; and I will not suffer the public to be misled by a -misrepresentation of it; on the contrary, I do aver, in the face of -these fantastic prejudices, that I have ate the flesh of lions, that -is, part of three lions, in the tents of Welled Sidi Boogannim. The -first was a he-lion, lean, tough, smelling violently of musk, and had -the taste which, I imagine, old horse-flesh would have. The second -was a lioness, which they said had that year been barren. She had a -considerable quantity of fat within her; and, had it not been for the -musky smell that the flesh had, though in a lesser degree than the -former, and for our foolish prejudices against it, the meat, when -broiled, would not have been very bad. The third was a lion’s whelp, -six or seven months old; it tasted, upon the whole, the worst of the -three. I confess I have no desire of being again served with such a -morsel; but the Arabs, a brutish and ignorant folk, will, I fear, -notwithstanding the disbelief of the university of Oxford, continue to -eat lions as long as they exist. - -From Hydra I passed to the ancient Tipasa[16], another Roman colony, -going by the same name to this day. Here is a most extensive scene of -ruins. There is a large temple, and a four-faced triumphal arch of the -Corinthian order, in the very best taste; both of which are now in the -collection of the King. - -I here crossed the river Myskianah, which falls into the Bagrada, -and continuing through one of the most beautiful and best-cultivated -countries in the world, I entered the eastern province of Algiers, -now called Constantina, anciently the Mauritania Cæsariensis, -whose capital, Constantina, is the ancient metropolis of Syphax. -It was called Cirta[17], and, after Julius Cæsar’s conquest, Cirta -Sittianorum, from Caius Sittius who first took it. It is situated -upon a high, gloomy, tremendous precipice. Part only of its aqueduct -remains: the water, which once was carried into the town, now spills -itself from the top of the cliff into a chasm, or narrow valley, above -four hundred feet below. The view of it is in the King’s collection; -a band of robbers, the figures which adorn it, is a composition from -imagination; all the rest is perfectly real. - -The Bey was at this time in his camp, as he was making war with the -Hanneishah, the most powerful tribe of Arabs in that province. After -having refreshed myself in the Bey’s palace I set out to Seteef, the -Sitifi[18] of antiquity, the capital of Mauritania Sitifensis, at -some distance from which I joined the Bey’s army, consisting of about -12,000 men, with four pieces of cannon. After staying a few days with -the Bey, and obtaining his letters of recommendation, I proceeded to -Taggou-zainah, anciently Diana Veteranorum[19], as we learn by an -inscription on a triumphal arch of the Corinthian order which I found -there. - -From Taggou-zainah I continued my journey nearly straight S. E. -and arrived at Medrashem, a superb pile of building, the sepulchre -of Syphax, and the other kings of Numidia, and where, as the Arabs -believe, were also deposited the treasures of those kings. A drawing -of this monument is still unpublished in my collection. Advancing still -to the S. E. through broken ground and some very barren valleys, which -produced nothing but game, I came to Jibbel Aurez, the Aurasius Mons of -the middle age. This is not one mountain, but an assemblage of many of -the most craggy steeps in Africa. - -Here I met, to my great astonishment, a tribe, who, if I cannot say -they were fair like English, were of a shade lighter than that of the -inhabitants of any country to the southward of Britain. Their hair -also was red, and their eyes blue. They are a savage and independent -people; it required address to approach them with safety, which, -however, I accomplished, (the particulars would take too much room for -this place), was well received, and at perfect liberty to do whatever -I pleased. This tribe is called Neardie. Each of the tribe, in the -middle between their eyes, has a Greek cross marked with antimony. They -are Kabyles. Though living in tribes, they have among the mountains -huts, built with mud and straw, which they call Dashkras, whereas the -Arabs live in tents on the plains. I imagine these to be a remnant of -Vandals. Procopius[20] mentions a defeat of an army of this nation -here, after a desperate resistance, a remnant of which may be supposed -to have maintained themselves in these mountains. They with great -pleasure confessed their ancestors had been Christians, and seemed to -rejoice much more in that relation than in any connection with the -Moors, with whom they live in perpetual war: they pay no taxes to the -Bey, but live in constant defiance of him. - -As this is the Mons Audus of Ptolemy, here too must be fixed his -Lambesa[21], or Lambesentium Colonia, which, by a hundred Latin -inscriptions remaining on the spot, it is attested to have been. It -is now called Tezzoute: the ruins of the city are very extensive. -There are seven of the gates still standing, and great pieces of the -walls solidly built with square masonry without lime. The buildings -remaining are of very different ages, from Adrian to Aurelian, nay even -to Maximin. One building only, supported by columns of the Corinthian -order, was in good taste; what its use was I know not. The drawing of -this is in the King’s collection. It was certainly designed for some -military purpose, by the size of the gates; I should suspect a stable -for elephants, or a repository for catapulta, or other large military -machines, though there are no traces left upon the walls indicating -either. Upon the key-stone of the arch of the principal gate there is a -basso-relievo of the standard of a legion, and upon it an inscription, -Legio tertia Augusta, which legion, we know from history, was quartered -here. Dr Shaw[22] says, that there is here a neat, round, Corinthian -temple, called Cubb el Arrousah, the Cupola or Dome of the Bride or -Spouse. Such a building does exist, but it is by no means of a good -taste, nor of the Corinthian order; but of a long disproportioned -Doric, of the time of Aurelian, and does not merit the attention of any -architect. Dr Shaw never was so far south as Jibbel Aurez, so could -only say this from report. - -From Jibbel Aurez nothing occurred in the style of architecture that -was material. Hydra remained on the left hand. I came to Cassareen, -the ancient Colonia Scillitana[23], where I suffered something both -from hunger and from fear. The country was more rugged and broken than -any we had yet seen, and withal less fruitful and inhabited. The Moors -of these parts are a rebellious tribe, called Nememshah, who had fled -from their ordinary obligation of attending the Bey, and had declared -themselves on the part of the rebel-moors, the Henneishah. - -My intentions now were to reach Feriana, the Thala[24] of the ancients, -where I expected considerable subjects for study; but in this I was -disappointed, and being on the frontier, and in dangerous times, when -several armies were in the field, I thought it better to steer my -course eastward, and avoid the theatre of war. - -Journeying east, I came to Spaitla[25], and again got into the -kingdom of Tunis. Spaitla is a corruption of Suffetula[26], which was -probably its ancient name before it became a Roman colony; so called -from Suffetes, a magistrature in all the countries dependent upon -Carthage. Spaitla has many inscriptions, and very extensive and elegant -remains. There are three temples, two of them Corinthian, and one of -the Composite order; a great part of them is entire. A beautiful and -perfect capital of the Composite order, the only perfect one that now -exists, is designed, in all its parts, in a very large size; and, with -the detail of the rest of the ruin, is a precious monument of what that -order was, now in the collection of the King. - -Doctor Shaw, struck with the magnificence of Spaitla, has attempted -something like the three temples, in a stile much like what one would -expect from an ordinary carpenter, or mason. I hope I have done them -more justice, and I recommend the study of the Composite capital, as -of the Corinthian capital at Dugga, to those who really wish to know -the taste with which these two orders were executed in the time of the -Antonines. - -The Welled Omran, a lawless, plundering tribe, inquieted me much in the -eight days I staid at Spaitla. It was a fair match between coward and -coward. With my company, I was inclosed in a square in which the three -temples stood, where there yet remained a precinct of high walls. These -plunderers would have come in to me, but were afraid of my fire-arms; -and I would have run away from them, had I not been afraid of meeting -their horse in the plain. I was almost starved to death, when I was -relieved by the arrival of Welled Hassan, and a friendly tribe of -Dreeda, that came to my assistance, and brought me, at once, both -safety and provision. - -From Spaitla I went to Gilma, or Oppidum Chilmanense. There is here -a large extent of rubbish and stones, but no distinct trace of any -building whatever. - -From Gilma I passed to Muchtar, corruptly now so called. Its ancient -name is Tucca Terebinthina[27]. Dr Shaw[28] says its modern name is -Sbeeba, but no such name is known here. I might have passed more -directly from Spaitla southward, but a large chain of mountains, to -whose inhabitants I had no recommendation, made me prefer the safer and -plainer road by Gilma. At Tucca Terebinthina are two triumphal arches, -the largest of which I suppose equal in taste, execution, and mass, to -any thing now existing in the world. The lesser is more simple, but -very elegant. They are both, with all the particulars of their parts, -not yet engraved, but still in my collection. - -From Muchtar, or Tucca Terebinthina, we came to Kisser[29], which Dr -Shaw conjectures to have been the Colonia Assuras of the ancients, by -this it should seem he had not been there; for there is an inscription -upon a triumphal arch of very good taste, now standing, and many others -to be met with up and down, which confirms beyond doubt his conjecture -to be a just one. There is, besides this, a small square temple, upon -which are carved several instruments of sacrifice, which are very -curious, but the execution of these is much inferior to the design. -It stands on the declivity of a hill, above a large fertile plain, -still called the Plain of Surse, which is probably a corruption of its -ancient name Assuras. - -From Kisser I came to Musti, where there is a triumphal arch of very -good taste, but perfectly in ruins; the merit of its several parts -only could be collected from the fragments which lie strewed upon the -ground. - -From Musti[30] I proceeded north-eastward to Tubersoke, thence again to -Dugga, and down the Bagrada to Tunis. - -My third, or, which may be called my middle journey through Tunis, was -by Zowan, a high mountain, where is a large aqueduct which formerly -carried its water to Carthage. Thence I came to Jelloula, a village -lying below high mountains on the west; these are the Montes Vassaleti -of Ptolemy[31], as the town itself is the Oppidum Usalitanum of Pliny. -I fell here again into the ancient road at Gilma; and, not satisfied -with what I had seen of the beauties of Spaitla, I passed there five -days more, correcting and revising what I had already committed to -paper. Independent of the treasure I found in the elegance of its -buildings, the town itself is situated in the most beautiful spot in -Barbary, surrounded thick with juniper-trees, and watered by a pleasant -stream that sinks there under the earth, and appears no more. - -Here I left my former road at Cassareen, and proceeding directly S. E. -came to Feriana, the road that I had abandoned before from prudential -motives, Feriana, as has been before observed, is the ancient -Thala, taken and destroyed by Metellus in his pursuit of Jugurtha. -I had formed, I know not from what reason, sanguine expectations of -elegant remains here, but in this I was disappointed; I found nothing -remarkable but the baths of very warm water[32] without the town; in -these there was a number of fish, above four inches in length, not -unlike gudgeons. Upon trying the heat by the thermometer, I remember to -have been much surprised that they could have existed, or even not been -boiled, by continuing long in the heat of this medium. As I marked the -degrees with a pencil while I was myself naked in the water, the leaf -was wetted accidentally, so that I missed the precise degree I meant to -have recorded, and do not pretend to supply it from memory. The bath is -at the head of the fountain, and the stream runs off to a considerable -distance. I think there were about five or six dozen of these fish in -the pool. I was told likewise, that they went down into the stream to a -certain distance in the day, and returned to the pool, or warmest and -deepest water, at night. - -From Feriana I proceeded S. E. to Gafsa, the ancient Capsa[33], and -thence to Tozer, formerly Tisurus[34]. I then turned nearly N. E. and -entered a large lake of water called the Lake of Marks, because in the -passage of it there is a row of large trunks of palm-trees set up to -guide travellers in the road which crosses it. Doctor Shaw has settled -very distinctly the geography of this place, and those about it. It -is the Palus Tritonidis[35], as he justly observes; this was the most -barren and unpleasant part of my journey in Africa; barren not only -from the nature of its soil, but by its having no remains of antiquity -in the whole course of it. - -From this I came to Gabs, or Tacape[36], after passing El Hammah, the -baths which were the Aquas Tacapitanas of antiquity, where the small -river Triton, by the moisture which it furnishes, most agreeably and -suddenly changes the desert scene, and covers the adjacent fields with -all kinds of flowers and verdure. - -I was now arrived upon the lesser Syrtis, and continued along the -sea-coast northward to Inshilla, without having made any addition to -my observations. I turned again to the N. W. and came to El Gemme[37], -where there is a very large and spacious amphitheatre, perfect as to -the desolation of time, had not Mahomet Bey blown up four arches of it -from the foundation, that it might not serve as a fortress to the rebel -Arabs. The sections, elevations, and plans, with the whole detail of -its parts, are in the King’s collection. - -I have still remaining, but not finished, the lower or subterraneous -plan of the building, an entrance to which I forced open in my journey -along the coast to Tripoli. This was made so as to be filled with water -by means of a sluice and aqueduct, which are still entire. The water -rose up in the arena, through a large square-hole faced with hewn-stone -in the middle, when there was occasion for water-games or naumachia. -Doctor Shaw[38] imagines this was intended to contain the pillar that -supported the velum, which covered the spectators from the influence of -the sun. It might have served for both purposes, but it seems to be too -large for the latter, though I confess the more I have considered the -size and construction of these amphitheatres, the less I have been able -to form an idea concerning this velum, or the manner in which it served -the people, how it was secured, and how it was removed. This was the -last ancient building I visited in the kingdom of Tunis, and I believe -I may confidently say, there is not, either in the territories of -Algiers or Tunis, a fragment of good taste of which I have not brought -a drawing to Britain. - -I continued along the coast to Susa, through a fine country planted -with olive trees, and came again to Tunis, not only without -disagreeable accident, but without any interruption from sickness -or other cause. I then took leave of the Bey, and, with the -acknowledgments usual on such occasions, again set out from Tunis, on a -very serious journey indeed, over the desert to Tripoli, the first part -of which to Gabs was the same road by which I had so lately returned. -From Gabs I proceeded to the island of Gerba, the Meninx[39] Insula, or -Island of the Lotophagi. - -Doctor Shaw says, the fruit he calls the Lotus is very frequent all -over that coast. I wish he had said what was this Lotus. To say it is -the fruit the most common on that coast is no description, for there is -there no sort of fruit whatever; no bush, no tree, nor verdure of any -kind, excepting the short grass that borders these countries before you -enter the moving sands of the desert. Doctor Shaw never was at Gerba, -and has taken this particular from some unfaithful story-teller. The -Wargumma and Noile, two great tribes of Arabs, are masters of these -deserts. Sidi Ismain, whose grandfather, the Bey of Tunis, had been -dethroned and strangled by the Algerines, and who was himself then -prisoner at Algiers, in great repute for valour, and in great intimacy -with me, did often use to say, that he accounted his having passed that -desert on horseback as the hardiest of all his undertakings. - -About four days journey from Tripoli I met the Emir Hadje conducting -the caravan of pilgrims from Fez and Sus in Morocco, all across Africa -to Mecca, that is, from the Western Ocean, to the western banks of the -Red Sea in the kingdom of Sennaar. He was a middle-aged man, uncle to -the present emperor, of a very uncomely, stupid kind of countenance. -His caravan consisted of about 3000 men, and, as his people said, from -12,000 to 14,000 camels, part loaded with merchandise, part with skins -of water, flour, and other kinds of food, for the maintenance of the -hadjees; they were a scurvy, disorderly, unarmed pack, and when my -horsemen, tho’ but fifteen in number, came up with them in the grey of -the morning, they shewed great signs of trepidation, and were already -flying in confusion. When informed who they were, their fears ceased, -and, after the usual manner of cowards, they became extremely insolent. - -At Tripoli I met the Hon. Mr Frazer of Lovat, his Majesty’s consul in -that station, from whom I received every sort of kindness, comfort, and -assistance, which I very much needed after so rude a journey, made with -such diligence that two of my horses died some days after. - -I had hopes of finding something at Lebeda, formerly Leptis Magna[40], -three days journey from Tripoli, where are indeed a great number of -buildings, many of which are covered by the sands; but they are of a -bad taste, mostly ill-proportioned Dorics of the time of Aurelian. -Seven large columns of granite were shipped from this for France, in -the reign of Louis XIV. destined for one of the palaces he was then -building. The eighth was broken on the way, and lies now upon the -shore. Though I was disappointed at Lebeda, ample amends were made me -at Tripoli on my return. - -From Tripoli I sent an English servant to Smyrna with my books, -drawings, and supernumerary instruments, retaining only extracts from -such authors as might be necessary for me in the Pentapolis, or other -parts of the Cyrenaicum. I then crossed the Gulf of Sidra, formerly -known by the name of the Syrtis Major, and arrived at Bengazi, the -ancient Berenice[41], built by Ptolemy Philadelphus. - -The brother of the Bey of Tripoli commanded here, a young man, as weak -in understanding as he was in health. All the province was in extreme -confusion. Two tribes of Arabs, occupying the territory to the west of -the town, who in ordinary years, and in time of peace, were the sources -of its wealth and plenty, had, by the mismanagement of the Bey, entered -into deadly quarrel. The tribe that lived most to the westward, and -which was reputed the weakest, had beat the most numerous that was -nearest the town, called Welled Abid, and driven them within its walls. -The inhabitants of Bengazi had for a year before been labouring under -a severe famine, and by this accident about four thousand persons, of -all ages and sexes, were forced in upon them, when perfectly destitute -of every necessary. Ten or twelve people were found dead every night -in the streets, and life was said in many to be supported by food that -human nature shudders at the thoughts of. Impatient to fly from these -Thyestean feasts, I prevailed upon the Bey to send me out some distance -to the southward, among the Arabs where famine had been less felt. - -I encompassed a great part of the Pentapolis, visited the ruins of -Arsinoe, and, though I was much more feebly recommended than usual, I -happily received neither insult nor injury. Finding nothing at Arsinoe -nor Barca, I continued my journey to Ras Sem, the petrified city, -concerning which so many monstrous lies were told by the Tripoline -ambassador, Cassem Aga, at the beginning of this century, and all -believed in England, though they carried falsehood upon the very face -of them[42]. It was not then the age of incredulity, we were fast -advancing to the celebrated epoch of the man in the pint-bottle, and -from that time to be as absurdly incredulous as we were then the -reverse, and with the same degree of reason. - -Ras Sem is five long days journey south from Bengazi; it has no water, -except a spring very disagreeable to the taste, that appears to be -impregnated with alum, and this has given it the name it bears of Ras -Sem, or the Fountain of Poison, from its bitterness. The whole remains -here consist in the ruins of a tower or fortification, that seems to -be a work full as late as the time of the Vandals. How or what use -they made of this water I cannot possibly guess; they had no other -at the distance of two days journey. I was not fortunate enough to -discover the petrified men and horses, the women at the churn, the -little children, the cats, the dogs, and the mice, which his Barbarian -excellency assured Sir Hans Sloane existed there: Yet, in vindication -of his Excellency, I must say, that though he propagated, yet he did -not invent this falsehood; the Arabs who conducted me maintained the -same stories to be true, till I was within two hours of the place, -where I found them to be false. I saw indeed mice[43], as they are -called, of a very extraordinary kind, having nothing of petrifaction -about them, but agile and active, so to partake as much of the bird as -the beast. - -Approaching now the sea-coast I came to Ptolometa, the ancient -Ptolemais[44], the work of Ptolemy Philadelphus, the walls and gates -of which city are still entire. There is a prodigious number of Greek -inscriptions, but there remain only a few columns of the portico, and -an Ionic temple, in the first manner of executing that order; and -therefore, slight as the remains are, they are treasures in the history -of architecture which are worthy to be preserved. These are in the -King’s collection, with all the parts that could be recovered. - -Here I met a small Greek junk belonging to Lampedosa, a little island -near Crete, which had been unloading corn, and was now ready to sail. -At the same time the Arabs of Ptolometa told me, that the Welled Ali, -a powerful tribe that occupy the whole country between that place and -Alexandria, were at war among themselves, and had plundered the caravan -of Morocco, of which I have already spoken, and that the pilgrims -composing it had mostly perished, having been scattered in the desert -without water; that a great famine had been at Derna, the neighbouring -town, to which I intended to go; that a plague had followed, and the -town, which is divided into upper and lower, was engaged in a civil -war. This torrent of ill news was irresistible, and was of a kind I did -not propose to wrestle with; besides, there was nothing, as far as I -knew, that merited the risk. I resolved, therefore, to fly from this -inhospitable coast, and save to the public, at least, that knowledge -and entertainment I had acquired for them. - -I embarked on board the Greek vessel, very ill accoutred, as we -afterwards found, and, though it had plenty of sail, it had not an -ounce of ballast. A number of people, men, women, and children, -flying from the calamities which attend famine, crowded in unknown -to me; but the passage was short, the vessel light, and the master, -as we supposed, well accustomed to these seas. The contrary of this, -however, was the truth, as we learned afterwards, when too late, for -he was an absolute landsman; proprietor indeed of the vessel, but this -had been his first voyage. We sailed at dawn of day in as favourable -and pleasant weather as ever I saw at sea. It was the beginning of -September, and a light and steady breeze, though not properly fair, -promised a short and agreeable voyage; but it was not long before it -turned fresh and cold; we then had a violent shower of hail, and the -clouds were gathering as if for thunder. I observed that we gained no -offing, and hoped, if the weather turned bad, to persuade the Captain -to put into Bengazi, for one inconvenience he presently discovered, -that they had not provision on board for one day. - -However, the wind became contrary, and blew a violent storm, seeming -to menace both thunder and rain. The vessel being in her trim with -large latine sails, fell violently to leeward, and they scarce would -have weathered the Cape that makes the entrance into the harbour of -Bengazi, which is a very bad one, when all at once it struck upon -a sunken rock, and seemed to be set down upon it. The wind at that -instant seemed providentially to calm; but I no sooner observed the -ship had struck than I began to think of my own situation. We were -not far from shore, but there was an exceeding great swell at sea. -Two boats were still towed astern of them, and had not been hoisted -in. Roger M‘Cormack, my Irish servant, had been a sailor on board the -Monarch before he deserted to the Spanish service. He and the other, -who had likewise been a sailor, presently unlashed the largest boat, -and all three got down into her, followed by a multitude of people whom -we could not hinder, and there was, indeed, something that bordered -on cruelty, in preventing poor people from using the same means that -we had done for preserving their lives; yet, unless we had killed -them, the prevention was impossible, and, had we been inclined to that -measure, we dared not, as we were upon a Moorish coast. The most that -could be done was, to get loose from the ship as soon as possible, and -two oars were prepared to row the boat ashore. I had stript myself to -a short under-waistcoat and linen drawers; a silk sash, or girdle, was -wrapt round me; a pencil, small pocket-book, and watch, were in the -breast-pocket of my waistcoat; two Moorish and two English servants -followed me; the rest, more wise, remained on board. - -We were not twice the length of the boat from the vessel before a wave -very nearly filled the boat. A howl of despair from those that were -in her shewed their helpless state, and that they were conscious of a -danger they could not shun. I saw the fate of all was to be decided -by the very next wave that was rolling in; and apprehensive that some -woman, child, or helpless man would lay hold of me, and entangle my -arms or legs and weigh me down, I cried to my servants, both in Arabic -and English, We are all lost; if you can swim, follow me; I then let -myself down in the face of the wave. Whether that, or the next, filled -the boat, I know not, as I went to leeward to make my distance as great -as possible. I was a good, strong, and practised swimmer, in the flower -of life, full of health, trained to exercise and fatigue of every kind. -All this, however, which might have availed much in deep water, was -not sufficient when I came to the surf. I received a violent blow upon -my breast from the eddy wave and reflux, which seemed as given me by a -large branch of a tree, thick cord, or some elastic weapon. It threw me -upon my back, made me swallow a considerable quantity of water, and had -then almost suffocated me. - -I avoided the next wave, by dipping my head and letting it pass over, -but found myself breathless, exceedingly weary and exhausted. The -land, however, was before me, and close at hand. A large wave floated -me up. I had the prospect of escape still nearer, and endeavoured to -prevent myself from going back into the surf. My heart was strong, but -strength was apparently failing, by being involuntarily twisted about, -and struck on the face and breast by the violence of the ebbing wave: -it now seemed as if nothing remained but to give up the struggle, and -resign to my destiny. Before I did this I sunk to sound if I could -touch the ground, and found that I reached the sand with my feet, -though the water was still rather deeper than my mouth. The success of -this experiment infused into me the strength of ten men, and I strove -manfully, taking advantage of floating only with the influx of the -wave, and preserving my strength for the struggle against the ebb, -which, by sinking and touching the ground, I now made more easy. At -last, finding my hands and knees upon the sands, I fixed my nails into -it, and obstinately resisted being carried back at all, crawling a few -feet when the sea had retired. I had perfectly lost my recollection -and understanding, and after creeping so far as to be out of the reach -of the sea, I suppose I fainted, for from that time I was totally -insensible of any thing that passed around me. - -In the mean time the Arabs, who live two short miles from the shore, -came down in crowds to plunder the vessel. One of the boats was thrown -ashore, and they had belonging to them some others; there was one -yet with the wreck, which scarcely appeared with its gunnel above -water. All the people were now taken on shore, and those only lost who -perished in the boat. What first wakened me from this semblance of -death was a blow with the butt-end of a lance, shod with iron, upon -the juncture of the neck with the back-bone. This produced a violent -sensation of pain; but it was a mere accident the blow was not with the -point, for the small, short waistcoat, which had been made at Algiers, -the sash and drawers, all in the Turkish fashion, made the Arabs -believe that I was a Turk; and after many blows, kicks, and curses, -they stript me of the little cloathing I had, and left me naked. They -used the rest in the same manner, then went to their boats to look for -the bodies of those that were drowned. - -After the discipline I had received, I had walked, or crawled up among -some white, sandy hillocks, where I sat down and concealed myself as -much as possible. The weather was then warm, but the evening promised -to be cooler, and it was fast drawing on; there was great danger to be -apprehended if I approached the tents where the women were while I was -naked, for in this case it was very probable I would receive another -bastinado something worse than the first. Still I was so confused that -I had not recollected I could speak to them in their own language, and -it now only came into my mind, that by the gibberish, in imitation -of Turkish, which the Arab had uttered to me while he was beating and -stripping me, he took me for a Turk, and to this in all probability the -ill-usage was owing. - -An old man and a number of young Arabs came up to me where I was -sitting. I gave them the salute _Salam Alicum!_ which was only returned -by one young man, in a tone as if he wondered at my impudence. The old -man then asked me, Whether I was a Turk, and what I had to do there? I -replied, I was no Turk, but a poor Christian physician, a Dervish that -went about the world seeking to do good for God’s sake, was then flying -from famine, and going to Greece to get bread. He then asked me if I -was a Cretan? I said, I had never been in Crete, but came from Tunis, -and was returning to that town, having lost every thing I had in the -shipwreck of that vessel. I said this in so despairing a tone, that -there was no doubt left with the Arab that the fact was true. A ragged, -dirty baracan was immediately thrown over me, and I was ordered up to a -tent, in the end of which stood a long spear thrust through it, a mark -of sovereignty. - -I there saw the Shekh of the tribe, who being in peace with the Bey of -Bengazi, and also with the Shekh of Ptolometa, after many questions -ordered me a plentiful supper, of which all my servants partook, none -of them having perished. A multitude of consultations followed on -their complaints, of which I freed myself in the best manner I could, -alledging the loss of all my medicines, in order to induce some of them -to seek for the sextant at least, but all to no purpose, so that, -after staying two days among them, the Shekh restored to us all that -had been taken from us, and mounting us upon camels, and giving us a -conductor, he forwarded us to Bengazi, where we arrived the second day -in the evening. Thence I sent a compliment to the Shekh, and with it -a man from the Bey, intreating that he would use all possible means -to fish up some of my cases, for which I assured him he should not -miss a handsome reward. Promises and thanks were returned, but I never -heard further of my instruments; all I recovered was a silver watch -of Ellicot, the work of which had been taken out and broken, some -pencils, and a small port-folio, in which were sketches of Ptolemeta; -my pocket-book too was found, but my pencil was lost, being in a common -silver case, and with them all the astronomical observations which I -had made in Barbary. I there lost a sextant, a parallactic instrument, -a time-piece, a reflecting telescope, an achromatic one, with many -drawings, a copy of M. de la Caille’s ephemerides down to the year -1775, much to be regretted, as being full of manuscript marginal notes; -a small camera obscura, some guns, pistols, a blunderbuss, and several -other articles. - -I found at Bengazi a small French sloop, the master of which had been -often at Algiers when I was consul there. I had even, as the master -remembered, done him some little service, for which, contrary to the -custom of that sort of people, he was very grateful. He had come there -laden with corn, and was going up the Archipelago, or towards the -Morea, for more. The cargo he had brought was but a mite compared to -the necessities of the place; it only relieved the soldiers for a -time, and many people of all ages and sexes were still dying every day. - -The harbour of Bengazi is full of fish, and my company caught a great -quantity with a small net; we likewise procured a multitude with the -line, enough to have maintained a larger number of persons than the -family consisted of; we got vinegar, pepper, and some store of onions; -we had little bread it is true, but still our industry kept us very -far from starving. We endeavoured to instruct these wretches, gave -them pack-thread, and some coarse hooks, by which they might have -subsisted with the smallest attention and trouble; but they would -rather starve in multitudes, striving to pick up single grains of corn, -that were scattered upon the beach by the bursting of the sacks, or the -inattention of the mariners, than take the pains to watch one hour at -the flowing of the tide for excellent fish, where, after taking one, -they were sure of being masters of multitudes till it was high water. - -The Captain of the small vessel lost no time. He had done his business -well, and though he was returning for another cargo, yet he offered -me what part of his funds I should need with great frankness. We now -sailed with a fair wind, and in four or five days easy weather landed -at Canea, a considerable fortified place at the west end of the island -of Crete. Here I was taken dangerously ill, occasioned by the bathing -and extraordinary exertions in the sea of Ptolometa, nor was I in the -least the better from the beating I had received, signs of which I bore -very long afterwards. - -From Canea I sailed for Rhodes, and there met my books; I then -proceeded to Castelrosso, on the coast of Caramania, and was there -credibly informed that there were very magnificent remains of ancient -buildings a short way from the shore, on the opposite continent. -Caramania is a part of Asia Minor yet unexplored. But my illness -increasing, it was impossible to execute, or take any measures to -secure protection, or do the business safely, and I was forced to -relinquish this discovery to some more fortunate traveller. - -Mr Peyssonel, French consul at Smyrna, a man not more distinguished for -his amiable manners than for his polite taste in literature, of which -he has given several elegant specimens, furnished me with letters for -that part of Caramania, or Asia Minor, and there is no doubt but they -would have been very efficacious. What increased the obligation for -this kind attention shewn, was, that I had never seen Mr Peyssonel; and -I am truly mortified, that, since my arrival in England, I have had no -opportunity to return my grateful thanks for this kindness, which I -therefore beg that he will now accept, together with a copy of these -travels, which I have ordered my French bookseller to forward to him. - -From Castelrosso I continued, without any thing remarkable, till I -came to Cyprus; I staid there but half a day, and arrived at Sidon, -where I was most kindly received by Mr Clerambaut, brother-in-law to -Mr Peyssonel, and French consul at this place; a man in politeness, -humanity, and every social quality of the mind, inferior to none I -have ever known. With him, and a very flourishing, well-informed, and -industrious nation, I continued for some time, then in a weak state -of health, but still making partial excursions from time to time into -the continent of Syria, through Libanus, and Anti Libanus; but as I -made these without instruments, and passed pretty much in the way of -the travellers who have described these countries before, I leave -the history to those gentlemen, without swelling, by entering into -particular narratives, this Introduction, already too long. - -While at Canea I wrote by way of France, and again while at Rhodes -by way of Smyrna, to particular friends both in London and France, -informing them of my disastrous situation, and desiring them to send me -a moveable quadrant or sextant, as near as possible to two feet radius, -more or less, a time-keeper, stop-watch, a reflecting telescope, and -one of Dolland’s achromatic ones, as near as possible to three-feet -reflectors, with several other articles which I then wanted. - -I received from Paris and London much about the same time, and as -if it had been dictated by the same person, nearly the same answer, -which was this, That everybody was employed in making instruments for -Danish, Swedish, and other foreign astronomers; that all those which -were completed had been bought up, and without waiting a considerable, -indefinite time, nothing could be had that could be depended upon. At -the same time I was told, to my great mortification, that no accounts -of me had arrived from Africa, unless from several idle letters, which -had been industriously wrote by a gentleman whole name I abstain from -mentioning, first, because he is dead, and next, out of respect to his -truly great and worthy relations. - -In these letters it was announced, that I was gone with a Russian -caravan through the Curdistan, where I was to observe the transit of -Venus in a place where it was not visible, and that I was to proceed to -China, and return by the way of the East Indies:--a story which some of -his correspondents, as profligate as himself, industriously circulated -at the time, and which others, perhaps weaker than wicked, though -wicked enough, have affected to believe to this day. - -I conceived a violent indignation at this, and finding myself so -treated in return for so complete a journey as I had then actually -terminated, thought it below me to sacrifice the best years of my life -to daily pain and danger, when the impression it made in the breasts of -my countrymen seemed to be so weak, so infinitely unworthy of them or -me. One thing only detained me from returning home; it was my desire -of fulfilling my promise to my Sovereign, and of adding the ruins of -Palmyra to those of Africa, already secured and out of danger. - -In my anger I renounced all thoughts of the attempt to discover the -sources of the Nile, and I repeated my orders no more for either -quadrant, telescope, or time-keeper. I had pencils and paper; and -luckily my large camera obscura, which had escaped the catastrophe -of Ptolometa, was arrived from Smyrna, and then standing before me. -I therefore began to cast about, with my usual care and anxiety, for -the means of obtaining feasible and safe methods of repeating the -famous journey to Palmyra. I found it was necessary to advance nearer -the scene of action. Mr Abbot, British consul for Tripoli in Syria, -kindly invited me, and after him Mr Vernon, his successor, a very -excellent man, to take up my residence there. From Tripoli there is a -trade in kelp carried on to the salt marshes near Palmyra. The Shekh of -Cariateen, a town just upon the edge of the desert, had a contract with -the basha of Tripoli for a quantity of this herb for the use of the -soap-works. I lost no time in making a friendship with this man, but -his return amounted to no more than to endeavour to lead me rashly into -real danger, where he knew he had not consequence enough to give me a -moment’s protection. - -There are two tribes almost equally powerful who inhabit the deserts -round Palmyra; the one is the Annecy, remarkable for the finest breed -of horses in the world; the other is the Mowalli, much better soldiers, -but fewer in number, and very little inferior in the excellence of -their horses. The Annecy possess the country towards the S. W. at the -back of Libanus, about Bozra down the Hawran, and southward towards -the borders of Arabia Petrea and Mount Horeb. The Mowalli inhabit the -plains east of Damascus to the Euphrates, and north to near Aleppo. - -These two tribes were not at war, nor were they at peace; they were -upon what is called ill-terms with each other, which is the most -dangerous time for strangers to have any dealings with either. I -learned this as a certainty from a friend at Hassia, where a Shekh -lives, to whom I was recommended by a letter, as a friend of the basha -of Damascus. This man maintains his influence, not by a number of -forces, but by constantly marrying a relation of one or both of these -tribes of Arabs, who for that reason assist him in maintaining the -security of his road, and he has the care of that part of it by which -the couriers pass from Constantinople into Egypt, belonging to both -these tribes, who were then at a distance from each other, and roved in -flying squadrons all round Palmyra, by way of maintaining their right -of pasture in places that neither of them chose at that time to occupy. -These, I suppose, are what the English writers call Wild Arabs, for -otherwise, though they are all wild enough, I do not know one wilder -than another. This is very certain, these young men, composing the -flying parties I speak of, are truly wild while at a distance from -their camp and government; and the stranger that falls in unawares with -them, and escapes with his life, may set himself down as a fortunate -traveller. - -Returning from Hassia I would have gone southward to Baalbec, but it -was then besieged by Emir Yousef prince of the Druses, a Pagan nation, -living upon mount Libanus. Upon that I returned to Tripoli, in Syria, -and after some time set out for Aleppo, travelling northward along the -plain of Jeune betwixt mount Lebanon and the sea. - -I visited the ancient Byblus, and bathed with pleasure in the river -Adonis. All here is classic ground. I saw several considerable ruins of -Grecian architecture all very much defaced. These are already published -by Mr Drummond, and therefore I left them, being never desirous of -interfering with the works of others. - -I passed Latikea, formerly Laodicea ad Mare, and then came to Antioch, -and afterwards to Aleppo. The fever and ague, which I had first -caught in my cold bath at Bengazi, had returned upon me with great -violence, after passing one night encamped in the mulberry gardens -behind Sidon. It had returned in very slight paroxysms several times, -but laid hold of me with more than ordinary violence on my arrival at -Aleppo, where I came just in time to the house of Mr Belville, a French -merchant, to whom I was addressed for my credit. Never was a more lucky -address, never was there a soul so congenial to my own as was that of -Mr Belville: to say more after this would be praising myself. To him -was immediately added Doctor Patrick Russel, physician to the British -factory there. Without the attention and friendship of the one, and the -skill and anxiety of the other of these gentlemen, it is probable my -travels would have ended at Aleppo. I recovered slowly. By the report -of these two gentlemen, though I had yet seen nobody, I became a public -care, nor did I ever pass more agreeable hours than with Mr Thomas the -French consul, his family, and the merchants established there. From -Doctor Russel I was supplied with what I wanted, some books, and much -instruction. Nobody knew the diseases of the East so well; and perhaps -my escaping the fever at Aleppo was not the only time in which I owed -him my life. - -Being now restored to health, my first object was the journey to -Palmyra. The Mowalli were encamped at no great distance from Aleppo. -It was without difficulty I found a sure way to explain my wishes, -and to secure the assistance of Mahomet Kerfan, the Shekh, but from -him I learned, in a manner that I could not doubt, that the way I -intended to go down to Palmyra from the north was tedious, troublesome, -uncertain, and expensive, and that he did not wish me to undertake it -at that time. It is quite superfluous in these cases to press for -particular information; an Arab conductor, who proceeds with caution, -surely means you well. He told me that he would leave a friend in the -house of a certain Arab at Hamath[45], about half-way to Palmyra, and -if in something more than a month I came there, and found that Arab, I -might rely upon him without fear, and he would conduct me in safety to -Palmyra. - -I returned to Tripoli, and at the time appointed set out for Hamath, -found my conductor, and proceeded to Hassia. Coming from Aleppo, -I had not passed the lower way again by Antioch. The river which -passes through the plains where they cultivate their best tobacco, -is the Orontes; it was so swollen with rain, which had fallen in -the mountains, that the ford was no longer visible. Stopping at two -miserable huts inhabited by a base set called Turcomans, I asked the -master of one of them to shew me the ford, which he very readily -undertook to do, and I went, for the length of some yards, on rough, -but very hard and solid ground. The current before me was, however, -so violent, that I had more than once a desire to turn back, but, not -suspecting any thing, I continued, when on a sudden man and horse fell -out of their depth into the river. - -I had a rifled gun flung across my shoulder, with a buff belt and -swivel. As long as that held, it so embarrassed my hands and legs that -I could not swim, and must have sunk; but luckily the swivel gave -way, the gun fell to the bottom of the river, and was pickt up in dry -weather by order of the basha, at the desire of the French merchants, -who kept it for a relict. I and my horse swam separately ashore; at a -small distance from thence was a caphar[46], or turnpike, to which, -when I came to dry myself, the man told me, that the place where I -had crossed was the remains of a stone bridge now entirely carried -away; where I had first entered was one of the wings of the bridge, -from which I had fallen into the space the first arch occupied, one of -the deepest parts of the river; that the people who had misguided me -were an infamous set of banditti, and that I might be thankful on many -accounts that I had made such an escape from them, and was now on the -opposite side. I then prevailed on the caphar-man to shew my servants -the right ford. - -From Hassia we proceeded with our conductor to Cariateen, where there -is an immense spring of fine water, which overflows into a large -pool. Here, to our great surprise, we found about two thousand of the -Annecy encamped, who were quarrelling with Hassan our old friend, the -kelp-merchant. This was nothing to us; the quarrel between the Mowalli -and Annecy had it seems been made up; for an old man from each tribe on -horseback accompanied us to Palmyra: the tribes gave us camels for more -commodious travelling, and we passed the desert between Cariateen and -Palmyra in a day and two nights, going constantly without sleeping. - -Just before we came in sight of the ruins, we ascended a hill of -white gritty stone, in a very narrow-winding road, such as we call a -pass, and, when arrived at the top, there opened before us the most -astonishing, stupendous sight that perhaps ever appeared to mortal -eyes. The whole plain below, which was very extensive, was covered so -thick with magnificent buildings as that the one seemed to touch the -other, all of fine proportions, all of agreeable forms, all composed -of white stones, which at that distance appeared like marble. At the -end of it stood the palace of the sun, a building worthy to close so -magnificent a scene. - -It was impossible for two persons to think of designing ornaments, or -taking measures, and there seemed the less occasion for this as Mr Wood -had done this part already. I had no intention to publish any thing -concerning Palmyra; besides, it would have been a violation of my first -principle not to interfere with the labours of others; and if this was -a rule I inviolably observed as to strangers, every sentiment of reason -and gratitude obliged me to pay the same respect to the labours of Mr -Wood my friend. - -I divided Palmyra into six angular views, always bringing forward -to the first ground an edifice, or principal group of columns, that -deserved it. The state of the buildings are particularly favourable for -this purpose. The columns are all uncovered to the very bases, the soil -upon which the town is built being hard and fixed ground. These views -are all upon large paper; the columns in some of them are a foot long; -the figures in the fore-ground of the temple of the sun are some of -them near four inches. - -Before our departure from Palmyra I observed its latitude with a -Hadley’s quadrant from reflection. The instrument had probably warped -in carriage, as the index went unpleasantly, and as it were by starts, -so that I will not pretend to give this for an exact observation; yet, -after all the care I could take, I only apprehended that 33° 58´ for -the latitude of Palmyra, would be nearer the truth than any other. -Again, that the distance from the coast in a straight line being 160 -miles, and that remarkable mountainous cape on the coast of Syria, -between Byblus and Tripoli, known by the name of Theoprosopon, being -nearly due west, or under the same parallel with Palmyra, I conceive -the longitude of that city to be nearly 37° 9´ from the observatory of -Greenwich. - -From Palmyra I proceeded to Baalbec, distant about 130 miles, and -arrived the same day that Emir Yousef had reduced the town and settled -the government, and was decamping from it on his return home. This was -the luckiest moment possible for me, as I was the Emir’s friend, and -I obtained liberty to do there what I pleased, and to this indulgence -was added the great convenience of the Emir’s absence, so that I was -not troubled by the observance of any court-ceremony or attendance, or -teazed with impertinent questions. - -Baalbec is pleasantly situated in a plain on the west of Anti Libanus, -is finely watered, and abounds in gardens. It is about fifty miles -from Hassia, and about thirty from the nearest sea-coast, which is -the situation of the ancient Byblus. The interior of the great temple -of Baalbec, supposed to be that of the sun, surpasses any thing -at Palmyra, indeed any sculpture I ever remember to have seen in -stone. All these views of Palmyra and Baalbec are now in the King’s -collection. They are the most magnificent offering in their line that -ever was made by one subject to his sovereign. - -Passing by Tyre, from curiosity only, I came to be a mournful witness -of the truth of that prophecy, That Tyre, the queen of nations, should -be a rock for fishers to dry their nets on[47]. Two wretched fishermen, -with miserable nets, having just given over their occupation with very -little success, I engaged them, at the expence of their nets, to drag -in those places where they said shell-fish might be caught, in hopes to -have brought out one of the famous purple-fish. I did not succeed, but -in this I was, I believe, as lucky as the old fishers had ever been. -The purple fish at Tyre seems to have been only a concealment of their -knowledge of cochineal, as, had they depended upon the fish for their -dye, if the whole city of Tyre applied to nothing else but fishing, -they would not have coloured twenty yards of cloth in a year. Much -fatigued, but satisfied beyond measure with what I had seen, I arrived -in perfect health, and in the gayest humour possible, at the hospitable -mansion of M. Clerambaut at Sidon. - -I found there letters from Europe, which were in a very different style -from the last. From London, my friend Mr Russel acquainted me, that he -had sent me an excellent reflecting telescope of two feet focal length, -moved by rack-work, and the last Mr Short ever made, which proved a -very excellent instrument; also an achromatic telescope by Dolland, -nearly equal to a three-feet reflector, with a foot, or stand, very -artificially composed of rulers fixed together by screws. I think this -instrument might be improved by shortening the three principal legs -of it. If the legs of its stand were about six inches shorter, this, -without inconvenience, would take away the little shake it has when -used in the outer air. Perhaps this defect is not in all telescopes of -this construction. It is a pleasant instrument, and for its size takes -very little packing, and is very manageable. - -I have brought home both these instruments after performing the -whole journey, and they are now standing in my library, in the most -perfect order; which is rather to be wondered at from the accounts -in which most travellers seem to agree, that metal speculums, within -the tropics, spot and rust so much as to be useless after a few -observations made at or near the zenith. The fear of this, and the -fragility of glass of achromatic telescopes, were the occasion of a -considerable expence to me; but from experience I found, that, if a -little care be taken, one reflector would be sufficient for a very long -voyage. - -From Paris I received a time-piece and a stop-watch made by M. -Lepeaute, dearer than Ellicot’s, and resembling his in nothing else -but the price. The clock was a very neat, portable instrument, made -upon very ingenious, simple principles, but some of the parts were so -grossly neglected in the execution, and so unequally finished, that it -was not difficult for the meanest novice in the trade to point out the -cause of its irregularity. It remains with me in statu quo. It has been -of very little use to me, and never will be of much more to any person -else. The price is, I am sure, ten times more than it ought to be in -any light I can consider it. - -All these letters still left me in absolute despair about obtaining -a quadrant, and consequently gave me very little satisfaction, but -in some measure confirmed me in my resolution already taken, to go -from Sidon to Egypt; as I had then seen the greatest part of the good -architecture in the world, in all its degrees of perfection down to its -decline, I wished now only to see it in its origin, and for this it was -necessary to go to Egypt. - -Norden, Pococke, and many others, had given very ingenious accounts of -Egyptian architecture in general, of the disposition and size of their -temples, magnificence of their materials, their hieroglyphics, and the -various kinds of them, of their gilding, of their painting, and their -present state of preservation. I thought something more might be learnt -as to the first proportions of their columns, and the construction of -their plans. Dendera, the ancient Tentyra, seemed by their accounts to -offer a fair field for this. - -I had already collected together a great many observations on the -progress of Greek and Roman architecture in different ages, drawn not -from books or connected with system, but from the models themselves, -which I myself had measured. I had been long of the opinion, in which -I am still further confirmed, that taste for ancient architecture, -founded upon the examples that Italy alone can furnish, was not -giving ancient architects fair play. What was to be learned from -the first proportions of their plans and elevations seemed to have -remained untouched in Egypt; after having considered these, I proposed -to live in retirement on my native patrimony, with a fair stock of -unexceptionable materials upon this subject, to serve for a pleasant -and useful amusement in my old age. I hope still these will not be lost -to the public, unless the encouragement be in proportion to what my -labours have already had. - -I now received, however, a letter very unexpectedly by way of -Alexandria, which, if it did not overturn, at least shook these -resolutions. The Comte de Buffon Mons. Guys of Marseilles, and several -others well known in the literary world, had ventured to state to -the minister, and through him to the king of France, Louis XV. how -very much it was to be lamented, that after a man had been found who -was likely to succeed in removing that opprobrium of travellers and -geographers, by discovering the sources of the Nile, one most unlucky -accident, at a most unlucky time, should frustrate the most promising -endeavours. That prince, distinguished for every good quality of the -heart, for benevolence, beneficence, and a desire of promoting and -protecting learning, ordered a moveable quadrant of his own military -academy at Marseilles, as the nearest and most convenient port of -embarkation, to be taken down and sent to me at Alexandria. - -With this I received a letter from Mr Russel, which informed me -that astronomers had begun to cool in the sanguine expectations of -discovering the precise quantity of the sun’s parallax by observation -of the transit of Venus, from some apprehension that errors of the -observers would probably be more than the quantity of the equation -sought, and that they now ardently wished for a journey into Abyssinia, -rather than an attempt to settle a nicety for which the learned had now -begun to think the accuracy of our instruments was not sufficient. A -letter from my correspondent at Alexandria also acquainted me, that the -quadrant, and all other instruments, were in that city. - -What followed is the voyage itself, the subject of the present -publication. I am happy, by communicating every previous circumstance -that occurred to me, to have done all in my power to remove the -greatest part of the reasonable doubts and difficulties which might -have perplexed the reader’s mind, or biassed his judgment in the -perusal of the narrative of the journey, and in this I hope I have -succeeded. - -I have now one remaining part of my promise to fulfil, to account -for the delay in the publication. It will not be thought surprising -to any that shall reflect on the distant, dreary, and desert ways by -which all letters were necessarily to pass, or the civil wars then -raging in Abyssinia, the robberies and violences inseparable from a -total dissolution of government, such as happened in my time, that -no accounts for many years, one excepted, ever arrived in Europe. -One letter, accompanied by a bill for a sum borrowed from a Greek at -Gondar, found its way to Cairo; all the rest had miscarried: my friends -at home gave me up for dead; and, as my death must have happened in -circumstances difficult to have been proved, my property became as -it were an _hereditas jacens_, without an owner, abandoned in common -to those whose original title extended no further than temporary -possession. - -A number of law-suits were the inevitable consequence of this upon my -return. One carried on with a very expensive obstinacy for the space -of ten years, by a very opulent and active company, was determined -finally in the House of Peers, in the compass of a very few hours, by -the well-known sagacity and penetration of a noble Lord, who, happily -for the subjects of both countries, holds the first office in the law; -and so judicious was the sentence, that harmony, mutual confidence, -and good neighbourhood has ever since been the consequence of that -determination. - -Other suits still remained, which unfortunately were not arrived to the -degree of maturity to be so cut off; they are yet depending; patience -and attention, it is hoped, may bring them to an issue at some future -time. No imputation of rashness can possibly fall upon the decree, -since the action has depended above thirty years. - -To these disagreeable avocations, which took up much time, were added -others still more unfortunate. The relentless ague caught at Bengazi -maintained its ground at times for a space of more than sixteen years, -though every remedy had been used, but in vain; and, what was worst of -all, a lingering distemper had seriously threatened the life of a most -near relation, which, after nine years constant alarm, where every duty -bound me to attention and attendance, conducted her at last, in very -early life, to her grave[48]. - -The love of solitude is the constant follower of affliction; this again -naturally turns an instructed mind to study. My friends unanimously -assailed me in the part most accessible when the spirits are weak, -which is vanity. They represented to me how ignoble it was, after all -my dangers and difficulties were over, to be conquered by a misfortune -incident to all men, the indulging of which was unreasonable in -itself, fruitless in its consequences, and so unlike the expectation -I had given my country, by the firmness and intrepidity of my former -character and behaviour. Among these, the principal and most urgent -was a gentleman well known to the literary world, in which he holds a -rank nearly as distinguished as that to which his virtues entitle him -in civil life; this was the Hon. Daines Barrington, whose friendship, -valuable on every account, had this additional merit, that it had -existed uninterrupted since the days we were at school. It is to this -gentleman’s persuasions, assistance, protection, and friendship, that -the world owes this publication, if indeed there is any merit in it; -at least, they are certainly indebted to him for the opportunity of -judging whether there is any merit in it or not. - -No great time has passed since the work was in hand. The materials -collected upon the spot were very full, and seldom deferred to be set -down beyond the day wherein the events described happened, but oftner, -when speeches and arguments were to be mentioned, they were noted the -instant afterwards; for, contrary I believe to what is often the case, -I can assure the reader these speeches and conversations are absolutely -real, and not the fabrication of after-hours. - -It will perhaps be said, this work hath faults; nay, perhaps, great -ones too, and this I readily confess. But I must likewise beg leave to -say, that I know no books of the kind that have not nearly as many, -and as great, though perhaps not of the same kind with mine. To see -distinctly and accurately, to describe plainly, dispassionately and -truly, is all that ought to be expected from one in my situation, -constantly surrounded with every sort of difficulty and danger. - -It may be said, too, there are faults in the language; more pains -should have been taken. Perhaps it may be so; yet there has not been -wanting a considerable degree of attention even to this. I have not -indeed confined myself to a painful and slavish nicety that would have -produced nothing but a disagreeable stiffness in the narrative. It will -be remembered likewise, that one of the motives of my writing is my own -amusement, and I would much rather renounce the subject altogether than -walk in fetters of my own forging. The language is, like the subject, -rude and manly. My paths have not been flowery ones, nor would it have -added any credit to the work, or entertainment to the reader, to employ -in it a stile proper only to works of imagination and pleasure. These -trifling faults I willingly leave as food to the malice of critics, -who perhaps, were it not for these blemishes, would find no other -enjoyment in the perusal of the work. - -It has been said that parties have been formed against this work. -Whether this is really the case I cannot say, nor have I ever been -very anxious in the inquiry. They have been harmless adversaries at -least, for no bad effects, as far as I know, have ever as yet been -the consequences; neither is it a disquisition that I shall ever -enter into, whether this is owing to the want of will or of power. I -rather believe it is to the former, the want of will, for no one is so -perfectly inconsiderable, as to want the power of doing mischief. - -Having now fulfilled my promise to the reader, in giving him the motive -and order of my travels, and the reason why the publication has been -delayed, I shall proceed to the last article promised, the giving some -account of the work itself. The book is a large one, and expensive -by the number of engravings; this was not at first intended, but the -journey has proved a long one, and matter has increased as it were -insensibly under my hands. It is now come to fill a great chasm in the -history of the universe. It is not intended to resemble the generality -of modern travels, the agreeable and rational amusement of one vacant -day, it is calculated to employ a greater space of time. - -Those that are the best acquainted with Diodorus, Herodotus, and some -other Greek historians, will find some very considerable difficulties -removed; and they that are unacquainted with these authors, and receive -from this work the first information of the geography, climate, and -manners of these countries, which are little altered, will have no -great occasion to regret they have not searched for information in -more ancient sources. - -The work begins with my voyage from Sidon to Alexandria, and up the -Nile to the first cataract. The reader will not expect that I should -dwell long upon the particular history of Egypt; every other year has -furnished us with some account of it, good or bad; and the two last -publications of M. Savary and Volney seem to have left the subject -thread-bare. This, however, is not the only reason. - -After Mr Wood and Mr Dawkins had published their Ruins of Palmyra, -the late king of Denmark, at his own expence, sent out a number of -men, eminent in their several professions, to make discoveries in the -east, of every kind, with these very flattering instructions, that -though they might, and ought, to visit both Baalbec and Palmyra for -their own studies and improvement, yet he prohibited them to so far -interfere with what the English travellers had done, as to form any -plan of another work similar to theirs. This compliment was gratefully -received; and, as I was directly to follow this mission, Mr Wood -desired me to return it, and to abstain as much as possible from -writing on the same subjects chosen by M. Niebuhr, at least to abstain -either from criticising or differing from him on such subjects. I have -therefore passed slightly over Egypt and Arabia; perhaps, indeed, I -have said enough of both: if any shall be of another opinion, they may -have recourse to M. Niebuhr’s more copious work; he was the only person -of six who lived to come home, the rest having died in different parts -of Arabia, without having been able to enter Abyssinia, one of the -objects of their mission. - -My leaving Egypt is followed by my survey of the Arabian gulf as far as -the Indian Ocean--Arrival at Masuah--Some account of the first peopling -of Atbara and Abyssinia--Conjectures concerning language--First ages of -the Indian trade--Foundation of the Abyssinian monarchy, and various -revolutions till the Jewish usurpation about the year 900. These -compose the first volume. - -The second begins with the restoration of the line of Solomon, compiled -from their own annals, now first translated from the Ethiopic; the -original of which has been lodged in the British Museum, to satisfy the -curiosity of the public. - -The third comprehends my journey from Masuah to Gondar, and the manners -and customs of the Abyssinians, also two attempts to arrive at the -fountains of the Nile--Description of these sources, and of every thing -relating to that river and its inundation. - -The fourth contains my return from the source of the Nile to -Gondar--The campaign of Serbraxos, and revolution that followed--My -return through Sennaar and Beja, or the Nubian desert, and my arrival -at Marseilles. - -In overlooking the work I have found one circumstance, and I think no -more, which is not sufficiently clear, and may create a momentary doubt -in the reader’s mind, although to those who have been sufficiently -attentive to the narrative, I can scarce think it will do this. The -difficulty is, How did you procure funds to support yourself, and -ten men, so long, and so easily, as to enable you to undervalue the -useful character of a physician, and seek neither to draw money nor -protection from it? And how came it, that, contrary to the usage of -other travellers, at Gondar you maintained a character of independence -and equality, especially at court; instead of crouching, living out -of sight as much as possible, in continual fear of priests, under the -patronage, or rather as servant to some men of power. - -To this sensible and well-founded doubt I answer with great pleasure -and readiness, as I would do to all others of the same kind, if I could -possibly divine them:--It is not at all extraordinary that a stranger -like me, and a parcel of vagabonds like those that were with me, should -get themselves maintained, and find at Gondar a precarious livelihood -for a limited time. A mind ever so little polished and instructed has -infinite superiority over Barbarians, and it is in circumstances like -these that a man sees the great advantages of education. All the Greeks -in Gondar were originally criminals and vagabonds; they neither had, -nor pretended to any profession, except Petros the king’s chamberlain, -who had been a shoemaker at Rhodes, which profession at his arrival -he carefully concealed. Yet these were not only maintained, but by -degrees, and without pretending to be physicians, obtained property, -commands, and places. - -Hospitality is the virtue of Barbarians, who are hospitable in the -ratio that they are barbarous, and for obvious reasons this virtue -subsides among polished nations in the same proportion. If on my -arrival in Abyssinia I assumed a spirit of independence, it was -from policy and reflection. I had often thought that the misfortunes -which had befallen other travellers in Abyssinia arose from the base -estimation the people in general entertained of their rank, and the -value of their persons. From this idea I resolved to adopt a contrary -behaviour. I was going to a court where there was a _king of kings_, -whose throne was surrounded by a number of high-minded, proud, -hereditary, punctilious nobility. It was impossible, therefore, too -much lowliness and humility could please there. - -Mr Murray, the ambassador at Constantinople, in the firman obtained -from the grand signior, had qualified me with the distinction of -Bey-Adzè, which means, not an English nobleman (a peer) but a noble -Englishman, and he had added likewise, that I was a servant of the king -of Great Britain. All the letters of recommendation, very many and -powerful, from Cairo and Jidda, had constantly echoed this to every -part to which they were addressed. They announced that I was not a man, -such as ordinarily came to them, to live upon their charity, but had -ample means of my own, and each professed himself guarantee of that -fact, and that they themselves on all occasions were ready to provide -for me, by answering my demands. - -The only request of these letters was safety and protection to my -person. It was mentioned that I was a physician, to introduce a -conciliatory circumstance, that I was above practising for gain. -That all I did was from the fear of God, from charity, and the love -of mankind. I was a physician in the city, a soldier in the field, -a courtier every where, demeaning myself, as conscious that I was -not unworthy of being a companion to the first of their nobility, -and the king’s stranger and guest, which is there a character, as -it was with eastern nations of old, to which a certain sort of -consideration is due. It was in vain to compare myself with them in -any kind of learning, as they have none; music they have as little; -in eating and drinking they were indeed infinitely my superiors; but -in one accomplishment that came naturally into comparison, which was -horsemanship, I studiously established my superiority. - -My long residence among the Arabs had given me more than ordinary -facility in managing the horse; I had brought my own saddle and -bridle with me, and, as the reader will find, bought my horse of -the Baharnagash in the first days of my journey, such a one as was -necessary to carry me, and him I trained carefully, and studied from -the beginning. The Abyssinians, as the reader will hereafter see, -are the worst horsemen in the world. Their horses are bad, not equal -to our Welsh or our Scotch galloways. Their furniture is worse. They -know not the use of fire-arms on horseback; they had never seen a -double-barrelled gun, nor did they know that its effect was limited to -two discharges, but that it might have been fired on to infinity. All -this gave me an evident superiority. - -To this I may add, that, being in the prime of life, of no ungracious -figure, having an accidental knack, which is not a trifle, of putting -on the dress, and speaking the language easily and gracefully, I -cultivated with the utmost assiduity the friendship of the fair sex, by -the most modest, respectful distant attendance, and obsequiousness in -public, abating just as much of that in private as suited their humour -and inclinations. I soon acquired a great support from these at court; -jealousy is not a passion of the Abyssinians, who are in the contrary -extreme, even to indifference. - -Besides the money I had with me, I had a credit of L.400 upon Yousef -Cabil, governor of Jidda. I had another upon a Turkish merchant there. -I had strong and general recommendations, if I should want supplies, -upon Metical Aga, first minister to the sherriffe of Mecca. This, -well managed, was enough; but when I met my countrymen, the captains -of the English ships from India, they added additional strength to my -finances; they would have poured gold upon me to facilitate a journey -they so much desired upon several accounts. Captain Thornhill of -the Bengal Merchant, and Captain Thomas Price of the Lion, took the -conduct of my money-affairs under their direction. Their Saraf, or -broker, had in his hands all the commerce that produced the revenues -of Abyssinia, together with great part of the correspondence of the -east; and, by a lucky accident for me, Captain Price staid all winter -with the Lion at Jidda; nay, so kind and anxious was he as to send -over a servant from Jidda on purpose, upon a report having been raised -that I was slain by the usurper Socinios, though it was only one of my -servants, and the servant of Metical Aga, who were murdered by that -monster, as is said, with his own hand. Twice he sent over silver to me -when I had plenty of gold, and wanted that metal only to apply it in -furniture and workmanship. I do not pretend to say but sometimes these -supplies failed me, often by my negligence in not applying in proper -time, sometimes by the absence of merchants, who were all Mahometans, -constantly engaged in business and in journies, and more especially on -the king’s retiring to Tigré, after the battle of Limjour, when I was -abandoned during the usurpation of the unworthy Socinios. It was then I -had recourse to Petros and the Greeks, but more for their convenience -than my own, and very seldom from necessity. This opulence enabled me -to treat upon equal footing, to do favours as well as to receive them. - -Every mountebank-trick was a great accomplishment there, such as making -squibs, crackers, and rockets. There was no station in the country -to which by these accomplishments I might not have pretended, had I -been mad enough to have ever directed my thoughts that way; and I am -certain, that in vain I might have solicited leave to return, had not a -melancholy despondency, the _amor patriæ_, seized me, and my health so -far declined as apparently to threaten death; but I was not even then -permitted to leave Abyssinia till under a very solemn oath I promised -to return. - -This manner of conducting myself had likewise its disadvantages. The -reader will see the times, without their being pointed out to him, -in the course of the narrative. It had very near occasioned me to be -murdered at Masuah, but it was the means of preserving me at Gondar, -by putting me above being insulted or questioned by priests, the fatal -rock upon which all other European travellers had split: it would -have occasioned my death at Sennaar, had I not been so prudent as to -disguise and lay aside the independent carriage in time. Why should -I not now speak as I really think, or why be guilty of ingratitude -which my heart disclaims. I escaped by the providence and protection -of heaven; and so little store do I set upon the advantage of my own -experience, that I am satisfied, were I to attempt the same journey -again, it would not avail me a straw, or hinder me from perishing -miserably, as others have done, though perhaps a different way. - -I have only to add, that were it probable, as in my decayed state -of health it is not, that I should live to see a second edition of -this work, all well-founded, judicious remarks suggested should be -gratefully and carefully attended to; but I do solemnly declare to -the public in general, that I never will refute or answer any cavils, -captious, or idle objections, such as every new publication seems -unavoidably to give birth to, nor ever reply to those witticisms and -criticisms that appear in newspapers and periodical writings. What -I have written I have written. My readers have before them, in the -present volumes, all that I shall ever say, directly or indirectly, -upon the subject; and I do, without one moment’s anxiety, trust my -defence to an impartial, well-informed, and judicious public. - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF THE - -FIRST VOLUME. - - - DEDICATION. - - INTRODUCTION, Page i - - - BOOK I. - - THE AUTHOR’S JOURNEY AND VOYAGE FROM SIDON TILL HIS - ARRIVAL AT MASUAH. - - - CHAP. I. - - _The Author sails from Sidon--Touches at Cyprus--Arrives at - Alexandria--Sets out for Rosetto--Embarks on the Nile, and - arrives at Cairo_, 1 - - - CHAP. II. - - _Author’s Reception at Cairo--Procures Letters from the Bey and - the Greek Patriarch--Visits the Pyramids--Observations on their - Construction_, 24 - - - CHAP. III. - - _Leaves Cairo--Embarks on the Nile for Upper Egypt--Visits - Metrahenny and Mohannan--Reasons for supposing this the - Situation of Memphis_, 43 - - - CHAP. IV. - - _Leaves Metrahenny--Comes to the Island Halouon--False - Pyramid--These Buildings end--Sugar Canes--Ruins of - Antinopolis--Reception there_, 69 - - - CHAP. V. - - _Voyage to Upper Egypt continued--Ashmounein, Ruins there--Gawe - Kibeer Ruins--Mr Norden mistaken--Achmim--Convent of - Catholics--Denaera--Magnificent Ruins--Adventure with a Saint - there_, 91 - - - CHAP VI. - - _Arrives at Furshout--Adventure of Friar Christopher--Visits - Thebes--Luxor and Carnac--Large Ruins at Edfu and Esné--Proceeds - on his Voyage_, 114. - - - CHAP. VII. - - _Arrives at Syene--Goes to see the Cataract--Remarkable - Tombs--The Situation of Syene--The Aga proposes a visit to - Deir and Ibrim--The Author returns to Kenné_, 150 - - - CHAP. VIII. - - _The Author sets out from Kenné--Crosses the Desert of the - Thebaid--Visits the Marble Mountains--Arrives at Cosseir - on the Red Sea--Transactions there_, 169 - - - CHAP. IX. - - _Voyage to Jibbel Zumrud--Returns to Cosseir--Sails from - Cosseir--Jassateen Islands--Arrives at Tor_, 204 - - - CHAP. X. - - _Sails from Tor--Passes the Elanitic Gulf--Sees Raddua--Arrives - at Yambo--Incidents there--Arrives at Jidda_, 239 - - - CHAP. XI. - - _Occurrences at Jidda--Visit of the Vizir--Alarm of the Factory--Great - Civility of the English trading from India--Polygamy--Opinion - of Dr Arbuthnot ill-founded--Contrary to Reason and - Experience--Leaves Jidda_, 265 - - - CHAP. XII. - - _Sails from Jidda--Konsodah--Ras Heli, Boundary of Arabia Felix--Arrives - at Loheia--Proceeds to the Straits of the Indian Ocean--Arrives - there--Returns by Azab to Loheia_, 294 - - - CHAP. XIII. - - _Sails for Masuah--Passes a Volcano--Comes to Dahalac--Troubled - with a Ghost--Arrives at Masuah_, 327 - - - BOOK II. - - ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST AGES OF THE INDIAN AND AFRICAN TRADE--THE - FIRST PEOPLING OF ABYSSINIA AND ATBARA--SOME CONJECTURES - CONCERNING THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE THERE. - - - CHAP. I. - - _Of the Indian Trade in its earliest Ages--Settlement of - Ethiopia--Troglodytes--Building of the first Cities_, 365 - - - CHAP. II. - - _Saba and the South of Africa peopled--Shepherds, their particular - Employment and Circumstances--Abyssinia occupied by seven Stranger - Nations--Specimens of their several Languages--Conjectures - concerning them_, 381 - - - CHAP. III. - - _Origin of Characters or Letters--Ethiopic the first Language--How - and why the Hebrew Letter was formed_, 411 - - - CHAP. IV. - - _Some Account of the Trade-Winds and Monsoons--Application of this - to the Voyage to Ophir and Tarshish_, 427 - - - CHAP. V. - - _Fluctuating State of the India Trade--Hurt by military Expeditions - of the Persians--Revives under the Ptolemies--Falls to Decay - under the Romans_, 447 - - - CHAP. VI. - - _Queen of Saba visits Jerusalem--Abyssinian Tradition concerning - Her--Supposed Founder of that Monarchy--Abyssinia embraces the - Jewish Religion--Jewish Hierarchy still retained by the Fatasha--Some - Conjectures concerning their Copy of the Old Testament_, 471 - - - CHAP. VII. - - _Books in use in Abyssinia--Enoch--Abyssinia not converted - by the Apostles--Conversion from Judaism to Christianity by - Frumentius_, 493 - - - CHAP. VIII. - - _War of the Elephant--First Appearance of the Small-Pox--Jews - persecute the Christians in Arabia--Defeated by the Abyssinians--Mahomet - pretends a Divine Mission--Opinion concerning the Koran--Revolution - under Judith--Restoration of the Line of Solomon - from Shoa_, 510 - - - - -TRAVELS - -TO DISCOVER - -THE SOURCE OF THE NILE. - - - - -BOOK I. - -THE AUTHOR’S TRAVELS IN EGYPT--VOYAGE IN THE RED SEA, TILL HIS ARRIVAL -AT MASUAH. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - - _The Author sails from Sidon--Touches at Cyprus--Arrives at - Alexandria--Sets out for Rosetto--Embarks on the Nile--and - arrives at Cairo._ - - -It was on Saturday the 15th of June, 1768, I sailed in a French vessel -from Sidon, once the richest and most powerful city in the world, -though now there is not remaining a shadow of its ancient grandeur. We -were bound for the island of Cyprus; the weather clear and exceedingly -hot, the wind favourable. - -This island is not in our course for Alexandria, but lies to the -northward of it; nor had I, for my own part, any curiosity to see it. -My mind was intent upon more uncommon, more distant, and more painful -voyages. But the master of the vessel had business of his own which led -him thither; with this I the more readily complied, as we had not yet -got certain advice that the plague had ceased in Egypt, and it still -wanted some days to the Festival of St John, which is supposed to put a -period to that cruel distemper[49]. - -We observed a number of thin, white clouds, moving with great rapidity -from south to north, in direct opposition to the course of the Etesian -winds; these were immensely high. It was evident they came from the -mountains of Abyssinia, where, having discharged their weight of -rain, and being pressed by the lower current of heavier air from the -northward, they had mounted to possess the vacuum, and returned to -restore the equilibrium to the northward, whence they were to come -back, loaded with vapour from Mount Taurus, to occasion the overflowing -of the Nile, by breaking against the high and rugged mountains of the -south. - -Nothing could be more agreeable to me than that sight, and the -reasoning upon it. I already, with pleasure, anticipated the time in -which I should be a spectator first, afterwards historian, of this -phænomenon, hitherto a mystery through all ages. I exulted in the -measures I had taken, which I flattered myself, from having been -digested with greater confederation than those adopted by others, -would secure me from the melancholy catastrophes that had terminated -these hitherto-unsuccessful attempts. - -On the 16th, at dawn of day, I saw a high hill, which, from its -particular form, described by Strabo[50], I took for Mount Olympus[51]. -Soon after, the rest of the island, which seemed low, appeared in view. -We scarce saw Lernica till we anchored before it. It is built of white -clay, of the same colour as the ground, precisely as is the case with -Damascus, so that you cannot, till close to it, distinguish the houses -from the earth they stand upon. - -It is very remarkable that Cyprus was so long undiscovered[52]; ships -had been used in the Mediterranean 1700 years before Christ; yet, -though only a day’s sailing from the continent of Asia on the north -and east, and little more from that of Africa on the south, it was not -known at the building of Tyre, a little before the Trojan war, that is -500 years after ships had been passing to and fro in the seas around it. - -It was, at its discovery, thick covered with wood; and what leads me -to believe it was not well known, even so late as the building of -Solomon’s Temple, is, that we do not find that Hiram king of Tyre, just -in its neighbourhood, ever had recourse to it for wood, though surely -the carriage would have been easier than to have brought it down from -the top of Mount Libanus. - -That there was great abundance in it, we know from Eratosthenes[53], -who tells us it was so overgrown that it could not be tilled; so that -they first cut down the timber to be used in the furnaces for melting -silver and copper; that after this they built fleets with it, and when -they could not even destroy it this way, they gave liberty to all -strangers to cut it down for whatever use they pleased; and not only -so, but they gave them the property of the ground they cleared. - -Things are sadly changed now. Wood is one of the wants of most parts of -the island, which has not become more healthy by being cleared, as is -ordinarily the case. - -At [54]Cacamo (Acamas) on the west side of the island, the wood remains -thick and impervious as at the first discovery. Large stags, and wild -boars of a monstrous size, shelter themselves unmolested in these their -native woods; and it depended only upon the portion of credulity that I -was endowed with, that I did not believe that an elephant had, not many -years ago, been seen alive there. Several families of Greeks declared -it to me upon oath; nor were there wanting persons of that nation at -Alexandria, who laboured to confirm the assertion. Had skeletons of -that animal been there, I should have thought them antediluvian ones. -I know none could have been at Cyprus, unless in the time of Darius -Ochus, and I do not remember that there were elephants, even with him. - -In passing, I would fain have gone ashore to see if there were any -remains of the celebrated temple of Paphos; but a voyage, such as I -was then embarked on, stood in need of vows to Hercules rather than -to Venus, and the master, fearing to lose his passage, determined to -proceed. - -Many medals (scarce any of them good) are dug up in Cyprus; silver -ones, of very excellent workmanship, are found near Paphos, of little -value in the eyes of antiquarians, being chiefly of towns of the -size of those found at Crete and Rhodes, and all the islands of the -Archipelago. Intaglios there are some few, part in very excellent Greek -style, and generally upon better stones than usual in the islands. I -have seen some heads of Jupiter, remarkable for bushy hair and beard, -that were of the most exquisite workmanship, worthy of any price. -All the inhabitants of the island are subject to fevers, but more -especially those in the neighbourhood of Paphos. - -We left Lernica the 17th of June, about four o’clock in the afternoon. -The day had been very cloudy, with a wind at N. E. which freshened as -we got under weigh. Our master, a seaman of experience upon that coast, -ran before it to the westward with all the sails he could set. Trusting -to a sign that he saw, which he called a bank, resembling a dark cloud -in the horizon, he guessed the wind was to be from that quarter the -next day. - -Accordingly, on the 18th, a little before twelve o’clock, a very fresh -and favourable breeze came from the N. W. and we pointed our prow -directly, as we thought, upon Alexandria. - -The coast of Egypt is exceedingly low, and, if the weather is not -clear, you often are close in with the land before you discover it. - -A strong current sets constantly to the eastward; and the way the -masters of vessels pretend to know their approach to the coast is by -a black mud, which they find upon the plummet[55] at the end of their -sounding-line, about seven leagues distant from land. - -Our master pretended at midnight he had found that black sand, and -therefore, although the wind was very fair, he chose to lie to, till -morning, as thinking himself near the coast; although his reckoning, as -he said, did not agree with what he inferred from his soundings. - -As I was exceedingly vexed at being so disappointed of making the best -of our favourable wind, I rectified my quadrant, and found by the -passages of two stars over the meridian, that we were in lat. 32° 1´ -45´´, or seventeen leagues distant from Alexandria, instead of seven, -and that by difference of our latitude only. - -From this I inferred that part of the assertion, that it is the mud -of the Nile which is supposed to shew seamen their approach to Egypt, -is mere imagination; seeing that the point where we then were was -really part of the sea opposite to the desert of Barca, and had no -communication whatever with the Nile. - -On the contrary, the Etesian winds blowing all Summer upon that coast, -from the westward of north, and a current setting constantly to the -eastward, it is impossible that any part of the mud of the Nile can go -so high to the windward of any of the mouths of that river. - -It is well known, that the action of these winds, and the constancy of -that current, has thrown a great quantity of mud, gravel, and sand, -into all the ports on the coast of Syria. - -All vestiges of old Tyre are defaced; the ports of Sidon, [56]Berout, -Tripoli, and [57]Latikea, are all filled up by the accretion of sand; -and, not many days before my leaving Sidon, Mr de Clerambaut, consul of -France, shewed me the pavements of the old city of Sidon, 7½ feet lower -than the ground upon which the present city stands, and considerably -farther back in the gardens nearer to Mount Libanus. - -This every one in the country knows is the effect of that easterly -current setting upon the coast, which, as it acts perpendicularly to -the course of the Nile when discharging itself, at all or any of its -mouths, into the Mediterranean, must hurry what it is charged with on -towards the coast of Syria, and hinder it from settling opposite to, or -making those additions to the land of Egypt, which [58]Herodotus has -vainly supposed. - -The 20th of June, early in the morning, we had a distant prospect -of Alexandria rising from the sea. Was not the state of that city -perfectly known, a traveller in search of antiquities in architecture -would think here was a field for long study and employment. - -It is in this point of view the town appears most to the advantage. The -mixture of old monuments, such as the Column of Pompey, with the high -moorish towers and steeples, raise our expectations of the consequence -of the ruins we are to find. - -But the moment we are in the port the illusion ends, and we distinguish -the immense Herculean works of ancient times, now few in number, from -the ill-imagined, ill-constructed, and imperfect buildings, of the -several barbarous masters of Alexandria in later ages. - -There are two ports, the Old and the New. The entrance into the latter -is both difficult and dangerous, having a bar before it; it is the -least of the two, though it is what is called the Great Port, by -[59]Strabo. - -Here only the European ships can lie; and, even when here, they are not -in safety; as numbers of vessels are constantly lost, though at anchor. - -Above forty were cast a-shore and dashed to pieces in March 1773, when -I was on my return home, mostly belonging to Ragusa, and the small -ports in Provence, while little harm was done to ships of any nation -accustomed to the ocean. - -It was curious to observe the different procedure of these different -nations upon the same accident. As soon as the squall began to -become violent, the masters of the Ragusan vessels, and the French -caravaneurs, or vessels trading in the _Mediterranean_, after having -put out every anchor and cable they had, took to their boats and fled -to the nearest shore, leaving the vessels to their chance in the storm. -They knew _the furniture_ of their ships to be too flimsy to trust -their lives to it. - -Many of their cables being made of a kind of grass called Spartum, -could not bear the stress of the vessels or agitation of the waves, but -parted with the anchors, and the ships perished. - -On the other hand, the British, Danish, Swedish, and Dutch navigators -of the _ocean_, no sooner saw the storm beginning, than they left -their houses, took to their boats, and went all hands on board. These -knew the sufficiency of their tackle, and provided they were present, -to obviate unforeseen accidents, they had no apprehension from the -weather. They knew that their cables were made of good hemp, that their -anchors were heavy and strong. Some pointed their yards to the wind, -and others lowered them upon deck. Afterwards they walked to and fro -on their quarter-deck with perfect composure, and bade defiance to the -storm. Not one man of these stirred from the ships, till calm weather, -on the morrow, called upon them to assist their feeble and more -unfortunate brethren, whose ships were wrecked and lay scattered on the -shore. - -The other port is the [60]Eunostus of the ancients, and is to the -westward of the Pharos. It was called also the Port of Africa; is much -larger than the former, and lies immediately under part of the town of -Alexandria. It has much deeper water, though a multitude of ships have -every day, for ages, been throwing a quantity of ballast into it; and -there is no doubt, but in time it will be filled up, and joined to the -continent by this means. And posterity may, probably, following the -system of Herodotus (if it should be still fashionable) call this as -they have done the rest of Egypt, _the Gift of the Nile_. - -Christian vessels are not suffered to enter this port; the only reason -is, least the _Moorish women_ should be seen taking the air in the -evening at open windows; and this has been thought to be of weight -enough for Christian powers to submit to it, and to over-balance the -constant loss of ships, property, and men. - -[61]Alexander, returning to Egypt from the Libyan side, was struck -with the beauty and situation of these two ports. [62]Dinochares, an -architect who accompanied him, traced out the plan, and Ptolemy I. -built the city. - -The healthy, though desolate and bare country round it, part of the -Desert of Libya, was another inducement to prefer this situation to -the unwholesome black mud of Egypt; but it had no water; this Ptolemy -was obliged to bring far above from the Nile, by a calish, or canal, -vulgarly called the Canal of Cleopatra, though it was certainly coeval -with the foundation of the city; it has no other name at this day. - -This circumstance, however, remedied in the beginning, was fatal to the -city’s magnificence ever after, and the cause of its being in the state -it is at this day. - -The importance of its situation to trade and commerce, made it a -principal object of attention to each party in every war. It was easily -taken, because it had no water; and, as it could not be kept, it was -destroyed by the conqueror, that the temporary possession of it might -not turn to be a source of advantage to an enemy. - -We are not, however, to suppose, that the country all around it was -as bare in the days of prosperity as it is now. Population, we see, -produces a swerd of grass round ancient cities in the most desert parts -of Africa, which keeps the sand immoveable till the place is no longer -inhabited. - -I apprehend the numerous lakes in Egypt were all contrived as -reservoirs to lay up a store of water for supplying gardens and -plantations in the months of the Nile’s decrease. The great effects of -a very little water are seen along the calish, or canal, in a number of -bushes that it produces, and thick plantations of date-trees, all in a -very luxuriant state; and this, no doubt, in the days of the Ptolemies, -was extended further, more attended to, and better understood. - -Pompey’s pillar, the obelisks, and subterraneous cisterns, are all -the antiquities we find now in Alexandria; these have been described -frequently, ably, and minutely. - -The foliage and capital of the pillar are what seem generally to -displease; the fust is thought to have merited more attention than has -been bestowed upon the capital. - -The whole of the pillar is granite, but the capital is of another -stone; and I should suspect those rudiments of leaves were only -intended to support firmly leaves of metal[63] of better workmanship; -for the capital itself is near nine feet high, and the work, in -proportionable leaves of stone, would be not only very large, but, -after being finished, liable to injuries. - -This magnificent monument appears, in taste, to be the work of that -period, between Hadrian and Severus; but, though the former erected -several large buildings in the east, it is observed of him he never put -inscriptions upon them. - -This has had a Greek inscription, and I think may very probably be -attributed to the time of the latter, as a monument of the gratitude -of the city of Alexandria for the benefits he conferred on them, -especially since no ancient history mentions its existence at an -earlier period. - -I apprehend it to have been brought in a block from the Thebais in -Upper Egypt, by the Nile; though some have imagined it was an old -obelisk, hewn to that round form. It is nine feet diameter; and were it -but 80 feet high, it would require a prodigious obelisk indeed, that -could admit to be hewn to this circumference for such a length, so as -perfectly to efface the hieroglyphics that must have been very deeply -cut in the four faces of it. - -The tomb of Alexander has been talked of as one of the antiquities -of this city. Marmol[64] says he saw it in the year 1546. It was, -according to him, a small house, in form of a chapel, in the middle of -the city, near the church of St Mark, and was called Escander. - -The thing itself is not probable, for all those that made themselves -masters of Alexandria, in the earliest times, had too much respect for -Alexander, to have reduced his tomb to so obscure a state. It would -have been spared even by the Saracens; for Mahomet speaks of Alexander -with great respect, both as a king and a prophet. The body was -preserved in a glass coffin, in [65]Strabo’s time, having been robbed -of the golden one in which it was first deposited. - -The Greeks, for the most part, are better instructed in the history -of these places than the Cophts, Turks, or Christians; and, after the -Greeks, the Jews. - -As I was perfectly disguised, having for many years worn the dress of -the Arabs, I was under no constraint, but walked through the town in -all directions, accompanied by any of those different nations I could -induce to walk with me; and, as I constantly spoke Arabic, was taken -for a [66]Bedowé by all sorts of people; but, notwithstanding the -advantage this freedom gave me, and of which I daily availed myself, I -never could hear a word of this monument from either Greek, Jew, Moor, -or Christian. - -Alexandria has been often taken since the time of Cæsar. It was at -last destroyed by the Venetians and Cypriots, upon, or rather after -the release of St Lewis, and we may say of it as of Carthage, _Periêre -ruinæ_, its very ruins appear no longer. - -The building of the present gates and walls, which some have thought to -be antique, does not seem earlier than the last restoration in the 13th -century. Some parts of the gate and walls may be of older date; (and -probably were those of the last Caliphs before Salidan) but, except -these, and the pieces of columns which lie horizontally in different -parts of the wall, every thing else is apparently of very late times, -and the work has been huddled together in great haste. - -It is in vain then to expect a plan of the city, or try to trace here -the Macedonian mantle of Dinochares; the very vestiges of ancient -ruins are covered, many yards deep, by rubbish, the remnant of the -devastations of later times. Cleopatra, were she to return to life -again, would scarcely know where her palace was situated, in this her -own capital. - -There is nothing beautiful or pleasant in the present Alexandria, but a -handsome street of modern houses, where a very active and intelligent -number of merchants live upon the miserable remnants of that trade, -which made its glory in the first times. - -It is thinly inhabited, and there is a tradition among the natives, -that, more than once, it has been in agitation to abandon it all -together, and retire to Rosetto, or Cairo, but that they have been -withheld by the opinion of divers saints from Arabia, who have allured -them, that Mecca being destroyed, (as it must be as they think by -the Russians) Alexandria is then to become _the holy place_, and -that Mahomet’s body is to be transported thither; when that city is -destroyed, the sanctified reliques are to be transported to Cairouan, -in the kingdom of Tunis: lastly, from Cairouan they are to come to -Rosetto, and there to remain till the consummation of all things, which -is not then to be at a great distance. - -Ptolemy places his Alexandria in lat 30° 31´ and in round numbers in -his almagest, lat. 31° north. - -Our Professor, Mr Greaves, one of whose errands into Egypt was to -ascertain the latitude of this place, seems yet, from some cause or -other, to have failed in it, for though he had a brass sextant of five -feet radius, he makes the latitude of Alexandria, from a mean of many -observations, to be lat 31° 4´ N. whereas the French astronomers from -the Academy of Sciences have settled it at 31° 11´ 20´´, so between Mr -Greaves and the French there is a difference of 7´ 20´´, which is too -much. There is not any thing, in point of situation, that can account -for this variance, as in the case of Ptolemy; for the new town of -Alexandria is built from east to west; and as all christian travellers -necessarily make their observations now on the same line, there cannot -possibly be any difference from situation. - -Mr Niebuhr, whether from one or more observations he does not say, -makes the latitude to be 31° 12´. From a mean of thirty-three -observations, taken by the three-feet quadrant I have spoken of, I -found it to be 31° 11´ 16´´: So that, taking a medium of these three -results, you will have the latitude of Alexandria 31° 11´ 32´´, or, in -round number, 31° 11´ 30´´, nor do I think there possibly can be 5´´ -difference. - -By an eclipse, moreover, of the first satellite of Jupiter, observed -on the 23d day of June 1769, I found its longitude to be 30° 17´ 30´´ -east, from the meridian of Greenwich. - -We arrived at Alexandria the 20th of June, and found that the plague -had raged in that city and neighbourhood from the beginning of March, -and that two days only before our arrival people had begun to open -their houses and communicate with each other; but it was no matter, St -John’s day was _past_, the miraculous nucta, or dew, had fallen, and -every body went about their ordinary business in safety, and without -fear. - -With very great pleasure I had received my instruments at Alexandria. -I examined them, and, by the perfect state in which they arrived, knew -the obligations I was under to my correspondents and friends. Prepared -now for any enterprise, I left with eagerness the thread-bare inquiries -into the meagre remains, of this once-famous capital of Egypt. - -The journey to Rosetto is always performed by land, as the mouth of -the branch of the Nile leading to Rosetto, called the Bogaz[67], is -very shallow and dangerous to pass, and often tedious; besides, nobody -wishes to be a partner for any time in a voyage with Egyptian sailors, -if he can possibly avoid it. - -The journey by land is also reputed dangerous, and people travel -burdened with arms, which they are determined never to use. - -For my part, I placed my safety, in my disguise, and my behaviour. We -had all of us pistols at our girdles, against an extremity; but our -fire-arms of a larger sort, of which we had great store, were sent with -our baggage, and other instruments, by the Bogaz to Rosetto. I had a -small lance, called a Jerid, in my hand, my servants were without any -visible arms. - -We left Alexandria in the afternoon, and about three miles before -arriving at Aboukeer, we met a man, in appearance of some consequence, -going to Alexandria. - -As we had no fear of him or his party, we neither courted nor avoided -them. We passed near enough, however, to give them the usual salute, -_Salam Alicum_; to which the leader of the troop gave no answer, but -said to one of his servants, as in contempt, Bedowé! they are peasants, -or country Arabs. I was much better pleased with this token that we had -deceived them, than if they had returned the salute twenty times. - -Some inconsiderable ruins are at Aboukeer, and seem to denote, that -it was the former situation of an ancient city. There is here also an -inlet of the sea; and the distance, something less than four leagues -from Alexandria, warrants us to say that it is Canopus, one of the -most ancient cities in the world; its ruins, notwithstanding the -neighbourhood of the branch of the Nile, which goes by that name, have -not yet been covered by the increase of the land of Egypt. - -At Medea, which we suppose, by its distance of near seven leagues, to -be the ancient Heraclium, is the passage or ferry which terminates the -fear of danger from the Arabs of Libya; and it is here [68]supposed the -Delta, or Egypt, begins. - -Dr Shaw[69] is obliged to confess, that between Alexandria and the -Canopic branch of the Nile, few or no _vestiges_ are seen of the -increase of the land by the inundation of the river; indeed it would -have been a wonder if there had. - -Alexandria, and its environs, are part of the desert of Barca, too -high to have ever been overflowed by the Nile, from any part of its -lower branches; or else there would have been no necessity for going so -high up as above Rosetto, to get level enough, to bring water down to -Alexandria by the canal. - -Dr Shaw adds, that the ground hereabout may have been an island; and so -it may, and so may almost any other place in the world; but there is -no sort of indication that it was so, nor viable means by which it was -formed. - -We saw no vegetable from Alexandria to Medea, excepting some scattered -roots of Absinthium; nor were these luxuriant, or promising to thrive, -but though they had not a very strong smell, they were abundantly -bitter; and their leaves seemed to have imbibed a quantity of saline -particles, with which the soil of the whole desert of Barca is strongly -impregnated. - -We saw two or three gazels, or antelopes, walking one by one, at -several times, in nothing differing from the species of that animal, -in the desert of Barca and Cyrenaicum; and the [70]jerboa, another -inhabitant of these deserts; but from the multitude of holes in the -ground, which we saw at the root of almost every plant of Absinthium, -we were very certain its companion, the [71]Cerastes, or horned viper, -was an inhabitant of that country also. - -From Medea, or the Passage, our road lay through very dry sand; to -avoid which, and seek firmer footing, we were obliged to ride up to the -bellies of our horses in the sea. If the wind blows this quantity of -dust or sand into the Mediterranean, it is no wonder the mouths of the -branches of the Nile are choked up. - -All Egypt is like to this part of it, full of deep dust and sand, from -the beginning of March till the first of the inundation. It is this -fine powder and sand, raised and loosened by the heat of the sun, -and want of dew, and not being tied fast, as it were, by any root or -vegetation, which the Nile carries off with it, and buries in the sea, -and which many ignorantly suppose comes from Abyssinia, where every -river runs in a bed of rock. - -When you leave the sea, you strike off nearly at right angles, and -pursue your journey to the eastward of north. Here heaps of stone and -trunks of pillars, are set up to guide you in your road, through moving -sands, which stand in hillocks in proper directions, and which conduct -you safely to Rosetto, surrounded on one side by these hills of sand, -which seem ready to cover it. - -Rosetto is upon that branch of the Nile which was called the Bolbuttic -Branch, and is about four miles from the sea. It probably obtained its -present name from the Venetians, or Genoese, who monopolized the trade -of this country, before the Cape of Good Hope was discovered; for it -is known to the natives by the name of Rashid, by which is meant the -Orthodox. - -The reason of this I have already explained, it is some time or other -to be a substitute to Mecca, and to be blessed with all that holiness, -that the possession of the reliques, of their prophet can give it. - -Dr Shaw[72] having always in his mind the strengthening of Herodotus’s -hypothesis, _that Egypt is created by the Nile_, says, that perhaps -this was once a Cape, because Rashid has that meaning. But as Dr Shaw -understood Arabic perfectly well, he must therefore have known, that -Rashid has no such signification in any of the Oriental Languages. Ras, -indeed, is a head land, or cape; but Rassit has no such signification, -and Rashid a very different one, as I have already mentioned. - -Rashid then, or Rosetto, is a large, clean, neat town, or village, -upon the eastern side of the Nile. It is about three miles long, much -frequented by studious and religious Mahometans; among these too are a -considerable number of merchants, it being the entrepot between Cairo -and Alexandria, and _vice versa_; here too the merchants have their -factors, who superintend and watch over the merchandise which passes -the Bogaz to and from Cairo. - -There are many gardens, and much verdure, about Rosetto; the ground is -low, and retains long the moisture it imbibes from the overflowing of -the Nile. Here also are many curious plants and flowers, brought from -different countries, by _Fakirs_, and merchants. Without this, Egypt, -subject to such long inundation, however it may abound in necessaries, -could not boast of many beautiful productions of its own gardens, -though flowers, trees, and plants, were very much in vogue in this -neighbourhood, two hundred years ago, as we find by the observations of -Prosper Alpinus. - -The study and search after every thing useful or beautiful, which -for some time had been declining gradually, fell at last into total -contempt and oblivion, under the brutal reign of these last slaves[73], -the most infamous reproach to the name of Sovereign. - -Rosetto is a favourite halting-place of the Christian travellers -entering Egypt, and merchants established there. There they draw their -breaths, in an imaginary increase of freedom, between the two great -sinks of tyranny, oppression, and injustice, Alexandria and Cairo. - -Rosetto has this good reputation, that the people are milder, more -tractable, and less avaricious, than those of the two last-mentioned -capitals; but I must say, that, in my time, I could not discern much -difference. - -The merchants, who trade at all hours of the day with Christians, are -indeed more civilized, and less insolent, than the soldiery and the -rest of the common people, which is the case every where, as it is for -their own interest; but their priests, and moullahs, their soldiers, -and people living in the country, are, in point of manners, just as bad -as the others. - -Rosetto is in lat. 31° 24´ 15´´ N.; it is the place where we embark for -Cairo, which we accordingly did on June the 30th. - -There is a wonderful deal of talk at Alexandria of the danger of -passing over the desert to Rosetto. The same conversation is held here. -After you embark on the Nile in your way to Cairo, you hear of pilots, -and masters of vessels, who land you among robbers to share your -plunder, and twenty such like stories, all of them of old date, and -which perhaps happened long ago, or never happened at all. - -But provided the government of Cairo is settled, and you do not land at -villages in strife with each other, (in which circumstances no person -of any nation is safe) you must be very unfortunate indeed, if any -great accident befal you between Alexandria and Cairo. - -For, from the constant intercourse between these two cities, and the -valuable charge confided to these masters of vessels, they are all as -well known, and at the least as much under authority, as the boatmen on -the river Thames; and, if they should have either killed, or robbed any -person, it must be with a view to leave the country immediately; else -either at Cairo, Rosetto, Fuè, or Alexandria, wherever they were first -caught, they would infallibly be hanged. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - _Author’s Reception at Cairo--Procures Letters from the Bey and - the Greek Patriarch--Visits the Pyramids--Observations on their - Construction._ - - -It was in the beginning of July we arrived at Cairo, recommended to -the very hospitable house of Julian and Bertran, to whom I imparted my -resolution of pursuing my journey into Abyssinia. - -The wildness of the intention seemed to strike them greatly, on which -account they endeavoured all they could to persuade me against it, but, -upon seeing me resolved, offered kindly their most effectual services. - -As the government of Cairo hath always been jealous of this enterprise -I had undertaken, and a regular prohibition had been often made by the -Porte, among indifferent people, I pretended that my destination was to -India, and no one conceived any thing wrong in that. - -This intention was not long kept secret, (nothing can be concealed -at Cairo:) All nations, Jews, Turks, Moors, Cophts, and Franks, are -constantly upon the inquiry, as much after things that concern other -people’s business as their own. - -The plan I adopted was to appear in public as seldom as possible, -unless disguised; and I soon was considered as a _Fakir_, or -_Dervich_, moderately skilled in magic, and who cared for nothing but -study and books. - -This reputation opened me, privately, a channel for purchasing many -Arabic manuscripts, which the knowledge of the language enabled me -to chuse, free from the load of trash that is generally imposed upon -Christian purchasers. - -The part of Cairo where the French are settled is exceedingly -commodious, and fit for retirement. It consists of one long street, -where all the merchants of that nation live together. It is shut at -one end, by large gates, where there is a guard, and these are kept -constantly close in the time of the plague. - -At the other end is a large garden tolerably kept, in which there are -several pleasant walks, and seats; all the enjoyment that Christians -can hope for, among this vile people, reduces itself to peace, and -quiet; nobody seeks for more. There are, however, wicked emissaries who -are constantly employed, by threats, lies, and extravagant demands, -to torment them, and keep them from enjoying that repose, which would -content them instead of freedom, and more solid happiness, in their own -country. - -I have always considered the French at Cairo, as a number of honest, -polished, and industrious men, by some fatality condemned to the -gallies; and I must own, never did a set of people bear their continual -vexations with more fortitude and manliness. - -Their own affairs they keep to themselves, and, notwithstanding the bad -prospect always before them, they never fail to put on a chearful face -to a stranger, and protect and help him to the utmost of their power; -as if his little concerns, often ridiculous, always very troublesome -ones, were the only charge they had in hand. - -But a more brutal, unjust, tyrannical, oppressive, avaricious set of -infernal miscreants, there is not on earth, than are the members of the -government of Cairo. - -There is also at Cairo a Venetian consul, and a house of that nation -called _Pini_, all excellent people. - -The government of Cairo is much praised by some. It may perhaps have -merit when explained, but I never could understand it, and therefore -cannot explain it. - -It is said to consist of twenty-four Beys; yet its admirers could never -fix upon one year in which there was that number. There were but seven -when I was at Cairo, and one who commanded the whole. - -The Beys are understood to be veiled with the sovereign power of the -country; yet sometimes a Kaya commands absolutely, and, though of an -inferior rank, he makes his servants, Beys or Sovereigns. - -At a time of peace, when Beys are contented to be on an equality, -and no ambitious one attempts to govern the whole, there is a number -of inferior officers depending upon each of the Beys, such as Kayas, -Schourbatchies, and the like, who are but subjects in respect to the -Beys, yet exercise unlimited jurisdiction over the people in the city, -and appoint others to do the same over villages in the country. - -There are perhaps four hundred inhabitants in Cairo, who have absolute -power, and administer what they call justice, in their own way, and -according to their own views. - -Fortunately in my time this many-headed monster was no more, there -was but one Ali Bey, and there was neither inferior nor superior -jurisdiction exercised, but by his officers only. This happy state -did not last long. In order to be a Bey, the person must have been a -slave, and bought for money, at a market. Every Bey has a great number -of servants, slaves to him, as he was to others before; these are his -guards, and these he promotes to places in his household, according as -they are qualified. - -The first of these domestic charges is that of hasnadar, or treasurer, -who governs his whole household; and whenever his master the Bey dies, -whatever number of children he may have, they never succeed him; but -this man marries his wife, and inherits his dignity and fortune. - -The Bey is old, the wife is young, so is the hasnadar, upon whom she -depends for every thing, and whom she must look upon as the presumptive -husband; and those people who conceal, or confine their women, and are -jealous, upon the most remote occasion, never feel any jealousy for -the probable consequences of this passion, from the existence of such -connection. - -It is very extraordinary, to find a race of men in power, all agree -to leave their succession to strangers, in preference to their own -children, for a number of ages; and that no one should ever have -attempted to make his son succeed him, either in dignity or estate, in -preference to a slave, whom he has bought for money like a beast. - -The Beys themselves have seldom children, and those they have, seldom -live. I have heard it as a common observation, that Cairo is very -unwholesome for young children in general; the prostitution of the Beys -from early youth probably give their progeny a worse chance than those -of others. - -The instant that I arrived at Cairo was perhaps the only one in which I -ever could have been allowed, single and unprotected as I was, to have -made my intended journey. - -Ali Bey, lately known in Europe by various narratives of the last -transactions of his life, after having undergone many changes of -fortune, and been banished by his rivals from his capital, at last had -enjoyed the satisfaction of a return, and of making himself absolute in -Cairo. - -The Port had constantly been adverse to him, and he cherished the -strongest resentment in his heart. He wished nothing so much as to -contribute his part to rend the Ottoman empire to pieces. - -A favourable opportunity presented itself in the Russian war, and -Ali Bey was prepared to go all lengths in support of that power. But -never was there an expedition so successful and so distant, where -the officers were less instructed from the cabinet, more ignorant of -the countries, more given to useless parade, or more intoxicated with -pleasure, than the Russians on the Mediterranean then were. - -After the defeat, and burning of the Turkish squadron, upon the coast -of Asia Minor, there was not a sail appeared that did not do them -homage. They were properly and advantageously situated at Paros, or -rather, I mean, a squadron of ships of one half their number, would -have been properly placed there. - -The number of Bashas and Governors in Caramania, very seldom in their -allegiance to the Port, were then in actual rebellion; great part of -Syria was in the same situation, down to Tripoli and Sidon; and thence -Shekh Daher, from Acre to the plains of Esdraelon, and to the very -frontiers of Egypt. - -With circumstances so favourable, and a force so triumphant, Egypt and -Syria would probably have fallen dismembered from the Ottoman empire. -But it was very plain, that the Russian commanders were not provided -with instructions, and had no idea how far their victory might have -carried them, or how to manage those they had conquered. - -They had no confidential correspondence with Ali Bey, though they might -have safely trusted him as he would have trusted them; but neither -of them were provided with proper negotiators, nor did they ever -understand one another till it was too late, and till their enemies, -taking advantage of their tardiness, had rendered the first and great -scheme impossible. - -Carlo Rozetti, a Venetian merchant, a young man of capacity and -intrigue, had for some years governed the Bey absolutely. Had such -a man been on board the fleet with a commission, after receiving -instructions from Petersburgh, the Ottoman empire in Egypt was at an -end. - -The Bey, with all his good sense and understanding, was still a -mamaluke, and had the principles of a slave. Three men of different -religions possessed his confidence and governed his councils all -at a time. The one was a Greek, the other a Jew, and the third an -Egyptian Copht, his secretary. It would have required a great deal of -discernment and penetration to have determined which of these was the -most worthless, or most likely to betray him. - -The secretary, whose name was Risk, had the address to supplant the -other two at the time they thought themselves at the pinnacle of their -glory; over-awing every Turk, and robbing every Christian, the Greek -was banished from Egypt, and the Jew bastinadoed to death. Such is the -tenure of Egyptian ministers. - -Risk professed astrology, and the Bey, like all other Turks, believed -in it implicitly, and to this folly he sacrificed his own good -understanding; and Risk, probably in pay to Constantinople, led him -from one wild scheme to another, till he undid him--by the stars. - -The apparatus of instruments that were opened at the custom-house of -Alexandria, prepossessed Risk in favour of my superior knowledge in -astrology. - -The Jew, who was master of the custom-house, was not only ordered to -refrain from touching or taking them out of their places (a great -mortification to a Turkish custom-house, where every thing is handed -about and shewn) but an order from the Bey also arrived that they -should be sent to me without duty or fees, because they were not -merchandise. - -I was very thankful for that favour, not for the sake of saving the -dues at the custom-house, but because I was excused from having them -taken out of their cases by rough and violent hands, which certainly -would have broken something. - -Risk waited upon me the next day, and let me know from whom the favour -came; on which we all thought this was a hint for a present; and -accordingly, as I had other business with the Bey, I had prepared a -very handsome one. - -But I was exceedingly astonished when desiring to know the time when it -was to be offered; it was not only refused, but some few trifles were -sent as a present from the secretary with this message: “That, when -I had reposed, he would visit me, desire to see me make use of these -instruments; and, in the mean time, that I might rest confident, that -nobody durst any way molest me while in Cairo, for I was under the -immediate protection of the Bey.” He added also, “That if I wanted any -thing I should send my Armenian servant, Arab Keer, to him, without -troubling myself to communicate my necessities to the French, or trust -my concerns to their Dragomen.” - -Although I had lived for many years in friendship and in constant good -understanding with both Turks and Moors, there was something more -polite and considerate in this than I could account for. - -I had not seen the Bey, it was not therefore any particular address, or -any prepossession in my favour, with which these people are very apt to -be taken at first sight, that could account for this; I was an absolute -stranger; I therefore opened myself entirely to my landlord, Mr Bertran. - -I told him my apprehension of too much fair weather in the beginning, -which, in these climates, generally leads to a storm in the end; on -which account, I suspected some design; Mr Bertran kindly promised to -sound Risk for me. - -At the same time, he cautioned me equally against offending him, or -trusting myself in his hands, as being a man capable of the blackest -designs, and merciless in the execution of them. - -It was not long before Risk’s curiosity gave him a fair opportunity. -He inquired of Bertran as to my knowledge of the stars; and my friend, -who then saw perfectly the drift of all his conduct, so prepossessed -him in favour of my superior science, that he communicated to him in -the instant the great expectations he had formed, to be enabled by -me, to foresee the destiny of the Bey; the success of the war; and, in -particular, whether or not he should make himself master of Mecca; to -conquer which place, he was about to dispatch his slave and son-in-law, -Mahomet Bey Abou Dahab, at the head of an army conducting the pilgrims. - -Bertran communicated this to me with great tokens of joy: for my own -part, I did not greatly like the profession of fortune-telling, where -bastinado or impaling might be the reward of being mistaken. - -But I was told I had most credulous people to deal with, and that there -was nothing for it but escaping as long as possible, before the issue -of any of my prophecies arrived, and as soon as I had done my own -business. - -This was my own idea likewise; I never saw a place I liked worse, or -which afforded less pleasure or instruction than Cairo, or antiquities -which less answered their descriptions. - -In a few days I received a letter from Risk, desiring me to go out to -the Convent of St George, about three miles from Cairo, where the Greek -patriarch had ordered an apartment for me; that I should pretend to the -French merchants that it was for the sake of health, and that there I -should receive the Bey’s orders. - -Providence seemed to teach me the way I was to go. I went accordingly -to St George, a very solitary mansion, but large and quiet, very proper -for study, and still more for executing a plan which I thought most -necessary for my undertaking. - -During my stay at Algiers, the Rev. Mr Tonyn, the king’s chaplain to -that factory, was absent upon leave. The bigotted catholic priests -there neither marry, baptize, nor bury the dead of those that are -Protestants. - -There was a Greek priest,[74]Father Christopher, who constantly -had offered gratuitously to perform these functions. The civility, -humanity, and good character of the man, led me to take him to reside -at my country house, where I lived the greatest part of the year; -besides that he was of a chearful disposition, I had practised much -with him both in speaking and reading Greek with the accent, not in -use in our schools, but without which that language, in the mouth of a -stranger, is perfectly unintelligible all over the Archipelago. - -Upon my leaving Algiers to go on my voyage to Barbary, being tired of -the place, he embarked on board a vessel, and landed at Alexandria, -from which soon after he was called to Cairo by the Greek patriarch -Mark, and made _Archimandrites_, which is the second dignity in the -Greek church under the patriarch. He too was well acquainted in the -house of Ali Bey, where all were Georgian and Greek slaves; and it was -at his solicitation that Risk had desired the patriarch to furnish me -with an apartment in the Convent of St George. - -The next day after my arrival I was surprised by the visit of my -old friend Father Christopher; and, not to detain the reader with -useless circumstances, the intelligence of many visits, which I shall -comprehend in one, was, that there were many Greeks then in Abyssinia, -all of them in great power, and some of them in the first places of -the empire; that they corresponded with the patriarch when occasion -offered, and, at all times, held him in such respect, that his will, -when signified to them, was of the greatest authority, and that -obedience was paid to it as to holy writ. - -Father Christopher took upon him, with the greatest readiness, to -manage the letters, and we digested the plan of them; three copies were -made to send separate ways, and an admonitory letter to the whole of -the Greeks then in Abyssinia, in form of a bull. - -By this the patriarch enjoined them as a penance, upon which a kind of -jubilee was to follow, that, laying aside their pride and vanity, great -sins with which he knew them much _infected_ and, instead of pretending -to put themselves on a footing with me when I should arrive at the -court of Abyssinia, they should concur, heart and hand, in serving me; -and that, before it could be supposed they had received instructions -from _me_, they should make a declaration before the king, that they -were not in condition equal to me, that I was a free citizen of a -_powerful nation_, and servant of a great king; that _they_ were born -slaves of the Turk, and, at best, ranked but as would my servants; and -that, in fact, one of their countrymen was in that station then with -me. - -After having made that declaration publicly, and _bona fide_, in -presence of their priest, he thereupon declared to them, that all their -past sins were forgiven. - -All this the patriarch most willingly and chearfully performed. I saw -him frequently when I was in Cairo; and we had already commenced a -great friendship and intimacy. - -In the mean while, Risk sent to me, one night about nine o’clock, to -come to the Bey. I saw him then for the first time. He was a much -younger man than I conceived him to be; he was sitting upon a large -sofa, covered with crimson-cloth of gold; his turban, his girdle, and -the head of his dagger, all thick covered with fine brilliants; one -in his turban, that served to support a sprig of brilliants also, was -among the largest I had ever seen. - -He entered abruptly into discourse upon the war between Russia and the -Turk, and asked me if I had calculated what would be the consequence of -that war? I said, the Turks would be beaten by sea and land wherever -they presented themselves. - -Again, Whether Constantinople would be burned or taken?--I said, -Neither; but peace would be made, after much bloodshed, with little -advantage to either party. - -He clapped his hands together, and swore an oath in Turkish, then -turned to Risk, who stood before him, and said, That will be sad -indeed! but truth is truth, and God is merciful. - -He offered me coffee and sweatmeats, promised me his protection, bade -me fear nothing, but, if any body wronged me, to acquaint him by Risk. - -Two or three nights afterwards the Bey sent for me again. It was near -eleven o’clock before I got admittance to him. - -I met the janissary Aga going out from him, and a number of soldiers at -the door. As I did not know him, I passed him without ceremony, which -is not usual for any person to do. Whenever he mounts on horseback, as -he was then just going to do, he has absolute power of life and death, -without appeal, all over Cairo and its neighbourhood. - -He stopt me just at the threshold, and asked one of the Bey’s people -who I was? and was answered, “It is Hakim Englese,” the English -philosopher, or physician. - -He asked me in Turkish, in a very polite manner, if I would come and -see him, for he was not well? I answered him in Arabic, “Yes, whenever -he pleased, but could not then stay, as I had received a message that -the Bey was waiting.” He replied in Arabic, “No, no; go, for God’s sake -go; any time will do for me.” - -The Bey was sitting, leaning forward, with a wax taper in one hand, -and reading a small slip of paper, which he held close to his face. He -seemed to have little light, or weak eyes; nobody was near him; his -people had been all dismissed, or were following the janissary Aga out. - -He did not seem to observe me till I was close upon him, and started -when I said, “_Salam_.” I told him I came upon his message. He said, I -thank you, did I send for you? and without giving me leave to reply, -went on, “O true, I did so,” and fell to reading his paper again. - -After this was over, he complained that he had been ill, that he -vomited immediately after dinner, though he eat moderately; that his -stomach was not yet settled, and was afraid something had been given -him to do him mischief. - -I felt his pulse, which was low, and weak; but very little feverish. -I desired he would order his people to look if his meat was dressed -in copper properly tinned; I assured him he was in no danger, and -insinuated that I thought he had been guilty of some excess before -dinner; at which he smiled, and said to Risk, who was standing by, -“Afrite! Afrite”! he is a devil! he is a devil! I said, If your stomach -is really uneasy from what you may have ate, warm some water, and, if -you please, put a little green tea into it, and drink it till it makes -you vomit gently, and that will give you ease; after which you may take -a dish of strong coffee, and go to bed, or a glass of spirits, if you -have any that are good. - -He looked surprised at this proposal, and said very calmly, “Spirits! -do you know I am a Mussulman?” But I, Sir, said I, am none. I tell you -what is good for your body, and have nothing to do with your religion, -or your soul. He seemed vastly diverted, and pleased with my frankness, -and only said, “He speaks like a man.” There was no word of the war, -nor of the Russians that night. I went home desperately tired, and -peevish at being dragged out, on so foolish an errand. - -Next morning, his secretary Risk came to me to the convent. The Bey was -not yet well; and the idea still remained that he had been poisoned. -Risk told me the Bey had great confidence in me. I asked him how the -water had operated? He said he had not yet taken any of it, that he did -not know how to make it, therefore he was come at the desire of the -Bey, to see how it was made. - -I immediately shewed him this, by infusing some green tea in some warm -water. But this was not all, he modestly insinuated that I was to drink -it, and so vomit myself, in order to shew him how to do with the Bey. - -I excused myself from being patient and physician at the same time, and -told him, I would vomit _him_, which would answer the same purpose of -instruction; neither was this proposal accepted. - -The old Greek priest, Father Christopher, coming at the same time, we -both agreed to vomit the Father, who would not consent, but produced a -Caloyeros, or young monk, and we forced _him_ to take the water whether -he would or not. - -As my favour with the Bey was now established by my midnight -interviews, I thought of leaving my solitary mansion at the convent. -I desired Mr Risk to procure me peremptory letters of recommendation -to Shekh Haman, to the governor of Syene, Ibrim, and Deir, in Upper -Egypt. I procured also the same from the janissaries, to these three -last places, as their garrisons are from that body at Cairo, which they -call their Port. I had also letters from Ali Bey, to the Bey of Suez, -to the Sherriffe of Mecca, to the Naybe (so they call the Sovereign) of -Masuah, and to the king of Sennaar, and his minister for the time being. - -Having obtained all my letters and dispatches, as well from the -patriarch as from the Bey, I set about preparing for my journey. - -Cairo is supposed to be the ancient Babylon[75], at least part of it. -It is in lat. 30° 21´ 30´´ north, and in long. 31° 16´ east, from -Greenwich. I cannot assent to what is said of it, that it is built in -form of a crescent. You ride round it, gardens and all, in three hours -and a quarter, upon an ass, at an ordinary pace, which will be above -three miles an hour. - -The Calish[76], or Amnis Trajanus, passes through the length of it, and -fills the lake called Birket el Hadje, the first supply of water the -pilgrims get in their tiresome journey to Mecca. - -On the other side of the Nile, from Cairo, is Geeza, so called, as -some Arabian authors say, from there having been a bridge there; Geeza -signifies the Passage. - -About eleven miles beyond this are the Pyramids, called the Pyramids of -Geeza, the description of which is in every body’s hands. Engravings -of them had been published in England, with plans of them upon a large -scale, two years before I came into Egypt, and were shewn me by Mr -Davidson consul of Nice, whose drawings they were. - -He it was too that discovered the small chamber above the -landing-place, after you ascend through the long gallery of the great -Pyramid on your left hand, and he left the ladder by which he ascended, -for the satisfaction of other travellers. But there is nothing in the -chamber further worthy of notice, than its having escaped discovery so -many ages. - -I think it more extraordinary still, that, for such a time as these -Pyramids have been known, travellers were content rather to follow the -report of the ancients, than to make use of their own eyes. - -Yet it has been a constant belief, that the stones composing these -Pyramids have been brought from the [77]Libyan mountains, though any -one who will take the pains to remove the sand on the south side, will -find the solid rock there hewn into steps. - -And in the roof of the large chamber, where the Sarcophagus stands, -as also in the top of the roof of the gallery, as you go up into -that chamber, you see large fragments of the rock, affording an -unanswerable proof, that those Pyramids were once huge rocks, standing -where they now are; that some of them, the most proper from their -form, were chosen for the body of the Pyramid, and the others hewn -into steps, to serve for the superstructure, and the exterior parts of -them. - -[Illustration: _Canja under Sail._ - -_London Publish’d Dec^r. 1^{st}. 1789. by G. Robinson & Co._] - - - - -CHAP. III. - - _Leaves Cairo--Embarks on the Nile for Upper Egypt--Visits - Metrahenny and Mohannan--Reasons for supposing this the - situation of Memphis._ - - -Having now provided every thing necessary, and taken a rather -melancholy leave of our very indulgent friends, who had great -apprehensions that we should never return; and fearing that our stay -till the very excessive heats were past, might involve us in another -difficulty, that of missing the Etesian winds, we secured a boat to -carry us to Furshout, the residence of Hamam, the Shekh of Upper Egypt. - -This sort of vessel is called a Canja, and is one of the most -commodious used on any river, being safe, and expeditious at the same -time, though at first sight it has a strong appearance of danger. - -That on which we embarked was about 100 feet from stern to stem, with -two masts, main and foremast, and two monstrous _Latine_ sails; the -main-sail yard being about 200 feet in length. - -The structure of this vessel is easily conceived, from the draught, -plan, and section. It is about 30 feet in the beam, and about 90 feet -in keel. - -The keel is not straight, but a portion of a parabola whose curve is -almost insensible to the eye. But it has this good effect in sailing, -that whereas the bed of the Nile, when the water grows low, is full of -sand banks under water, the keel under the stem, where the curve is -greatest, first strikes upon these banks, and is fast, but the rest -of the ship is afloat; so that by the help of oars, and assistance of -the stream, furling the sails, you get easily off; whereas, was the -keel straight, and the vessel going with the pressure of that immense -main-sail, you would be so fast upon the bank as to lie there like a -wreck for ever. - -This yard and sail is never lowered. The sailors climb and furl it as -it stands. When they shift the sail, they do it with a thick stick like -a quarter staff, which they call a _noboot_, put between the lashing of -the yard and the sail; they then twist this stick round till the sail -and yard turn over to the side required. - -When I say the yard and sail are never lowered, I mean while we are -getting up the stream, before the wind; for, otherwise, when the vessel -returns, they take out the mast, lay down the yards, and put by their -sails, so that the boat descends like a wreck broadside forwards; -otherwise, being so heavy a-loft, were she to touch with her stem -going down the stream, she could not fail to carry away her masts, and -perhaps be staved to pieces. - -The cabin has a very decent and agreeable dining-room, about twenty -feet square, with windows that have close and latticed shutters, so -that you may open them at will in the day-time, and enjoy the freshness -of the air; but great care must be taken to keep these shut at night. - -[Illustration: _Section of the Canja._ - - _A. Planks sewed together without nailing._ - -_London publish’d Dec^r 1^{st}. 1789 by G. Robinson & Co._] - -A certain kind of robber, peculiar to the Nile, is constantly on the -watch to rob boats, in which they suppose the crew are off their guard. -They generally approach the boat when it is calm, either swimming under -water, or when it is dark, upon goats skins; after which, they mount -with the utmost silence, and take away whatever they can lay their -hands on. - -They are not very fond, I am told, of meddling with vessels whereon -they see Franks, or Europeans, because by them some have been wounded -with fire-arms. - -The attempts are generally made when you are at anchor, or under weigh, -at night, in very moderate weather; but oftenest when you are falling -down the stream without masts; for it requires, strength, vigour, and -skill, to get aboard a vessel going before a brisk wind; though indeed -they are abundantly provided with all these requisites. - -Behind the dining-room (that is, nearer the stern,) you have a -bed-chamber ten feet long, and a place for putting your books and arms. -With the latter we were plentifully supplied, both with those of the -useful kind, and those (such as large blunderbusses,) meant to strike -terror. We had great abundance of ammunition, likewise, both for our -defence and sport. - -With books we were less furnished, yet our library was _chosen_, and -a very _dear_ one; for, finding how much my baggage was increased by -the accession of the large quadrant and its foot, and Dolland’s large -achromatic telescope, I began to think it folly to load myself more -with things to be carried on mens shoulders through a country full of -mountains, which it was very doubtful whether I should get liberty to -enter, much more be able to induce savages to carry these incumbrances -for me. - -To reduce the bulk as much as possible, after considering in my mind -what were likeliest to be of service to me in the countries through -which I was passing, and the several inquiries I was to make, I fell, -with some remorse, upon garbling my library, tore out all the leaves -which I had marked for my purpose, destroyed some editions of very rare -books, rolling up the needful, and tying them by themselves. I thus -reduced my library to a more compact form. - -It was December 12th when I embarked on the Nile at Bulac, on board -the Canja already mentioned, the remaining part of which needs no -description, but will be understood immediately upon inspection. - -At first we had the precaution to apply to our friend Risk concerning -our captain Hagi Hassan Abou Cuffi, and we obliged him to give his son -Mahomet in security for his behaviour towards us. Our hire to Furshout -was twenty-seven patakas, or about L.6:15:0 Sterling. - -There was nothing so much we desired as to be at some distance from -Cairo on our voyage. Bad affairs and extortions always overtake you in -this detestable country, at the very time when you are about to leave -it. - -The wind was contrary, so we were obliged to advance against the -stream, by having the boat drawn with a rope. - -We were surprised to see the alacrity with which two young Moors -bestirred themselves in the boat, they supplied the place of masters, -companions, pilots, and seamen to us. - -Our Rais had not appeared, and I did not augur much good, from the -alacrity of these Moors, so willing to proceed without him. - -However, as it was conformable to our own wishes, we encouraged and -cajoled them all we could. We advanced a few miles to two convents of -Cophts, called Deireteen[78]. - -Here we stopped to pass the night, having had a fine view of the -Pyramids of Geeza and Saccara, and being then in sight of a prodigious -number of others built of white clay, and stretching far into the -desert to the south-west. - -Two of these seemed full as large as those that are called the Pyramids -of Geeza. One of them was of a very extraordinary form, it seemed as -if it had been intended at first to be a very large one, but that the -builder’s heart or means had failed him, and that he had brought it to -a very mis-shapen disproportioned head at last. - -We were not a little displeased to find, that, in the first promise -of punctuality our Rais had made, he had disappointed us by absenting -himself from the boat. The fear of a complaint, if we remained near -the town, was the reason why his servants had hurried us away; but -being now out of reach, as they thought, their behaviour was entirely -changed; they scarce deigned to speak to us, but smoked their pipes, -and kept up a conversation bordering upon ridicule and insolence. - -On the side of the Nile, opposite to our boat, a little farther to the -south, was a tribe of Arabs encamped. - -These are subject to Cairo, or were then at peace with its government. -They are called Howadat, being a part of the Atouni, a large tribe that -possesses the Isthmus of Suez, and from that go up between the Red Sea -and the mountains that bound the east part of the Valley of Egypt. They -reach to the length of Cosseir, where they border upon another large -tribe called Ababdé, which extends from thence up into Nubia. - -Both these are what were anciently called _Shepherds_, and are now -constantly at war with each other. - -The Howadat are the same that fell in with Mr Irvine[79] in these -very mountains, and conducted him so generously and safely to Cairo. -Though little acquainted with the manners, and totally ignorant of the -language of his conductors, he imagined them to be, and calls them by -no other name, than “_the Thieves_.” - -One or two of these straggled down to my boat to seek tobacco and -coffee, when I told them, if a few decent men among them would come on -board, I should make them partakers of the coffee and tobacco I had. -Two of them accepted the invitation, and we presently became great -friends. - -I remembered, when in Barbary, living with the tribes of Noile and -Wargumma (two numerous and powerful clans of Arabs in the kingdom of -Tunis) that the Howadat, or Atouni, the Arabs of the Isthmus of Suez, -were of the same family and race with one of them. - -I even had marked this down in my memorandum-book, but it happened -not to be at hand; and I did not really remember whether it was to -the Noile or Wargumma they were friends, for these two are rivals, -and enemies, so in a mistake there was danger. I, however, cast about -a little to discover this if possible; and soon, from discourse and -circumstances that came into my mind, I found it was the Noile to -whom these people belonged; so we soon were familiar, and as our -conversation tallied so that we found we were _true men_, they got up -and insisted on fetching one of their Shekhs. - -I told them they might do so if they pleased; but they were first -bound to perform me a piece of service, to which they willingly and -readily offered themselves. I desired, that, early next morning, they -would have a boy and horse ready to carry a letter to Risk, Ali Bey’s -secretary, and I would give him a piaster upon bringing back the answer. - -This they instantly engaged to perform, but no sooner were they gone -a-shore, than, after a short council held together, one of our -laughing boat-companions stole off on foot, and, before day, I was -awakened by the arrival of our Rais Abou Cuffi, and his son Mahomet. - -Abou Cuffi was _drunk_, though a _Sherriffe_, a _Hagi_, and half a -_Saint_ besides, who never tasted _fermented_ liquor, as he told me -when I hired him.--The son was terrified out of his wits. He said he -should have been impaled, had the messenger arrived; and, seeing that -I fell upon means to keep open a correspondence with Cairo, he told -me he would not run the risk of being surety, and of going back to -Cairo to answer for his father’s faults, least, one day or another, -upon some complaint of that kind, he might be taken out of his bed and -bastinadoed to death, without knowing what his offence was. - -An altercation ensued; the father declined staying upon pretty much the -same reasons, and I was very happy to find that Risk had dealt roundly -with them, and that I was master of the string upon which I could touch -their fears. - -They then both agreed to go the voyage, for none of them thought it -very safe to stay; and I was glad to get men of some substance along -with me, rather than trust to hired vagabond servants, which I esteemed -the two Moors to be. - -As the Shekh of the Howadat and I had vowed friendship, he offered -to carry me to Cosseir by land, without any expence, and in perfect -safety, thinking me diffident of my boatmen, from what had passed. - -I thanked him for this friendly offer, which I am persuaded I might -have accepted very safely, but I contented myself with desiring, that -one of the Moor servants in the boat should go to Cairo to fetch -Mahomet Abou Cuffi’s son’s cloaths, and agreed that I should give five -patakas additional hire for the boat, on condition that Mahomet should -go with us in place of the Moor servant, and that Abou Cuffi, the -father and saint (that never drank fermented liquors) should be allowed -to sleep himself sober, till his servant the Moor returned from Cairo -with his son’s cloaths. - -In the mean time, I bargained with the Shekh of the Howadat to furnish -me with horses to go to Metrahenny or Mohannan, where once he said Mimf -had stood, a large city, the capital of all Egypt. - -All this was executed with great success. Early in the morning the -Shekh of the Howadat had passed at Miniel, where there is a ferry, the -Nile being very deep, and attended me with five horsemen and a spare -horse for myself, at Metrahenny, south of Miniel, where there is a -great plantation of palm-trees. - -The 13th, in the morning about eight o’clock, we let out our vast -sails, and passed a very considerable village called Turra, on the east -side of the river, and Shekh Atman, a small village, consisting of -about thirty houses, on the west. - -The mountains which run from the castle to the eastward of south-east, -till they are about five miles distant from the Nile east and by north -of this station, approach again the banks of the river, running in a -direction south and by west, till they end close on the banks of the -Nile about Turra. - -The Nile here is about a quarter of a mile broad; and there cannot -be the smallest doubt, in any person disposed to be convinced, that -this is by very far [80]the narrowest part of Egypt yet seen. For it -certainly wants of half-a-mile between the foot of the mountain and -the Libyan shore, which cannot be said of any other part of Egypt -we had yet come to; and it cannot be better described than it is by -[81]Herodotus; and “again, _opposite_ to the Arabian side, is another -stony mountain of Egypt towards Libya, covered with sand, where are the -Pyramids.” - -As this, and many other circumstances to be repeated in the sequel, -must naturally awaken the attention of the traveller to look for -the ancient city of Memphis here, I left our boat at Shekh Atman, -accompanied by the Arabs, pointing nearly south. We entered a large and -thick wood of palm-trees, whose greatest extension seemed to be south -by east. We continued in this course till we came to one, and then to -several large villages, all built among the plantation of date-trees, -so as scarce to be seen from the shore. - -These villages are called Metrahenny, a word from the etymology of -which I can derive no information, and leaving the river, we continued -due west to the plantation that is called Mohannan, which, as far as I -know, has no signification either. - -All to the south, in this desert, are vast numbers of Pyramids; as far -as I could discern, all of clay, some so distant as to appear just in -the horizon. - -Having gained the western edge of the palm-trees at Mohannan, we have a -fair view of the Pyramids at Geeza, which lie in a direction nearly S. -W. As far as I can compute the distance, I think about nine miles, and -as near as it was possible to judge by sight, Metrahenny, Geeza, and -the center of the three Pyramids, made an Isosceles triangle, or nearly -so. - -I asked the Arab what he thought of the distance? whether it was -farthest to Geeza, or the Pyramids? He said, they were _sowah, sowah_, -just alike, he believed; from Metrahenny to the Pyramids perhaps might -be farthest, but he would much sooner go it, than along the coast to -Geeza, because he should be interrupted by meeting with water. - -All to the west and south of Mohannan, we saw great mounds and heaps of -rubbish, and calishes that were not of any length, but were lined with -stone, covered and choked up in many places with earth. - -We saw three large granite pillars S. W. of Mohannan, and a piece of -a broken chest or cistern of granite; but no obelisks, or stones with -hieroglyphics, and we thought the greatest part of the ruins seemed to -point that way, or more southerly. - -These, our conductor said, were the ruins of Mimf, the ancient seat of -the Pharaohs kings of Egypt, that there was another Mimf, far down -in the Delta, by which he meant Menouf, below Terrane and Batn el -Baccara[82]. - -Perceiving now that I could get no further intelligence, I returned -with my kind guide, whom I gratified for his pains, and we parted -content with each other. - -In the sands I saw a number of hares. He said, if I would go with him -to a place near Faioume, I should kill half a boat-load of them in a -day, and antelopes likewise, for he knew where to get dogs; mean-while -he invited me to shoot at them there, which I did not choose; for, -passing very quietly among the date-trees, I wished not to invite -further curiosity. - -All the people in the date villages seemed to be of a yellower and -more sick-like colour, than any I had ever seen; besides, they had an -inanimate, dejected, grave countenance, and seemed rather to avoid, -than wish any conversation. - -It was near four o’clock in the afternoon when we returned to our -boatmen. By the way we met one of our Moors, who told us they had -drawn up the boat opposite to the northern point of the palm-trees of -Metrahenny. - -My Arab insisted to attend me thither, and, upon his arrival, I made -him some trifling presents, and then took my leave. - -In the evening I received a present of dry dates, and some sugar cane, -which does not grow here, but had been brought to the Shekh by some of -his friends, from some of the villages up the river. - -The learned Dr Pococke, as far as I know, is the first European -traveller that ventured to go out of the beaten path, and look for -Memphis, at Metrahenny and Mohannan. - -Dr Shaw, who in judgment, learning, and candour, is equal to Dr -Pococke, or any of those that have travelled into Egypt, contends -warmly for placing it at Geeza. - -Mr Niebuhr, the Danish traveller, agrees with Dr Pococke. I believe -neither Shaw nor Niebuhr were ever at Metrahenny, which Dr Pococke and -myself visited; though all of us have been often enough at Geeza, and -I must confess, strongly as Dr Shaw has urged his arguments, I cannot -consider any of the reasons for placing Memphis at Geeza as convincing, -and very few of them that do not go to prove just the contrary in -favour of Metrahenny. - -Before I enter into the argument, I must premise, that Ptolemy, if he -is good for any thing, if he merits the hundredth part of the pains -that have been taken with him by his commentators, must surely be -received as a competent authority in this case. - -The inquiry is into the position of the old capital of Egypt, not -fourscore miles from the place where he was writing, and immediately in -dependence upon it. And therefore, in dubious cases, I shall have no -doubt to refer to him as deserving the greatest credit. - -Dr Pococke[83] says, that the situation of Memphis was at Mohannan, or -Metrahenny, because Pliny says the [84]Pyramids were between Memphis -and the Delta, as they certainly are, if Dr Pococke is right as to the -situation of Memphis. - -Dr Shaw does not undertake to answer this direct evidence, but thinks -to avoid its force by alledging a contrary sentiment of the same Pliny, -“that the Pyramids[85] lay between Memphis and the Arsinoite nome, -and consequently, as Dr Shaw thinks, they must be to the westward of -Memphis.” - -Memphis, if situated at Metrahenny, was in the middle of the Pyramids, -three of them to the N. W. and above threescore of them to the south. - -When Pliny said that the Pyramids were between Memphis and the Delta, -he meant the three large Pyramids, commonly called the Pyramids of -Geeza. - -But in the last instance, when he spoke of the Pyramids of Saccara, or -that great multitude of Pyramids southward, he said they were between -Memphis and the Arsinoite nome; and so they are, placing Memphis at -Metrahenny. - -For Ptolemy gives Memphis 29° 50´ in latitude, and the Arsinoite nome -29° 30´ and there is 8´ of longitude betwixt them. Therefore the -Arsinoite nome cannot be to the west, either of Geeza or Metrahenny; -the Memphitic nome extends to the westward, to that part of Libya -called the Scythian Region; and south of the Memphitic nome is the -Arsinoite nome, which is bounded on the westward by the same part of -Libya. - -To prove that the latter opinion of Pliny should outweigh the former -one, Dr Shaw cites [86]Diodorus Siculus, who says Memphis was most -commodiously situated in the very key, or inlet of the country, where -the river begins to divide itself into several branches, and forms the -Delta. - -I cannot conceive a greater proof of a man being blinded by attachment -to his own opinion, than this quotation. For Memphis was in lat. 29° -50´, and the point of the Delta was in 30°, and this being the latitude -of Geeza, it cannot be that of Memphis. That city must be sought for -ten or eleven miles farther south. - -If, as Dr Shaw supposes, it was nineteen miles round, and that it was -five or six miles in breadth, its greatest breadth would probably be -to the river. Then 10 and 6 make 16, which will be the latitude of -Metrahenny, according to [87]Dr Shaw’s method of computation. - -But then it cannot be said that Geeza is either in the key or inlet of -the country; all to the westward of Geeza is plain, and desert, and no -mountain nearer it on the other side than the castle of Cairo. - -Dr Shaw[88] thinks that this is further confirmed by Pliny’s saying -that Memphis was within fifteen miles of the Delta. Now if this was -really the case, he suggests a plain reason, if he relies on ancient -measures, why Geeza, that is only ten miles, cannot be Memphis. - -If a person, arguing from measures, thinks he is intitled to throw away -or add, the third part of the quantity that he is contending for, he -will not be at a great stress to place these ancient cities in what -situation he pleases. - -Nor is it fair for Dr Shaw to suppose quantities that never did exist; -for Metrahenny, instead of [89]forty, is not quite twenty-seven miles -from the Delta; such liberties would confound any question. - -The Doctor proceeds by saying, that heaps of ruins [90]alone are not -proof of any particular place; but the agreeing of the distances -between Memphis and the Delta, which is a fixed and standing boundary, -lying at a determinate distance from Memphis, must be a proof beyond -all exception[91]. - -If I could have attempted to advise Dr Shaw, or have had an opportunity -of doing it, I would have suggested to him, as one who has maintained -that all Egypt is the gift of the Nile, not to say that the point of -the Delta is a standing and determined boundary that cannot alter. The -inconsistency is apparent, and I am of a very contrary opinion. - -Babylon, or Cairo, as it is now called, is fixed by the Calish or Amnis -Trajanus passing through it. Ptolemy[92] says so, and Dr Shaw says that -Geeza was opposite to Cairo, or in a line east and west from it, and is -the ancient Memphis. - -Now, if Babylon is lat. 30°, and so is Geeza, they may be opposite to -one another in a line of east and west. But if the latitude of Memphis -is 29° 50´ it cannot be at Geeza, which is opposite to Babylon, but ten -miles farther south, in which case it cannot be opposite to Babylon or -Cairo. Again, if the point of the Delta be in lat. 30°, Babylon, or -Cairo, 30°, and Geeza be 30°, then the point of the Delta cannot be ten -miles from Cairo or Babylon, or ten miles from Geeza. - -It is ten miles from Geeza, and ten miles from Babylon, or Cairo, -and therefore the distances do not agree as Dr Shaw says they do; -nor can the point of the Delta, as he says, be a permanent boundary -consistently with his own figures and those of Ptolemy, but it must -have been washed away, or gone 10´ northward; for Babylon, as he says, -is a certain boundary fixed by the Amnis Trajanus, and, supposing the -Delta had been a fixed boundary, and in lat. 30°, then the distance of -fifteen miles would just have made up the space that Pliny says was -between that point and Memphis, if we suppose that great city was at -Metrahenny. - -I shall say nothing as to his next argument in relation to the distance -of Geeza from the Pyramids; because, making the same suppositions, it -is just as much in favour of one as of the other. - -His next argument is from [93]Herodotus, who says, that Memphis lay -under the sandy mountain of Libya, and that this mountain is a stony -mountain covered with sand, and is opposite to the Arabian mountain. - -Now this surely cannot be called Geeza; for Geeza is under no mountain, -and the Arabian mountain spoken of here is that which comes close to -the shore at Turra. - -Diodorus says, it was placed in the straits or narrowest part of Egypt; -and this Geeza cannot be so placed, for, by Dr Shaw’s own confession, -it is at least twelve miles from Geeza to the sandy mountain where the -Pyramids stand on the Libyan side; and, on the Arabian side, there is -no mountain but that on which the castle of Cairo stands, which chain -begins there, and runs a considerable way into the desert, afterwards -pointing south-west, till they come so near to the eastern shore as to -leave no room but for the river at Turra; so that, if the cause is to -be tried by this point only, I am very confident that Dr Shaw’s candour -and love of truth would have made him give up his opinion if he had -visited Turra. - -The last authority I shall examine as quoted by Dr Shaw, is to me so -decisive of the point in question, that, were I writing to those only -who are acquainted with Egypt, and the navigation of the Nile, I would -not rely upon another. - -Herodotus[94] says, “At the time of the inundation, the Egyptians do -not sail from Naucratis to Memphis by the common channel of the river, -that is Cercasora, and the point of the Delta, but over the plain -country, along the very side of the Pyramids.” - -Naucratis was on the west side of the Nile, about lat. 30° 30´, let us -say about Terrane in my map. They then sailed along the plain, out of -the course of the river, upon the inundation, close by the Pyramids, -whatever side they pleased, till they came to Metrahenny, the ancient -Memphis. - -The Etesian wind, fair as it could blow, forwarded their course whilst -in this line. They went directly before the wind, and, if we may -suppose, accomplished the navigation in a very few hours; having been -provided with those barks, or canjas, with their powerful sails, which -I have already described, and, by means of which, they shortened their -passage greatly, as well as added pleasure to it. - -But very different was the case if the canja was going to Geeza. - -They had nothing to do with the Pyramids, nor to come within three -leagues of the Pyramids; and nothing can be more contrary, both to fact -and experience, than that they would shorten their voyage by sailing -along the side of them; for the wind being at north and north-west as -fair as possible for Geeza, they had nothing to do but to keep as -direct upon it as they could lie. But if, as Dr Shaw thinks, they made -the Pyramids first, I would wish to know in what manner they conducted -their navigation to come down upon Geeza. - -Their vessels go only before the wind, and they had a strong steady -gale almost directly in their teeth. - -They had no current to help them; for they were in still water; and -if they did not take down their large yards and sails, they were so -top-heavy, the wind had so much purchase upon them above, that there -was no alternative, but, either with sails or without, they must make -for Upper Egypt; and there, entering into the first practicable calish -that was full, get into the main stream. - -But their dangers were not still over, for, going down with a violent -current, and with their standing rigging up, the moment they touched -the banks, their masts and yards would go overboard, and, perhaps, the -vessel stave to pieces. - -Nothing would then remain, but for safety’s sake to strike their masts -and yards, as they always do when they go down the river; they must -lie broadside foremost, the strong wind blowing perpendicular on one -side of the vessel, and the violent current pushing it in a contrary -direction on the other; while a man, with a long oar, balances the -advantage the wind has of the stream, by the hold it has of the cabin -and upper works. - -This would most infallibly be the case of the voyage from Naucratis, -unless in striving to sail by tacking, (a manœuvre of which their -vessel is not capable) their canja should overset, and then they must -all perish. - -If Memphis was Metrahenny, I believe most people who had leisure would -have tried the voyage from Naucratis by the plain. They would have -been carried straight from north to south. But Dr Shaw is exceedingly -mistaken, if he thinks there is any way so expeditious as going up the -current of the river. As far as I can guess, from ten to four o’clock, -we seldom went less than eight miles in the hour, against a current -that surely ran more than six. This current kept our vessel stiff, -whilst the monstrous sail forced us through with a facility not to be -imagined. - -Dr Shaw, to put Geeza and Memphis perfectly upon a footing, says[95], -that there were no traces of the city now to be found, from which he -imagines it began to decay soon after the building of Alexandria, that -the mounds and ramparts which kept the river from it were in process -of time neglected, and that Memphis, which he supposes was in the old -bed of the river about the time of the Ptolemies, was so far abandoned, -that the Nile at last got in upon it, and overflowing its old ruins, -great part of the best of which had been carried first to build the -city of Alexandria, that the mud covered the rest, so that no body knew -what was its true situation. This is the opinion of Dr Pococke, and -likewise of M. de Maillet. - -The opinion of these two last-mentioned authors, that the ruins and -situation of Memphis are now become obscure, is certainly true; the -foregoing dispute is a sufficient evidence of this. - -But I will not suffer it to be said, that, soon after the building -of Alexandria, or in the time of the Ptolemies, this was the case, -because Strabo[96] says, that when he was in Egypt, Memphis, next to -Alexandria, was the most magnificent city in Egypt. - -It was called the Capital[97] of Egypt, and there was entire a temple -of Osiris; the Apis (or sacred ox) was kept and worshipped there. There -was likewise an apartment for the mother of that ox still standing, a -temple of Vulcan of great magnificence, a large [98]circus, or space -for fighting bulls; and a great colossus in the front of the city -thrown down: there was also a temple of Venus, and a serapium, in a -very sandy place, where the wind heaps up hills of moving sand very -dangerous to travellers, and a number of [99]sphinxes, (of some only -their heads being visible) the others covered up to the middle of their -body. - -In the [100]front of the city were a number of palaces then in ruins, -and likewise lakes. These buildings, he says, stood formerly upon an -eminence; they lay along the side of the hill, stretching down to -the lakes and the groves, and forty stadia from the city; there was -a mountainous height, that had many Pyramids standing upon it, the -sepulchres of the kings, among which there are three remarkable, and -two the wonders of the world. - -This is the account of an eye-witness, an historian of the first -credit, who mentions Memphis, and this state of it, so late as the -reign of Nero; and therefore I shall conclude this argument with three -observations, which, I am very sorry to say, could never have escaped a -man of Dr Shaw’s learning and penetration. - -1_st_, That by this description of Strabo, who was in it, it is plain -that the city was not deserted in the time of the Ptolemies. - -2_dly_, That no time, between the building of Alexandria and the -time of the Ptolemies, could it be swallowed up by the river, or its -situation unknown. - -3_dly_, That great part of it having been built upon an eminence on the -side of a hill, especially the large and magnificent edifices I have -spoken of, it could not be situated, as he says, low in the bed of the -river; for, upon the giving way of the Memphitic rampart, it would be -swallowed up by it. - -If it was swallowed up by the river, it was not Geeza; and this -accident must have been since Strabo’s time, which Dr Shaw will not -aver; and it is by much too loose arguing to say, first, that the place -was destroyed by the violent overflowing of the river, and then pretend -its situation to be Geeza, where a river never came. - -The descent of the hill to where the Pyramids were, and the number of -Pyramids that were there around it, of which three are remarkable; the -very sandy situation, and the quantity of loose flying hillocks that -were there (dangerous in windy weather to travellers) are very strong -pictures of the Saccara, the neighbourhood of Metrahenny and Mohannan, -but they have not the smallest or most distant resemblance to any part -in the neighbourhood of Geeza. - -It will be asked, Where are all those temples, the Serapium, the -Temple of Vulcan, the Circus, and Temple of Venus? Are they found near -Metrahenny? - -To this I answer, Are they found at Geeza? No, but had they been at -Geeza, they would have still been visible, as they are at Thebes, -Diospolis, and Syene, because they are surrounded with black earth not -moveable by the wind. Vast quantities of these ruins, however, are in -every street of Cairo: every wall, every Bey’s stable, every cistern -for horses to drink at, preserve part of the magnificent remains that -have been brought from Memphis or Metrahenny.--The rest are covered -with the moving sands of the Saccara; as the sphinxes and buildings -that had been deserted were in Strabo’s time for want of grass and -roots, which always spread and keep the soil firm in populous inhabited -places, the sands of the deserts are let loose upon them, and have -covered them _probably for ever_. - -A man’s heart fails him in looking to the south and south-west of -Metrahenny. He is lost in the immense expanse of desert, which he sees -full of Pyramids before him. Struck with terror from the unusual scene -of vastness opened all at once upon leaving the palm-trees, he becomes -dispirited from the effects of sultry climates. - -From habits of idleness contracted at Cairo, from the stories he has -heard of the bad government and ferocity of the people, from want of -language and want of plan, he shrinks from the attempting any discovery -in the moving sands of the Saccara, embraces in safety and in quiet the -reports of others, whom he thinks have been more inquisitive and more -adventurous than himself. - -Thus, although he has created no new error of his own, he is accessary -to the having corroborated and confirmed the ancient errors of others; -and, though people travel in the same numbers as ever, physics and -geography continue at a stand. - -In the morning of the 14th of December, after having made our peace -with Abou Cuffi, and received a multitude of apologies and vows -of amendment and fidelity for the future, we were drinking coffee -preparatory to our leaving Metrahenny, and beginning our voyage in -earnest, when an Arab arrived from my friend the Howadat, with a -letter, and a few dates, not amounting to a hundred. - -The Arab was one of his people that had been sick, and wanted to go to -Kenné in Upper Egypt. The Shekh expressed his desire that I would take -him with me this trifle of about two hundred and fifty miles, that I -would give him medicines, cure his disease, and maintain him all the -way. - -On these occasions there is nothing like ready compliance. He had -offered to carry me the same journey with all my people and baggage -without hire; he conducted me with safety and great politeness to the -Saccara; I therefore answered instantly, “You shall be very welcome, -upon my head be it.” Upon this the miserable wretch, half naked, laid -down a dirty clout containing about ten dates, and the Shekh’s servant -that had attended him returned in triumph. - -I mention this trifling circumstance, to shew how essential to humane -and civil intercourse presents are considered to be in the east; -whether it be dates, or whether it be diamonds, they are so much a part -of their manners, that, without them an inferior will never be at peace -in his own mind, or think that he has a hold of his superior for his -favour or protection. - - - - -CHAP. IV. - - _Leave Metrahenny--Come to the Island Halouan--False - Pyramid--These buildings end--Sugar Canes--Ruins of - Antinopolis--Reception there._ - - -Our wind was fair and fresh, rather a little on our beam; when, in -great spirits, we hoisted our main and fore-sails, leaving the point -of Metrahenny, where our reader may think we have too long detained -him. We saw the Pyramids of Saccara still S. W. of us; several -villages on both sides of the river, but very poor and miserable; -part of the ground on the east side had been overflowed, yet was not -sown; a proof of the oppression and distress the husbandman suffers -in the neighbourhood of Cairo, by the avarice and disagreement of the -different officers of that motely incomprehensible government. - -After sailing about two miles, we saw three men fishing in a very -extraordinary manner and situation. They were on a raft of palm -branches, supported on a float of clay jars, made fast together. The -form was like an Isosceles triangle, or face of a Pyramid; two men, -each provided with a casting net, stood at the two corners, and threw -their net into the stream together; the third stood at the apex of -the triangle, or third corner, which was foremost, and threw his net -the moment the other two drew theirs out of the water. And this they -repeated, in perfect time, and with surprising regularity. Our Rais -thought we wanted to buy fish; and letting go his main-sail, ordered -them on board with a great tone of superiority. - -They were in a moment alongside of us; and one of them came on board, -lashing his miserable raft to a rope at our stern. In recompence for -their trouble, we gave them some large pieces of tobacco, and this -transported them so much, that they brought us a basket, of several -different kinds of fish, all small; excepting one laid on the top of -the basket, which was a clear salmon-coloured fish, silvered upon its -sides, with a shade of blue upon its back[101]. It weighed about 10 -lib. and was most excellent, being perfectly firm and white like a -perch. There are some of this kind 70 lib. weight. I examined their -nets, they were rather of a smaller circumference than our casting -nets in England; the weight, as far as I could guess, rather heavier -in proportion than ours, the thread that composed them being smaller. -I could not sufficiently admire their success, in a violent stream of -deep water, such as the Nile; for the river was at least twelve feet -deep where they were fishing, and the current very strong. - -These fishers offered willingly to take me upon the raft to teach me; -but I cannot say my curiosity went so far. They said their fishing was -merely accidental, and in course of their trade, which was selling -these potter earthen jars, which they got near Ashmounein; and after -having carried the raft with them to Cairo, they untie, sell them at -the market, and carry the produce home in money, or in necessaries -upon their back. A very poor œconomical trade, but sufficient as they -said, from the carriage of crude materials, the moulding, making, and -sending them to market, to Cairo and to different places in the Delta, -to afford occupation to two thousand men; this is nearly four times -the number of people employed in the largest iron foundery in England. -But the reader will not understand, that I warrant this fact from any -authority but what I have given him. - -About two o’clock in the afternoon, we came to the point of an island; -there were several villages with date trees on both sides of us; the -ground is overflowed by the Nile, and cultivated. The current is very -strong here. We passed a village called Regnagie, and another named -Zaragara, on the east side of the Nile. We then came to Caphar el -Hayat, or the Toll of the Tailor; a village with great plantations of -dates, and the largest we had yet seen. - -We passed the night on the S. W. point of the island between Caphar el -Hayat, and Gizier Azali, the wind failing us about four o’clock. This -place is the beginning of the Heracleotic nome, and its situation a -sufficient evidence that Metrahenny was Memphis; its name is Halouan. - -This island is now divided into a number of small ones, by calishes -being cut through and through it, and, under different Arabic names, -they still reach very far up the stream. I landed to see if there -were remains of the olive tree which Strabo[102] says grew here, but -without success. We may imagine, however, that there was some such like -thing; because opposite to one of the divisions into which this large -island is broken, there is a village called Zeitoon, or the Olive Tree. - -On the 15th of December, the weather being nearly calm, we left the -north end of the island, or Heracleotic nome; our course was due south, -the line of the river; and three miles farther we passed Woodan, and a -collection of villages, all going by that name, upon the east: to the -west, or right, were small islands, part of the ancient nome of which I -have already spoken. - -The ground is all cultivated about this village, to the foot of the -mountains, which is not above four miles; but it is full eight on -the west, all overflowed and sown. The Nile is here but shallow, and -narrow, not exceeding a quarter of a mile broad, and three feet deep; -owing, I suppose, to the resistance made by the island in the middle of -the current, and by a bend it makes, thus intercepting the sand brought -down by the stream. - -The mountains here come down till within two miles of Suf el Woodan, -for so the village is called. We were told there were some ruins to the -westward of this, but only rubbish, neither arch nor column standing. I -suppose it is the Aphroditopolis, or the city of Venus, which we are to -look for here, and the nome of that name, all to the eastward of it. - -The wind still freshening, we passed by several villages on each side, -all surrounded with palm-trees, verdant and pleasant, but conveying -an idea of sameness and want of variety, such as every traveller must -have felt who has sailed in the placid, muddy, green-banked rivers in -Holland. - -The Nile, however, is here fully a mile broad, the water deep, and the -current strong. The wind seemed to be exasperated by the resistance of -the stream, and blew fresh and steadily, as indeed it generally does -where the current is violent. - -We passed Nizelet Embarak, which means the Blessed Landing-place. -Mr Norden[103] calls it Giesiret Barrakaed, which he says is the -_watering-place of the cross_. Was this even the proper name here -given it, it should be translated the Blessed Island; but, without -understanding the language, it is in vain to keep a register of names. - -The boatmen, living either in the Delta, Cairo, or one of the great -towns in Upper Egypt, and coming constantly loaded with merchandise, or -strangers from these great places, make swift passages by the villages, -either down the river with a rapid current, or up with a strong, fair, -and steady wind: And, when the season of the Nile’s inundation is over, -and the wind turns southward, they repair all to the Delta, the river -being no longer navigable above, and there they are employed till the -next season. - -They know little, therefore, and care less about the names or -inhabitants of these villages, who have each of them barks of their -own to carry on their own trade. There are some indeed employed by -the Coptic and Turkish merchants, who are better versed in the names -of villages than others; but, if they are not, and find you do not -understand the language, they will never confess ignorance; they -will tell you the first name that comes uppermost, sometimes very -ridiculous, often very indecent, which we see afterwards pass into -books, and wonder that such names were ever given to towns. - -The reader will observe this in comparing Mr Norden’s voyage and mine, -where he will seldom see the same village pass by the same name. My -Rais, Abou Cuffi, when he did not know a village, sometimes tried this -with me. But when he saw me going to write, he used then to tell me -the truth, that he did not know the village; but that such was the -custom of him, and his brethren, to people that did not understand the -language, especially if they were priests, meaning Catholic Monks. - -We passed with great velocity Nizelet Embarak, Cubabac, Nizelet Omar, -Racca Kibeer, then Racca Seguier, and came in sight of Atsia, a large -village at some distance from the Nile; all the valley here is green, -the palm-groves beautiful, and the Nile deep. - -Still it is not the prospect that pleases, for the whole ground that -is sown to the sandy ascent of the mountains, is but a narrow stripe -of three quarters of a mile broad, and the mountains themselves, which -here begin to have a moderate degree of elevation, and which bound this -narrow valley, are white, gritty, sandy, and uneven, and perfectly -destitute of all manner of verdure. - -At the small village of Racca Seguier there was this remarkable, -that it was thick, surrounded with trees of a different nature and -figure from palms; what they were I know not, I believe they were -pomegranate-trees; I thought, that with my glass I discerned some -reddish fruit upon them; and we had passed a village called Rhoda, a -name they give in Egypt to pomegranates; Salcah is on the opposite, or -east-side of the river. The Nile divides above the village; it fell -very calm, and here we passed the night of the fifteenth. - -Our Rais Abou Cuffi begged leave to go to Comadreedy, a small village -on the west of the Nile, with a few palm-trees about it; he said that -his wife was there. As I never heard any thing of this till now, I -fancied he was going to divert himself in the manner he had done the -night before he left Cairo; for he had put on his black surtout, or -great coat, his scarlet turban, and a new scarlet shaul, both of which -he said he had brought, to do me honour in my voyage. - -I thanked him much for his consideration, but asked him why, as he -was a Sherriffe, he did not wear the _green turban_ of Mahomet? He -answered, Poh! that was a trick put upon strangers; there were many -men who wore green turbans, he said, that were very great rascals; but -he was a _Saint_, which was better than a Sherriffe, and was known -as such all over the world, whatever colour of a turban he wore, or -whether a turban at all, and he only dressed for my honour; would be -back early in the morning, and bring me a fair wind. - -“Hassan, said I, I fancy it is much more likely that you bring me some -aquavitæ, if you do not drink it all.” He promised that he would see -and procure some, for mine was now at an end. He said, the Prophet -never forbade aquavitæ, only the drinking of wine; and the prohibition -could not be intended for Egypt, for there was no wine in it. But -Bouza, says he, Bouza I will drink, as long as I can walk from stem to -stern of a vessel, and away he went. I had indeed no doubt he would -keep his resolution of drinking whether he returned or not. - -We kept, as usual, a very good watch all night, which passed without -disturbance. Next day, the 17th, was exceedingly hazy in the morning, -though it cleared about ten o’clock. It was, however, sufficient to -shew the falsity of the observation of the author, who says that the -Nile[104] emits no fogs, and in course of the voyage we often saw other -examples, of the fallacy of this assertion. - -In the afternoon, the people went ashore to shoot pigeons; they were -very bad, and black, as it was not the season of grain. I remained -arranging my journal, when, with some surprize, I saw the Howadat Arab -come in, and sit down close to me; however, I was not afraid of any -evil intention, having a crooked knife at my girdle, and two pistols -lying by me. - -What’s this? How now, friend? said I; Who sent for you? He would have -kissed my hand, saying _Fiarduc_, I am under your protection: he then -pulled out a rag from within his girdle, and said he was going to -Mecca, and had taken that with him; that he was afraid my boatmen would -rob him, and throw him into the Nile, or get somebody to rob and murder -him by the way; and that one of the Moors, Hassan’s servant, had been -feeling for his money the night before, when he thought him asleep. - -I made him count his sum, which amounted to 7½ sequins, and a piece of -silver, value about half-a-crown, which in Syria they call Abou Kelb, -Father Dog. It is the Dutch Lion rampant, which the Arabs, who never -call a thing by its right name, term _a dog_.--In short, this treasure -amounted to something more than three guineas; and this he desired me -to keep till we separated. Do not you tell them, said he, and I will -throw off my cloaths and girdle, and leave them on board, while I go to -swim, and when they find I have nothing upon me they will not hurt me. - -But what security, said I, have you that I do not rob you of this, and -get you thrown into the Nile some night? No, no, says he, that I know -is impossible. I have never been able to sleep till I spoke to you; -do with me what you please, and my money too, only keep me out of the -hands of those murderers. “Well, well, said I, now you have got rid -of your money, you are safe, and you shall be my servant; lye before -the door of my dining-room all night, they dare not hurt a hair of your -head while I am alive.” - -The Pyramids, which had been on our right hand at different distances -since we passed the Saccara, terminated here in one of a very singular -construction. About two miles from the Nile, between Suf and Woodan, -there is a Pyramid, which at first sight appears all of a piece; it -is of unbaked bricks, and perfectly entire; the inhabitants call -it the [105]False Pyramid. The lower part is a hill exactly shaped -like a Pyramid for a considerable height. Upon this is continued -the superstructure in proportion till it terminates like a Pyramid -above; and, at a distance, it would require a good eye to discern the -difference, for the face of the stone has a great resemblance to clay, -of which the Pyramids of the Saccara are composed. - -Hassan Abou Cuffi was as good as his word in one respect; he came in -the night, and had not drunk much fermented liquors; but he could find -no spirits, he said, and that, to be sure, was one of the reasons of -his return; I had sat up a great part of the night waiting a season for -observation, but it was very cloudy, as all the nights had been since -we left Cairo. - -The 18th, about eight o’clock in the morning, we prepared to get on our -way; the wind was calm, and south. I asked our Rais where his fair -wind was which he promised to bring? He said, his wife had quarrelled -with him all night, and would not give him time to pray; and therefore, -says he with a very droll face, you shall see me do all that a Saint -can do for you on this occasion. I asked him what that was? He made -another droll face, “Why, it is to draw the boat by the rope till the -wind _turns fair_.” I commended very much this wise alternative, and -immediately the vessel began to move, but very slowly, the wind being -still unfavourable. - -On looking into Mr Norden’s voyage, I was struck at first sight with -this paragraph[106]: “We saw this day abundance of camels, but they did -not come near enough for us to shoot them.”--I thought with myself, to -_shoot_ camels in Egypt would be very little better than to _shoot_ -men, and that it was very lucky for him the camels did not come near, -if that was the only thing that prevented him. Upon looking at the -note, I see it is a small mistake of the translator[107], who says, -“that in the original it is Chameaux d’eau, _water-camels_; but whether -they are a particular species of camels, or a different kind of animal, -he does not know.” - -But this is no species of camel, it is a bird called a Pelican, and -the proper name in Arabic, is Jimmel el Bahar, the Camel of the River. -The other bird like a partridge, which Mr Norden’s people shot, and -did not know its name, and which was better than a pigeon, is called -Gooto, very common in all the desert parts of Africa. I have drawn -them of many different colours. That of the Deserts of Tripoli, and -Cyrenaicum, is very beautiful; that of Egypt is spotted white like the -Guinea-fowl, but upon a brown ground, not a blue one, as that latter -bird is. However, they are all very bad to eat, but they are not of the -same kind with the partridge. Its legs and feet are all covered with -feathers, and it has but two toes before. The Arabs imagine it feeds on -stones, but its food is insects. - -After Comadreedy, the Nile is again divided by another fragment of -the island, and inclines a little to the westward. On the east is the -village Sidi Ali el Courani. It has only two palm-trees belonging to -it, and on that account hath a deserted appearance; but the wheat upon -the banks was five inches high, and more advanced than any we had seen. -The mountains on the east-side come down to the banks of the Nile, are -bare, white, and sandy, and there is on this side no appearance of -villages. - -The river here is about a quarter of a mile broad, or something more. -It should seem it was the Angyrorum Civitas of Ptolemy, but neither -night nor day could I get an instant for observation, on account of -thin white clouds, which confused (for they scarce can be said to -cover) the heavens continually. - -We passed now a convent of cophts, with a small plantation of palms. It -is a miserable building, with a dome like to a saint’s or marabout’s, -and stands quite alone. - -About four miles from this is the village of Nizelet el Arab, -consisting of miserable huts. Here begin large plantations of sugar -canes, the first we had yet seen; they were then loading boats with -these to carry them to Cairo. I procured from them as many as I -desired. The canes are about an inch and a quarter in diameter, they -are cut in round pieces about three inches long, and, after having been -slit, they are steeped in a wooden bowl of water. They give a very -agreeable taste and flavour to it, and make it the most refreshing -drink in the world, whilst by imbibing the water, the canes become more -juicy, and lose a part of their heavy clammy sweetness, which would -occasion thirst. I was surprized at finding this plant in such a state -of perfection so far to the northward. We were now scarcely arrived -in lat. 29°, and nothing could be more beautiful and perfect than the -canes were. - -I apprehend they were originally a plant of the old continent, and -transported to the new, upon its first discovery, because here in Egypt -they grow from seed. I do not know if they do so in Brazil, but they -have been in all times the produce of Egypt. Whether they have been -found elsewhere I have not had an opportunity of being informed, but -it is time that some skilful person, versed in the history of plants, -should separate some of the capital productions of the old, and new -continent, from the adventitious, before, from length of time, that -which we now know of their history be lost. - -Sugar, tobacco, red podded or Cayenne pepper, cotton, some species -of Solanum, Indigo, and a multitude of others, have not as yet their -origin well ascertained. - -Prince Henry of Portugal put his discoveries to immediate profit, and -communicated what he found new in each part in Europe, Asia, Africa, -and America, to where it was wanting. It will be soon difficult to -ascertain to each quarter of the world the articles that belong to it, -and fix upon those few that are common to all. - -Even wheat, the early produce of Egypt, is not a native of it. It -grows under the Line, within the Tropics, and as far north and south -as we know. Severe northern winters seem to be necessary to it, and it -vegetates vigorously in frost and snow. But whence it came, and in what -shape, is yet left to conjecture. - -Though the stripe of green wheat was continued all along the Nile, -it was interrupted for about half a mile on each side of the coptish -convent. These poor wretches know, that though they may sow, yet, from -the violence of the Arabs, they shall never reap, and therefore leave -the ground desolate. - -On the side opposite to Sment, the stripe begins again, and continues -from Sment to Mey-Moom, about two miles, and from Mey-Moom to Shenuiah, -one mile further. In this small stripe, not above a quarter of a mile -broad, besides wheat, clover is sown, which they call Bersine. I -don’t think it equals what I have seen in England, but it is sown and -cultivated in the same manner. - -Immediately behind this narrow stripe, the white mountains appear -again, square and flat on the top like tables. They seem to be laid -upon the surface of the earth, not inserted into it, for the several -strata that are divided lye as level as it is possible to place them -with a rule; they are of no considerable height. - -We next passed Boush, a village on the west-side of the Nile, two miles -south of Shenuiah; and, a little further, Beni Ali, where we see for -a minute the mountains on the right or west-side of the Nile, running -in a line nearly south, and very high. About five miles from Boush is -the village of Maniareish on the east-side of the river, and here the -mountains on that side end. - -Boush is about two miles and a quarter from the river. Beni Ali is a -large village, and its neighbour, Zeytoom, still larger, both on the -western shore. I suppose this last was part of the Heracleotic nome, -where [108]Strabo says the olive-tree grew, and no where else in Egypt, -but we saw no appearance of the great works once said to have been in -that nome. A little farther south is Baida, where was an engagement -between Hussein Bey, and Ali Bey then in exile, in which the former was -defeated, and the latter restored to the government of Cairo. - -From Maniareish to Beni Suef is two miles and a half, and opposite to -this the mountains appear again of considerable height, about twelve -miles distant. Although Beni Suef is no better built than any other -town or village that we had passed, yet it interests by its extent; it -is the most considerable place we had yet seen since our leaving Cairo. -It has a cacheff and a mosque, with three large steeples, and is a -market-town. - -The country all around is well cultivated, and seems to be of the -utmost fertility; the inhabitants are better cloathed, and seemingly -less miserable, and oppressed, than those we had left behind in the -places nearer Cairo. - -The Nile is very shallow at Beni Suef, and the current strong. We -touched several times in the middle of the stream, and came to an -anchor at Baha, about a quarter of a mile above Beni Suef, where we -passed the night. - -We were told to keep good watch here all night, that there were troops -of robbers on the east-side of the water who had lately plundered some -boats, and that the cacheff either dared not, or would not give them -any assistance. We did indeed keep strict watch, but saw no robbers, -and were no other way molested. - -The 18th we had fine weather and a fair wind. Still I thought the -villages were beggarly, and the constant groves of palm-trees so -perfectly verdant, did not compensate for the penury of sown land, the -narrowness of the valley, and barrenness of the mountains. - -We passed Mansura, Gadami, Magaga, Malatiah, and other small villages, -some of them not consisting of fifteen houses. Then follow Gundiah and -Kerm on the west-side of the river, with a large plantation of dates, -and four miles further Sharuni. All the way from Boush there appeared -no mountains on the west side, but large plantations of dates, which -extended from Gundiah four miles. - -From this to Abou Azeeze, frequent plantations of sugar canes were now -cutting. All about Kafoor is sandy and barren on both sides of the -river. Etfa is on the west side of the Nile, which here again makes an -island. All the houses have now receptacles for pigeons on their tops, -from which is derived a considerable profit. They are made of earthen -pots one above the other, occupying the upper story, and giving the -walls of the turrets a lighter and more ornamented appearance. - -We arrived in the evening at Zohora, about a mile south of Etfa. It -consists of three plantations of dates, and is five miles, from Miniet, -and there we passed the night of the 18th of December. - -There was nothing remarkable till we came to Barkaras, a village on the -side of a hill, planted with thick groves of palm-trees. - -The wind was so high we scarcely could carry our sails; the current was -strong at Shekh Temine, and the violence with which we went through the -water was terrible. My Rais told me we should have slackened our sails, -if it had not been, that, seeing me curious about the construction of -the vessel and her parts, and as we were in no danger of striking, -though the water was low, he wanted to shew me what she could do. - -I thanked him for his kindness. We had all along preserved strict -friendship. Never fear the banks, said I; for I know if there is one -in the way, you have nothing to do but to bid him begone, and he will -hurry to one side directly. “I have had passengers, says he, who would -believe that, and more than that, when I told them; but there is no -occasion I see to waste much time with you in speaking of miracles.” - -“You are mistaken, Rais, I replied, very much mistaken; I love to -hear modern miracles vastly, there is always some amusement in -them.”--“Aboard your Christian ships, says he, you always have a prayer -at twelve o’clock, and drink a glass of brandy; since you won’t be a -Turk like me, I wish at least you would be a Christian.”--Very fairly -put, said I, Hassan, let your vessel keep her wind if there is no -danger, and I shall take care to lay in a stock for the whole voyage at -the first town in which we can purchase it. - -We passed by a number of villages on the western shore, the eastern -seeming to be perfectly unpeopled: First, Feshné, a considerable place; -then [109]Miniet, or the ancient Phylæ, a large town which had been -fortified towards the water, at least there were some guns there. A -rebel Bey had taken possession of it, and it was usual to stop here, -the river being both narrow and rapid; but the Rais was in great -spirits, and resolved to hold his wind, as I had desired him, and -nobody made us any signal from shore. - -We came to a village called Rhoda, whence we saw the magnificent ruins -of the ancient city of Antinous, built by Adrian. Unluckily I knew -nothing of these ruins when I left Cairo, and had taken no pains to -provide myself with letters of recommendation as I could easily have -done. Perhaps I might have found it difficult to avail myself of them, -and it was, upon the whole, better as it was. - -I asked the Rais what sort of people they were? He said that the -town was composed of very bad Turks, very bad Moors, and very bad -Christians; that several devils had been seen among them lately, -who had been discovered by being better and quieter than any of the -rest.--The Nubian geographer informs us, that it was from this town -Pharaoh brought his magicians, to compare their powers with those of -Moses; an anecdote worthy that great historian. - -I told the Rais, that I must, of necessity, go ashore, and asked him, -if the people of this place had no regard for saints? that I imagined, -if he would put on his red turban as he did at Comadreedy for my -honour, it would then appear that he was a saint, as he before said he -was known to be all the world over. He did not seem to be fond of the -expedition; but hauling in his main-sail, and with his fore-sail full, -stood S. S. E. directly under the Ruins. In a short time we arrived at -the landing-place; the banks are low, and we brought up in a kind of -bight or small bay, where there was a stake, so our vessel touched very -little, or rather swung clear. - -Abou Cuffi’s son Mahomet, and the Arab, went on shore, under pretence -of buying some provision, and to see how the land lay, but after the -character we had of the inhabitants, all our fire-arms were brought -to the door of the cabin. In the mean time, partly with my naked eye -and partly with my glass, I observed the ruins so attentively as to be -perfectly in love with them. - -These columns of the angle of the portico were standing fronting to -the north, part of the tympanum, cornice, frize, and architrave, all -entire, and very much ornamented; thick trees hid what was behind. -The columns were of the largest size and fluted; the capitals -Corinthian, and in all appearance entire. They were of white Parian -marble probably, but had lost the extreme whiteness, or polish, of -the Antinous at Rome, and were changed to the colour of the fighting -gladiator, or rather to a brighter yellow. I saw indistinctly, also, a -triumphal arch, or gate of the town, in the very same style; and some -blocks of very white shining stone, which seemed to be alabaster, but -for what employed I do not know. - -No person had yet stirred, when all on a sudden we heard the noise of -Mahomet and the Moor in strong dispute. Upon this the Rais stripping -off his coat, leaped ashore, and flipped off the rope from the stake, -and another of the Moors stuck a strong perch or pole into the river, -and twisted the rope round it. We were in a bight, or calm place, so -that the stream did not move the boat. - -Mahomet and the Moor came presently in sight; the people had taken -Mahomet’s turban from him, and they were apparently on the very worst -terms. Mahomet cried to us, that the whole town was coming, and getting -near the boat, he and the Moor jumped in with great agility. A number -of people was assembled, and three shots were fired at us, very -quickly, the one after the other. - -I cried out in Arabic, “Infidels, thieves, and robbers! come on, or -we shall presently attack you:” upon which I immediately fired a -ship-blunderbuss with pistol small bullets, but with little elevation, -among the bushes, so as not to touch them. The three or four men that -were nearest fell flat upon their faces, and slid away among the bushes -on their bellies, like eels, and we saw no more of them. - -We now put our vessel into the stream, filled our fore-sail, and stood -off, Mahomet crying, Be upon your guard, if you are men, we are the -Sanjack’s soldiers, and will come for the turban to-night. More we -neither heard nor saw. - -We were no sooner out of their reach, than our Rais, filling his pipe, -and looking very grave, told me to thank God that I was in the vessel -with such a man as he was, as it was owing to that only I escaped from -being murdered a-shore. “Certainly, said I, Hassan, under God, the way -of escaping from being murdered on land, is never to go out of the -boat, but don’t you think that my blunderbuss was as effectual a mean -as your holiness? Tell me, Mahomet, What did they do to you?” He said, -They had not seen us come in, but had heard of us ever since we were at -Metrahenny, and had waited to rob or murder us; that upon now hearing -we were come, they had all ran to their houses for their arms, and were -coming down, immediately, to plunder the boat; upon which he and the -Moor ran off, and being met by these three people, and the boy, on the -road, who had nothing in their hands, one of them snatched the turban -off. He likewise added, that there were two parties in the town; one -in favour of Ali Bey, the other friends to a rebel Bey who had taken -Miniet; that they had fought, two or three days ago, among themselves, -and were going to fight again, each of them having called Arabs to -their assistance. “Mahomet Bey, says my Howadat Arab, will come one of -these days with the soldiers, and bring our Shekh and people with him, -who will burn their houses, and destroy their corn, that they will be -all starved to death next year.” - -Hassan and his son Mahomet were violently exasperated, and nothing -would serve them but to go in again near the shore, and fire all the -guns and blunderbusses among the people. But, besides that I had no -inclination of that kind, I was very loth to frustrate the attempts -of some future traveller, who may add this to the great remains of -architecture we have preserved already. - -It would be a fine outset for some engraver; the elegance and -importance of the work are certain. From Cairo the distance is but -four days pleasant and safe navigation, and in quiet times, protection -might, by proper means, be easily enough obtained at little expence. - - - - -CHAP. V. - - _Voyage to Upper Egypt continued--Ashmounein, Ruins there--Gawa - Kibeer Ruins--Mr Norden mistaken--Achmim--Convent of - Catholics--Dendera--Magnificent Ruins--Adventure with a Saint - there._ - - -The Rais’s curiosity made him attempt to prevail with me to land -at Reremont, three miles and a half off, just a-head of us; this I -understood was a Coptic Christian town, and many of Shekh Abadé’s -people were Christians also. I thought them too near to have any thing -to do with either of them. At Reremont there are a great number of -Persian wheels, to draw the water for the sugar canes, which belong to -Christians. The water thus brought up from the river runs down to the -plantations, below or behind the town, after being emptied on the banks -above; a proof that here the descent from the mountains is not an optic -fallacy, as Dr Shaw says. - -We passed Ashmounein, probably the ancient Latopolis, a large town, -which gives the name to the province, where there are magnificent ruins -of Egyptian architecture; and after that we came to Melawé, larger, -better built, and better inhabited than Ashmounein, the residence of -the Cacheff. Mahomet Aga was there at that time with troops from Cairo, -he had taken Miniet, and, by the friendship of Shekh Hamam, the great -Arab, governor of Upper Egypt, he kept all the people on that side of -the river in their allegiance to Ali Bey. - -I had seen him at Cairo, and Risk had spoken to him to do me service -if he met with me, which he promised. I called at Melawé to complain -of our treatment at Shekh Abadé, and see if I could engage him, as he -had nothing else to employ him, to pay a visit to my friends at that -inhospitable place. This I was told he would do upon the slightest -intimation. He, unfortunately, however, happened to be out upon some -party; but I was lucky in getting an old Greek, a servant of his, who -knew I was a friend, both to the Bey and to his Patriarch. - -He brought me about a gallon of brandy, and a jar of lemons and -oranges, preserved in honey; both very agreeable. He brought likewise -a lamb, and some garden-stuffs. Among the sweetmeats was some -horse-raddish preserved like ginger, which certainly, though it might -be wholesome, was the very worst stuff ever I tasted. I gave a good -square piece of it, well wrapt in honey, to the Rais, who coughed and -spit half an hour after, crying he was poisoned. - -I saw he did not wish me to stay at Melawé, as he was afraid of the -Bey’s troops, that they might engage him in their service to carry them -down, so went away with great good will, happy in the acquisition of -the brandy, declaring he would carry sail as long as the wind held. - -We passed Mollé, a small village with a great number of acacia trees -intermixed with the plantations of palms. These occasion a pleasing -variety, not only from the difference of the shape of the tree, but -also from the colour and diversity of the green. - -As the sycamore in Lower Egypt, so this tree seems to be the only -indigenous one in the Thebaid. It is the Acacia Vera, or the Spina -Egyptiaca, with a round yellow flower. The male is called the Saiel; -from it proceeds the gum arabic, upon incision with an ax. This gum -chiefly comes from Arabia Petrea, where these trees are most numerous. -But it is the tree of all deserts, from the northmost part of Arabia, -to the extremity of Ethiopia, and its leaves the only food for camels -travelling in those desert parts. This gum is called Sumach in the west -of Africa, and is a principal article of trade on the Senega among the -Ialofes. - -A large plantation of Dates reaches all along the west side, and ends -in a village called Masara. Here the river, though broad, happened to -be very shallow; and by the violence with which we went, we stuck upon -a sand bank so fast, that it was after sun-set before we could get -off; we came to an anchor opposite to Masara the night of the 19th of -December. - -On the 20th, early in the morning, we again set sail and passed two -villages, the first called Welled Behi, the next Salem, about a mile -and a half distant from each other on the west side of the Nile. The -mountains on the west side of the valley are about sixteen miles off, -in a high even ridge, running in a direction south-east; while the -mountains on the east run in a parallel direction with the river, and -are not three miles distant. - -We passed Deirout on the east side, and another called Zohor, in the -same quarter, surrounded with palms; then Siradé on the east side also, -where is a wood of the Acacia, which seems very luxuriant; and, though -it was now December, and the mornings especially very cold, the trees -were in full flower. We passed Monfalout, a large town on the western -shore. It was once an old Egyptian town, and place of great trade; it -was ruined by the Romans, but re-established by the Arabs. - -An Arabian [110]author says, that, digging under the foundation of an -old Egyptian temple here, they found a crocodile made of lead, with -hieroglyphics upon it, which they imagine to be a talisman, to prevent -crocodiles from passing further. Indeed, as yet, we had not seen any; -that animal delights in heat, and, as the mornings were very cold, he -keeps himself to the southward. The valley of Egypt here is about eight -miles from mountain to mountain. - -We passed Siout, another large town built with the remains of the -ancient city [111]Isiu. It is some miles inland, upon the side of a -large calish, over which there is an ancient bridge. This was formerly -the station of the caravan for Sennaar. They assembled at Monfalout and -Siout, under the protection of a Bey residing there. They then passed -nearly south-west, into the sandy desert of Libya, to El Wah, the -Oasis Magna of antiquity, and so into the great Desert of Selima. - -Three miles beyond Siout, the wind turned directly south, so we were -obliged to stay at Tima the rest of the 20th. I was wearied with -continuing in the boat, and went on shore at Tima. It is a small -town, surrounded like the rest with groves of palm-trees. Below Tima -is Bandini, three miles on the east side. The Nile is here full of -sandy islands. Those that the inundation has first left are all sown, -these are chiefly on the east. The others on the west were barren and -uncultivated; all of them mostly composed of sand. - -I walked into the desert behind the village, and shot a considerable -number of the bird called Gooto, and several hares likewise, so that -I sent one of my servants loaded to the boat. I then walked down past -a small village called Nizelet el Himma, and returned by a still -smaller one called Shuka, about a quarter of a mile from Tima. I was -exceedingly fatigued with the heat by the south wind[112] blowing, and -the deep sand on the side of the mountain. I was then beginning my -apprenticeship, which I fully compleated. - -The people in these villages were in appearance little less miserable -than those of the villages we had passed. They seemed shy and surly -at first, but, upon conversation, became placid enough. I bought some -medals from them of no value, and my servants telling them I was a -physician, I gave my advice to several of the sick. This reconciled -them perfectly, they brought me fresh water and some sugar-canes, which -they split and steeped in it. If they were satisfied, I was very much -so. They told me of a large scene of ruins that was about four miles -distant, and offered to send a person to conduct me, but I did not -accept their offer, as I was to pass there next day. - -The 21st, in the morning, we came to Gawa, where is the second scene -of ruins of Egyptian architecture, after leaving Cairo. I immediately -went on shore, and found a small temple of three columns in front, -with the capitals entire, and the columns in several separate pieces. -They seemed by that, and their slight proportions, to be of the most -modern of that species of building; but the whole were covered with -hieroglyphics, the old story over again, the hawk and the serpent, the -man sitting with the dog’s head, with the perch, or measuring-rod; -in one hand, the hemisphere and globes with wings, and leaves of the -banana-tree, as is supposed, in his other. The temple is filled with -rubbish and dung of cattle, which the Arabs bring in here to shelter -them from the heat. - -Mr Norden says, that these are the remains of the ancient Diospolis -Parva, but, though very loth to differ from him, and without the least -desire of criticising, I cannot here be of his opinion. For Ptolemy, -I think, makes Diospolis Parva about lat. 26° 40´, and Gawa is 27° -20´, which is by much too great a difference. Besides, Diospolis and -its nome were far to the southward of Panopolis; but we shall shew, by -undoubted evidence, that Gawa is to the northward. - -There are two villages of this name opposite to each other; the one -Gawa Shergieh, which means the Eastern Gawa, and this is by much -the largest; the other Gawa Garbieh. Several authors, not knowing -the meaning of these terms, call it Gawa Gebery; a word that has no -signification whatever, but Garbieh means the Western. - -I was very well pleased to see here, for the first time, two shepherd -dogs lapping up the water from the stream, then lying down in it with -great seeming leisure and satisfaction. It refuted the old fable, that -the dogs living on the banks of the Nile run as they drink, for fear of -the crocodile. - -All around the villages of Gawa Garbieh, and the plantations belonging -to them, Meshta and Raany, with theirs also joining them (that is, all -the west side of the river) are cultivated and sown from the very foot -of the mountains to the water’s edge, the grain being thrown upon the -mud as soon as ever the water has left it. The wheat was at this time -about four inches in length. - -We passed three villages, Shaftour, Commawhaia, and Zinedi; we anchored -off Shaftour, and within sight of Taahta. Taahta is a large village, -and in it are several mosques. On the east is a mountain called Jibbel -Heredy, from a Turkish saint, who was turned into a snake, has lived -several hundred years, and is to live for ever. As Christians, Moors, -and Turks, all faithfully believe in this, the consequence is, that -abundance of nonsense is daily writ and told concerning it. Mr Norden -discusses it at large, and afterwards gravely tells us, he does not -believe it; in which I certainly must heartily join him, and recommend -to my readers to do the same, without reading any thing about it. - -On the 22d, at night, we arrived at Achmim. I landed my quadrant and -instruments, with a view of observing an eclipse of the moon; but, -immediately after her rising, clouds and mist so effectually covered -the whole heavens, that it was not even possible to catch a star of any -size passing the meridian. - -Achmim is a very considerable place. It belonged once to an Arab prince -of that name, who possessed it by a grant from the Grand Signior, for -a certain revenue to be paid yearly. That family is now extinct; and -another Arab prince, Hamam Shekh of Furshout, now rents it for his -life-time, from the Grand Signior, with all the country (except Girgé), -from Siout to Luxor. - -The inhabitants of Achmim are of a very yellow, unhealthy appearance, -probably owing to the bad air, occasioned by a very dirty calish that -passes through the town. There are, likewise, a great many trees, -bushes, and gardens, about the stagnated water, all which increase the -bad quality of the air. - -There is here what is called a Hospice, or Convent of religious -Franciscans, for the entertainment of the converts, or persecuted -Christians in Nubia, _when they can find them_. This institution I -speak of at large in the sequel. One of the last princes of the house -of Medicis, all patrons of learning, proposed to furnish them with a -compleat observatory, with the most perfect and expensive instruments; -but they refused them, from a scruple least it would give umbrage to -the natives. The fear that it should expose their own ignorance and -idleness, I must think, entered a little into the consideration. - -They received us civilly, and that was just all. I think I never knew -a number of priests met together, who differed so little in capacity -and knowledge, having barely a routine of scholastic disputation, -on every other subject inconceivably ignorant. But I understood -afterwards, that they were low men, all Italians; some of them had been -barbers, and some of them tailors at Milan; they affected to be all -Anti-Copernicans, upon scripture principles, for they knew no other -astronomy. - -These priests lived in great ease and safety, were much protected and -favoured by this Arab prince Hamam; and their acting as physicians -reconciled them to the people. They told me there were about eight -hundred catholics in the town, but I believe the fifth part of that -number would never have been found, even such catholics as they are. -The rest of them were Cophts, and Moors, but a very few of the latter, -so that the missionaries live perfectly unmolested. - -There was a manufactory of coarse cotton cloth in the town, to -considerable extent; and great quantity of poultry, esteemed the best -in Egypt, was bred here, and sent down to Cairo. The reason is plain, -the great export from Achmim is wheat; all the country about it is sown -with that grain, and the crops are superior to any in Egypt. Thirty-two -grains pulled from the ear was equal to forty-nine of the best Barbary -wheat gathered in the same season; a prodigious disproportion, if it -holds throughout. The wheat, however, was not much more forward in -Upper Egypt, than that lower down the country, or farther northward. It -was little more than four inches high, and sown down to the very edge -of the water. - -The people _here_ wisely pursuing agriculture, so as to produce wheat -in the greatest quantity, have dates only about their houses, and a -few plantations of sugar cane near their gardens. As soon as they have -reaped their wheat, they sow for another crop, before the sun has -drained the moisture from the ground. Great plenty of excellent fish -is caught here at Achmim, particularly a large one called the Binny, a -figure of which I have given in the Appendix. I have seen them about -four feet long, and one foot and a half broad. - -The people seemed to be very peaceable, and well disposed, but of -little curiosity. They expressed not the least surprise at seeing my -large quadrant and telescopes mounted. We passed the night in our tent -upon the river side, without any sort of molestation, though the men -are reproached with being very great thieves. But seeing, I suppose, by -our lights, that we were awake, they were afraid. - -The women seldom marry after sixteen; we saw several with child, who -they said were not eleven years old. Yet I did not observe that the -men were less in size, less vigorous and active in body, than in other -places. This, one would not imagine from the appearance these young -wives make. They are little better coloured than a corpse, and look -older at sixteen, than many English women at sixty, so that you are to -look for beauty here in childhood only. - -Achmim appears to be the Panopolis of the ancients, not only by its -latitude, but also by an inscription of a very large triumphal arch, a -few hundred yards south of the convent. It is built with marble by the -Emperor Nero, and is dedicated in a Greek inscription, ΠΑΝΙ ΘΕΩ. The -columns that were in its front are broken and thrown away; the arch -itself is either sunk into the ground, or overturned on the side, with -little separation of the several pieces. - -The 24th of December we left Achmim, and came to the village Shekh Ali -on the west, two miles and a quarter distant. We then passed Hamdi, -about the same distance farther south; Aboudarac and Salladi on the -east; then Salladi Garbieh, and Salladi Shergieh on the east and west, -as the names import; and a number of villages, almost opposite, on each -side of the river. - -At three o’clock in the afternoon we arrived at Girgé, the largest -town we had seen since we left Cairo; which, by the latitude Ptolemy -has very rightly placed it in, should be the Diospolis Parva, and not -Gawa, as Mr Norden makes it. For this we know is the beginning of the -Diospolitan nome, and is near a remarkable crook of the Nile, as it -should be. It is also on the western side of the river, as Diospolis -was, and at a proper distance from Dendera, the ancient Tentyra, a mark -which cannot be mistaken. - -The Nile makes a kind of loop here; is very broad, and the current -strong. We passed it with a wind at north; but the waves ran high as -in the ocean. All the country, on both sides of the Nile, to Girgé, is -but one continued grove of palm-trees, in which are several villages a -small distance from each other, Doulani, Consaed, Deirout, and Berdis, -on the west side; Welled Hallifi, and Beni Haled, on the east. - -The villages have all a very picturesque appearance among the trees, -from the many pigeon-houses that are on the tops of them. The mountains -on the east begin to depart from the river, and those on the west to -approach nearer it. It seems to me, that, soon, the greatest part of -Egypt on the east side of the Nile, between Achmim and Cairo, will be -desert; not from the rising of the ground by the mud, as is supposed, -but from the quantity of sand from the mountains, which covers the -mould or earth several feet deep. This 24th of December, at night, we -anchored between two villages, Beliani and Mobanniny. - -Next morning, the 25th, impatient to visit the greatest, and most -magnificent scene of ruins that are in Upper Egypt, we set out from -Beliani, and, about ten o’clock in the forenoon, arrived at Dendera. -Although we had heard that the people of this place were the very worst -in Egypt, we were not very apprehensive. We had two letters from the -Bey, to the two principal men there, commanding them, as they would -answer with their lives and fortunes, to have a special care that no -mischief befel us; and likewise a very pressing letter to Shekh Hamam -at Furshout, in whose territory we were. - -I pitched my tent by the river side, just above our bark, and sent a -message to the two principal people, first to the one, then to the -other, desiring them to send a proper person, for I had to deliver to -them the commands of the Bey. I did not choose to trust these letters -with our boatman; and Dendera is near half a mile from the river. -The two men came after some delay, and brought each of them a sheep; -received the letters, went back with great speed, and, soon after, -returned with a horse and three asses, to carry me to the ruins. - -Dendera is a considerable town at this day, all covered with thick -groves of palm-trees, the same that Juvenal describes it to have been -in his time. Juvenal himself must have seen it, at least once, in -passing, as he himself died in a kind of honourable exile at Syene, -whilst in command there. - - _Terga fugæ celeri, præstantibus omnibus instant,_ - _Qui vicina colunt umbrosæ Tentyra palmæ._ - JUV. Sat. 15. v. 75 - -This place is governed by a cacheff appointed by Shekh Hamam. A mile -south of the town, are the ruins of two temples, one of which is so -much buried under ground, that little of it is to be seen; but the -other, which is by far the most magnificent, is entire, and accessible -on every side. It is also covered with hieroglyphics, both within and -without, all in relief; and of every figure, simple and compound, that -ever has been published, or called an hieroglyphic. - -The form of the building is an oblong square, the ends of which are -occupied by two large apartments, or vestibules, supported by monstrous -columns, all covered with hieroglyphics likewise. Some are in form -of men and beasts; some seem to be the figures of instruments of -sacrifice, while others, in a smaller size, and less distinct form, -seem to be inscriptions in the current hand of hieroglyphics, of which -I shall speak at large afterwards. They are all finished with great -care. - -The capitals are of one piece, and consist of four huge human heads, -placed back to back against one another, with bat’s ears, and an -ill-imagined, and worse-executed, fold of drapery between them. - -Above these is a large oblong square block, still larger than the -capitals, with four flat fronts, disposed like pannels, that is, with a -kind of square border round the edges, while the faces and fronts are -filled with hieroglyphics; as are the walls and ceilings of every part -of the temple. Between these two apartments in the extremities, there -are three other apartments, resembling the first, in every respect, -only that they are smaller. - -The whole building is of common white stone, from the neighbouring -mountains, only those two in which have been sunk the pirns for hanging -the outer doors, (for it seems they had doors even in those days) are -of granite, or black and blue porphyry. - -The top of the temple is flat, the spouts to carry off the water -are monstrous heads of sphinxes; the globes with wings, and the two -serpents, with a kind of shield or breast-plate between them, are here -frequently repeated, such as we see them on the Carthaginian medals. - -The hieroglyphics have been painted over, and great part of the -colouring yet remains upon the stones, red, in all its shades, -especially that dark dusky colour called Tyrian Purple; yellow, very -fresh; sky-blue (that is, near the blue of an eastern sky, several -shades lighter than ours); green of different shades; these are all the -colours preserved. - -I could discover no vestiges of common houses in Dendera more than in -any other of the great towns in Egypt. I suppose the common houses of -the ancients, in these warm countries, were constructed of very slight -materials, after they left their caves in the mountains. There was -indeed no need for any other. Not knowing the regularity of the Nile’s -inundation, they never could be perfectly secure in their own minds -against the deluge; and this slight structure of private buildings -seems to be the reason so few ruins are found in the many cities once -built in Egypt. If there ever were any other buildings, they must be -now covered with the white sand from the mountains, for the whole plain -to the foot of these is o’erflowed, and in cultivation. It was no part, -either of my plan or inclination, to enter into the detail of this -extraordinary architecture. Quantity, and solidity, are two principal -circumstances that are seen there, with a vengeance. - -It strikes and imposes on you, at first sight, but the impressions -are like those made by the size of mountains, which the mind does not -retain for any considerable time after seeing them; I think, a very -ready hand might spend six months, from morning to night, before he -could copy the hieroglyphics in the inside of the temple. They are, -however, in several combinations, which have not appeared in the -collection of hieroglyphics. I wonder that, being in the neighbourhood, -as we are, of Lycopolis, we never see a wolf as an hieroglyphic; and -nothing, indeed, but what has some affinity to water; yet the wolf is -upon all the medals, from which I apprehend that the worship of the -wolf was but a modern superstition. - -Dendera stands on the edge of a small, but fruitful plain; the wheat -was thirteen inches high, now at Christmas; their harvest is in the -end of March. The valley is not above five miles wide, from mountain -to mountain. Here we first saw the Doom-tree in great profusion -growing among the palms, from which it scarcely is distinguishable at -a distance. It is the [113]Palma Thebaica Cuciofera. Its stone is like -that of a peach covered with a black bitter pulp, which resembles a -walnut over ripe. - -A little before we came to Dendera we saw the first crocodile, and -afterwards hundreds, lying upon every island, like large flocks of -cattle, yet the inhabitants of Dendera drive their beasts of every kind -into the river, and they stand there for hours. The girls and women -too, that come to fetch water in jars, stand up to their knees in the -water for a considerable time; and if we guess by what happens, their -danger is full as little as their fear, for none of them, that ever I -heard of, had been bit by a crocodile. However, if the Denderites were -as keen and expert hunters of Crocodiles, as some [114]historians tell -us they were formerly, there is surely no part in the Nile where they -would have better sport than here, immediately before their own city. - -Having made some little acknowledgment to those who had conducted me -through the ruins in great safety, I returned to the Canja, or rather -to my tent, which I placed in the first firm ground. I saw, at some -distance, a well-dressed man, with a white turban, and yellow shawl -covering it, and a number of ill-looking people about him. As I thought -this was some quarrel among the natives, I took no notice of it, but -went to my tent, in order to rectify my quadrant for observation. - -As soon as our Rais saw me enter my tent, he came with expressions of -very great indignation. “What signifies it, said he, that you are a -friend to the Bey, have letters to every body, and are at the door of -Furshout, if yet here is a man that will take your boat away from you?” - -“Softly, softly, I answered, Hassan, he may be in the right. If Ali -Bey, Shekh Hamam, or any body want a boat for public service, I must -yield mine. Let us hear.” - -“Shekh Hamam and Ali Bey! says he; why it is a fool, an idiot, and an -ass; a fellow that goes begging about, and says he is a saint; but he -is a natural fool, full as much knave as fool however; he is a thief, I -know him to be a thief.” - -“If he is a saint, said I, Hagi Hassan, as you are another, known to -be so all the world over, I don’t see why I should interfere; saint -against saint is a fair battle.”--“It is the Cadi, replies he, and no -one else.” - -“Come away with me, said I, Hassan, and let us see this cadi; if it is -the cadi, it is not the fool, it may be the knave.” - -He was sitting upon the ground on a carpet, moving his head backwards -and forwards, and saying prayers with beads in his hand. I had no -good opinion of him from his first appearance, but said, _Salam -alicum_, boldly; this seemed to offend him, as he looked at me with -great contempt, and gave me no answer, though he appeared a little -disconcerted by my confidence. - -“Are you the _Cafr_, said he, to whom that boat belongs?” - -“No, Sir, said I, it belongs to Hagi Hassan.” - -“Do you think, says he, I call Hagi Hassan, who is a Sherriffe, _Cafr_?” - -“That depends upon the measure of your prudence, said I, of which as -yet I have no proof that can enable me to judge or decide.” - -“Are you the _Christian_ that was at the ruins in the morning? says he.” - -“I was at the ruins in the morning, replied I, and _I am a Christian_. -Ali Bey calls that denomination of people _Nazarani_, that is the -Arabic of Cairo and Constantinople, and I understand no other.” - -“I am, said he, going to Girgé, and this holy saint is with me, and -there is no boat but your’s bound that way, for which reason I have -promised to take him with me.” - -By this time the _saint_ had got into the boat, and sat forward; he was -an ill-favoured, low, sick-like man, and seemed to be almost blind. - -You should not make rash promises, said I to the cadi, for this one you -made you never can perform; I am not going to Girgé. Ali Bey, _whose -slave you are_, gave me this boat, but told me, I was not to ship -either saints or cadies. There is my boat, go a-board if you dare; and -you, Hagi Hassan, let me see you lift an oar, or loose a sail, either -for the cadi or the saint, if I am not with them. - -I went to my tent, and the Rais followed me. “Hagi Hassan, said I, -there is a proverb in my country, It is better to flatter fools than to -fight them: Cannot you go to the fool, and give him half-a-crown? will -he take it, do you think, and abandon his journey to Girgé? afterwards -leave me to settle with the cadi for his voyage thither.” - -“He will take it with all his heart, he will kiss your hand for -half-a-crown, says Hassan.” - -“Let him have half-a-crown from me, said I, and desire him to go about -his business, and intimate that I give him it in charity, at same time -expect compliance with the condition.” - -In the interim, a Christian Copht came into the tent: “Sir, said he, -you don’t know what you are doing; the cadi is a great man, give him -his present, and have done with him.” - -“When he behaves better, it will be time enough for that, said I?--If -you are a friend of his, advise him to be quiet, before an order comes -from Cairo by a Serach, and carries him thither. Your countryman Risk -would not give me the advice you do?” - -Risk! says he; Do you know Risk? Is not that Risk’s writing, said I, -shewing him a letter from the Bey? Wallah! (by God) it is, says he, and -away he went without speaking a word farther. - -The saint had taken his half-crown, and had gone away singing, it -being now near dark.--The cadi went away, and the mob dispersed, and -we directed a Moor to cry, That all people should, in the night-time, -keep away from the tent, or they would be fired at; a stone or two were -afterwards thrown, but did not reach us. - -I finished my observation, and ascertained the latitude of Dendera, -then packed up my instruments, and sent them on board. - -Mr Norden seems greatly to have mistaken the position of this town, -which, conspicuous and celebrated as it is by ancient authors, and -justly a principal point of attention to modern travellers, he does -not so much as describe; and, in his map, he places Dendera twenty or -thirty miles to the southward of Badjoura; whereas it is about nine -miles to the northward. For Badjoura is in lat. 26° 3´, and Dendera is -in 26° 10´. - -It is a great pity, that he who had a taste for this very remarkable -kind of architecture, should have passed it, both in going up and -coming down; as it is, beyond comparison, a place that would have given -more satisfaction than all Upper Egypt. - -While we were striking our tent, a great mob came down, but without the -cadi. As I ordered all my people to take their arms in their hands, -they kept at a very considerable distance; but the fool, or saint, got -into the boat with a yellow flag in his hand, and sat down at the foot -of the main-mast, saying, with an idiot smile, That we should fire, for -he was out of the reach of the shot; some stones were thrown, but did -not reach us. - -I ordered two of my servants with large brass ship-blunderbusses, -very bright and glittering, to get upon the top of the cabbin. I then -pointed a wide-mouthed Swedish blunderbuss from one of the windows, and -cried out, Have a care;--the next stone that is thrown I fire my cannon -amongst you, which will sweep away 300 of you instantly from the face -of the earth; though I believe there were not above two hundred then -present. - -I ordered Hagi Hassan to cast off his cord immediately, and, as soon as -the blunderbuss appeared, away ran every one of them, and, before they -could collect themselves to return, our vessel was in the middle of the -stream. The wind was fair, though not very fresh, on which we set both -our sails, and made great way. - -The saint, who had been singing all the time we were disputing, began -now to shew some apprehensions for his own safety: He asked Hagi -Hassan, if this was the way to Girgé? and had for answer, “Yes, it is -the fool’s way to Girgé.” - -We carried him about a mile, or more, up the river; then a convenient -landing-place offering, I asked him whether he got my money, or not, -last night? He said, he had for yesterday, but he had got none for -to-day.--“Now, the next thing I have to ask you, said I, is, Will you -go ashore of your own accord, or will you be thrown into the Nile? He -answered with great confidence, Do you know, that, at my word, I can -fix your boat to the bottom of the Nile, and make it grow a tree there -for ever?” “Aye, says Hagi Hassan, and make oranges and lemons grow on -it likewise, can’t you? You are a cheat.” “Come, Sirs, said I, lose no -time, put him out.” I thought he had been blind and weak; and the boat -was not within three feet of the shore, when placing one foot upon the -gunnel, he leaped clean upon land. - -We slacked our vessel down the stream a few yards, filling our sails, -and stretching away. Upon seeing this, our saint fell into a desperate -passion, cursing, blaspheming, and stamping with his feet, at every -word crying “Shar Ullah!” _i. e._ may God send, and do justice. Our -people began to taunt and gibe him, asking him if he would have a pipe -of tobacco to warm him, as the morning was very cold; but I bade them -be content. It was curious to see him, as far as we could discern, -sometimes sitting down, sometimes jumping and skipping about, and -waving his flag, then running about a hundred yards, as if it were -after us; but always returning, though at a slower pace. - -None of the rest followed. He was indeed apparently the tool of that -rascal the cadi, and, after his designs were frustrated, nobody cared -what became of him. He was left in the lurch, as those of his character -generally are, after serving the purpose of _knaves_. - - - - -CHAP. VI. - - _Arrive at Furshout--Adventure of Friar Christopher--Visit - Thebes--Luxor and Carnac--Large Ruins at Edfu and Esné--Proceed - on our Voyage._ - - -We arrived happily at Furshout that same forenoon, and went to the -convent of Italian Friars, who, like those of Achmim, are of the order -of the reformed Franciscans, of whose mission I shall speak at large in -the sequel. - -We were received more kindly here than at Achmim; but Padre Antonio, -superior of that last convent, upon which this of Furshout also -depends, following us, our good reception suffered a small abatement. -In short, the good Friars would not let us _buy_ meat, because they -said it would be a _shame_ and _reproach_ to them; and they would not -_give_ us any, for fear that should be a reproach to them likewise, if -it was told in Europe they _lived well_. - -After some time I took the liberty of providing for myself, to which -they submitted with christian patience. Yet these convents were founded -expressly with a view, and from a necessity of providing for travellers -between Egypt and Ethiopia, and we were strictly intitled to that -entertainment. Indeed there is very little use for this institution in -Upper Egypt, as long as rich Arabs are there, much more charitable and -humane to stranger Christians than the Monks. - -Furshout is in a large and cultivated plain. It is nine miles over to -the foot of the mountains, all sown with wheat. There are, likewise, -plantations of sugar canes. The town, as they said, contains above -10,000 people, but I have no doubt this computation is rather -exaggerated. - -We waited upon the Shekh Hamam; who was a big, tall, handsome man; -I apprehend not far from sixty. He was dressed in a large fox-skin -pelisse over the rest of his cloaths, and had a yellow India shawl -wrapt about his head, like a turban. He received me with great -politeness and condescension, made me sit down by him, and asked me -more about Cairo than about Europe. - -The Rais had told him our adventure with the saint, at which he laughed -very heartily, saying, I was a wise man and a man of conduct. To me -he only said, “they are bad people at Dendera;” to which I answered, -“there were very few places in the world in which there were not some -bad.” He replied, “Your observation is true, but there they are all -bad; rest yourselves however here, it is a quiet place; though there -are still some even in this place not quite so good as they _ought_ to -be.” - -The Shekh was a man of immense riches, and, little by little, had -united in his own person, all the separate districts of Upper Egypt, -each of which formerly had its particular prince. But his interest was -great at Constantinople, where he applied directly for what he wanted, -insomuch as to give a jealousy to the Beys of Cairo. He had in farm -from the Grand Signior almost the whole country, between Siout and -Syene, or Assouan. I believe this is the Shekh of Upper Egypt, whom Mr -Irvine speaks of so gratefully. He was betrayed, and murdered some time -after, by one of the Beys whom he had protected in his own country. - -While we were at Furshout, there happened a very extraordinary -phænomenon. It rained the whole night, and till about nine o’clock next -morning; and the people began to be very apprehensive least the whole -town should be destroyed. It is a perfect prodigy to see rain here; and -the prophets said it portended a dissolution of government, which was -justly verified soon afterwards, and at that time indeed was extremely -probable. - -Furshout is in lat 26° 3´30´´; above that, to the southward, on the -same plain, is another large village, belonging to Shekh Ismael, a -nephew of Shekh Hamam. It is _a large town_, built with clay like -Furshout, and surrounded with groves of palm trees, and very large -plantations of sugar canes. Here they make sugar. - -Shekh Ismael was a very pleasant and agreeable man, but in bad health, -having a violent asthma, and sometimes pleuretic complaints, to be -removed by bleeding only. He had given these friars a house for a -convent in Badjoura; but as they had not yet taken possession of it, he -desired me to come and stay there. - -Friar Christopher, whom I understood to have been a Milanese barber, -was his physician, but he had not the science of an English barber in -surgery. He could not bleed, but with a sort of instrument resembling -that which is used in cupping, only that it had but a single lancet; -with this he had been lucky enough as yet to escape laming his -patients. This bleeding instrument they call the Tabange, or the -Pistol, as they do the cupping instrument likewise. I never could help -shuddering at seeing the confidence with which this man placed a small -brass box upon all sorts of arms, and drew the trigger for the point to -go where fortune pleased. - -Shekh Ismael was very fond of this surgeon, and the surgeon of his -patron; all would have gone well, had not friar Christopher aimed -likewise at being an Astronomer. Above all he gloried in being a -violent enemy to the Copernican system, which unluckily he had mistaken -for a heresy in the church; and partly from his own slight ideas and -stock of knowledge, partly from some Milanese almanacs he had got, he -attempted, the weather being cloudy, to foretel the time when the moon -was to change, it being that of the month Ramadan, when the Mahometans’ -lent, or fasting, was to begin. - -It happened that the Badjoura people, and their Shekh Ismael, were -upon indifferent terms with Hamam, and his men of Furshout, and being -desirous to get a triumph over their neighbours by the help of their -friar Christopher, they continued to eat, drink, and smoke, two days -after the conjunction. - -The moon had been seen the second night, by a Fakir[115], in the -desert, who had sent word to Shekh Hamam, and he had begun his fast. -But Ismael, assured by friar Christopher that it was impossible, had -continued eating. - -The people of Furshout, meeting their neighbours singing and dancing, -and with pipes of tobacco in their mouths, _all cried out_ with -astonishment, and asked, “Whether they had abjured their religion or -not?”--From words they came to blows; seven or eight were wounded on -each side, luckily none of them mortally.--Hamam next day came to -inquire at his nephew Shekh Ismael, what had been the occasion of all -this, and to consult what was to be done, for the two villages had -declared one another infidels. - -I was then with my servants in Badjoura, in great quiet and -tranquillity, under the protection, and very much in the confidence -of Ismael; but hearing the hooping, and noise in the streets, I had -barricadoed my outer-doors. A high wall surrounded the house and -court-yard, and there I kept quiet, satisfied with being in perfect -safety. - -In the interim, I heard it was a quarrel about the keeping of Ramadan, -and, as I had provisions, water, and employment enough in the house, -I resolved to stay at home till they fought it out; being very little -interested which of them should be victorious.--About noon, I was sent -for to Ismael’s house, and found his uncle Hamam with him. - -He told me, there were several wounded in a quarrel about the Ramadan, -and recommended them to my care. “About Ramadan, said I! what, your -principal fast! have you not settled that yet?”--Without answering me -as to this, he asked, “When does the moon change?” As I knew nothing -of friar Christopher’s operations, I answered, in hours, minutes, and -seconds, as I found them in the ephemerides. - -“Look you there, says Hamam, this is fine work!” and, directing -his discourse to me, “When shall we see it?” Sir, said I, that is -impossible for me to tell, as it depends on the state of the heavens; -but, if the sky is clear, you must see her to-night; if you had looked -for her, probably you would have seen her last night low in the -horizon, thin like a thread; she is now three days old.--He started at -this, then told me friar Christopher’s operation, and the consequences -of it. - -Ismael was ashamed, cursed him, and threatened revenge. It was too -late to retract, the moon appeared, and spoke for herself; and the -unfortunate friar was disgraced, and banished from Badjoura. Luckily -the pleuretic stitch came again, and I was called to bleed him, which -I did with a lancet; but he was so terrified at its brightness, at the -ceremony of the towel and the bason, and at my preparation, that it -did not please him, and therefore he was obliged to be reconciled to -Christopher and his tabange.--Badjoura is in lat. 26° 3´ 16´´; and is -situated on the western shore of the Nile, as Furshout is likewise. - -We left Furshout the 7th of January 1769, early in the morning. We had -not hired our boat farther than Furshout; but the good terms which -subsisted between me and the saint, my Rais, made an accommodation -very easy to carry us farther. He now agreed for L. 4 to carry us to -Syene and down again; but, if he behaved well, he expected a trifling -premium. “And, if you behave ill, Hassan, said I, what do you think you -deserve?”--“To be hanged, said he, I deserve, and desire no better.” - -Our wind at first was but scant. The Rais said, that he thought his -boat did not go as it used to do, and that it was growing into a tree. -The wind, however, freshened up towards noon, and eased him of his -fears. We passed a large town called How, on the west side of the Nile. -About four o’clock in the afternoon we arrived at El Gourni, a small -village, a quarter of a mile distant from the Nile. It has in it a -temple of old Egyptian architecture. I think that this, and the two -adjoining heaps of ruins, which are at the same distance from the Nile, -probably might have been part of the ancient Thebes. - -Shaamy and Taamy are two colossal statues in a sitting posture covered -with hieroglyphics. The southmost is of one stone, and perfectly -entire. The northmost is a good deal more mutilated. It was probably -broken by Cambyses; and they have since endeavoured to repair it. -The other has a very remarkable head-dress, which can be compared to -nothing but a tye-wig, such as worn in the present day. These two, -situated in a very fertile spot belonging to Thebes, were apparently -the Nilometers of that town, as the marks which the water has left -upon the bases sufficiently shew. The bases of both of them are bare, -and uncovered, to the bottom of the plinth, or lowest member of their -pedestal; so that there is not the eighth of an inch of the lowest part -of them covered with mud, though they stand in the middle of a plain, -and have stood there certainly above 3000 years; since which time, if -the fanciful rise of the land of Egypt by the Nile had been true, the -earth should have been raised so as fully to conceal half of them both. - -These statues are covered with inscriptions of Greek and Latin; the -import of which seems to be, that there were certain travellers, or -particular people, who heard Memnon’s statue utter the sound it was -said to do, upon being struck with the rays of the sun. - -It may be very reasonably expected, that I should here say something -of the building and fall of the first Thebes; but as this would carry -me to very early ages, and interrupt for a long time my voyage upon -the Nile; as this is, besides, connected with the history of several -nations which I am about to describe, and more proper for the work of -an historian, than the cursory descriptions of a traveller, I shall -defer saying any thing upon the subject, till I come to treat of it in -the first of these characters, and more especially till I shall speak -of the origin of the _Shepherds_, and the calamities brought upon Egypt -by that powerful nation, a people often mentioned by different writers, -but whose history hitherto has been but imperfectly known. - -Nothing remains of the ancient Thebes but four prodigious temples, -all of them in appearance more ancient, but neither so entire, nor so -magnificent, as those of Dendera. The temples at Medinet Tabu are -the most elegant of these. The hieroglyphics are cut to the depth of -half-a-foot, in some places, but we have still the same figures, or -rather a less variety, than at Dendera. - -The hieroglyphics are of four sorts; first, such as have only the -contour marked, and, as it were, scratched only in the stone. The -second are hollowed; and in the middle of that space rises the figure -in relief, so that the prominent part of the figure is equal to the -flat, unwrought surface of the stone, and seems to have a frame round -it, designed to defend the hieroglyphic from mutilation. The third -sort is in relief, or basso relievo, as it is called, where the figure -is left bare and exposed, without being sunk in, or defended, by any -compartment cut round it in the stone. The fourth are those mentioned -in the beginning of this description, the outlines of the figure being -cut very deep in the stone. - -All the hieroglyphics, but the last mentioned, which do not admit it, -are painted red, blue, and green, as at Dendera, and with no other -colours. - -Notwithstanding all this variety in the manner of executing the -hieroglyphical figures, and the prodigious multitude which I have seen -in the several buildings, I never could make the number of different -hieroglyphics amount to more than five hundred and fourteen, and of -these there were certainly many, which were not really different, -but from the ill execution of the sculpture only appeared so. From -this I conclude, certainly, that it can be no entire language which -hieroglyphics are meant to contain, for no language could be -comprehended in five hundred words, and it is probable that these -hieroglyphics are not _alphabetical_, or _single letters_ only; for -five hundred letters would make _too large_ an alphabet. The Chinese -indeed have many more letters in use, but have no alphabet, but _who is -it that understands the Chinese_? - -There are three different characters which, I observe, have been in use -at the same time in Egypt, Hieroglyphics, the Mummy character, and the -Ethiopic. These are all three found, as I have seen, on the same mummy, -and therefore were certainly used at the same time. The last only I -believe was a _language_. - -The mountains immediately above or behind Thebes, are hollowed out into -numberless caverns, the first habitations of the Ethiopian colony which -built the city. I imagine they continued long in these habitations, -for I do not think the temples were ever intended but for _public_ and -_solemn_ uses, and in none of these ancient cities did I ever see a -wall or foundation, or any thing like a private house; all are temples -and tombs, if temples and tombs in those times were not the same thing. -But vestiges of houses there are none, whatever[116] Diodorus Siculus -may say, building with stone was too expensive for individuals; the -houses probably were all of clay, thatched with palm branches, as they -are at this day. This is one reason why so few ruins of the immense -number of cities we hear of remain. - -Thebes, according to Homer, had a _hundred gates_. We cannot, however, -discover yet the foundation of any wall that it had; and as for the -horsemen and chariots it is said to have sent out, all the Thebaid sown -with wheat would not have maintained _one-half_ of them. - -Thebes, at least the ruins of the temples, called Medinet Tabu, are -built in a long stretch of about a mile broad, most parsimoniously -chosen at the sandy foot of the mountains. The Horti[117] Pensiles, -or hanging gardens, were surely formed upon the sides of these hills, -then supplied with water by mechanical devices. The utmost is done to -spare the plain, and with great reason; for all the space of ground -this ancient city has had to maintain its myriads of horses and men, -is a plain of three quarters of a mile broad, between the town and the -river, upon which plain the water rises to the height of four, and five -feet, as we may judge by the marks on the statues Shaamy and Taamy. -All this pretended populousness of ancient Thebes I therefore believe -fabulous. - -It is a circumstance very remarkable, in building the first temples, -that, where the side-walls are solid, that is, not supported by -pillars, some of these have their angles and faces perpendicular, -others inclined in a very considerable angle to the horizon. Those -temples, whose walls are inclined, you may judge by the many -hieroglyphics and ornaments, are of the first ages, or the greatest -antiquity. From which, I am disposed to think, that singular -construction was a remnant of the partiality of the builders for their -first domiciles; an imitation of the slope[118], or inclination of the -sides of mountains, and that this inclination of flat surfaces to each -other in building, gave afterwards the first idea of Pyramids[119]. - -A number of robbers, who much resemble our gypsies, live in the holes -of the mountains above Thebes. They are all out-laws, punished with -death if elsewhere found. Osman Bey, an ancient governor of Girgé, -unable to suffer any longer the disorders committed by these people, -ordered a quantity of dried faggots to be brought together, and, with -his soldiers, took, possession of the face of the mountain, where the -greatest number of these wretches were: He then ordered all their -caves to be filled with this dry brushwood, to which he set fire, so -that most of them were destroyed; but they have since recruited their -numbers, without changing their manners. - -About half a mile north of El Gourni, are the magnificent, stupendous -sepulchres, of Thebes. The mountains of the Thebaid come close behind -the town; they are not run in upon one another like ridges, but stand -insulated upon their bases; so that you can get round each of them. -A hundred of these, it is said, are excavated into sepulchral, and -a variety of other apartments. I went through seven of them with a -great deal of fatigue. It is a solitary place; and my guides, either -from a natural impatience and distaste that these people have at such -employments, or, that their fears of the banditti that live in the -caverns of the mountains were real, importuned me to return to the -boat, even before I had begun my search, or got into the mountains -where are the many large apartments of which I was in quest. - -In the first one of these I entered is the prodigious sarcophagus, some -say of Menes, others of Osimandyas; possibly of neither. It is sixteen -feet high, ten long, and six broad, of one piece of red-granite; and, -as such, is, I suppose, the finest vase in the world. Its cover is -still upon it, (broken on one side,) and it has a figure in relief -on the outside. It is not probably the tomb of Osimandyas, because, -Diodorus[120] says, that it was ten stadia from the tomb of the kings; -whereas this is one among them. - -There have been some ornaments at the outer-pillars, or outer-entry, -which have been broken and thrown down. Thence you descend through an -inclined passage, I suppose, about twenty feet broad; I speak only by -guess, for I did not measure. The side-walls, as well as the roof of -this passage, are covered with a coat of stucco, of a finer and more -equal grain, or surface, than any I ever saw in Europe. I found my -black-lead pencil little more worn by it than by writing upon paper. - -Upon the left-hand side is the crocodile seizing upon the apis, and -plunging him into the water. On the right-hand is the [121]scarabæus -thebaicus, or the thebaic beetle, the first animal that is seen alive -after the Nile retires from the land; and therefore thought to be an -emblem of the resurrection. My own conjecture is, that the apis was -the emblem of the arable land of Egypt; the crocodile, the typhon, or -cacodæmon, the type of an over-abundant Nile; that the scarabæus was -the land which had been overflowed, and from which the water had soon -retired, and has nothing to do with the resurrection or immortality, -neither of which at that time were in contemplation. - -Farther forward on the right-hand of the entry, the pannels, or -compartments, were still formed in stucco, but, in place of figures -in relief, they were painted in fresco. I dare say this was the case -on the left-hand of the passage, as well as the right. But the first -discovery was so unexpected, and I had flattered myself that I should -be so far master of my own time, as to see the whole at my leisure, -that I was rivetted, as it were, to the spot by the first sight of -these paintings, and I could proceed no further. - -In one pannel were several musical instruments strowed upon the -ground, chiefly of the hautboy kind, with a mouth-piece of reed. -There were also some simple pipes or flutes. With them were several -jars apparently of potter-ware, which, having their mouths covered -with parchment or skin, and being braced on their sides like a drum, -were probably the instrument called the _tabor_, or[122]_tabret_, -beat upon by the hands, coupled in earliest ages with the harp, and -preserved still in Abyssinia, though its companion, the last-mentioned -instrument, is no longer known _there_. - -In three following pannels were painted, in fresco, three harps, which -merited the utmost attention, whether we consider the elegance of these -instruments in their form, and the detail of their parts as they are -here clearly expressed, or confine ourselves to the reflection that -necessarily follows, to how great perfection music must have arrived, -before an artist could have produced so complete an instrument as -either of these. - -As the first harp seemed to be the most perfect, and least spoiled, I -immediately attached myself to this, and desired my clerk to take upon -him the charge of the second. In this way, by sketching exactly, and -loosely, I hoped to have made myself master of all the paintings in -that cave, perhaps to have extended my researches to others, though, in -the sequel, I found myself miserably deceived. - -My first drawing was that of a man playing upon a harp; he was -standing, and the instrument being broad, and flat at the base, -probably for that purpose, supported itself easily with a very little -inclination upon his arm; his head is close shaved, his eye-brows -black, without beard or mustachoes. He has on him a loose shirt, -like what they wear at this day in Nubia (only it is not blue) with -loose sleeves, and arms and neck bare. It seemed to be thick muslin, -or cotton cloth, and long-ways through it is a crimson stripe about -one-eighth of an inch broad; a proof, if this is Egyptian manufacture, -that they understood at that time how to dye cotton, crimson, an art -found out in Britain only a very few years ago. If this is the fabric -of India, still it proves the antiquity of the commerce between the two -countries, and the introduction of Indian manufactures into Egypt. - -[Illustration: _Painting in Fresco, in the Sepulchres of Thebes._ - -_London Publish’d Dec^{r}. 1^{st}. 1789 by G. Robinson & Co._] - -It reached down to his ancle; his feet are without sandals; he seems to -be a corpulent man, of about sixty years of age, and of a complexion -rather dark for an Egyptian. To guess by the detail of the figure, -the painter seems to have had the same degree of merit with a good -sign-painter in Europe, at this day.--If we allow this harper’s stature -to be five feet ten inches, then we may compute the harp, in its -extreme length, to be something less than six feet and a half. - -This instrument is of a much more advantageous form than the triangular -Grecian harp. It has thirteen strings, but wants the forepiece of -the frame opposite to the longest string. The back part is the -sounding-board, composed of four thin pieces of wood, joined together -in form of a cone, that is, growing wider towards the bottom; so that, -as the length of the string increases, the square of the corresponding -space in the sounding-board, in which the sound was to undulate, always -increases in proportion. The whole principles, on which this harp is -constructed, are rational and ingenious, and the ornamented parts are -executed in the very best manner. - -The bottom and sides of the frame seem to be fineered, and inlaid, -probably with ivory, tortoise-shell, and mother-of-pearl, the ordinary -produce of the neighbouring seas and deserts. It would be even now -impossible, either to construct or to finish a harp of any form with -more taste and elegance. Besides the proportions of its outward -form, we must observe likewise how near it approached to a perfect -instrument, for it wanted only two strings of having two complete -octaves; that these were purposely omitted, not from defect of taste or -science, must appear beyond contradiction, when we consider the harp -that follows. - -I had no sooner finished the harp which I had taken in hand, than I -went to my assistant, to see what progress he had made in the drawing -in which he was engaged. I found, to my very great surprise, that this -harp differed essentially, in form and distribution of its parts, -from the one I had drawn, without having lost any of its elegance; on -the contrary, that it was finished with full more attention than the -other. It seemed to be fineered with the same materials, ivory and -tortoise-shell, but the strings were differently disposed, the ends of -the three longest, where they joined to the sounding-board below, were -defaced by a hole dug in the wall. Several of the strings in different -parts had been scraped as with a knife, for the rest, it was very -perfect. It had eighteen strings. A man, who seemed to be still older -than the former, but in habit perfectly the same, bare-footed, close -shaved, and of the same complexion with him, stood playing with -both his hands near the middle of the harp, in a manner seemingly less -agitated than in the other. - -[Illustration: _Painting in Fresco, in the Sepulchres of Thebes._ - -_Publish’d Dec^r. 1^{st}. 1789. by G. Robinson & Co._] - -I went back to my first harp, verified, and examined my drawing in all -its parts; it is with great pleasure I now give a figure of this second -harp to the reader, it was mislaid among a multitude of other papers, -at the time when I was solicited to communicate the former drawing to -a gentleman then writing the History of Music, which he has already -submitted to the public; it is very lately and unexpectedly this last -harp has been found; I am only sorry this accident has deprived the -public of Dr Burney’s remarks upon it. I hope he will yet favour us -with them, and therefore abstain from anticipating his reflections, as -I consider this as his province; I never knew any one so capable of -affording the public, new, and at the same time just lights on this -subject. - -There still remained a third harp of ten strings, its precise form I do -not well remember, for I had seen it but once when I first entered the -cave, and was now preparing to copy that likewise. I do not recollect -that there was any man playing upon this one, I think it was rather -resting upon a wall, with some kind of drapery upon one end of it, -and was the smallest of the three. But I am not at all so certain of -particulars concerning this, as to venture any description of it; what -I have said of the other two may be absolutely depended upon. - -I look upon these harps then as the Theban harps in use in the time of -Sesostris, who did not rebuild, but decorate ancient Thebes; I consider -them as affording an incontestible proof, were they the only monuments -remaining, that every art necessary to the construction, ornament, and -use of this instrument, was in the highest perfection, and if so, all -the others must have probably attained to the same degree. - -We see in particular the ancients then possessed an art relative to -architecture, that of hewing the hardest stones with the greatest ease, -of which we are at this day utterly ignorant and incapable. We have -no instrument that could do it, no composition that could make tools -of temper sufficient to cut bass reliefs in granite or porphyry so -readily; and our ignorance in this is the more completely shewn, in -that we have all the reasons to believe, the cutting instrument with -which they did these surprising feats was composed of brass; a metal of -which, after a thousand experiments, no tool has ever been made that -could serve the purpose of a common knife, though we are at the same -time certain, it was of brass the ancients made their razors. - -These harps, in my opinion, overturn all the accounts hitherto given of -the earliest state of music and musical instruments in the east; and -are altogether in their form, ornaments, and compass, an incontestible -proof, stronger than a thousand Greek quotations, that geometry, -drawing, mechanics, and music, were at the greatest perfection when -this instrument was made, and that the period from which we date the -invention of these arts, was only the beginning of the æra of their -restoration. This was the sentiment of Solomon, a writer who lived at -the time when this harp was painted. “Is there (says Solomon) any thing -whereof it may be said, See, this is new! it hath been already of old -time which was before us[123].” - -We find, in these very countries, how a later calamity, of the same -public nature, the conquest of the Saracens, occasioned a similar -downfal of literature, by the burning the Alexandrian library under the -fanatical caliph Omar. We see how soon after, they flourished, planted -by the same hands that before had rooted them out. - -The effects of a revolution occasioned, at the period I am now -speaking of, by the universal inundation of the _Shepherds_, were -the destruction of Thebes, the ruin of architecture, and the downfal -of astronomy in Egypt. Still a remnant was left in the colonies and -correspondents of Thebes, though fallen. Ezekiel[124] celebrates Tyre -as being, from her beginning, famous for the tabret and harp, and it -is probably to Tyre the taste for music fled from the contempt and -persecution of the barbarous Shepherds; who, though a numerous nation, -to this day never have yet possessed any species of music, or any kind -of musical instruments capable of improvement. - -Although it is a curious subject for reflection, it should not surprise -us to find here the harp, in such variety of form. Old Thebes, as we -presently shall see, had been destroyed, and was soon after decorated -and adorned, but not rebuilt by Sesostris. It was some time between the -reign of Menes, the first king of the Thebaid, and the first general -war of the Shepherds, that these decorations and paintings were made. -This gives it a prodigious antiquity; but supposing it was a favourite -instrument, consequently well understood at the building of Tyre[125] -in the year 1320 before Christ, and Sesostris had lived in the time of -Solomon, as Sir Isaac Newton imagines; still there were 320 years since -that instrument had already attained to great perfection, a sufficient -time to have varied it into every form. - -Upon seeing the preparations I was making to proceed farther in my -researches, my conductors lost all sort of subordination. They were -afraid my intention was to sit in this cave all night, (as it really -was,) and to visit the others next morning. With great clamour and -marks of discontent, they dashed their torches against the largest -harp, and made the best of their way out of the cave, leaving me and my -people in the dark; and all the way as they went, they made dreadful -denunciations of tragical events that were immediately to follow, upon -their departure from the cave. - -There was no possibility of doing more. I offered them money, -much beyond the utmost of their expectations; but the fear of the -Troglodytes, above Medinet Tabu, had fallen upon them; and seeing at -last this was real, I was not myself without apprehensions, for they -were banditti, and outlaws, and no reparation was to be expected, -whatever they should do to hurt us. - -Very much vexed, I mounted my horse to return to the boat. The road -lay through a very narrow valley, the sides of which were covered with -bare loose stones. I had no sooner got down to the bottom, than I heard -a great deal of loud speaking on both sides of the valley; and, in an -instant, a number of large stones were rolled down upon me, which, -though I heard in motion, I could not see, on account of the darkness; -this increased my terror. - -Finding, by the impatience of the horse, that several of these stones -had come near him, and that it probably was the noise of his feet which -guided those that threw them, I dismounted, and ordered the Moor to get -on horseback; which he did, and in a moment galloped out of danger. -This, if I had been wise, I certainly might have done before him, but -my mind was occupied by the paintings. Nevertheless, I was resolved -upon revenge before leaving these banditti, and listened till I heard -voices, on the right side of the hill. I accordingly levelled my gun -as near as possible, by the ear, and fired one barrel among them. A -moment’s silence ensued, and then a loud howl, which seemed to have -come from thirty or forty persons. I took my servant’s blunderbuss, -and discharged it where I heard the howl, and a violent confusion of -tongues followed, but no more stones. As I found this was the time to -escape, I kept along the dark side of the hill, as expeditiously as -possible, till I came to the mouth of the plain, when we reloaded our -firelocks, expecting some interruption before we reached the boat; and -then we made the best of our way to the river. - -We found our Rais full of fears for us. He had been told, that, as soon -as day light should appear, the whole Troglodytes were to come down to -the river, in order to plunder and destroy our boat. - -This night expedition at the mountains was but partial, the general -attack was reserved for next day. Upon holding council, we were -unanimous in opinion, as indeed we had been during the whole course -of this voyage. We thought, since our enemy had left us to-night, it -would be our fault if they found us in the morning. Therefore, without -noise, we cast off our rope that fastened us, and let ourselves over to -the other side. About twelve at night a gentle breeze began to blow, -which wafted us up to Luxor, where there was a governor, for whom I had -letters. - -From being convinced by the sight of Thebes, which had not the -appearance of ever having had walls, that the fable of the hundred -gates, mentioned by Homer, was mere invention, I was led to conjecture -what could be the origin of that fable. - -That the old inhabitants of Thebes lived in caves in the mountains, is, -I think, without doubt, and that the hundred mountains I have spoken -of, excavated, and adorned, were the greatest wonders at that time, -seems equally probable. Now, the name of these to this day is Beeban el -Meluke, the ports or gates of the kings, and hence, perhaps, come the -hundred gates of Thebes upon which the Greeks have dwelt so much. Homer -never saw Thebes, it was demolished before the days of any profane -writer, either in prose or verse. What he added to its history must -have been from imagination. - -All that is said of Thebes, by poets or historians, after the days of -Homer, is meant of Diospolis; which was built by the Greeks long after -Thebes was destroyed, as its name testifies; though Diodorus[126] says -it was built by Busiris. It was on the east side of the Nile, whereas -ancient Thebes was on the west, though both are considered as one city; -and [127]Strabo says, that the river[128] runs through the middle of -Thebes, by which he means between old Thebes and Diospolis, or Luxor -and Medinet Tabu. - -While in the boat, I could not help regretting the time I had spent -in the morning, in looking for the place in the narrow valley where -the mark of the famous golden circle was visible, which Norden says he -saw, but I could discern no traces of it any where, and indeed it does -not follow that the mark left was that of a circle. This magnificent -instrument was probably fixed perpendicular to the horizon in the plane -of the meridian; so that the appearance of the place where it stood, -would very probably not partake of the circular form at all, or any -precise shape whereby to know it. Besides, as I have before said, it -was not among these tombs or excavated mountains, but ten stades from -them, so the vestiges of this famous instrument[129] could not be found -here. Indeed, being omitted in the latest edition of Norden, it would -seem that traveller himself was not perfectly well allured of its -existence. - -We were well received by the governor of Luxor, who was also a believer -in judicial astrology. Having made him a small present, he furnished us -with provisions, and, among several other articles, some brown sugar; -and as we had seen limes and lemons in great perfection at Thebes, we -were resolved to refresh ourselves with some punch, in remembrance of -Old England. But, after what had happened the night before, none of our -people chose to run the risk of meeting the Troglodytes. We therefore -procured a servant of the governor’s of the town, to mount upon his -goat-skin filled with wind, and float down the stream from Luxor to El -Gournie, to bring us a supply of these, which he soon after did. - -He informed us, that the people in the caves had, early in the morning, -made a descent upon the townsmen, with a view to plunder our boat; that -several of them had been wounded the night before, and they threatened -to pursue us to Syene. The servant did all he could to frighten them, -by saying that his master’s intention was to pass over with troops, and -exterminate them, as Osman Bey of Girgé had before done, and _we_ were -to assist him with our fire-arms.--After this we heard no more of them. - -Luxor, and Carnac, which is a mile and a quarter below it, are by far -the largest and most magnificent scenes of ruins in Egypt, much more -extensive and stupendous than those of Thebes and Dendera put together. - -There are two obelisks here of great beauty, and in good preservation, -they are less than those at Rome, but not at all mutilated. The -pavement, which is made to receive the shadow, is to this day so -horizontal, that it might still be used in observation. The top of the -obelisk is semicircular, an experiment, I suppose, made at the instance -of the observer, by varying the shape of the point of the obelisk, to -get rid of the penumbra. - -At Carnac we saw the remains of two vast rows of sphinxes, one on the -right-hand, the other on the left, (their heads were mostly broken) -and, a little lower, a number of termini as it should seem. They were -composed of basaltes, with a dog or lion’s head, of Egyptian sculpture. -They stood in lines likewise, as if to conduct or serve as an avenue to -some principal building. - -They had been covered with earth, till very lately a [130]Venetian -physician and antiquary bought one of them at a very considerable -price, as he said, for the king of Sardinia. This has caused several -others to be uncovered, though no purchaser hath yet offered. - -Upon the outside of the walls at Carnac and Luxor there seems to be an -historical engraving instead of hieroglyphics; this we had not met with -before. It is a representation of men, horses, chariots, and battles; -some of the attitudes are freely and well drawn, they are rudely -scratched upon the surface of the stone, as some of the hieroglyphics -at Thebes are. The weapons the men make use of are short javelins, such -as are common at this day among the inhabitants of Egypt, only they -have feathered wings like arrows. There is also distinguished among the -rest, the figure of a man on horseback, with a lion fighting furiously -by him, and Diodorus[131] says, Osimandyas was so represented at -Thebes. This whole composition merits great attention. - -I have said, that Luxor is Diospolis, and should think, that that -place, and Carnac together, made the Jovis Civitas Magna of Ptolemy, -though there is 9´ difference of the latitude by my observation -compared with his. But as mine was made on the south of Luxor, if -his was made on the north of Carnac, the difference will be greatly -diminished. - -The 17th we took leave of our friendly Shekh of Luxor, and sailed with -a very fair wind, and in great spirits. The liberality of the Shekh of -Luxor had extended as far as even to my Rais, whom he engaged to land -me here upon my return.--I had procured him considerable ease in some -complaints he had; and he saw our departure with as much regret as in -other places they commonly did our arrival. - -On the eastern shore are Hambdé, Maschergarona, Tot, Senimi, and -Gibeg. Mr Norden seems to have very much confused the places in this -neighbourhood, as he puts Erment opposite to Carnac, and Thebes farther -south than Erment, and on the east side of the Nile, whilst he places -Luxor farther south than Erment. But Erment is fourteen miles farther -south than Thebes, and Luxor about a quarter of a mile (as I have -already said) farther south on the East side of the river, whereas -Thebes is on the West. - -He has fixed a village (which he calls [132]Demegeit) in the situation -where Thebes stands, and he calls it Crocodilopolis, from what -authority I know not; but the whole geography is here exceedingly -confused, and out of its proper position. - -In the evening we came to an anchor on the eastern shore nearly -opposite to Esné. Some of our people had landed to shoot, trusting to -a turn of the river that is here, which would enable them to keep up -with us; but they did not arrive till the sun was setting, loaded with -hares, pigeons, gootos, all very bad game. I had, on my part, staid on -board, and had shot two geese, as bad eating as the others, but very -beautiful in their plumage. - -We passed over to Esné next morning. It is the ancient Latopolis, and -has very great remains, particularly a large temple, which, though the -whole of it is of the remotest antiquity, seems to have been built -at different times, or rather out of the ruins of different ancient -buildings. The hieroglyphics upon this are very ill executed, and -are not painted. The town is the residence of an Arab Shekh, and the -inhabitants are a very greedy, bad sort of people; but as I was dressed -like an Arab, they did not molest, because they did not know me. - -The 18th, we left Esné, and passed the town of Edfu, where there is -likewise considerable remains of Egyptian architecture. It is the -Appollinis Civitas Magna. - -The wind failing, we were obliged to stop in a very poor, desolate, and -dangerous part of the Nile, called Jibbel el Silselly, where a boom, -or chain, was drawn across the river, to hinder, as is supposed, the -Nubian boats from committing piratical practices in Egypt lower down -the stream. The stones on both sides, to which the chain was fixed, -are very visible; but I imagine that it was for fiscal rather than for -warlike purposes, for Syene being garrisoned, there is no possibility -of boats passing from Nubia by that city into Egypt. There is indeed -another purpose to which it might be designed; to prevent war upon the -Nile between any two states. - -We know from Juvenal[133], who lived some time at Syene, that there was -a tribe in that neighbourhood called Ombi, who had violent contentions -with the people of Dendera about the crocodile; it is remarkable these -two parties were Anthropophagi so late as Juvenal’s time, yet no -historian speaks of this extraordinary fact, which cannot be called in -question, as he was an eye-witness and resided at Syene. - -Now these two nations who were at war had above a hundred miles of -neutral territory between them, and therefore they could never meet -except on the Nile. But either one or the other possessing this chain, -could hinder his adversary from coming nearer him. As the chain is in -the hermonthic nome, as well as the capital of the Ombi, I suppose this -chain to be the barrier of this last state, to hinder those of Dendera -from coming up the river _to eat_ them. - -About noon we passed Coom Ombo, a round building like a castle, where -is supposed to have been the metropolis of Ombi, the people last spoken -of. We then arrived at Daroo[134], a miserable mansion, unconscious -that, some years after, we were to be indebted to that paltry village -for the man who was to guide us through the desert, and restore us to -our native country and our friends. - -We next came to Shekh Ammer, the encampment of the Arabs [135]Ababdé, -I suppose the same that Mr Norden calls Ababuda, who reach from near -Cosseir far into the desert. As I had been acquainted with one of them -at Badjoura, who desired medicines for his father, I promised to call -upon him, and see their effect, when I should pass Shekh Ammer, which -I now accordingly did; and by the reception I met with, I found they -did not expect I would ever have been as good as my word. Indeed they -would probably have been in the right, but as I was about to engage -myself in extensive deserts, and this was a very considerable nation in -these tracts, I thought it was worth my while to put myself under their -protection. - -Shekh Ammer is not one, but a collection of villages, composed of -miserable huts, containing, at this time, about a thousand effective -men: they possess few horse, and are mostly mounted on camels. These -were friends to Shekh Hamam, governor of Upper Egypt for the time, -and consequently to the Turkish government at Syene, as also to the -janissaries there at Deir and Ibrim. They were the barrier, or bulwark, -against the prodigious number of Arabs, the Bishareen[136], and others, -depending upon the kingdom of Sennaar. - -Ibrahim, the son, who had seen me at Furshout and Badjoura, knew me as -soon as I arrived, and, after acquainting his father, came with about -a dozen of naked attendants, with lances in their hands to escort me. -I was scarce got into the door of the tent, before a great dinner -was brought after their custom; and, that being dispatched, it was a -thousand times repeated, how little they expected that I would have -thought or inquired about them. - -We were introduced to their Shekh, who was sick, in a corner of a hut, -where he lay upon a carpet, with a cushion under his head. This chief -of the Ababdé, called Nimmer, _i. e. the Tiger_ (though his furious -qualities were at this time in great measure allayed by sickness) asked -me much about the state of Lower Egypt. I satisfied him as far as -possible, but recommended to him to confine his thoughts nearer home, -and not to be over anxious about these distant countries, as he himself -seemed, at that time, to be in a declining state of health. - -Nimmer was a man about sixty years of age, exceedingly tormented with -the gravel, which was more extraordinary as he dwelt near the Nile; -for it is, universally, the disease with those who use water from -draw-wells, as in the desert. But he told me, that, for the first -twenty-seven years of his life, he never had seen the Nile, unless upon -some plundering party; that he had been constantly at war with the -people of the cultivated part of Egypt, and reduced them often to the -state of starving; but now that he was old, a friend to Shekh Hamam, -and was resident near the Nile, he drank of its water, and was little -better, for he was already a martyr to the disease. I had sent him soap -pills from Badjoura, which had done him a great deal of good, and now -gave him lime-water, and promised him, on my return, to shew his people -how to make it. - -A very friendly conversation ensued, in which was repeated often, how -little they expected I would have visited them! As this implied two -things; the first, that I paid no regard to my promise when given; the -other, that I did not esteem them of consequence enough to give myself -the trouble, I thought it right to clear myself from these suspicions. - -“Shekh Nimmer, said I, this frequent repetition that you thought I -would not keep my word is _grievous_ to me. I am a Christian, and have -lived now many years among you Arabs. Why did you imagine that I would -not keep my word, since it is a principle among all the Arabs I have -lived with, inviolably to keep theirs? When your son Ibrahim came to -me at Badjoura, and told me the pain that you was in, night and day, -fear of God, and desire to do good, even to them I had never seen, made -me give you those medicines that have eased you. After this proof of -my humanity, what was there extraordinary in my coming to see you in -the way? I knew you not before; but my religion teaches me to do good -to all men, even to enemies, without reward, or without considering -whether I ever should see them again.” - -“Now, after the drugs I sent you by Ibrahim, tell me, and tell me -truly, upon the _faith_ of an _Arab_, would your people, if they met me -in the _desert_, do me any wrong, more than _now_, as I have eat and -drank with you to-day?” - -The old man Nimmer, on this rose from his carpet, and sat upright, a -more ghastly and more horrid figure I never saw. “No, said he, Shekh, -cursed be those men of _my people_, or _others_, that ever shall lift -up their hand against you, either in the _Desert_ or the _Tell_, _i. -e._ the part of Egypt which is cultivated. As long as you are in this -country, or between this and Cosseir, my son shall serve you with heart -and hand; one night of pain that your medicines freed me from, would -not be repaid, if I was to follow you on foot to Messir, that is Cairo.” - -I then thought it a proper time to enter into conversation about -penetrating into Abyssinia that way, and they discussed it among -themselves in a very friendly, and at the same time in a very sagacious -and sensible manner. - -“We could carry you to _El Haimer_, (which I understood to be a well -in the desert, and which I afterwards was much better acquainted with -to my sorrow.) We could conduct you so far, says old Nimmer, under -God, without fear of harm, all that country was Christian once, and -_we_ Christians like yourself[137]. The _Saracens_ having nothing -in their power there, we could carry you safely to Suakem, but the -Bishary are men not to be trusted, and we could go no farther than to -land you among them, and they would put you to death, and laugh at you -all the time they were tormenting you[138]. Now, if you want to visit -Abyssinia, go by Cosseir and Jidda, there _you Christians_ command the -country.” - -“I told him, I apprehended, the _Kennouss_, about the second cataract, -above Ibrim, were bad people. He said the Kennouss were, he believed, -bad enough in their hearts, but they were wretched slaves, and -servants, had no power in their hands, would not wrong any body that -was with his people; if they did, he would extirpate them in a day.” - -“I told him, I was satisfied of the truth of what was said, and asked -him the best way to Cosseir. He said, the best way for me to go, was -from Kenné, or Cuft, and that he was carrying a quantity of wheat from -Upper Egypt, while Shekh Hamam was sending another cargo from his -country, both which would be delivered at Cosseir, and loaded there for -Jidda.” - -“All that is right, Shekh, said I, but suppose your people meet us in -the desert, in going to Cosseir, or otherwise, how should we fare in -that case? Should we fight?” “I have told you Shekh already, says he, -Cursed be the man who lifts his hand against you, or even does not -defend and befriend you, to his own loss, were it Ibrahim my own son.” - -I then told him I was bound to Cosseir, and that if I found myself -in any difficulty, I hoped, upon applying to his people, they would -protect me, and that he would give them the word, that I was _yagoube_, -a physician, seeking no harm, but doing good; bound by a vow, for a -certain time, to wander through deserts, from fear of God, and that -they should not have it in their power to do me harm. - -The old man muttered something to his sons in a dialect I did not then -understand; it was that of the _Shepherds_ of Suakem. As that was the -first word he spoke, which I did not comprehend, I took no notice, but -mixed some lime-water in a large Venetian bottle that was given me when -at Cairo full of _liqueur_, and which would hold about four quarts; and -a little after I had done this the whole hut was filled with people. - -There were _priests_ and _monks_ of their religion, and the heads of -families, so that the house could not contain half of them. The great -people among them came, and, after joining hands, repeated a kind -of [139]prayer, of about two minutes long, by which they declared -themselves, and their children, accursed, if ever they lifted their -hands against me in the _Tell_, or Field in the _desert_, or on the -river; or, in case that I, or mine should fly to them for refuge, if -they did not protect us at the risk of their lives, their families, and -their fortunes, or, as they emphatically expressed it, to the death of -the last male child among them. - -Medicines and advice being given on my part, faith and protection -pledged on theirs, two bushels of wheat and seven sheep were carried -down to the boat, nor could we decline their kindness, as refusing a -present in that country (however it is understood in ours,) is just as -great an affront, as coming into the presence of a superior without a -present at all. - -I told them, however, that I was going up among Turks who were -_obliged_ to maintain me, the consequence therefore will be, to save -their own, that they will take your sheep, and make my dinner of them; -you and I are _Arabs_, and know what _Turks_ are. They all muttered -curses between their teeth at the name of Turk, and we agreed they -should keep the sheep till I came back, provided they should be then at -liberty to add as many more. - -This was all understood between us, and we parted perfectly content -with one another. But our Rais was very far from being satisfied, -having heard something of the seven sheep; and as we were to be next -day at Syene, where he knew we were to get meat enough, he reckoned -that they would have been his property. To stifle all cause of -discontent, however, I told him he was to take no notice of my visit to -Shekh Ammer, and that I would make him amends when I returned. - - - - -CHAP. VII. - - _Arrives at Syene--Goes to see the Cataract--Remarkable - Tombs--the situation of Syene--The Aga proposes a Visit to Deir - and Ibrím--The Author returns to Kenné._ - - -We sailed on the 20th, with the wind favouring us, till about an hour -before sun-rise, and about nine o’clock came to an anchor on the south -end of the palm groves, and north end of the town of Syene, nearly -opposite to an island in which there is a small handsome Egyptian -temple, pretty entire. It is the temple of[140]_Cnuphis_, where -formerly was the Nilometer. - -Adjoining to the palm trees was a very good comfortable house, -belonging to Hussein Schourbatchie, the man that used to be sent from -that place to Cairo, to receive the pay of the janissaries in garrison -at Syene, upon whom too I had credit for a very small sum. - -The reasons of a credit in such a place are three: First, in case of -sickness, or purchase of any antiquities: Secondly, that you give the -people an idea (a very useful one) that you carry no money about with -you: Thirdly, that your money changes its value, and is not even -current beyond Esné. - -Hussein was not at home, but was gone somewhere upon business, but I -had hopes to find him in the course of the day. Hospitality is never -refused, in these countries, upon the slightest pretence. Having -therefore letters to him, and hearing his house was empty, we sent our -people and baggage to it. - -I was not well arrived before a janissary came, in long Turkish -cloaths, without arms, and a white wand in his hand, to tell me that -Syene was a garrison town, and that the Aga was at the castle ready to -give me audience. - -I returned him for answer, that I was very sensible it was my first -duty, as a stranger, to wait upon the Aga in a _garrisoned_ town of -which he had the command, but, being bearer of the Grand Signior’s -Firman, having letters from the Bey of Cairo, and from the Port of -Janissaries _to him in particular_, and, at present being indisposed -and fatigued, I hoped he would indulge me till the arrival of my -landlord; in which interim I should take a little rest, change my -cloaths, and be more in the situation in which I would wish to pay my -respects to him. - -I received immediately an answer by two janissaries, who insisted to -see me, and were accordingly introduced while I was lying down to -rest. They said that Mahomet Aga had received my message, that the -reason of sending to me was not either to hurry or disturb me; but the -earlier to know in what he could be of service to me; that he had _a -particular letter_ from the Bey of Cairo, in consequence of which, he -had dispatched orders to receive me at Esné, but as I had not waited on -the Cacheff there, he had not been apprised. - -After giving coffee to these very civil messengers, and taking two -hours rest, our landlord the Schourbatchie arrived; and, about four -o’clock in the afternoon, we went to the Aga. - -The fort is built of clay, with some small guns mounted on it; it is of -strength sufficient to keep people of the country in awe. - -I found the Aga sitting in a small kiosk, or closet, upon a stone-bench -covered with carpets. As I was in no fear of him, I was resolved to -walk according to my privileges; and, as the meanest Turk would do -before the greatest man in England, I sat down upon a cushion below -him, after laying my hand on my breast, and saying in an audible voice, -with great marks of respect, however, _Salam alicum!_ to which he -answered, without any of the usual difficulty, _Alicum salam! Peace -be between us_ is the salutation; _There is peace between us_ is the -return. - -After sitting down about two minutes, I again got up, and stood in the -middle of the room before him, saying, I am bearer of a hatésherriffe, -or royal mandate, to you, Mahomet Aga! and took the firman out of my -bosom, and presented it to him. Upon this he stood upright, and all -the rest of the people, before sitting with him likewise; he bowed his -head upon the carpet, then put the firman to his forehead, opened it, -and pretended to read it; but he knew well the contents, and I believe, -besides, he could neither read nor write any language. I then gave him -the other letters from Cairo, which he ordered his secretary to read in -his ear. - -All this ceremony being finished, he called for a pipe, and coffee. I -refused the first, as never using it; but I drank a dish of coffee, and -told him, that I was bearer of a _confidential message_ from Ali Bey -of Cairo, and wished to deliver it to him without witnesses, whenever -he pleased. The room was accordingly cleared without delay, excepting -his secretary, who was also going away, when I pulled him back by the -cloaths, saying, “Stay, if you please, we shall need you to write the -answer.” We were no sooner left alone, than I told the Aga, that, being -a stranger, and not knowing the disposition of his people, or what -footing they were on together, and being desired to address myself only -to him by the Bey, and our mutual friends at Cairo, I wished to put it -in his power (as he pleased or not) to have witnesses of delivering -the small _present_ I had brought him from Cairo. The Aga seemed very -sensible of this delicacy; and particularly desired me to take no -notice to my landlord, the Schourbatchie, of any thing I had brought -him. - -All this being over, and a _confidence_ established with _government_, -I sent his present by his own servant that night, under pretence -of desiring horses to go to the cataract next day. The message was -returned, that the horses were to be ready by six o’clock next morning. -On the 21st, the Aga sent me his own horse, with mules and asses for my -servants, to go to the cataract. - -We passed out at the south gate of the town, into the first small sandy -plain. A very little to our left, there are a number of tomb-stones -with inscriptions in the Cufic character, which travellers erroneously -have called _unknown_ language, and letters, although it was the only -letter and language known to Mahomet, and the most learned of his sect -in the first ages. - -The Cufic characters seem to be all written in capitals, which one -might learn to read much more easily than the modern Arabic, and they -more resemble the Samaritan. We read there--Abdullah el Hejazi el -Ansari--Mahomet Abdel Shems el Taiefy el Ansari. The first of these, -Abdullah el Hejazi, is Abdullah born in Arabia Petrea. The other is, -Mahomet the slave of the sun, born in Taief. Now, both of these are -called _Ansari_, which many writers, upon Arabian history, think, -means, _born in Medina_; because, when Mahomet fled from Mecca, the -night of the hegira, the people of Medina received him willingly, -and thenceforward got the name of [141]Ansari, or Helpers. But this -honourable name was extended afterwards to all those who fought under -Mahomet in his wars, and after, even to those who had been born in his -lifetime. - -These of whose tombs we are now speaking, were of the army of Haled -Ibn el Waalid, whom Mahomet named, Saif Ullah, the ‘Sword of God,’ and -who, in the califat of Omar, took and destroyed Syene, after losing -great part of his army before it. It was afterwards rebuilt by the -_Shepherds_ of Beja, then Christians, and again taken in the time of -Salidan, and, with the rest of Egypt, _ever since_ hath belonged to -Cairo. It was conquered by, or rather surrendered to, Selim Emperor of -the Turks, in 1516, who planted two advanced posts (Deir and Ibrim) -beyond the cataract in Nubia, with small garrisons of janissaries -likewise, where they continue to this day. - -Their pay is issued from Cairo; sometimes they marry each others -daughters, rarely marry the women of the country, and the son, or -nephew, or nearest relation of each deceased, succeeds as janissary -in room of his father. They have lost their native language, and have -indeed nothing of the Turk in them, but a propensity to violence, -rapine, and injustice; to which they have joined the perfidy of -the Arab, which, as I have said, they sometimes inherit from their -mother. An Aga commands these troops in the castle. They have about -two hundred horsemen armed with firelocks; with which, by the help of -the Ababdé, encamped at Shekh Ammer, they keep the Bishareen, and all -these numerous tribes of Arabs, that inhabit the Desert of Sennaar, in -tolerable order. - -The inhabitants, merchants, and common people of the town, are -commanded by a cacheff. There is neither butter nor milk at Syene (the -latter comes from Lower Egypt) the same may be said of fowls. Dates do -not ripen at Syene, those that are sold at Cairo come from Ibrim and -Dongola. There are good fish in the Nile, and they are easily caught, -especially at the cataract, or in broken water; there are only two -kinds of large ones which I have happened to see, the binny and the -boulti. The binny I have described in its proper place. - -After passing the tomb-stones without the gate, we come to a -plain about five miles long, bordered on the left by a hill of no -considerable height, and sandy like the plain, upon which are seen some -ruins, more modern than those Egyptian buildings we have described, -They seem indeed to be a mixture of all kinds and ages. - -The distance from the gate of the town to Termissi, or Marada, the -small villages on the cataract, is exactly six English miles. After the -description already given of this cataract in some authors, a traveller -has reason to be surprised, when arrived on its banks, to find that -vessels sail up the cataract, and consequently the fall cannot be so -violent as to deprive people of their hearing[142]. - -The bed of the river, occupied by the water, was not then half a mile -broad. It is divided into a number of small channels, by large blocks -of granite, from thirty to forty feet high. The current, confined -for a long course between the rocky mountains of Nubia, tries to -expand itself with great violence. Finding, in every part before -it, opposition from the rocks of granite, and forced back by these, -it meets the opposite currents. The chafing of the water against -these huge obstacles, the meeting of the contrary currents one with -another, creates such a violent ebullition, and makes such a noise and -disturbed appearance, that it fills the mind with confusion rather than -with terror. - -We saw the miserable Kennouss (who inhabit the banks of the river up -into Nubia, to above the second cataract) to procure their daily food, -lying behind rocks, with lines in their hands, and catching fish; -they did not seem to be either dexterous or successful in the sport. -They are not black, but of the darkest brown; are not woolly-headed, -but have hair. They are small, light, agile people, and seem to be -more than half-starved. I made a sign that I wanted to speak with -one of them; but seeing me surrounded with a number of horse and -fire-arms, they did not choose to trust themselves. I left my people -behind with my firelock, and went alone to see if I could engage them -in a conversation. At first they walked off; finding I persisted in -following them, they ran at full speed, and hid themselves among the -rocks. - -Pliny[143] says, that, in his time, the city of Syene was situated -so directly under the tropic of Cancer, that there was a well, into -which the sun shone so perpendicular, that it was enlightened by its -rays down to the bottom. Strabo[144] had said the same. The ignorance, -or negligence, in the Geodesique measure in this observation, is -extraordinary; Egypt had been measured yearly, from early ages, and -the distance between Syene and Alexandria should have been known to an -ell. From this inaccuracy, I do very much suspect the other measure -Eratosthenes is said to have made, by which he fixed the sun’s parallax -at 10 seconds and a half, was not really made by him, but was some old -Chaldaic, or Egyptian observation, made by more instructed astronomers -which he had fallen upon. - -The Arabs call it Assouan, which they say signifies _enlightened_; -in allusion, I suppose, to the circumstance of the well, enlightened -within by the sun’s being stationary over it in June; in the language -of Beja its name signifies a circle, or portion of a circle. - -Syene, among other things, is famous for the first attempt made by -Greek astronomers to ascertain the measure of the circumference of the -earth. Eratosthenes, born at Cyrene about 276 years before Christ, -was invited from Athens to Alexandria by Ptolemy Evergetes, who made -him keeper of the Royal Library in that city. In this experiment two -positions were assumed, that Alexandria and Syene were exactly 5000 -stades distant from each other, and that they were precisely under the -same meridian. Again, it was verified by the experiment of the well, -that, in the summer solstice at mid-day, when the sun was in the tropic -of Cancer, in its greatest northern declination, the well[145] at that -instant was totally and equally illuminated; and that no style, or -gnomon, erected on a perfect plane, did cast, or project, any manner of -shadow for 150 stades round, from which it was justly concluded, that -the sun, on that day, was so exactly vertical to Syene, that the center -of its disk immediately corresponded to the center of the bottom of -the well. These preliminaries being fixed, Eratosthenes set about his -observation thus:-- - -On the day of the summer solstice, at the moment the sun was stationary -in the meridian of Syene, he placed a style perpendicularly in the -bottom of a half-concave sphere, which he exposed in open air to the -sun at Alexandria. Now, if that style had cast no shade at Alexandria, -it would have been precisely in the same circumstance with a style in -the well in Syene; and the reason of its not casting the shade would -have been, that the sun was directly vertical to it. But he found, -on the contrary, this style at Alexandria did cast a shadow; and by -measuring the distance of the top of this shadow from the foot of the -style, he found, that, when the sun cast no shadow at Syene, by being -in the zenith, at Alexandria he projected a shadow; which shewed he -was distant from the vertical point, or zenith, 7⅕°=7° 12´, which was -1/50th of the circumference of the whole heavens, or of a great circle. - -This being settled, the conclusion was, that Alexandria and Syene must -be distant from each other by the 50th part of the circumference of the -whole earth. - -Now 5000 stades was the distance already assumed between Alexandria -and the well of Syene; and all that was to be done was to repeat 5000 -stades fifty times, or multiply 5000 stades by 50, and the answer was -250,000 stades, which was the total of the earth’s circumference. This, -admitting the French contents of the Egyptian stadium to be just, will -amount to 11,403 leagues for the circumference of the earth sought; -and as our present account fixes it to be 9000, the error will be 2403 -leagues in excess, or more than one-fourth of the whole sum required. - -This observation surely therefore is not worth recording, unless to -shew the insufficiency or imperfection of the method; it cannot deserve -the encomiums[146] that have been bestowed upon it, if justice has -been done to Eratosthenes’ geodesique measures, which I do not, by any -manner of means, warrant to be the case, because the measure of his -arch of the meridian seems to have been conducted with a much greater -degree of success and precision than that of his base. - -On the 22d, 23d, and 24th of January, being at Syene, in a house -immediately east of the small island in the Nile (where the temple of -Cnuphis is still standing, very little injured, and which [147]Strabo, -who was himself there, says was in the ancient town, and near the well -built for the observation of the solstice) with a three-foot brass -quadrant, made by Langlois, and described by [148]Monsieur de la Lande, -by a mean of three observations of the sun in the meridian, I concluded -the latitude of Syene to be 24° 0´ 45´´ north. - -And, as the latitude of Alexandria, by a medium of many observations -made by the French academicians, and more recently by Mr Niebuhr and -myself, is beyond possibility of contradiction 31° 11´ 33´´, the arch -of the meridian contained between Syene and Alexandria, must be 7° -10´ 48´´, or 1´ 12´´ less than Eratosthenes made it. And this is a -wonderful precision, if we consider the imperfection of his instrument, -in the probable shortness of his radius, and difficulty (almost -insurmountable) in distinguishing the division of the penumbra. - -There certainly is one error very apparent, in measuring the base -betwixt Syene and Alexandria; that is, they were not (as supposed) -under the same meridian; for though, to my very great concern -afterwards, I had no opportunity of fixing the longitude at this first -visit to Syene, as I had done the latitude, yet on my return, in the -year 1772, from an eclipse of the first satellite of Jupiter, I found -its longitude to be 33° 30´; and the longitude of Alexandria, being 30° -16´ 7´´, there is 3° 14´ that Syene is to the eastward of the meridian -of Alexandria, or so far from their being under the same meridian as -supposed. - -It is impossible to fix the time of the building of Syene; upon the -most critical examination of its hieroglyphics and proportions, I would -imagine it to have been founded some time after Thebes, but before -Dendera, Luxor, or Carnac. - -It would be no less curious to know, whether the well, which -Eratosthenes made use of for one of the terms of the geodesique base, -and his arch of the meridian, between Alexandria and Syene, was -coeval with the building of that city, or whether it was made for the -experiment. I should be inclined to think the former was the case; -and the placing this city first, then the well under the tropic, were -with a view of ascertaining the length of the solar year. In short, -this point, so material to be settled, was the constant object of -attention of the first astronomers, and this was the use of the dial -of Osimandyas; this inquiry was the occasion of the number of obelisks -raised in every ancient city in Egypt. We cannot mistake this, if we -observe how anxiously they have varied the figure of the top, or point -of each obelisk; sometimes it is a very sharp one; sometimes a portion -of a circle, to try to get rid of the great impediment that perplexed -them, the penumbra. - -The projection of the pavements, constantly to the northward, so -diligently levelled, and made into exact planes by large slabs of -granite, most artificially joined, have been so substantially secured, -that they might serve for the observation to this day; and it is -probable, the position of this city and the well were coeval, the -result of intention, and both the works of these first astronomers, -immediately after the building of Thebes. If this was the case, we may -conclude, that the fact of the sun illuminating the bottom of the well -in Eratosthenes’s time was a supposed one, from the uniform tradition, -that once it had been so, the periodical change of the quantity of the -angle, made by the equator and ecliptic, not being then known, and -therefore that the quantity of the celestial arch, comprehended between -Alexandria and Syene, might be as erroneous from another cause, as the -base had been by assuming a wrong distance on the earth, in place of -one exactly measured. - -There is at Axum an obelisk erected by Ptolemy Evergetes, the very -prince who was patron to Eratosthenes, without hieroglyphics, directly -facing the south, with its top first cut into a narrow neck, then -spread out like a fan in a semicircular form, with a pavement curiously -levelled to receive the shade, and make the reparation of the true -shadow from the penumbra as distinct as possible. - -This was probably intended for verifying the experiment of Eratosthenes -with a larger radius, for, by this obelisk, we must not imagine Ptolemy -intended to observe the obliquity of the ecliptic at Axum. Though -it was true, that Axum, by its situation, was a very proper place, -the sun passing over that city and obelisk twice a-year, yet it was -equally true, that, from another circumstance, which he might have been -acquainted with, at less expence of time than building the obelisk -would have cost him, that he himself could not make any use of the -sun’s being twice vertical to Axum; for the sun is vertical at Axum -about the 25th of April, and again about the 20th of August; and, at -both these seasons, the heaven is so overcast with clouds, and the rain -so continual, especially at mid-day, that it would be a wonder indeed, -if Ptolemy had once seen the sun during the months he staid there. - -Though Syene, by its situation should be healthy, the general complaint -is a weakness and soreness in the eyes; and this not a temporary one -only, but generally ending in blindness of one, or both eyes; you -scarce ever see a person in the street that sees with both eyes. They -say it is owing to the hot wind from the desert; and this I apprehend -to be true, by the violent soreness and inflammation we were troubled -with in our return home, through the great Desert, to Syene. - -We had now finished every thing we had to do at Syene, and prepared to -descend the Nile. After having been quiet, and well used so long, we -did not expect any altercation at parting; we thought we had contented -every body, and we were perfectly content with them. But, unluckily for -us, our landlord, the Schourbatchie, upon whom I had my credit, and -who had distinguished himself by being very serviceable and obliging to -us, happened to be the _proprietor_ of a boat, for which, at that time, -he had _little_ employment; nothing would satisfy him but my hiring -that boat, instead of returning in that which brought us up. - -This could by no means be done, without breaking faith with our Rais, -Abou Cuffi, which I was resolved not to do on any account whatever, as -the man had behaved honestly and well in every respect. The janissaries -took the part of their brother against the stranger, and threatened to -cut Abou Cuffi to pieces, and throw him to the crocodiles. - -On the other part, he was very far from being terrified. He told them -roundly, that he was a servant of Ali Bey, that, if they attempted to -take his fare from him, their pay should be stopped at Cairo, till -they surrendered the guilty person to do him justice. He laughed most -unaffectedly at the notion of cutting him to pieces; and declared, -that, if he was to complain of the usage he met when he went down to -Lower Egypt, there would not be a janissary from Syene who would not be -in much greater danger of crocodiles, than he. - -I went in the evening to the Aga, and complained of my landlord’s -behaviour, I told him positively, but with great shew of respect, I -would rather go down the Nile upon a _raft_, than set my foot in any -other boat but the one that brought me up. I begged him to be cautious -how he proceeded, as it would be _my story_, and not _his_, that would -go to the Bey. This grave and resolute appearance had the effect. The -Schourbatchie was sent for, and reprimanded, as were all those that -sided with him; while privately, to calm all animosities against my -Rais, I promised him a piece of green cloth, which was his wish; and so -heartily were we reconciled, that, the next day, he made his servants -help Abou Cuffi to put our baggage on board the boat. - -The Aga hinted to me, in conversation, that he wondered at my -departure, as he heard my intention was to go to Ibrim and Deir. I told -him, those garrisons had a bad name; that a Danish gentleman, some -years ago, going up thither, with orders from the government of Cairo, -was plundered, and very nearly assassinated, by Ibrahim, Cacheff of -Deir. He looked surprised, shook his head, and seemed not to give me -credit; but I persisted, in the terms of Mr Norden’s [149]Narrative; -and told him, the brother of the Aga of Syene was along with him at the -time. “Will any person, said he, tell me, that a man who is in my hands -once a month, who has not an ounce of bread but what I furnish him -from this garrison, and whose pay would be stopt (as your Rais truly -said) on the first complaint transmitted to Cairo, could assassinate -a man with Ali Bey’s orders, and my brother along with him? Why, what -do you think he is? I shall send a servant to the Cacheff of Deir -to-morrow, who shall bring him down by the beard, if he refuses to come -willingly.” I said, “Then times were very much changed for the better; -it was not always so, there was not always at Cairo a sovereign -like Ali Bey, nor at Syene a man of his prudence, and capacity in -commanding; but having no business at Deir and Ibrim, I should not risk -finding them in another humour, exercising other powers than those he -allowed them to have.” - -The 26th we embarked at the north end of the town, in the very spot -where I again took boat above three years afterwards. We now no longer -enjoyed the advantage of our prodigious main-sail; not only our yards -were lowered, but our masts were taken out; and we floated down the -current, making the figure of a wreck. The current, pushing against one -of our sides, the wind directly contrary, pressing us on the other, -we went down _broad side foremost_; but so steadily, as scarce to be -sensible the vessel was in motion. - -In the evening I stopt at Shekh Ammer, and saw my patient Nimmer, Shekh -of the Ababdé. I found him greatly better, and as thankful as ever; I -renewed my prescriptions, and he his offers of service. - -I was visited, however, with a pretty smart degree of fever by hunting -crocodiles on the Nile as I went down, without any possibility of -getting near them. - -On the 31st of January we arrived at Negadé, the fourth settlement of -the Franciscan friars in Upper Egypt, for the pretended mission of -Ethiopia. I found it to be in lat. 25° 53´ 30´´. It is a small neat -village, covered with palm-trees, and mostly inhabited by Cophts, none -of whom the friars have yet converted, nor ever will, unless by small -pensions, which they give to the poorest of them, to be decoy-ducks· to -the rest. - -Opposite to Negadé, on the other side of the river about three miles, -is Cus, a large town, the Appollonis Civitas Parva of the ancients. -There are no antiquities at this place; but the caravan, which was to -carry the corn for Mecca, across the desert to Cosseir, was to assemble -there. I found they were not near ready; and that the Arabs Atouni had -threatened they would be in their way, and would not suffer them to -pass, at any rate, and that the guard commanded to escort them across -the desert, would come from Furshout, and therefore I should have early -warning. - -It was the 2d of February I returned to Badjoura, and took up my -quarters in the house formerly assigned me, greatly to the joy of -Shekh Ismael, who, though he was in the main reconciled to his friend, -friar Christopher, had not yet forgot the wounding of the five men by -his miscalculating ramadan; and was not without fears that the same -inadvertence might, some day or other, be fatal to him, in his pleurisy -and asthma, or, what is still more likely, by the operation of the -tabange. - -As I was now about to launch into that part of my expedition, in which -I was to have no further intercourse with Europe I set myself to work -to examine all my observations, and put my journal in such forwardness -by explanations, where needful, that the labours and pains I had -hitherto been at, might not be totally lost to the public, if I should -perish in the journey I had undertaken, which, every day, from all -information I could procure, appeared to be more and more desperate. - -Having finished these, at least so far as to make them intelligible to -others, I conveyed them to my friends Messrs Julian and Rosa at Cairo, -to remain in their custody till I should return, or news come that I -was otherwise disposed of. - - - - -CHAP. VIII. - - _The Author sets out from Kenné--Crosses the Desert of the - Thebaid--Visits the Marble Mountains--Arrives at Cosseir, on - the Red Sea--Transactions there._ - - -It was Thursday, the 16th of February 1769, we heard the caravan was -ready to set out from Kenné, the Cæne Emporium of antiquity. From Kenné -our road was first East, for half an hour, to the foot of the hills, -which here bound the cultivated land; then S. E. when, at 11 o’clock in -the forenoon, we passed a very dirty small village called Sheraffa. All -the way from Kenné, close on our left, were desert hills, on which not -the least verdure grew, but a few plants of a large species of Solanum, -called Burrumbuc. - -At half past two we came to a well, called Bir Ambar, the well of -spices, and a dirty village of the same name, belonging to the Azaizy, -a poor inconsiderable tribe of Arabs. They live by letting out their -cattle for hire to the caravans that go to Cosseir, and attending -themselves, when necessary. It got its name, I suppose, from its having -formerly been a station of the caravans from the Red Sea, loaded with -this kind of merchandise from India. The houses of the Azaizy are of -a very particular construction, if they can be called houses. They -are all made of potter-clay, in one piece, in shape of a bee-hive; the -largest is not above ten feet high, and the greatest diameter six. - -There are no vestiges here of any canal, mentioned to have been cut -between the Nile and the Red Sea. The cultivated land here is not above -half a mile in extent from the river, but the inundation of the Nile -reaches much higher, nor has it left behind it any appearance of soil. -After passing Bir Ambar, we pitched our tent about four o’clock at -Gabba[150], a short mile from Cuft, on the borders of the desert--here -we passed the night. - -On the 17th, at eight o’clock in the morning, having mounted my -servants all on horseback, and taken the charge of our own camels, -(for there was a confusion in our caravan not to be described, and -our guards we knew were but a set of thieves) we advanced slowly into -the desert. There were about two hundred men on horseback, armed with -firelocks; all of them lions, if you believed their word or appearance; -but we were credibly informed, that fifty of the Arabs, at first sight, -would have made these heroes fly without any bloodshed. - -I had not gone two miles before I was joined by the Howadat Arab, whom -I had brought with me in the boat from Cairo. He offered me his service -with great professions of gratitude, and told me, that he hoped I would -again take charge of his money, as I had before done from Cairo. It -was now for the first time he told me his name, which was Mahomet Abdel -Gin, “the Slave of the Devil, or the Spirit.” There is a large tribe -of that name, many of which come to Cairo from the kingdom of Sennaar; -but he had been born among the Howadat, opposite to Metrahenny, where I -found him. - -Our road was all the way in an open plain, bounded by hillocks of sand, -and fine gravel, perfectly hard, and not perceptibly above the level -of the plain country of Egypt. About twelve miles distant there is a -ridge of mountains of no considerable height, perhaps the most barren -in the world. Between these our road lay through plains, never three -miles broad, but without trees, shrubs, or herbs. There are not even -the traces of any living creature, neither serpent nor lizard, antelope -nor ostrich, the usual inhabitants of the most dreary deserts. There is -no sort of water on the surface, brackish or sweet. Even the birds seem -to avoid the place as pestilential, not having seen one of any kind so -much as flying over. The sun was burning hot, and, upon rubbing two -sticks together, in half a minute they both took fire, and flamed; a -mark how near the country was reduced to a general conflagration! - -At half past three, we pitched our tent near some draw-wells, which, -upon tasting, we found bitterer than soot. We had, indeed, other water -carried by the camels in skins. This well-water had only one needful -quality, it was cold, and therefore very comfortable for refreshing -us outwardly. This unpleasant station is called Legeta; here we were -obliged to pass the night, and all next day, to wait the arrival of -the caravans of Cus, Esné, and part of those of Kenné, and Ebanout. - -While at the wells of Legeta, my Arab, Abdel Gin, came to me with his -money, which had increased now to nineteen sequins and a half. “What! -said I, Mahomet, are you never safe among your countrymen, neither, by -sea nor land?” “Oh, no, replied Mahomet; the difference, when we were -on board the boat, was, we had three thieves only; but, when _assembled -here_, we shall have above three thousand.--But I have an advice to -give you.”--“And my ears,” said I, “Mahomet, are always open to advice, -especially in strange countries.”--“These people,” continued Mahomet, -“are all afraid of the Atouni Arabs; and, when attacked, they will run -away, and leave you in the hands of these Atouni, who will carry off -your baggage. Therefore, as you have nothing to do with their corn, do -not kill any of the Atouni if they come, for that will be a bad affair, -but go aside, and let me manage. I will answer with my life, though all -the caravan should be stripped stark-naked, and you loaded with gold, -not one article belonging to you shall be touched.” I questioned him -very particularly about this intimation, as it was an affair of much -consequence, and I was so well satisfied, that I resolved to conform -strictly to it. - -In the evening came twenty Turks from Caramania, which is that part of -Asia Minor immediately on the side of the Mediterranean opposite to the -coast of Egypt; all of them neatly and cleanly dressed like Turks, all -on camels, armed with swords, a pair of pistols at their girdle, and a -short neat gun; their arms were in very good order, with their flints -and ammunition stowed in cartridge-boxes, in a very soldier-like -manner. A few of these spoke Arabic, and my Greek servant, Michael, -interpreted for the rest. Having been informed, that the large tent -belonged to an Englishman, they came into it without ceremony. They -told me, that they were a number of neighbours and companions, who had -set out together to go to Mecca, to the Hadje; and not knowing the -language, or customs of the people, they had been but indifferently -used since they landed at Alexandria, particularly somewhere (as I -guessed) about Achmim; that one of the Owam, or swimming thieves, -had been on board of them in the night, and had carried off a small -portmanteau with about 200 sequins in gold; that, though a complaint -had been made to the Bey of Girgé, yet no satisfaction had been -obtained; and that now they had heard an Englishman was here, whom they -reckoned their _countryman_, they had come to propose, that we should -make a common cause to defend each other against all enemies.--What -they meaned by _countryman_ was this:-- - -There is in Asia Minor, somewhere between Anatolia and Caramania, a -district which they call Caz Dagli, corruptly Caz Dangli, and this the -Turks believe was the country from which the English first drew their -origin; and on this account they never fail to claim kindred with the -English wherever they meet, especially if they stand in need of their -assistance. - -I told them the arrangement I had taken with the Arab. At first, they -thought it was too much confidence to place in him, but I convinced -them, that it was greatly diminishing our risk, and, let the worst come -to the worst, I was well satisfied that, armed as we were, on foot, we -were more than sufficient to beat the Atouni, after they had defeated -the clownish caravan of Egypt, from whose courage we certainly had -nothing to expect. - -I cannot conceal the secret pleasure I had in finding the character of -my country so firmly established among nations so distant, enemies to -our religion, and strangers to our government. Turks from Mount Taurus, -and Arabs from the desert of Libya, thought themselves unsafe among -their own countrymen, but trusted their lives and their little fortunes -implicitly to the direction and word of an Englishman whom they had -never before seen. - -These Turks seemed to be above the middling rank of people; each of -them had his little cloak bag very neatly packed up; and they gave -me to understand that there was money in it. These they placed in my -servants tent, and chained them all together, round the middle pillar -of it; for it was easy to see the Arabs of the caravan had those -packages in view, from the full moment of the Turk’s arrival. - -We staid all the 18th at Legeta, waiting for the junction of the -caravans, and departed the 19th at six o’clock in the morning. Our -journey, all that day, was through a plain, never less than a mile -broad, and never broader than three; the hills, on our right and left, -were higher than the former, and of a brownish calcined colour, like -the stones on the sides of Mount Vesuvius, but without any herb or tree -upon them. - -At half past ten, we passed a mountain of green and red marble, and -at twelve we entered a plain called Hamra, where we first observed -the sand red, with a purple cast, of the colour of porphyry, and this -is the signification of Hamra, the name of the valley. I dismounted -here, to examine of what the rocks were composed; and found, with the -greatest pleasure, that here began the quarries of porphyry, without -the mixture of any other stone; but it was imperfect, brittle, and -soft. I had not been engaged in this pursuit an hour, before we -were alarmed with a report that the Atouni had attacked the rear of -the caravan; we were at the head of it. The Turks and my servants -were all drawn together, at the foot of the mountain, and posted as -advantageously as possible. But it soon appeared that they were some -thieves only, who had attempted to steal some loads of corn from camels -that were weak, or fallen lame, perhaps in intelligence with those of -our own caravans. - -All the rest of the afternoon, we saw mountains of a perfectly purple -colour, all of them porphyry; nor has Ptolemy[151] much erred in the -position of them. About four o’clock, we pitched our tent at a place -called Main el Mafarek. The colour of the valley El Hamra continued to -this station; and it was very singular to observe, that the ants, or -pismires, the only living creatures I had yet observed, were all of a -beautiful red colour like the sand. - -The 20th, at six o’clock in the morning, we left Main el Mafarek, -and, at ten, came to the mouth of the defiles. At eleven we began to -descend, having had a very imperceptible ascent from Kenné all the way. - -We were now indemnified for the sameness of our natural productions -yesterday; for, on each side of the plain, we found different sorts of -marble, twelve kinds of which I selected, and took with me. - -At noon, we came to a plain planted with acacia-trees, at equal -distances; single trees, spreading broader than usual, as if on purpose -to proportion the refreshment they gave to the number of travellers who -stood in need of it. This is a station of the Atouni Arabs after rain. -From our leaving Legeta, we had no water that, nor the following day. - -On the right-hand side of this plain we found porphyry and granite, of -very beautiful kinds. All the way, on both sides of the valley, this -day, the mountains were of porphyry, and a very few of stone. - -At a quarter past four, we encamped at Koraim, a small plain, perfectly -barren, consisting of fine gravel, sand, and stones, with a few -acacia-trees, interspersed throughout. - -The 21st, we departed early in the morning from Koraim, and, at ten -o’clock, we passed several defiles, perpetually alarmed by a report, -that the Arabs were approaching; none of whom we ever saw. We then -proceeded through several defiles, into a long plain that turns to the -east, then north-east, and north, so as to make a portion of a circle. -At the end of this plain we came to a mountain, the greatest part of -which was of the marble, _verde antico_, as it is called in Rome, but -by far the most beautiful of the kind I had ever seen. - -Having passed this, we had mountains on both sides of us, but -particularly on our right. The only ones that I myself examined were -of a kind of granite, with reddish veins throughout, with triangular -and square black spots. These mountains continued to Mesag el Terfowey, -where we encamped at twelve o’clock; we were obliged to bring our water -from about five miles to the south-east. This water does not appear -to be from springs, it lies in cavities and grottos in the rock, of -which there are twelve in number, whether hollowed by nature or art, or -partly by both, is more than I can solve. Great and abundant rains fall -here in February. The clouds, breaking on the tops of these mountains, -in their way to Abyssinia, fill these cisterns with large supplies, -which the impending rocks secure from evaporation. - -It was the first fresh water we tasted since we left the Nile; and -the only water of any kind since we left Legeta. But such had been -the foresight of our caravan, that very few resorted thither, having -all laid in abundant store from the Nile; and some of them a quantity -sufficient to serve them till their return. This was not our case. We -had water, it is true, from the Nile; but we never thought we could -have too much, as long as there was room in our water-skins to hold -more; I therefore went early with my camel-drivers, expecting to have -seen some antelopes, which every night come to drink from the well, -having no opportunity to do it throughout the day. - -I had not concealed myself half an hour, above a narrow path leading -to the principal cave, before I saw, first one antelope walking very -stately alone; then four others, closely following him. Although I -was wholly hid as long as I lay still, he seemed to have discerned me -from the instant that I saw him. I should have thought it had been -the smell that had discovered me, had not I used the precaution of -carrying a piece of burnt turf along with me, and left, one with my -horse likewise; perhaps it was this unusual smell that terrified him. -Whatever was the cause, he advanced apparently in fear, and seemed -to be trusted with the care of the flock, as the others testified -no apprehension, but were rather sporting or fighting with each -other. Still he advanced slower, and with greater caution; but, being -perfectly within reach, I did not think proper any longer to risk -the whole from a desire to acquire a greater number. I shot him so -justly, that, giving one leap five or six feet high, he fell dead -upon his head. I fired at the others, retiring all in a crowd; killed -one likewise, and lamed another, who fled among the mountains, where -darkness protected him. We were perfectly content with our acquisition, -and the nature of the place did not prompt us to look after the -wounded. We continued at the well to assist our· companions who came in -want of water, a duty with which necessity binds us all to comply. - -We returned near midnight with our game and our water. We found our -tents all lighted, which, at that time of night, was unusual. I -thought, however, it was on account of my absence, and to guide me the -surer home. We were however surprised, when, coming within a moderate -distance of our tent, we heard _the word_ called for; I answered -immediately, _Charlotte_; and, upon our arrival, we perceived the -Turks were parading round the tents in arms, and soon after our Howadat -Arab came to us, and with him a messenger from Sidi Hassan, desiring me -to come instantly to his tent, while my servants advised me first to -hear what they had to say to me in mine. - -I soon, therefore, perceived that all was not well, and I returned my -compliments to Hassan, adding, that, if he had any thing to say to me -so late, he would do well to come, or send, as it was past my hour of -visiting in the desert, especially as I had not eat, and was tired with -having the charge of the water. I gave orders to my servants to put out -all the extraordinary lights, as that seemed to be a mark of fear; but -forbade any one to sleep, excepting those who had the charge of our -beasts, and had been fetching the water. - -I found that, while our people had been asleep, two persons had got -into the tent and attempted to steal one of the portmanteaus; but, as -they were chained together, and the tent-pole in the middle, the noise -had awakened my servants, who had seized one of the men; and that the -Turks had intended instantly to have dispatched him with their knives, -and with great difficulty had been prevented by my servants, according -to my constant orders, for I wished to avoid all extremities, upon such -occasions, when possible. They had indeed leave to deal with their -sticks as freely as their prudence suggested to them; and they had -gone, in this case, fully beyond the ordinary limits of _discretion_, -especially Abdel Gin, who was the first to seize the robber. In short, -they had dealt so liberally with their sticks, that the thief was -only known to be living by his groans, and they had thrown him at a -small distance, for any person to own him that pleased. It appeared, -that he was a servant of Sidi Hassan, an Egyptian slave, or servant to -Shekh Hamam, who conducted or commanded the caravan, if there was any -_conduct_ or _command_ in it. - -There were with me ten servants, all completely armed, twenty-five -Turks, who seemed worthy to be depended upon, and four janissaries, who -had joined us from Cairo, so that there were of us forty men perfectly -armed, besides attendants on the cattle. As we had people with us who -knew the wells, and also a friend who was acquainted with the Atouni, -nothing, even in a desert, could reasonably alarm us. - -With great difficulty we pulled down an old acacia-tree, and procured -some old-dried camels dung, with which we roasted our two antelopes: -very ill-roasted they were; and execrable meat, though they had been -ever so well dressed, and had had the best sauce of Christendom. -However, we were in the desert, and every thing was acceptable. We had -some spirits, which finished our repast that night: it was exceedingly -cold, and we sat thick about the fire. - -Five men with firelocks, and a number of Arabs with lances, having come -towards us, and being challenged by the centinel for not giving _the -word_, were then desired to stand, or they would be fired upon. They -all cried out, _Salam Alicum!_ and I intimated that any three of them -might come forward, but desired them to keep away the Arabs. Three of -them accordingly came, and then two more. They delivered a message -from Sidi Hassan, that my people had killed a man; they desired that -the murderer might be delivered to them, and that I should come to -his tent, and see justice done. “I told them, that none of my people, -however provoked, would put a man to death in my absence, unless -in defence of their own lives; that, if I had been there, I should -certainly have ordered them to fire upon a thief catched in the act of -stealing within my tent; but, since he was dead, I was satisfied as to -him, only expected that Sidi Hassan would give me up his companion, -who had fled; that, as it was near morning, I should meet him when the -caravan decamped, and hear what he had to say in his defence. In the -mean time I forbade any person to come near my tent, or quarters, on -any pretence whatever, till-day light.” Away they went murmuring, but -what they said I did not understand. We heard no more of them, and none -of us slept. All of us, however, repeated our vows of standing by each -other; and we since found, that we had stood in the way of a common -practice, of stripping these poor strangers, the Turks, who come every -year this road to Mecca. - -At dawn of day, the caravan was all in motion. They had got -intelligence, that two days before, about 300 Atouni had watered at -Terfowey; and, indeed, there were marks of great resort at the well, -where we filled the water. We had agreed not to load one of our camels, -but let the caravan go on before us, and meet the Atouni first; that -I only should go on horseback, about two hundred yards into the plain -from the tent, and all the rest follow me on foot with arms in their -hands. - -Hassan, too, was mounted on horseback, with about a hundred of his -myrmidons, and a number of Arabs on foot. He sent me word that I was to -advance, with only two servants; but I returned for answer, that I had -no intention to advance at all; that if he had any business, he should -say so, and that I would meet him one to one, or three to six, just as -he pleased. He sent me again word, that he wanted to communicate the -intelligence he had of the Atouni, to put me on my guard. I returned -for answer, that I was already upon my guard, against all thieves, and -did not make any distinction, if people were thieves themselves, or -encouraged others to be so, or whether they were Atouni or Ababdé. He -then sent me a message, that it was a cold morning, and wished I would -give him a dish of coffee, and keep those strangers away. I therefore -desired one of my servants to bring the coffee-pot, and directing my -people to sit down, I rode up to him, and dismounted, as he did also, -when twenty or thirty of his vagabonds came, and sat down likewise. He -said he was exceedingly surprised, after sending to me last night, that -I did not come to him; that the whole camp was in murmur at beating the -man, and that it was all that he could do to hinder his soldiers from -falling upon us, and extirpating us all at once; that I did wrong to -protect those Turks, who carried always money to Mecca for merchandise, -and defrauded them of their dues. - -My servant having just poured out a dish of coffee to give him, I -said, Stay, Sir, till we know whether we are in peace. Sidi Hassan, if -that is the way of levying dues upon the Turks, to send thieves to rob -them in my tent, you should advise me first of it, and then we should -have settled the business. With regard to your preventing people from -murdering me, it is a boast so ridiculous that I laugh at it. Those -pale-faced fellows who are about you muffled up in burnooses for fear -of cold in the morning, are they capable to look janissaries in the -face like mine? Speak lowly, and in Arabic, when you talk at this rate, -or perhaps it will not be in my power to return you the compliment you -did me last night, or hinder them from killing you on the spot. Were -ever such words spoken! said a man behind; tell me, master, are you a -king? If Sidi Hassan, answered I, is your master, and you speak to me -on this occasion, you are a wretch; get out of my sight; I swear I will -not drink a dish of coffee while you are here, and will mount my horse -directly. - -I then rose, and the servant took back the coffee-pot; upon which -Hassan ordered his servant out of his presence, saying, “No, no; give -me the coffee if we are in peace;” and he drank it accordingly. Now, -says he, past is past; the Atouni are to meet us at the [152]mouth of -Beder; your people are better armed than mine, are Turks, and used to -fighting. I would wish you to go foremost, and we will take charge of -your camels, though my people have 4000 of their own, and they have -enough to do to take charge of the corn. “And I,” said I, “if I wanted -water or provision, would go to meet the Atouni, who would use me well. -Why, you don’t know to whom you are speaking, nor that the Atouni are -Arabs of Ali Bey, and that I am his man of confidence, going to the -Sherriffe of Mecca? The Atouni will not hurt _us_; but, as you say, you -are commander of the caravan, we have all sworn we will not fire a -shot, till we see you heartily engaged; and then we will do our best; -to hinder the Arabs from stealing the Sherriffe of Mecca’s corn, for -_his sake only_.” They all cried out El Fedtah! El Fedtah! so I said -the prayer of peace as a proxy; for none of the Turks would come near -him. - -Opposite to where we were encamped is Terfowey, a large mountain, -partly green-marble, partly granite, with a red blush upon a grey -ground, with square oblong spots. About forty yards within the narrow -valley, which separates this mountain from its neighbour, we saw a -part of the fust or shaft of a monstrous obelisk of marble, very -nearly square, broken at the end, and towards the top. It was nearly -thirty feet long, and nineteen feet in the face; about two feet of the -bottom were perfectly insulated, and one whole side separated from the -mountain. The gully had been widened and levelled, and the road made -quite up to underneath the block. - -We saw likewise, throughout the plain, small pieces of jasper, having -green, white, and red spots, called in Italy, “Diaspo Sanguineo.” All -the mountains on both sides of the plain seemed to be of the same sort, -whether they really were so or not, I will not say, having had no time -to examine them. - -The 22d, at half past one in the morning, we set out full of terror -about the Atouni. We continued in a direction nearly east, till -at three we came to the defiles; but it was so dark, that it was -impossible to discern of what the country on each side consisted. At -day-break, we found ourselves at the bottom of a mountain of granite, -bare like the former. - -We saw quantities of small pieces of various sorts of granite, and -porphyry scattered over the plain, which had been carried down by a -torrent, probably from quarries of ancient ages; these were white, -mixed with black spots; red, with green veins, and black spots. After -this, all the mountains on the right hand were of red marble in -prodigious abundance, but of no great beauty. They continued, as the -granite did, for several miles along the road, while the opposite side -was all of dead-green, supposed serpentine marble. - -It was one of the most extraordinary sights I ever saw. The former -mountains were of considerable height, without a tree, or shrub, -or blade of grass upon them; but these now before us had all the -appearance, the one of having been sprinkled over with Havannah, the -other with Brazil snuff. I wondered, that, as the red is nearest -the sea, and the ships going down the Abyssinian coast observe this -appearance within lat. 26°, writers have not imagined this was called -the _Red Sea_ upon that account, rather than for the many weak reasons -they have relied upon. - -About eight o’clock we began to descend smartly, and, half an hour -after, entered into another defile like those before described, having -mountains of green marble on every side of us. At nine, on our left, -we saw the highest mountain we had yet passed. We found it, upon -examination, to be composed of serpentine marble; and, thro’ about -one-third of the thickness, ran a large vein of jasper, green, spotted -with red. Its exceeding hardness was such as not to yield to the blows -of a hammer; but the works of old times were more apparent in it, than -in any mountain we had seen. Ducts, or channels, for carrying water -transversely, were observed evidently to terminate in this quarry of -jasper: a proof that water was one of the means used in cutting these -hard stones. - -About ten o’clock, descending very rapidly, with green marble and -jasper on each side of us, but no other green thing whatever, we had -the first prospect of the Red Sea, and, at a quarter past eleven, we -arrived at Cosseir. It has been a wonder with all travellers, and with -myself among the rest, where the ancients procured that prodigious -quantity of fine marble, with which all their buildings abound. That -wonder, however, among many others, now ceases, after having passed, in -four days, more granite, porphyry, marble, and jasper, than would build -Rome, Athens, Corinth, Syracuse, Memphis, Alexandria, and half a dozen -such cities. It seemed to be very visible, that those openings in the -hills, which I call Defiles, were not natural, but artificial; and that -whole mountains had been cut out at these places, to preserve a slope -towards the Nile as gentle as possible: this, I suppose, might be a -descent of about one foot in fifty at most; so that, from the mountains -to the Nile, those heavy carriages must have moved with as little -draught as possible, and, at the same time, been sufficiently impeded -by friction, so as not to run amain, or acquire an increased velocity, -against which, also, there must have been other provisions contrived. -As I made another excursion to these marble mountains from Cosseir, -I will, once for all, here set down what I observed concerning their -natural appearance. - -The porphyry shews itself by a fine purple sand, without any gloss or -glitter on it, and is exceedingly agreeable to the eye. It is mixed -with the native white sand, and fixed gravel of the plains. Green -unvariegated marble, is generally seen in the same mountain with the -porphyry. Where the two veins meet, the marble is for some inches -brittle, but the porphyry of the same hardness as in other places. - -The granite is covered with sand, and looks like stone of a dirty, -brown colour. But this is only the change and impression the sun and -weather have made upon it; for, upon breaking it, you see it is grey -granite, with black spots, with a reddish cast, or blush over it. This -red seems to fade and suffer from the outward air, but, upon working -or polishing the surface, this colour again appears. It is in greater -quantity than the porphyry, and nearer the Red Sea. Pompey’s pillar -seems to have been from this quarry. - -Next to the granite, but never, as I observed, joined with it in the -same mountain, is the red marble. It is covered with sand of the same -colour, and looks as if the whole mountain were spread over with brick -dust. There is also a red marble with white veins, which I have often -seen at Rome, but not in principal subjects, I have also seen it in -Britain. The common green (called Serpentine) looks as if covered over -with Brazil snuff. Joined with this green, I saw two samples of that -beautiful marble they call Isabella; one of them with a yellowish -cast, which we call Quaker-colour; the other with a blueish, which is -commonly termed Dove-colour. These two seem to divide the respective -mountains with the serpentine. In this green, likewise, it was we saw -the vein of jasper; but whether it was absolutely the same with this -which is the bloody jasper, or blood-stone, is what we had not time to -settle. - -I should first have made mention of the verde antico, the dark green -with white irregular spots, because it is of the greatest value, and -nearest the Nile. This is produced in the mountains of the plain green, -or serpentine, as is the jasper, and is not discoverable by the dust, -or any particular colour upon it. First, there is a blue fleaky stone, -exceedingly even and smooth in the grain, solid, and without sparks or -colour. When broken, it is something lighter than a slate, and more -beautiful than most marble; it is like the lava of volcanoes, when -polished. After lifting this, we come to the beds of verde antico; -and here the quarrying is very obvious, for it has been uncovered in -patches, not above twenty feet square. Then, in another part, the green -stone has been removed, and another pit of it wrought. - -I saw, in several places in the plain, small pieces of African marble -scattered about, but no rocks or mountains of it. I suppose it is found -in the heart of some other coloured marble, and in strata, like the -jasper and verde antico, and, I suspect, in the mountains of Isabella -marble, especially of the yellowest sort of it, but this is mere -conjecture. This prodigious store of marble is placed upon a ridge, -whence there is a descent to the east or west, either to the Nile or -Red Sea. The level ground and hard-fixed gravel are proper for the -heaviest carriages, and will easily and smoothly convey any weight -whatever to its place of embarkation on the Nile; so that another -wonder ceased, how the ancients transported those vast blocks to -Thebes, Memphis, and Alexandria. - -Cosseir is a small mud-walled village, built upon the shore, among -hillocks of floating sand. It is defended by a square fort of hewn -stone, with square towers in the angles, which have in them three small -cannon of iron, and one of brass, all in very bad condition; of no -other use but to terrify the Arabs, and hinder them from plundering the -town when full of corn, going to Mecca in time of famine. The walls are -not high; nor was it necessary, if the great guns were in order. But -as this is not the case, the ramparts are heightened by clay, or by -mud-walls, to screen the soldiers from the fire-arms of the Arabs, that -might otherwise command them from the sandy hills in the neighbourhood. - -There are several wells of brackish water on the N. W. of the castle, -which, for experiment’s sake, I made drinkable, by filtering it through -sand; but the water in use is brought from Terfowey, a good day’s -journey off. - -The port, if we may call it so, is on the south-east of the town. It -is nothing but a rock which runs out about four hundred yards into the -sea, and defends the vessels, which ride to the west of it, from the -north and north-east winds, as the houses of the town cover them from -the north-west. - -There is a large inclosure with a high mud-wall, and, within, every -merchant has a shop or magazine for his corn and merchandise: little of -this last is imported, unless coarse India goods, for the consumption -of Upper Egypt itself, since the trade to Dongola and Sennaar has been -interrupted. - -I had orders from Shekh Hamam to lodge in the castle. But a few hours -before my arrival, Hussein Bey Abou Kersh landed from Mecca, and Jidda, -and he had taken up the apartments which were destined for me. He was -one of those Beys whom Ali Bey had defeated, and driven from Cairo. He -was called _Abou Kersh_, i. e. Father Belly, from being immoderately -fat; his adversity had brought him a little into shapes. My servants, -who had gone before, thinking that a friend of the Bey in power was -better than an enemy outlawed, and banished by him, had inadvertently -put some of my baggage into the castle just when this potentate was -taking possession. Swords were immediately drawn, death and destruction -threatened to my poor servants, who fled and hid themselves till I -arrived. - -Upon their complaint, I told them they had acted improperly; that -a sovereign was a sovereign all the world over; and it was not my -business to make a difference, whether he was in power or not. I easily -procured a house, and sent a janissary of the four that had joined us -from Cairo, with my compliments to the Bey, desiring restitution of my -baggage, and that he would excuse the ignorance of my servants, who -did not know that he was at Cosseir; but only, having the firman of -the Grand Signior, and letters from the Bey and Port of janissaries of -Cairo, they presumed that I had a right to lodge there, if he had not -taken up the quarters. - -It happened, that an intimate friend of mine, Mahomet Topal, captain -of one of the large Cairo ships, trading to Arabia, was a companion of -this Hussein Bey, and had carried him to see Captain Thornhill, and -some of our English captains at Jidda, who, as their very laudable -custom is, always shew such people some civilities. He questioned -the janissary about me, who told him I was English; that I had the -protection I had mentioned, and that, from kindness and charity, I -had furnished the stranger Turks with water, and provision at my own -expence, when crossing the desert. He professed himself exceedingly -ashamed at the behaviour of his servants, who had drawn their sabres -upon mine, and had cut my carpet and some cords. After which, of his -own accord, he ordered his kaya, or next in command, to remove from -the lodging he occupied, and instead of sending back my baggage by my -servant, he directed it to be carried into the apartment from which -the kaya had removed. This I absolutely refused, and sent word, I -understood he was to be there for a few days only; and as I might -stay for a longer time, I should only desire to succeed him after his -departure, in order to put my baggage in safety from the Arabs; but -for the present they were in no danger, as long _as he was in the -town_. I told him, I would pay my respects to him in the evening, -when the weather cooled. I did so, and, contrary to his expectations, -brought him a small present. Great intercourse of civility passed; my -fellow-travellers, the Turks, were all seated there, and he gave me, -repeatedly, very honourable testimonials of my charity, generosity, and -kindness to them. - -These Turks, finding themselves in a situation to be heard, had not -omitted the opportunity of complaining to Hussein Bey of the attempt -of the Arab to rob them in the desert. The Bey asked me, If it -happened in my tent? I said, It was in that of my servants. “What is -the reason, says he, that, when you English people know so well what -good government is, you did not order his head to be struck off, when -you had him in your hands, before the door of the tent?”--“Sir,” said -I, “I know well what good government is; but being a stranger, and a -Christian, I have no sort of title to exercise the power of life and -death in this country; only in this one case, when a man attempts my -life, then I think I am warranted to defend myself, whatever may be -the consequence to him. My men took him in the fact, and they had my -orders, in such cases, to beat the offenders so that they should not -steal these two months again: They did so; that was punishment enough -in cold blood.”--“But my blood,” says he, “never cools with regard to -such rascals as these: Go (and he called one of his attendants) tell -Hassan, the head of the caravan, from me, that unless he hangs that -Arab before sun-rise to-morrow, I will carry him in irons to Furshout.” - -Upon this message I took my leave; saying only, “Hussein Bey, take my -advice; procure a vessel and send these Turks over to Mecca before you -leave this town, or, be assured they will all be made responsible for -the death of this Arab; will be stripped naked, and perhaps murdered, -as soon as your back is turned.” It was all I could do to get them -protected thus far. This measure was already provided for, and the -poor Turks joyfully embarked next morning. The thief was not at all -molested: he was sent out of the way, under pretence that he had fled. - -Cosseir has been mistaken by different authors. Mr Huet, Bishop of -Avranches, says, It is the Myos Hormos of antiquity; others, the -Philoteras Portus of Ptolemy. The fact is, that neither one nor other -is the port, both being considerably farther to the northward. Nay, -more, the present town of Cosseir was no ancient port at all; old -Cosseir was five or six miles to the northward. There can be no sort -of doubt, that it was the Portus Albus, or the White Harbour; for we -find the steep descent from Terfowey, and the marble mountains, called, -to this day, the Accaba, which, in Arabic, signifies a steep ascent or -descent, is placed here by Ptolemy with the same name, though in Greek -that name has no signification. Again, Ptolemy places [153]Aias Mons, -or the mountain Aias, just over Cosseir, and this mountain, by the same -name, is found there at this day. And, upon this mountain, and the one -next it, (both over the port) are two very remarkable chalky cliffs; -which, being conspicuous and seen far at sea, have given the name of -the White Port, which Cosseir bore in all antiquity. - -I found, by many meridian altitudes of the sun, taken at the castle, -that Cosseir is in lat. 26° 7´ 51´´ north; and, by three observations -of Jupiter’s satellites, I found its longitude to be 34° 4´ 15´´ east -of the meridian of Greenwich. - -The caravan from Syené arrived at this time, escorted by four hundred -Ababdé, all upon camels, each armed with two short javelins. The manner -of their riding was very whimsical; they had two small saddles on -each camel, and sat back to back, which might be, in their practice, -convenient enough; but I am sure, that, if they had been to fight with -us, every ball would have killed two of them, what _their advantage_ -would have been, I know not. - -The whole town was in terror at the influx of so many barbarians, -who knew no law whatever. They brought a thousand camels loaded with -wheat to transport to Mecca. Every body shut their doors, and I among -the rest, whilst the Bey sent to me to remove into the castle. But I -had no fear, and resolved to make an experiment, after hearing these -were people of _Nimmer_, whether I could trust them in the desert or -not. However, I sent all my instruments, my money, and the best of my -baggage, my medicines and memorandums, into a chamber in the castle: -after the door was locked, and the key brought to me, the Bey ordered -to nail up pieces of wood across it, and set a centinel to watch it all -day, and two in the night. - -I was next morning down at the port looking for shells in the sea, when -a servant of mine came to me in apparent fright and hurry. He told me -the Ababdé had found out that Abdel Gin, my Arab, was an _Atouni, their -enemy_, and that they had either cut his throat, or were about to do -it; but, by the fury with which they seized him, in his sight, he could -not believe they would spare him a minute. - -He very providently brought me a horse, upon which I mounted -immediately, seeing there was no time to be lost; and in the -fishing-dress, in which I was, with a red turban about my head, I -galloped as hard as the horse could carry me through the town. If I was -alarmed myself, I did not fail to alarm many others. They all thought -it was something behind, not any thing before me, that occasioned this -speed. I only told my servant at passing, to send two of my people on -horseback after me, and that the Bey would lend them horses. - -I was not got above a mile into the sands, when I began to reflect on -the folly of the undertaking. I was going into the desert among a band -of savages, whose only trade was robbery and murder, where, in all -probability, I should be as ill treated as the man I was attempting to -save. But, seeing a crowd of people about half a mile before me, and -thinking they might be at that time murdering that poor, honest, and -simple fellow, all consideration of my own safety for the time vanished. - -Upon my coming near them, six or eight of them surrounded me on -horseback, and began to gabble in their own language. I was not very -fond of my situation. It would have cost them nothing to have thrust a -lance through my back, and taken the horse away; and, after stripping -me, to have buried me in a hillock of sand, if they were so kind as -give themselves that last trouble. However, I picked up courage, and -putting on the best appearance I could, said to them steadily, without -trepidation, “What men are these before?” The answer, after some pause, -was, _they are men_; and they looked very queerly, as if they meant -to ask each other, What sort of a spark is this? “Are those before us -Ababdé, said I; are they from Shekh Ammer?” One of them nodded, and -grunted sullenly, rather than said “Aye, Ababdé from Shekh Ammer.” -“Then Salam Alicum! said I, we are brethren. How does the Nimmer? Who -commands you here? Where is Ibrahim?” - -At the mention of Nimmer, and Ibrahim, their countenance changed, not -to any thing sweeter or gentler than before, but to a look of great -surprise. They had not returned my salutation, _peace be between us_; -but one of them asked me who I was?--“Tell me first, said I, who that -is you have before?”--“It is an Arab, our enemy, says he, guilty of -our blood.”--“He is, replied I, my servant. He is a Howadat Arab, his -tribe lives in peace at the gates of Cairo, in the same manner your’s -at Shekh Ammer does at those of Assouan.” “I ask you, Where is Ibrahim -your Shekh’s’ son?”--“Ibrahim, says he, is at our head, he commands us -here. But who are you?”--“Come with me, and shew me Ibrahim, said I, -and I will shew you who I am.” - -I passed by these, and by another party of them. They had thrown a hair -rope about the neck of Abdel Gin, who was almost strangled already, -and cried out most miserably, for me not to leave him. I went directly -to the black tent which I saw had a long spear thrust up in the end -of it, and met at the door Ibrahim and his brother, and seven or -eight Ababdé. He did not recollect me, but I dismounted close to the -tent-door, and had scarce taken hold of the pillar of the tent, and -said _Fiarduc_[154], when Ibrahim, and his brother both knew me. “What! -said they, are you _Yagoube_ our physician, and our friend?”--“Let me -ask you, replied I, if you are the Ababdé of Shekh Ammer, that cursed -yourselves, and your children, if you ever lifted a hand against me, or -mine, in the desert, or in the plowed field: If you have repented of -that oath, or sworn falsely on purpose to deceive me, here I am come -to you in the _desert_.” “What is the matter, says Ibrahim, we are the -Ababdé of Shekh Ammer, there are no other, and we still say, Cursed -be he, whether our father, or children, that lifts his hand against -you, in the desert, or in the plowed field.” “Then, said I, you are all -accursed in the desert, and in the field, for a number of your people -are going to murder my servant. They took him indeed from my house _in -the town_, perhaps that is not included in your curse, as it is neither -in the _desert_ nor the _plowed field_.”--I was very angry. “Whew! says -Ibrahim with a kind of whistle, that is downright nonsense. Who are -those of my people that have authority to murder, and take prisoners -while I am here? Here one of you, get upon Yagoube’s horse, and bring -that man to me.” Then turning to me, he desired I would go into the -tent and sit down: “For God renounce me and mine, (says he), if it is -as you say, and one of them hath touched the hair of his head, if ever -_he_ drinks of the Nile again.” - -A number of people who had seen me at Shekh Ammer, now came all around -me; some with complaints of sickness, some with compliments; more with -impertinent questions, that had no relation to either. At last came -in the culprit Abdel Gin, with forty or fifty of the Ababdé who had -gathered round him, but no rope about his neck. There began a violent -altercation between Ibrahim, and his men, in their own language. All -that I could guess was, that the men had the worst of it; for every one -present said something harsh to them, as disapproving the action. - -I heard the name of Hassan Sidi Hassan often in the dispute. I began to -suspect something, and desired in Arabic to know what that Sidi Hassan -was, so often mentioned in discourse, and then the whole secret came -out. - -The reader will remember, that this Arab, Abdel Gin, was the person -that seized the servant of Hassan, the Captain of the Caravan, when he -was attempting to steal the Turk’s portmanteau out of my tent; that my -people had beat him till he lay upon the ground like dead, and that -Hussein Bey, at the complaint of the Caramaniots, had ordered him to be -hanged. Now, in order to revenge this, Hassan had told the Ababdé that -Abdel Gin was an Atouni spy, that he had detected him in the Caravan, -and that he was come to learn the number of the Ababdé, in order to -bring his companions to surprise them. He did not say one word that he -was my servant, nor that I was at Cosseir; so the people thought they -had a very meritorious sacrifice to make, in the person of poor Abdel -Gin. - -All passed now in kindness, fresh medicines were asked for the Nimmer, -great thankfulness, and professions, for what they had received, and -a prodigious quantity of meat on wooden platters very excellently -dressed, and most agreeably diluted with fresh water, from the coldest -rock of Terfowey, was set before me. - -In the mean time, two of my servants, attended by three of Hussein Bey, -came in great anxiety to know what was the matter; and, as neither they -nor the Arabs chose much each others company, I sent them with a short -account of the whole to the Bey; and soon after took my leave, carrying -Abdel Gin along with me, who had been clothed by Ibrahim from head to -foot. We were accompanied by two Ababdé, in case of accident. - -I cannot help here accusing myself of what, doubtless, may be well -reputed a very great sin. I was so enraged at the traitorous part -which Hassan had acted, that, at parting, I could not help saying to -Ibrahim, “Now, Shekh, I have done every thing you have desired, without -ever expecting fee, or reward; the only thing I now ask you, and it is -probably the last, is, that you revenge me upon this Hassan, who is -every day in your power.” Upon this, he gave me his hand, saying, “He -shall not die in his bed, or I shall never see old age.” - -We now returned all in great spirits to Cosseir, and I observed that my -unexpected connection with the Ababdé had given me an influence in that -place, that put me above all fear of personal danger, especially as -they had seen in the desert, that the Atouni were my friends also, as -reclaiming this Arab shewed they really were. - -The Bey insisted on my supping with him. At his desire I told him the -whole story, at which he seemed to be much surprised, saying, several -times, “Menullah! Menullah! Mucktoub!” It is God’s doing, it is God’s -doing, it was written so. And, when I had finished, he said to me, “I -will not leave this traitor with you to trouble you further; I will -oblige him, as it is his duty, to attend me to Furshout.” This he -accordingly did; and, to my very great surprise, though he might be -assured I had complained of him to Shekh Hamam, meeting me the next -day, when they were all ready to depart, and were drinking coffee with -the Bey, he gave me a slip of paper, and desired me, by that direction, -to buy him a sabre, which might be procured in Mecca. It seems it is -the manufacture of Persia, and, though I do not understand in the -least, the import of the terms, I give it to the reader that he may -know by what description he is to buy an excellent sabre. It is called -Suggaro Tabanne Haresanne Agemmi, _for Sidi Hassan of Furshout_. - -Although pretty much used to stifle my resentment upon impertinences -of this kind, I could not, after the trick he had played me with -the Ababdé, carry it indifferently; I threw the billet before the -Bey, saying to Hassan, “A sword of that value would be useless and -misemployed in the hand of a coward and a traitor, such as surely -you must be sensible I know you to be.” He looked to the Bey as if -appealing to him, from the incivility of the observation; but the -Bey, without scruple, answered, “It is true, it is true what he says, -Hassan; if I was in Ali Bey’s place, when you dared use a stranger of -mine, or any stranger, as you have done him, I would plant you upon a -sharp stake in the market-place, till the boys in the town stoned you -to death; but he has complained of you in a letter, and I will be a -witness against you before Hamam, for your conduct is not that of a -_Mussulman_.” - -While I was engaged with the Ababdé, a vessel was seen in distress in -the offing, and all the boats went out and towed her in. It was the -vessel in which the twenty-five Turks had embarked, which had been -heavily loaded. Nothing is so dreadful as the embarkation in that sea; -for the boats have no decks; the whole, from stern to stem, being -filled choak-full of wheat, the waste, that is the slope of the vessel, -between the height of her stem and stern, is filled up by one plank on -each side, which is all that is above the surface of the waves. Sacks, -tarpaulins, or mats, are strowed along the surface of the wheat upon -which all the passengers lye. On the least agitation of the waves, the -sea getting in upon the wheat, increases its weight so prodigiously, -that, falling below the level of the gunnel, the water rushes in -between the plank and that part of the vessel, and down it goes to the -bottom. - -Though every day produces an accident of this kind from the same cause, -yet such is the desire of gaining money in that season, which offers -but once a-year, that every ship sails, loaded in the same manner -as the last which perished. This was just the case with the vessel -that had carried the Turks. Anxious to go away, they would not wait -the signs of the weather being rightly settled. _Ullah Kerim!_ they -cry, ‘God is great and is merciful’; and upon that they embark in a -navigation, where it needs indeed a miracle to save them. - -The Turks all came ashore but one; the youngest, and, according to all -appearance, the best, had fallen over board, and perished. The Bey -received them, and with great charity entertained them all at his own -expence, but they were so terrified with the sea, as almost to resolve -never to make another attempt. - -The Bey had brought with him from Jidda, a small, but tight vessel -belonging to [155]Sheher; which came from that country loaded with -frankincense, the commodity of that port. The Rais had business -down the Gulf at Tor, and he had spoken to the Bey, to recommend him -to me. I had no business at Tor, but as we had grown into a kind of -friendship, from frequent conversation, and as he was, according to -his own word, a great saint, like my last boatman, a character that I -thought I could perfectly manage, I proposed to the Bey, that he and I -should contribute something to make it worth this Captain’s pains, to -take our friends the Turks on board, and carry them to Yambo, that they -might not be deprived of that blessing which would result from their -visit to the Prophet’s tomb, and which they had toiled so much to earn. -I promised, in that case, to hire his vessel at so much a month upon -its return from Yambo; and, as I had then formed a resolution of making -a survey of the Red Sea to the Straits of Babelmandeb, the Rais was to -take his directions from me, till I pleased to dismiss him. - -Nothing was more agreeable to the views of all parties than this. The -Bey promised to stay till they sailed, and I engaged to take him after -he returned; and as the captain, in quality of a saint, assured us, -that any rock that stood in our way in the voyage, would either jump -aside, or become soft like a spunge, as it had often happened before, -both the Turks and we were now assured of a voyage without danger. - -All was settled to our mutual satisfaction, when, unluckily, the Turks -going down to their boat, met Sidi Hassan, whom, with reason, they -thought the author of all their misfortunes. The whole twenty-four drew -their swords, and, without seeking sabres from Persia, as he had done, -they would have cut Sidi Hassan in pieces, but, fortunately for him, -the Turks had great cloth trowsers, like Dutchmen, and they could not -run, whilst he ran very nimbly in his. Several pistols, however, were -fired, one of which shot him in the back part of the ear; on which he -fled for refuge to the Bey, and we never saw him more. - - - - -CHAP. IX. - - _Voyage to Jibbel Zumrud--Return to Cosseir--Sails from - Cosseir--Jaffateen Islands--Arrive at Tor._ - - -The Turks and the Bey departed, and with the Turks I dispatched my -Arab, Abdel Gin, not only giving him something myself, but recommending -him to my beneficent countrymen at Jidda, if he should go there. - -I now took up my quarters in the castle, and as the Ababdé had told -strange stories about the Mountain of Emeralds, I determined, till -my captain should return, to make a voyage thither. There was no -possibility of knowing the distance by report; sometimes it was -twenty-five miles, sometimes it was fifty, sometimes it was a hundred, -and God knows how much more. - -I chose a man who had been twice at these mountains of emeralds; with -the best boat then in the harbour, and on Tuesday the 14th of March, -we sailed, with the wind at North East, from the harbour of Cosseir, -about an hour before the dawn of day. We kept coasting along, with a -very moderate wind, much diverted with the red and green appearances -of the marble mountains upon the coast. Our vessel had one sail, like a -straw mattress, made of the leaves of a kind of palm-tree, which they -call _Doom_. It was fixed above, and drew up like a curtain, but did -not lower with a yard like a sail; so that upon stress of weather, if -the sail was furled, it was so top-heavy, that the ship must founder, -or the mast be carried away. But, by way of indemnification, the planks -of the vessel were sewed together, and there was not a nail, nor a -piece of iron, in the whole ship; so that, when you struck upon a rock, -seldom any damage ensued. For my own part, from an absolute detestation -of her whole construction, I insisted upon keeping close along shore, -at an easy sail. - -The Continent, to the leeward of us, belonged to our friends the -Ababdé. There was great plenty of shell-fish to be picked up on every -shoal. I had loaded the vessel with four skins of fresh water, equal to -four hogsheads, with cords, and buoys fixed to the end of each of them, -so that, if we had been shipwrecked near land, as rubbing two slicks -together made us fire, I was not afraid of receiving succour, before we -were driven to the last extremity, provided we did not perish in the -sea, of which I was not very apprehensive. - -On the 15th, about nine o’clock, I saw a large high rock, like a -pillar, rising out of the sea. At first, I took it for a part of the -Continent; but, as we advanced nearer it, the sun being very clear, and -the sea calm, I took an observation, and as our situation was lat. 25° -6´, and the island about a league distant, to the S. S. W. of us, I -concluded its latitude to be pretty exactly 25° 37´ North. This island -is about three miles from the shore, of an oval form, rising in the -middle. It seems to me to be of granite; and is called, in the language -of the country, Jibbel Siberget, which has been translated _the -Mountain of Emeralds_. Siberget, however, is a word in the language of -the _Shepherds_, who, I doubt, never in their lives saw an emerald; and -though the Arabic translation is _Jibbel Zumrud_, and that word has -been transferred to the emerald, a very fine stone, oftener seen since -the discovery of the new world, yet I very much doubt, that either -_Siberget_ or _Zumrud_ ever meant Emerald in old times. My reason is -this, that we found, both here and in the Continent, splinters, and -pieces of green pellucid chrystaline substance; yet, though green, -they were veiny, clouded, and not at all so hard as rock-crystal; a -mineral production certainly, but a little harder than glass, and -this, I apprehend, was what the _Shepherds_, or people of Beja, called -_Siberget_, the Latins _Smaragdus_, and the Moors _Zumrud_. - -The 16th, at day-break in the morning, I took the Arab of Cosseir -with me, who knew the place. We landed on a point perfectly desert; -at first, sandy like Cosseir, afterwards, where the soil was fixed, -producing some few plants of rue or absinthium. We advanced above -three miles farther in a perfectly desert country, with only a few -acacia-trees scattered here and there, and came to the foot of the -mountains. I asked my guide the name of that place; he said it was -Saiel. They are never at a loss for a name, and those who do not -understand the language, always believe them. This would have been the -case in the present conjuncture. He knew not the name of the place, and -perhaps it had no name, but he called it _Saiel_, which signifies a -male acacia-tree; merely because he saw an acacia growing there; and, -with equal reason, he might have called every mile Saiel, from the Gulf -of Suez to the line. - -We see this abuse in the old Itineraries, especially in the -[156]Antonine, from such a town to such a town, so many miles; and what -is the next station? (_el seggera_) ten miles. This el seggera[157], -the Latin readers take to be the name of a town, as Harduin, and all -commentators on the classics, have done. But so far from Seggera -signifying a town, it imports just the contrary, that there is no town -there, but the traveller must be obliged to take up his quarters under -a tree that night, for such is the meaning of Seggera as a station, and -so likewise of Saiel. - -At the foot of the mountain, or about seven yards up from the base of -it, are five pits or shafts, none of them four feet in diameter, called -the _Zumrud Wells_, from which the ancients are said to have drawn -the emeralds. We were not provided with materials, and little endowed -with inclination, to descend into any one of them, where the air was -probably bad. I picked up the nozzels, and some fragments of lamps, -like those of which we find millions in Italy: and some worn fragments, -but very small ones, of that brittle green chrystal, which is the -siberget and bilur of Ethiopia, perhaps the zumrud, the smaragdus -described by Pliny, but by no means the emerald, known since the -discovery of the new world, whose first character absolutely defeats -its pretension, the true Peruvian emerald being equal in hardness to -the ruby. - -Pliny[158] reckons up twelve kind of emeralds, and names them all by -the country where they are found. Many have thought the smaragdus to be -but a finer kind of jasper. Pomet assures us it is a mineral, formed in -iron, and says he had one to which iron-ore was sticking. If this was -the case, the finest emeralds should not come from Peru, where, as far -as ever has been yet discovered, there is no iron. - -With regard to the Oriental emeralds, which they say come from the East -Indies, they are now sufficiently known, and the value of each stone -pretty well ascertained; but all our industry and avarice have not yet -discovered a mine of emeralds there, as far as I have heard. That there -were emeralds in the East Indies, upon the first discovery of it by the -Cape, there is no sort of doubt; that there came emeralds from that -quarter in the time of the Romans, seems to admit of as little; but few -antique emeralds have ever been seen; and so greatly in esteem, and -rare were they in those times, that it was made a crime for any artist -to engrave upon an emerald[159]. - -It is very natural to suppose, that some people of the East had a -communication and trade with the new world, before we attempted to -share it with them; and that the emeralds, they had brought from that -quarter, were those which came afterwards into Europe, and were called -the _Oriental_, till they were confounded with the [160]Peruvian, by -the quantity of that kind brought into the East Indies, by the Jews and -Moors, after the discovery of the new Continent. - -But what invincibly proves, that the ancients and we are not agreed -as to the same stone, is, that [161]Theophrastus says, that in the -Egyptian commentaries he saw mention made of an emerald four cubits, -(six feet long,) which was sent as a present to one of their kings; and -in one of the temples of Jupiter in Egypt he saw an obelisk 60 feet -high, made of four emeralds: and Roderick of Toledo informs us, that, -when the Saracens took that city, Tarik, their chief, had a table of -an emerald 365 cubits, or 547½ feet long. The Moorish histories of the -invasion of Spain are full of such emeralds. - -Having satisfied my curiosity as to these mountains, without having -seen a living creature, I returned to my boat, where I found all well, -and an excellent dinner of fish prepared. These were of three kinds, -called Bisser, Surrumbac, and Nhoude el Benaat. The first of these -seems to be of the Oyster-kind, but the shells are both equally curved -and hollow, and open with a hinge on the side like a mussel. It has a -large beard, like an oyster, which is not eatable, but which should be -stript off. We found some of these two feet long, but the largest I -believe ever seen composes the baptismal font in the church of Notre -Dame in Paris[162]. The second is the Concha Veneris, with large -projecting points like fingers. The third, called the Breasts of the -Virgin, is a beautiful shell, perfectly pyramidal, generally about four -inches in height, and beautifully variegated with mother-of-pearl, and -green. All these fishes have a peppery taste, but are not therefore -reckoned the less wholesome, and they are so much the more convenient, -that they carry that ingredient of spice along with them for sauce, -with which travellers, like me, very seldom burden themselves. - -Besides a number of very fine shells, we picked up several branches -of coral, coralines, yusser[163], and many other articles of natural -history. We were abundantly provided with every thing; the weather was -fair; and we never doubted it was to continue, so we were in great -spirits, and only regreted that we had not, once for all, taken leave -of Cosseir, and stood over for Jidda. - -In this disposition we sailed about three o’clock in the afternoon, -and the wind flattered us so much, that next day, the 17th, about -eleven o’clock, we found ourselves about two leagues a-stern of a -small island, known to the Pilot by the name of Jibbel Macouar. This -island is at least four miles from the shore, and is a high land, so -that it may be seen, I suppose, eight leagues at sea, but is generally -confounded with the Continent. I computed myself to be about 4´ of the -meridian distant when I made the observation, and take its latitude to -be about 24° 2´ on the centre of the island. - -The land here, after running from Jibbel Siberget to Macouar, in a -direction nearly N. W. and S. E. turns round in shape of a large -promontory, and changes its direction to N. E. and S. W. and ends in a -small bay or inlet; so that, by fanciful people, it has been thought to -resemble the nose of a man, and is called by the Arabs, _Ras el Anf_, -the Cape of the Nose. The mountains, within land, are of a dusky burnt -colour; broken into points, as if intersected by torrents. - -The coasting vessels from Masuah and Suakem which are bound to Jidda, -in the strength of the Summer monsoon, stand close in shore down the -coast of Abyssinia, where they find a gentle steady east wind blowing -all night, and a west wind very often during the day, if they are near -enough the shore, for which purpose their vessels are built. - -Besides this, the violent North-East monsoon raking in the direction of -the Gulf, blows the water out of the Straits of Babelmandeb into the -Indian Ocean, where, being accumulated, it presses itself backwards; -and, unable to find way in the middle of the Channel, creeps up among -the shallows on each coast of the Red Sea. However long the voyage -from Masuah to Jibbel Macouar may seem, yet these gentle winds and -favourable currents, if I may so call those in the sea, soon ran us -down the length of that mountain. - -A large vessel, however, does not dare to try this, whilst constantly -among shoals, and close on a lee-shore; but those sewed together, and -yielding without damage to the stress, slide over the banks of white -coral, and even sometimes the rocks. Arrived at this island, they set -their prow towards the opposite shore, and cross the Channel in one -night, to the coast of Arabia, being nearly before the wind. The track -of this extraordinary navigation is marked upon[164] the map, and it is -so well verified, that no ship-master need doubt it. - -About three o’clock in the afternoon, with a favourable wind and fine -weather, we continued along the coast, with an easy sail. We saw no -appearance of any inhabitants; the mountains were broken and pointed, -as before taking the direction of the coast; advancing and receding as -the shore itself did. This coast is a very bold one, nor was there in -any of the islands we had seen, shoals or anchoring places, unless upon -the rock itself; so that, when we landed, we could run our boltsprit -home over the land. - -This island, Jibbel Macouar, has breakers running off from it at all -points; but, though we hauled close to these, we had no soundings. We -then went betwixt it and the small island, that lies S. S. E. from it -about three miles, and tried for soundings to the leeward, but we had -none, although almost touching the land. About sun-set, I saw a small -sandy island, which we left about a league to the westward of us. It -had no shrubs, nor trees, nor height, that could distinguish it. My -design was to push on to the river Frat, which is represented in the -charts as very large and deep, coming from the Continent; though, -considering by its latitude that it is above the tropical rains, (for -it is laid down about lat. 21° 25´), I never did believe that any such -river existed. - -In fact, we know no river, north of the sources of the Nile, that -does not fall into the Nile. Nay, I may say, that not one river, in -all Abyssinia, empties itself into the Red Sea. The tropical rains -are bounded, and finish, in lat. 16°, and there is no river, from the -mountains, that falls into the desert of Nubia; nor do we know of any -river which is tributary to the Nile, but what has its rise under the -tropical rains. It would be a very singular circumstance, then, that -the Frat should rise in one of the dryest places in the globe, that -it should be a river at least equal to the Nile; and should maintain -itself full in all seasons, which the Nile does not; last of all, in a -country where water is so scarce and precious, that it should not have -a town or settlement upon it, either ancient or modern, nor that it -should be resorted to by any encampment of Arabs, who might cross over -and traffic with Jidda, which place is immediately opposite. - -On the 18th, at day-break, I was alarmed at seeing no land, as I had no -sort of confidence in the skill of my pilot, however sure I was of my -latitude. About an hour after sun-set, I observed a high rugged rock, -which the pilot told me, upon inquiry, was Jibbel, (viz. a _Rock_), and -this was all the satisfaction I could get. We bore down upon it with a -wind, scant enough; and, about four, we came to an anchor. As we had no -name for that island, and I did not know that any traveller had been -there before me, I used the privilege by giving it my own, in memory -of having been there. The south of this island seems to be high and -rocky, the north is low and ends in a tail, or sloping bank, but is -exceedingly steep to, and at the length of your bark any way from it, -you have no soundings. - -All this morning since before day, our pilot had begged us to go no -farther. He said the wind had changed; that, by infallible signs he -had seen to the southward, he was confident (without any chance of -being mistaken) that in twenty-four hours we should have a storm, -which would put us in danger of shipwreck; that Frat, which I wanted -to see, was immediately opposite to Jidda, so that either a country, -or English boat would run me over in a night and a day, when I might -procure people who had connections in the country, so as to be under -no apprehension of any accident; but that, in the present track I was -going, every man that I should meet was my enemy. Although not very -susceptible of fear, my ears were never shut against reason, and to -what the pilot stated, I added in my own breast, that we might be blown -out to sea, and want both water and provision. We, therefore, dined -as quickly as possible, and encouraged one another all we could. A -little after six the wind came easterly, and changeable, with a thick -haze over the land. This cleared about nine in the evening, and one -of the finest and steadiest gales that ever blew, carried us swiftly -on, directly for Cosseir. The sky was full of dappled clouds, so that, -though I, several times, tried to catch a star in the meridian, I was -always frustrated. The wind became fresher, but still very fair. - -The 19th, at day-break, we saw the land stretching all the way -northward, and, soon after, distinctly discerned Jibbel Siberget upon -our lee-bow. We had seen it indeed before, but had taken it for the -main-land. - -After passing such an agreeable night, we could not be quiet, and -laughed at our pilot about his perfect knowledge of the weather. The -fellow shook his head, and said, he had been mistaken before now, and -was always glad when it happened so; but still we were not arrived at -Cosseir, though he hoped and believed we should get there in safety. -In a very little time the vane on the mast-head began to turn, first -north, then east, then south, and back again to all the points in the -compass; the sky was quite dark, with thick rain to the southward of -us; then followed a most violent clap of thunder, but no lightning; -and back again came the wind fair at south-east. We all looked -rather downcast at each other, and a general silence followed. This, -however, I saw availed us nothing, we were in the scrape, and were to -endeavour to get out of it the best way we could. The vessel went at -a prodigious rate. The sail that was made of mat happened to be new, -and, filled with a strong wind, weighed prodigiously. What made this -worse, was, the sails were placed a little forward. The first thing -I asked, was, if the pilot could not lower his main-sail? But that -we found impossible, the yard being fixed to the mast-head. The next -step was to reef it, by hauling it in part up like a curtain: this our -pilot desired us not to attempt; for it would endanger our foundering. -Notwithstanding which, I desired my servant to help me with the -haulyards; and to hold them in his hand, only giving them a turn round -the bench. This increasing the vessel’s weight above and before, as -she already had too much pressure, made her give two pitches, the one -after the other, so that I thought she was buried under the waves, and -a considerable deal of water came in upon us. I am fully satisfied, had -she not been in good order, very buoyant, and in her trim, she would -have gone to the bottom, as the wind continued to blow a hurricane. - -I began now to throw off my upper coat and trowsers, that I might -endeavour to make shore, if the vessel should founder, whilst the -servants seemed to have given themselves up, and made no preparation. -The pilot kept in close by the land, to see if no bight, or inlet, -offered to bring up in; but we were going with such violence, that I -was satisfied we should overset if we attempted this. Every ten minutes -we ran over the white coral banks, which we broke in pieces with the -grating of a file, upon iron, and, what was the most terrible of all, a -large wave followed higher than our stern, curling over it, and seemed -to be the instrument destined by Providence to bury us in the abyss. - -Our pilot began apparently to lose his understanding with fright. I -begged him to be steady, persuading him to take a glass of spirits, -and desired him not to dispute or doubt any thing that I should do or -order, for that I had seen much more terrible nights in the ocean; I -assured him, that all harm done to his vessel should be repaired when -we should get to Cosseir, or even a new one bought for him, if his own -was much damaged. He answered me nothing, but that _Mahomet was the -prophet of GOD_.--Let him prophecy, said I, as long as he pleases, but -what I order you is to keep steady to the helm; mind the vane on the -top of the mast, and steer straight before the wind, for I am resolved -to cut that main-sail to pieces, and prevent the mast from going -away, and your vessel from sinking to the bottom. I got no answer to -this which I could hear, the wind was so high, except something about -the mercy and the merit of Sidi Ali el Genowi. I now became violently -angry. “D--n Sidi Ali el Genowi, said I, you beast, cannot you give -me a rational answer? Stand to your helm, look at the vane; keep the -vessel straight before the wind, or, by the great G--d who sits in -heaven, (another kind of oath than by _Sidi Ali el Genowi_), I will -shoot you dead the first yaw the ship gives, or the first time that -you leave the steerage where you are standing.” He answered only, -Maloom, _i. e._ very well.--All this was sooner done than said; I -got the main-sail in my arms, and, with a large knife, cut it all to -shreds, which eased the vessel greatly, though we were still going at a -prodigious rate. - -About two o’clock the wind seemed to fail, but, half an hour after, -was more violent than ever. At three, it fell calm. I then encouraged -my pilot, who had been very attentive, and, I believe, had pretty well -got through the whole list of saints in his calendar, and I assured him -that he should receive ample reparation for the loss of his main-sail. -We now saw distinctly the white cliffs of the two mountains above Old -Cosseir, and on the 19th, a little before sun set, we arrived safely at -the New. - -We, afterwards, heard how much more fortunate we had been than some of -our fellow-sailors that same night; three of the vessels belonging to -Cosseir, loaded with wheat for Yambo, perished, with all on board of -them, in the gale; among these was the vessel that first had the Turks -on board. This account was brought by Sidi Ali el Meymoum el Shehrie, -which signifies ‘Ali, the ape or monkey, from Sheher.’ For though -he was a saint, yet being in figure liker to a monkey, they thought -it proper to distinguish him by that to which he bore the greatest -resemblance. - -We were all heartily sick of Cosseir embarkations, but the vessel of -Sidi Ali el Meymoum, tho’ small, was tight and well-rigged; had sails -of canvas, and had navigated in the Indian Ocean; the Rais had four -stout men on board, apparently good sailors; he himself, though near -sixty, was a very active, vigorous little man, and to the full as good -a sailor as he was a saint. It was on the 5th of April, after having -made my last observation of longitude at Cosseir, that I embarked on -board this vessel, and sailed from that port. It was necessary to -conceal from some of my servants our intention of proceeding to the -bottom of the Gulf, least, finding themselves among Christians so near -Cairo, they might desert a voyage of which they were sick, before it -was well begun. - -For the first two days we had hazy weather, with little wind. In the -evening, the wind fell calm. We saw a high land to the south-west of -us, very rugged and broken, which seemed parallel to the coast, and -higher in the middle than at either end. This, we conceived, was the -mountain that divides the coast of the Red Sea from the eastern part of -the Valley of Egypt, corresponding to Monfalout and Siout. We brought -to, in the night, behind a small low Cape, tho’ the wind was fair, our -Rais being afraid of the Jassateen Islands, which we knew were not far -a-head. - -We caught a great quantity of fine fish this night with a line, some of -them weighing 14 pounds. The best were blue in the back, like a salmon, -but their belly red, and marked with blue round spots. They resembled a -salmon in shape, but the fish was white, and not so firm. - -In the morning of the 6th we made the Jaffateen Islands. They are -four in number, joined by shoals and sunken rocks. They are crooked, -or bent, like half a bow, and are dangerous for ships sailing in the -night, because there seems to be a passage between them, to which, when -pilots are attending, they neglect two small dangerous sunk rocks, that -lie almost in the middle of the entrance, in deep water. - -I understood, afterwards, from the Rais, that, had it not been from -some marks he saw of blowing weather, he would not have come in to the -Jaffateen Islands, but stood directly for Tor, running between the -island Sheduan, and a rock which is in the middle of the channel, after -you pass Ras Mahomet. But we lay so perfectly quiet, the whole night, -that we could not but be grateful to the Rais for his care, although we -had seen no apparent reason for it. - -Next morning, the 7th, we left our very quiet birth in the bay, and -stood close, nearly south-east, along-side of the two southermost -Jaffateen Islands, our head upon the center of Sheduan, till we had -cleared the eastermost of those islands about three miles. We then -passed Sheduan, leaving it to the eastward about three leagues, and -keeping nearly a N. N. W. course, to range the west side of Jibbel -Zeit. This is a large desert island, or rock, that is about four miles -from the main. - -The passage between them is practicable by small craft only, whose -planks are sewed together, and are not affected by a stroke upon -hard ground; for it is not for want of water that this navigation is -dangerous. All the west coast is very bold, and has more depth of water -than the east; but on this side there is no anchoring ground, nor -shoals. It is a rocky shore, and there is depth of water every where, -yet that part is full of sunken rocks; which, though not visible, are -near enough the surface to take up a large ship, whose destruction -thereupon becomes inevitable. This I presume arises from one cause. -The mountains on the side of Egypt and Abyssinia are all (as we have -stated) hard stone, Porphyry, Granite, Alabaster, Basaltes, and many -sorts of Marble. These are all therefore fixed, and even to the -northward of lat. 16°, where there is no rain, very small quantities -of dust or sand can ever be blown from them into the sea. On the -opposite, or Arabian side, the sea-coast of the Hejaz, and that of -the Tehama, are all moving sands; and the dry winter-monsoon from the -south-east blows a large quantity from the deserts, which is lodged -among the rocks on the Arabian side of the Gulf, and confined there by -the north-east or summer-monsoon, which is in a contrary direction, and -hinders them from coming over, or circulating towards the Egyptian side. - -From this it happens, that the west, or Abyssinian side, is full of -deep water, interspersed with sunken rocks, unmasked, or uncovered -with sand, with which they would otherwise become islands. These are -naked and bare all round, and sharp like points of spears; while on the -east-side there are rocks, indeed, as in the other, but being between -the south-east monsoon, which drives the sand into its coast, and the -north-west monsoon which repels it, and keeps it in there, every rock -on the Arabian shore becomes an _Iland_, and every two or three islands -become a harbour. - -Upon the ends of the principal of these harbours large heaps of stones -have been piled up, to serve as signals, or marks, how to enter; and it -is in these that the large vessels from Cairo to Jidda, equal in size -to our 74 gun ships, (but from the cisterns of mason-work built within -for holding water, I suppose double their weight) after navigating -their portion of the channel in the day, come safely and quietly to, at -four o’clock in the afternoon, and in these little harbours pass the -night, to sail into the channel again, next morning at sun-rise. - -Therefore, though in the track of my voyage to Tor, I am seen running -from the west side of Jibbel Zeit a W. N. W. course (for I had no place -for a compass) into the harbour of Tor, I do not mean to do so bad a -service to humanity as to persuade large ships to follow my track. -There are two ways of instructing men usefully, in things absolutely -unknown to them. The first is, to teach them what they can do safely. -The next is, to teach them what they cannot do at all, or, warranted by -a pressing occasion, attempt with more or less danger, which should be -explained and placed before their eyes, for without this last no man -knows the extent of his own powers. With this view, I will venture, -without fear of contradiction, to say, that my course from Cosseir, or -even from Jibbel Siberget, to Tor, is impossible to a great ship. My -voyage, painful, full of care, and dangerous as it was, is not to be -accounted a surety for the lives of thousands. It may be regarded as a -foundation for surveys hereafter to be made by persons more capable, -and better protected; and in this case will, I hope, be found a -valuable fragment, because, whatever have been my conscientious fears -of running servants, who work for pay, into danger of losing their -lives by peril of the sea, yet I can safely say, that never did the -face of man, or fear of danger to myself, deter me from verifying with -my eyes, what my own hands have put upon paper. - -In the days of the Ptolemies, and, as I shall shew, long before, the -west coast of the Red Sea, where the deepest water, and most dangerous -rocks are, was the track which the Indian and African ships chose, when -loaded with the richest merchandise that ever vessels since carried. -The Ptolemies built a number of large cities on this coast; nor do we -hear that ships were obliged to abandon that track, from the disasters -that befel them in the navigation. On the contrary, they avoided the -coast of Arabia; and one reason, among others, is plain why they -should;--they were loaded with the most valuable commodities, gold, -ivory, gums, and precious stones; room for stowage on board therefore -was very valuable. - -Part of this trade, when at its greatest perfection, was carried on in -vessels with oars. We know from the prophet Ezekiel[165], 700 years -before Christ, or 300 after Solomon had finished his trade with Africa -and India, that they did not always make use of sails in the track of -the monsoons; and consequently a great number of men must have been -necessary for so tedious a voyage. A number of men being necessary, a -quantity of water was equally so; and this must have taken up a great -deal of stowage. Now, no where on the coast of Abyssinia could they -want water two days; and scarce any where, on the coast of Arabia, -could they be sure of it once in fifteen, and from this the western -coast was called _Ber el Ajam_[166], corruptly Azamia, _the country of -water_, in opposition to the eastern shore, called _Ber el Arab_, where -there was none. - -A deliberate survey became absolutely necessary, and as in proportion -to the danger of the coast pilots became more skilful, when once they -had obtained more complete knowledge of the rocks and dangers, they -preferred the boldest shore, because they could stand on all night, and -provide themselves with water every day. Whereas, on the Arabian side, -they could not sail but half the day, would be obliged to lie to all -night, and to load themselves with water, equal to half their cargo. - -I now shall undertake to point out to large ships, the way by which -they can safely enter the Gulf of Suez, so as that they may be -competent judges of their own course, in case of accident, without -implicitly surrendering themselves, and property, into the hands of -pilots. - -In the first place, then, I am very confident, that, taking their -departure from Jibbel el Ourée, ships may safely stand on all night -mid-channel, until they are in the latitude of Yambo. - -The Red Sea maybe divided into four parts, of which the Channel -occupies two, till about lat. 26°, or nearly that of Cosseir. On the -west side it is deep water, with many rocks, as I have already said. -On the east side, that quarter is occupied by islands, that is, sand -gathered about the rocks, the causes whereof I have before mentioned; -between which there are channels of very deep water, and harbours, that -protect the largest ships in any winds. But among these, from Mocha -down to Suez, you must sail with a pilot, and during part of the day -only. - -To a person used to more civilized countries, it appears no great -hardship to sail with a pilot, if you can get one, and in the Red Sea -there are plenty; but these are creatures without any sort of science, -who decide upon a manœuvre in a moment, without forethought, or any -warning given. Such pilots often, in a large ship deeply loaded, with -every sail out which she can carry, in a very instant cry out to let go -your anchors, and bring you to, all standing, in the face of a rock, -or sand. Were not our seamen’s vigour, and celerity in execution, -infinitely beyond the skill and foresight of those pilots, I believe -very few ships, coming the inward passage among the islands, would ever -reach the port in safety. - -If you are, however, going to Suez, without the consent of the -Sherriffe of Mecca, that is, not intending to sell your cargo at -Jidda, or pay your custom there, then you should take in your water -at Mocha; or, if any reason should hinder you from touching that -shore, a few hours will carry you to Azab, or Saba, on the Abyssinian -coast, whose latitude I found to be 13° 5´ north. It is not a port, -but a very tolerable road, where you have very safe riding, under the -shelter of a low desert island called Crab Island, with a few rocks -at the end of it. But it must be remembered, the people are _Galla_, -the most treacherous and villanous wretches upon the earth. They are -_Shepherds_, who sometimes are on the coast in great numbers, or in -the back of the hills that run close along the shore, or in miserable -villages composed of huts, that run nearly in an east and west -direction from Azab to Raheeta, the largest of all their villages. You -will there, at Azab, get plenty of water, sheep, and goats, as also -some myrrh and incense, if you are in the proper season, or will stay -for it. - -I again repeat it, that no confidence is to be had in the people. Those -of Mocha, who even are absolutely necessary to them in their commercial -transactions, cannot trust them without surety or hostages. And it was -but a few years before I was there, the surgeon and mate of the Elgin -East-India man, with several other sailors, were cut off, going on -shore with a letter of safe conduct from their Shekh to purchase myrrh. -Those that were in the boat escaped, but most of them were wounded. A -ship, on its guard, does not fear banditti like these, and you will get -plenty of water and provision, though I am only speaking of it as a -station of necessity. - -If you are not afraid of being known, there is a low black island -on the Arabian coast called Camaran, it is in lat. 15° 39´, and is -distinguished by a white house, or fortress, on the west end of it, -where you will procure excellent water, in greater plenty than at Azab; -but no provisions, or only such as are very bad. If you should not wish -to be seen, however, on the coast at all, among the chain of islands -that reaches almost across the Gulf from Loheia to Masuah, there is one -called Foosht, where there is good anchorage; it is laid down in my map -in lat. 15° 59´ 43´´ N. and long. 42° 27´ E. from actual observation -taken upon the island. There is here a quantity of excellent water, -with a saint or monk to take care of it, and keep the wells clean. This -poor creature was so terrified at seeing us come ashore with fire-arms, -that he lay down upon his face on the sand; nor would he rise, or lift -up his head, till the Rais had explained to me the cause of his fear, -and till, knowing I was not in any danger of surprise, I had sent my -guns on board. - -From this to Yambo there is no safe watering place. Indeed if the river -Frat were to be found, there is no need of any other watering place -in the Gulf; but it is absolutely necessary to have a pilot on board -before you make Ras Mahomet; because, over the mountains of Auche, the -Elanitic Gulf, and the Cape itself, there is often a great haze, which -lasts for many days together, and many ships are constantly lost, by -mistaking the Eastern Bay, or Elanitic Gulf, for the entrance of the -Gulf of Suez; the former has a reef of rocks nearly across it. - -After you have made Sheduan, a large island three leagues farther, in -a direction nearly north and by west, is a bare rock, which, according -to their usual carelessness and indifference, they are not at the -pains to call by any other name but _Jibbel_, the rock, island, or -mountain, in general. You should not come within three full leagues of -that rock, but leave it at a distance to the westward. You will then -see shoals, which form a pretty broad channel, where you have soundings -from fifteen to thirty fathoms. And again, standing on directly upon -Tor, you have two other oval sands with sunken rocks, in the channel, -between which you are to steer. All your danger is here in sight, for -you might go in the inside, or to the eastward, of the many small -islands you see toward the shore; and there are the anchoring places -of the Cairo vessels, which are marked with the black anchor in the -draught. This is the course best known and practised by pilots for -ships of all sizes. But by a draught of Mr Niebuhr, who went from Suez -with Mahomet Rais Tobal, his track with that large ship was through the -channels, till he arrived at the point, where Tor bore a little to the -northward of east of him. - -Tor may be known at a distance by two hills that stand near the water -side, which, in clear weather, may be seen six leagues off. Just to -the south-east of these is the town and harbour, where there are -some palm-trees about the houses, the more remarkable, that they are -the first you see on the coast. There is no danger in going into Tor -harbour, the soundings in the way are clean and regular; and by giving -the beacon a small birth on the larboard hand, you may haul in a little -to the northward, and anchor in five or six fathom. The bottom of the -bay is not a mile from the beacon, and about the same distance from the -opposite shore. There is no sensible tide in the middle of the Gulf, -but, by the sides, it runs full two knots an hour. At springs, it is -high water at Tor nearly at twelve o’clock. - -On the 9th we arrived at Tor, a small straggling village, with -a convent of Greek Monks, belonging to Mount Sinai. Don John de -Castro[167] took this town when it was walled, and fortified, soon -after the discovery of the Indies by the Portuguese; it has never since -been of any consideration. It serves now, only as a watering-place for -ships going to, and from Suez. From this we have a distinct view of the -points of the mountains Horeb and Sinai, which appear behind and above -the others, their tops being often covered with snow in winter. - -There are three things, (now I am at the north end of the Arabian -Gulf,) of which the reader will expect some account, and I am heartily -sorry to say, that I fear I shall be obliged to disappoint him in all, -by the unsatisfactory relation I am forced to give. - -The first is, Whether the Red Sea is not higher than the Mediterranean, -by several feet or inches? To this I answer, That the fact has been -supposed to be so by antiquity, and alledged as a reason why Ptolemy’s -canal was made from the bottom of the Heroopolitic Gulf, rather than -brought due north across the Isthmus of Suez; in which last case, it -was feared it would submerge a great part of Asia Minor. But who has -ever attempted to verify this by experiment? or who is capable of -settling the difference of levels, amounting, as supposed, to some feet -and inches, between two points 120 miles distant from each other, over -a desert that has no settled surface, but is changing its height every -day? Besides, since all seas are, in fact, but one, what is it that -hinders the Indian Ocean to flow to its level? What is it that keeps -the Indian Ocean up? - -Till this last branch of the question is resolved, I shall take it for -granted that no such difference of level exists, whatever Ptolemy’s -engineers might have pretended to him; because, to suppose it fact, is -to suppose the violation of one very material law of nature. - -The next thing I have to take notice of, for the satisfaction of my -reader, is, the way by which the children of Israel passed the Red Sea -at the time of their deliverance from the land of Egypt. - -As scripture teaches us, that this passage, wherever it might be, was -under the influence of a miraculous power, no particular circumstance -of breadth, or depth, makes one place likelier than another. It is a -matter of mere curiosity, and can only promote an illustration of the -scripture, for which reason, I do not decline the consideration of it. - -I shall suppose, that my reader has been sufficiently convinced, by -other authors, that the land of Goshen, where the Israelites dwelt in -Egypt, was that country lying east of the Nile, and not overflowed by -it, bounded by the mountains of the Thebaid on the south, by the Nile -and Mediterranean on the west and north, and the Red Sea and desert of -Arabia on the east. It was the Heliopolitan nome, its capital was _On_; -from predilection of the letter O, common to the Hebrews, they called -it Goshen; but its proper name was _Geshen_, the country of Grass, or -Pasturage; or of the _Shepherds_; in opposition to the rest of the -land which was sown, after having been overflowed by the Nile. - -There were three ways by which the children of Israel, flying from -Pharaoh, could have entered Palestine. The first was by the sea-coast -by Gaza, Askelon, and Joppa. This was the plainest and nearest way; -and, therefore, fittest for people incumbered with kneading troughs, -dough, cattle, and children. The sea-coast was full of rich commercial -cities, the mid-land was cultivated and sown with grain. The eastern -part, nearest the mountains, was full of cattle and shepherds, as rich -a country, and more powerful than the cities themselves. - -This narrow valley, between the mountains and the sea, ran all -along the eastern shore of the Mediterranean, from Gaza northward, -comprehending the low part of Palestine and Syria. Now, here a small -number of men might have passed, under the laws of hospitality; nay, -they did constantly pass, it being the high road between Egypt, and -Tyre, and Sidon. But the case was different with a multitude, such as -six hundred thousand men having their cattle along with them. These -must have occupied the whole land of the Philistines, destroyed all -private property, and undoubtedly have occasioned some revolution; and -as they were not now intended to be put in possession of the land of -promise, the measure of the iniquity of the nations being not yet full, -God turned them aside from going that way, though the nearest, least -they “should see war[168],” that is, least the people should rise -against them, and destroy them. - -There was another way which led south-west, upon Beersheba and Hebron, -in the middle, between the Dead Sea and the Mediterranean. This was -the direction in which Abraham, Lot, and Jacob, are supposed to have -reached Egypt. But there was neither food nor water there to sustain -the Israelites. When Abraham and Lot returned out of Egypt, they were -obliged to separate by consent, because Abraham said to his brother, -“The land will not bear us both[169].” - -The third way was straight east into Arabia, pretty much the road by -which the Pilgrims go at this day to Mecca, and the caravans from Suez -to Cairo. In this track they would have gone round by the mountains of -Moab, east of the Dead Sea, and passed Jordan in the plain opposite -to Jericho, as they did forty years afterwards. But it is plain from -scripture, that God’s counsels were to make Pharaoh and his Egyptians -an example of his vengeance; and, as none of these roads led to the -sea, they did not answer the Divine intention. - -About twelve leagues from the sea, there was a narrow road which turned -to the right, between the mountains, through a valley called _Badeab_, -where their course was nearly south-east; this valley ended in a pass, -between two considerable mountains, called _Gewoube_ on the south; and -Jibbel Attakah on the north, and opened into the low stripe of country -which runs all along the Red Sea; and the Israelites were ordered to -encamp at Pihahiroth, opposite to Baal-zephon, between Migdol and that -sea. - -It will be necessary to explain these names. _Badeah_, Dr Shaw -interprets, _the Valley of the Miracle_, but this is forcing an -etymology, for there was yet no miracle wrought, nor was there -ever any in the valley. But _Badeah_, means _barren_, _bare_, and -_uninhabited_; such as we may imagine a valley between stony mountains, -a desert valley. _Jibbel Attakah_, he translates also, _the Mountain -of Deliverance_. But so far were the Israelites from being delivered -on their arrival at this mountain, that they were then in the greatest -distress and danger. _Attakah_, means, however, to _arrive_ or _come up -with_, either because there they arrived within sight of the Red Sea; -or, as I am rather inclined to think, this place took its name from -the arrival of Pharaoh, or his coming in sight of the Israelites, when -encamped between Migdol and the Red Sea. - -Pihahiroth is the mouth of the valley, opening to the flat country -and the sea, as I have already said, such are called _Mouths_; in the -Arabic, _Fum_; as I have observed in my journey to Cosseir, where the -opening of the valley is called Fum el Beder, _the mouth of Beder_; Fum -el Terfowey, _the mouth of Terfowey_. Hhoreth, the flat country along -the Red Sea, is so called from _Hhor_, a narrow valley where torrents -run, occasioned by sudden irregular showers. Such we have already -described on the east side of the mountains, bordering upon that narrow -flat country along the Red Sea, where temporary showers fall in great -abundance, while none of them touch the west side of the mountains or -valley of Egypt. Pihahiroth then is the mouth of the valley Badeah; -which opens to Hhoreth, the narrow stripe of land where showers fall. - -Baal-Zephon, the God of the watch-tower, was, probably, some idol’s -temple, which served for a signal-house upon the Cape which forms the -north entrance of the bay opposite to Jibbel Attakah, where there is -still a mosque, or saint’s tomb. It was probably a light-house, for -the direction of ships going to the bottom of the Gulf, to prevent -mistaking it for another foul bay, under the high land, where there is -also a tomb of a saint called Abou Derage. - -The last rebuke God gave to Pharaoh, by slaying all the first-born, -seems to have made a strong impression upon the Egyptians. Scripture -says, that the people were now urgent with the Israelites to be gone, -for they said, “We be all dead men[170].” And we need not doubt, -it was in order to keep up in their hearts a motive of resentment, -strong enough to make them pursue the Israelites, that God caused -the Israelites to borrow, and take away the jewels of the Egyptians; -without some new cause of anger, the late terrible chastisement might -have deterred them. While, therefore, they journeyed eastward towards -the desert, the Egyptians had no motive to attack them, because they -went with permission there to sacrifice, and were on their return to -restore them their moveables. But when the Israelites were observed -turning to the south, among the mountains, they were then supposed -to flee without a view of returning, because they had left the way of -the desert; and therefore Pharaoh, that he might induce the Egyptians -to follow them, tells them that the Israelites were now entangled -among the mountains, and the wilderness behind them, which was really -the case, when they encamped at Pihahiroth, before, or south of -Baal-Zephon, between Migdol and the sea. Here, then, before Migdol, the -sea was divided, and they passed over dry shod to the wilderness of -Shur, which was immediately opposite to them; a space something less -than four leagues, and so easily accomplished in one night, without any -miraculous interposition. - -Three days they were without water, which would bring them to Korondel, -where is a spring of brackish, or bitter water, to this day, which -probably were the _waters of Marah_[171]. - -The natives still call this part of the sea Bahar Kolzum, or the Sea -of Destruction; and just opposite to Pihahiroth is a bay, where the -North Cape is called Ras Musa, or the Cape of Moses, even now. These -are the reasons why I believe the passage of the Israelites to have -been in this direction. There is about fourteen fathom of water in the -channel, and about nine in the sides, and good anchorage every where; -the farthest side is a low sandy coast, and a very easy landing-place. -The draught of the bottom of the Gulf given by Doctor Pococke is very -erroneous, in every part of it. - -It was proposed to Mr Niebuhr, when in Egypt, to inquire, upon the -spot, Whether there were not some ridges of rocks, where the water was -shallow, so that an army at particular times might pass over? Secondly, -Whether the Etesian winds, which blow strongly all Summer from the -north west, could not blow so violently against the sea, as to keep -it back on a heap, so that the Israelites might have passed without -a miracle? And a copy of these queries was left for me, to join my -inquiries likewise. - -But I must confess, however learned the gentlemen were who proposed -these doubts, I did not think they merited any attention to solve them. -This passage is told us, by scripture, to be a miraculous one; and, if -so, we have nothing to do with natural causes. If we do not believe -Moses, we need not believe the transaction at all, seeing that it is -from his authority alone we derive it. If we believe in God that he -made the sea, we must believe he could divide it when he sees proper -reason, and of that he must be the only judge. It is no greater miracle -to divide the Red Sea, than to divide the river of Jordan. - -If the Etesian wind blowing from the north-west in summer, could -heap up the sea as a wall, on the right, or to the south, of fifty -feet high, still the difficulty would remain, of building the wall -on the left hand, or to the north. Besides, water standing in that -position for a day, must have lost the nature of fluid. Whence came -that cohesion of particles, that hindered that wall to escape at the -sides? This is as great a miracle as that of Moses. If the Etesian -winds had done this once, they must have repeated it many a time before -and since, from the same causes. Yet, [172]Diodorus Siculus says, -the Troglodytes, the indigenous inhabitants of that very spot, had a -tradition from father to son, from their very earliest and remotest -ages, that once this division of the sea did happen there, and that -after leaving its bottom sometimes dry, the sea again came back, and -covered it with great fury. The words of this author are of the most -remarkable kind. We cannot think this heathen is writing in favour of -revelation. He knew not Moses, nor says a word about Pharaoh, and his -host; but records the miracle of the division of the sea, in words -nearly as strong as those of Moses, from the mouths of unbiassed, -undesigning Pagans. - -Were all these difficulties surmounted, what could we do with the -pillar of fire? The answer is, We should not believe it. Why then -believe the passage at all? We have no authority for the one, but what -is for the other; it is altogether contrary to the ordinary nature of -things, and if not a miracle, it must be a fable. - -The cause of the several names of the Red Sea, is a subject of more -liberal inquiry. I am of opinion, that it certainly derived its name -from Edom, long and early its powerful master, that word signifying -Red in Hebrew. It formerly went by the name of Sea of Edom, or Idumea; -since, by that of the Red Sea. - -It has been observed, indeed, that not only the Arabian Gulf, but part -of the Indian Ocean[173], went by this name, though far distant from -Idumea. This is true, but when we consider, as we shall do in the -course of this history, that the masters of that sea were still the -Edomites, who went from the one sea directly in the same voyage to the -other, we shall not dispute the propriety of extending the name to part -of the Indian Ocean also. As for what fanciful people[174] have said of -any redness in the sea itself, or colour in the bottom, the reader may -assure himself all this is fiction, the Red Sea being in colour nothing -different from the Indian, or any other Ocean. - -There is greater difficulty in assigning a reason for the Hebrew name, -Yam Suph; properly so called, say learned authors, from the quantity of -weeds in it. But I must confess, in contradiction to this, that I never -in my life, (and I have seen the whole extent of it) saw a weed of any -sort in it; and, indeed, upon the slightest consideration, it will -occur to any one, that a narrow gulf, under the immediate influence of -monsoons, blowing from contrary points six months each year, would have -too much agitation to produce such vegetables, seldom found, but in -stagnant waters, and seldomer, if ever, found in salt ones. My opinion -then is, that it is from the[175] large trees, or plants of white -coral, spread every where over the bottom of the Red Sea, perfectly in -imitation of plants on land, that the sea has obtained this name. If -not, I fairly confess I have not any other conjecture to make. - -No sea, or shores, I believe, in the world, abound more in subjects -of Natural History than the Red Sea. I suppose I have drawings and -subjects of this kind, equal in bulk to the journal of the whole -voyage itself. But the vast expence in engraving, as well as other -considerations, will probably hinder for ever the perfection of this -work in this particular. - - - - -CHAP. X. - - _Sail from Tor--Pass the Elanitic Gulf--See Raddua--Arrive at - Yambo--Incidents there--Arrive at Jidda._ - - -Our Rais, having dispatched his business, was eager to depart; and, -accordingly, on the 11th of April, at day-break, we stood out of the -harbour of Tor. At first, we were becalmed in, at the point of the Bay -south of Tor town, but the wind freshening about eight o’clock, we -stood through the channels of the first four shoals, and then between a -smaller one. We made the mouth of a small Bay, formed by Cape Mahomet, -and a low sandy point to the eastward of it. Our vessel seemed to be a -capital one for sailing, and I did every thing in my power to keep our -Rais in good humour. - -About half a mile from the sandy point, we struck upon a coral bank, -which, though it was not of any great consistence or solidity, did not -fail to make our mast nod. As I was looking out forward when the vessel -touched, and the Rais by me, I cried out in Arabic, “Get out of the way -you dog!” the Rais, thinking my discourse directed to him, seemed very -much surprised, and asked, “what I meant?” “Why did you not tell me, -said I, when I hired you, that all the rocks in the sea would get out -of the way of your vessel? This ill-mannered fellow here did not _know -his duty_; he was sleeping I suppose, and has given us a hearty jolt, -and I was abusing him for it, till you should chastise him some other -way.” He shook his head, and said, “Well! you do not believe, but God -knows the truth; well now where is the rock? Why he is gone.” However, -very prudently, he anchored soon afterwards, though we had received no -damage. - -At night, by an observation of two stars in the meridian, I concluded -the latitude of Cape Mahomet to be 27° 54´, N. It must be understood of -the mountain, or high land, which forms the Cape, not the low point. -The ridge of rocks that run along behind Tor, bound that low sandy -country, called the Desert of Sin, to the eastward, and end in this -Cape, which is the high land observed at sea; but the lower part, or -southermost extreme of the Cape, runs about three leagues off from -the high land, and is so low, that it cannot be seen from deck above -three leagues. It was called, by the ancients, Pharan Promontorium; -not because there was a light-house[176] upon the end of it, (though -this may have perhaps been the case, and a very necessary and proper -situation it is) but from the Egyptian and Arabic word Farek[177], -which signifies to divide, as being the point, or high land that -divides the Gulf of Suez from the Elanitic Gulf. - -I went ashore here to gather shells, and shot a small animal among the -rocks, called Daman Israel, or Israel’s Lamb; I do not know why, for -it has no resemblance to the sheep kind. I take it to be the saphan of -the Hebrew Scripture, which we translate by the coney. I have given -a drawing, and description of it, in its proper place[178]. I shot, -likewise, several dozens of gooto, the least beautiful of the kind I -had seen, being very small, and coloured like the back of a partridge, -but very indifferent food. - -The 12th, we sailed from Cape Mahomet, just as the sun appeared. We -passed the island of Tyrone, in the mouth of the Elanitic Gulf, which -divides it near equally into two; or, rather the north-west side is -narrowest. The direction of the Gulf is nearly north and south. I judge -it to be about six leagues over. Many of the Cairo ships are lost in -mistaking the entry of the Elanitic for that of the Heroopolitic Gulf, -or Gulf of Suez; for, from the island of Tyrone, which is not above -two leagues from the Main, there runs a string of islands, which seem -to make a semicircular bar across the entry from the point, where a -ship, going with a south wind, would take its departure; and this -range of islands ends in a shoal with sunken rocks, which reaches near -five leagues from the Main. It is probable, that, upon these islands, -the fleet of Rehoboam perished, when sailing for the expedition of -Ophir[179]. - -I take Tyrone to be the island of Saspirene of Ptolemy, though this -geographer has erred a little, both in its latitude and longitude. - -We passed the second of these islands, called Senasser, about three -leagues to the northward, steering with a fresh gale at south-east, -upon a triangular island that has three pointed eminences upon its -south-side. We passed another small island which has no name, about -the same distance as the former; and ranged along three black rocks, -the south-west of the island, called _Susange el Bahar_, or the -_Sea-Spunge_. As our vessel made some water, and the wind had been very -strong all the afternoon, the Rais wanted to bring up to the leeward of -this island, or between this, and a cape of land called _Ras Selah_; -but, not being able to find soundings here, he set sail again, doubled -the point, and came to anchor under the south cape of a fine bay, which -is a station of the Emir Hadje, called _Kalaat el Moilah_, the Castle, -or Station of Water. - -We had sailed this day about twenty-one leagues; and, as we had very -fair and fine weather, and were under no sort of concern whatever, I -could not neglect attending to the disposition of these islands, in a -very splendid map lately published. They are carried too far into the -Gulf. - -The 13th, the Rais having, in the night, remedied what was faulty in -his vessel, set sail about seven o’clock in the morning. We passed a -conical hill on the land, called Abou Jubbé, where is the sepulchre -of a saint of that name. The mountains here are at a considerable -distance; and nothing can be more desolate and bare than the coast. In -the afternoon, we came to an anchor at a place called Kella Clarega, -after having passed an island called Jibbel Numan, about a league from -the shore. By the side of this shoal we caught a quantity of good -fish, and a great number also very beautiful, and perfectly unknown, -but which, when roasted, shrank away to nothing except skin, and when -boiled, dissolved into a kind of blueish glue. - -On the 14th, the wind was variable till near ten o’clock, after which -it became a little fair. At twelve it was as favourable as we could -wish; it blew however but faintly. We passed first by one island -surrounded by breakers, and then by three more, and anchored close -to the shore, at a place called Jibbel Shekh, or the Mountain of the -Saint. Here I resolved to take a walk on shore to stretch my limbs, and -see if I could procure any game, to afford us some variety of food. I -had my gun loaded with ball, when a vast flock of gooto got up before -me, not five hundred yards from the shore. As they lighted very near -me, I lay down among the bent grass, to draw the charge, and load with -small shot. While I was doing this, I saw two antelopes, which, by -their manner of walking and feeding, did not seem to be frightened. -I returned my balls into the gun, and resolved to be close among the -bent, till they should appear before me. - -I had been quiet for some minutes, when I heard behind me something -like a person breathing, on which I turned about, and, not without -great surprise, and some little fear, saw a man, standing just over -me. I started up, while the man, who had a little stick only in his -hand, ran two or three steps backwards, and then stood. He was almost -perfectly naked: he had half a yard of coarse rag only wrapt round his -middle, and a crooked knife stuck in it, I asked him who he was? He -said he was an Arab, belonging to Shekh Abd el Macaber. I then desired -to know where his master was? He replied, he was at the hill a little -above, with camels that were going to Yambo. He then, in his turn, -asked who I was? I told him I was an Abyssinian slave of the Sherriffe -of Mecca, was going to Cairo by sea, but wished much to speak to his -master, if he would go and bring him. The savage went away with great -willingness, and he no sooner disappeared, than I set out as quickly -as possible to the boat, and we got her hauled out beyond the shoals, -where we passed the night. We saw afterwards distinctly about fifty -men, and three or four camels; the men made several signs to us, but -we were perfectly content with the distance that was between us, and -sought no more to kill antelopes in the neighbourhood of Sidi Abd el -Macaber. - -I would not have it imagined, that my case was absolutely desperate, -even if I had been known as a Christian, and fallen into the hands -of these Arabs, of Arabia Deserta, or Arabia Petrea, supposed to be -the most barbarous people in the world, as indeed they probably are. -Hospitality, and attention to one’s word, seem in these countries -to be in proportion to the degree in which the people are savage. A -very easy method is known, and followed with constant success, by all -the Christians trading to the Red Sea from Suez to Jidda, to save -themselves if thrown on the coast of Arabia. Any man of consideration -from any tribe among the Arabs, comes to Cairo, gives his name and -designation to the Christian sailor, and receives a very small present, -which is repeated annually if he performs so often the voyage. And for -this the Arab promises the Christian his protection, should he ever be -so unfortunate as to be shipwrecked on their coast. - -The Turks are very bad seamen, and lose many ships,· the greatest -part of the crew are therefore Christians; when a vessel strikes, or -is ashore, the Turks are all massacred if they cannot make their way -good by force; but the Christians present themselves to the Arab, -crying _Fiarduc_, which means, ‘we are under immediate protection.’ -If they are asked, who is their Gaffeer, or Arab, with whom they are -in friendship? They answer, Mahomet Abdelcader is our Gaffeer, or any -other. If he is not there, you are told he is absent so many days -journey off, or any distance. This acquaintance or neighbour, then -helps you, to save what you have from the wreck, and one of them with -his lance draws a circle, large enough to hold you and yours. He then -sticks his lance in the sand, bids you abide within that circle, and -goes and brings your Gaffeer, with what camels you want, and this -Gaffeer is obliged, by rules known only to themselves, to carry you -for nothing, or very little, where-ever you go, and to furnish you -with provisions all the way. Within that circle you are as safe on -the desert coast of Arabia, as in a citadel; there is no example or -exception to the contrary that has ever yet been known. There are many -Arabs, who, from situation, near dangerous shoals or places, where -ships often perish (as between Ras Mahomet and Ras Selah,[180]Dar el -Hamra, and some others) have perhaps fifty or a hundred Christians, -who have been so protected: So that when this Arab marries a daughter, -he gives perhaps his revenue from four or five protected Christians, as -part of his daughter’s portion. I had, at that very time, a Gaffeer, -called Ibn Talil, an Arab of Harb tribe, and I should have been -detained perhaps three days till he came from near Medina, and carried -me (had I been shipwrecked) to Yambo, where I was going. - -On the 15th we came to an anchor at El Har[181], where we saw high, -craggy, and broken mountains, called the Mountains of Ruddua. These -abound with springs of water; all sort of Arabian and African fruits -grow here in perfection, and every kind of vegetable that they will -take the pains to cultivate. It is the paradise of the people of Yambo; -those of any substance have country houses there; but, strange to tell, -they stay there but for a short time, and prefer the bare, dry, and -burning sands about Yambo, to one of the finest climates, and most -verdant pleasant countries, that exists in the world. The people of the -place have told me, that water freezes there in winter, and that there -are some of the inhabitants who have red hair, and blue eyes, a thing -scarcely ever seen but in the coldest mountains in the East. - -The 16th, about ten o’clock, we passed a mosque, or Shekh’s tomb on the -main land, on our left hand, called Kubbet Yambo, and before eleven -we anchored in the mouth of the port in deep water. Yambo, corruptly -called Imbo, is an ancient city, now dwindled to a paultry village. -Ptolemy calls it Iambia Vicus, or the village Yambia; a proof it was -of no great importance in his time. But after the conquest of Egypt -under Sultan Selim, it became a valuable station, for supplying their -conquests in Arabia, with warlike stores, from Suez, and for the -importation of wheat from Egypt to their garrisons, and the holy places -of Mecca and Medina. On this account, a large castle was built there -by Sinan Basha; for the ancient Yambo of Ptolemy is not that which is -called so at this day. It is six miles farther south; and is called -Yambo el Nachel, or, ‘Yambo among the palm-trees,’ a great quantity of -ground being there covered with this sort of plantation. - -Yambo, in the language of the country, signifies a fountain or spring, -a very copious one of excellent water being found there among the date -trees, and it is one of the stations of the Emir Hadje in going to, and -coming from Mecca. The advantage of the port, however, which the other -has not, and the protection of the castle, have carried trading vessels -to the modern Yambo, where there is no water, but what is brought from -pools dug on purpose to receive the rain when it falls. - -There are two hundred janissaries in the castle, the descendents of -those brought thither by Sinan Basha; who have succeeded their fathers, -in the way I have observed they did at Syené, and, indeed, in all the -conquests in Arabia, and Egypt, The inhabitants of Yambo are deservedly -reckoned[182] the moist barbarous of any upon the Red Sea, and the -janissaries keep pace with them, in every kind of malice and violence. -We did not go ashore all that day, because we had heard a number of -shots, and had received intelligence from shore, that the janissaries -and town’s people, for a week, had been fighting together; I was very -unwilling to interfere, wishing that they might have all leisure to -extirpate one another, if possible; and my Rais seemed most heartily to -join me in my wishes. - -In the evening, the captain of the port came on board, and brought two -janissaries with him, whom, with some difficulty, I suffered to enter -the vessel. Their first demand was gun-powder, which I positively -refused. I then asked them how many were killed in the eight days they -had been engaged? They answered, with some indifference, not many, -about a hundred every day, or a few less or more, chiefly Arabs. We -heard afterwards, when we came on shore, one only had been wounded, and -that a soldier, by a fall from his horse. They insisted upon bringing -the vessel into the port; but I told them, on the contrary, that having -no business at Yambo, and being by no means under the guns of their -castle, I was at liberty to put to sea without coming ashore at all; -therefore, if they did not leave us, as the wind was favourable, I -would sail, and, by force, carry them to Jidda. The janissaries began -to talk, as their custom is, in a very blustering and warlike tone; but -I, who knew my interest at Jidda, and the force in my own hand; that -my vessel was afloat, and could be under weigh in an instant, never -was less disposed to be bullied, than at that moment. They asked me a -thousand questions, whether I was a Mamaluke, whether I was a Turk, or -whether I was an Arab, and why I did not give them spirits and tobacco? -To all which I answered, only, that they should know to-morrow who I -was; then I ordered the Emir Bahar, the captain of the port, to carry -them ashore at his peril, or I would take their arms from them, and -confine them on board all night. - -The Rais gave the captain of the port a private hint, to take care what -they did, for they might lose their lives; and that private caution, -understood in a different way perhaps than was meant, had effect upon -the soldiers, to make them withdraw immediately. When they went away, I -begged the Emir Bahar to make my compliments to his masters, Hassan and -Hussein, Agas, to know what time I should wait upon them to-morrow; and -desired him, in the mean time, to keep his soldiers ashore, as I was -not disposed to be troubled with their insolence. - -Soon after they went, we heard a great firing, and saw lights all over -the town; and the Rais proposed to me to slip immediately, and set -sail, from which measure I was not at all averse. But, as he said, -we had a better anchoring place under the mosque of the Shekh, and, -besides, that there we would be in a place of safety, by reason of the -holiness of the saint, and that at our own choice might even put to sea -in a moment, or stay till to-morrow, as we were in no sort of doubt of -being able to repel, force by force, if attacked, we got under weigh -for a few hundred yards, and dropt our anchor under the shrine of one -of the greatest saints in the world. - -At night the firing had abated, the lights diminished, and the captain -of the port again came on board. He was surprised at missing us at -our former anchoring place, and still more so, when, on our hearing -the noise of his oars, we hailed, and forbade him to advance any -nearer, till he should tell us how many he had on board, or whether he -had soldiers or not, otherwise we should fire upon them: to this he -answered, that there were only himself, his boy, and three officers, -servants to the Aga. I replied, that three strangers were too many at -that time of the night, but, since they were come from the Aga, they -might advance. - -All our people were sitting together armed on the forepart of the -vessel; I soon divined they intended us no harm, for they gave us the -salute _Salam Alicum!_ before they were within ten yards of us. I -answered with great complacency; we handed them on board, and set them -down upon deck. The three officers were genteel young men, of a sickly -appearance, dressed in the fashion of the country, in long burnooses -loosely hanging about them, striped with red and white; they wore a -turban of red, green, and white, with ten thousand tassels and fringes -hanging down to the small of their backs. They had in their hand, each, -a short javelin, the shaft not above four feet and a half long, with -an iron head about nine inches, and two or three iron hooks below the -shaft, which was bound round with brass-wire, in several places, and -shod with iron at the farther end. - -They asked me where I came from? I said, from Constantinople, last from -Cairo; but begged they would put no more questions to me, as I was not -at liberty to answer them. They said they had orders from their masters -to bid me welcome, if I was the person that had been recommended to -them by the Sherriffe, and was Ali Bey’s physician at Cairo. I said, if -Metical Aga had advised them of that, then I was the man. They replied -he had, and were come to bid me welcome, and attend me on shore to -their masters, whenever I pleased. I begged them to carry my humble -respects to their masters; and told them, though I did not doubt of -their protection in any shape, yet I could not think it consistent with -ordinary prudence, to risk myself at ten o’clock at night, in a town -so full of disorder as Yambo appeared to have been for some time, and -where so little regard was paid to discipline or command, as to fight -with one another. They said that was true, and I might do as I pleased; -but the firing that I had heard did not proceed from fighting, but from -their rejoicing upon making peace. - -In short, we found, that, upon some discussion, the garrison and -townsmen had been fighting for several days, in which disorders the -greatest part of the ammunition in the town had been expended, but it -had since been agreed on by the old men of both parties, that no body -had been to blame on either side, but the whole wrong was the work -of _a Camel_. _A camel_, therefore, was seized, and brought without -the town, and there a number on both sides having met, they upbraided -the _camel_ with every thing that had been either said or done. The -_camel_ had killed men, _he_ had threatened to set the town on fire; -the _camel_ had threatened to burn the Aga’s house, and the castle; -_he_ had cursed the Grand Signior, and the Sherriffe of Mecca, the -sovereigns of the two parties; and, the only thing the poor animal was -interested in, _he_ had threatened to destroy the wheat that was going -to Mecca. After having spent great part of the afternoon in upbraiding -the _camel_, whose measure of iniquity, it seems, was near full, each -man thrust him through with a lance, devoting him _Diis manibus & -Diris_, by a kind of prayer, and with a thousand curses upon his head. -After which, every man retired, fully satisfied as to the wrongs he had -received from the _camel_. - -The reader will easily observe in this, some traces of the [183]azazel, -or scape-goat of the Jews, which was turned out into the wilderness, -loaded with the sins of the people. - -Next morning I went to the palace, as we call it, in which were some -very handsome apartments. There was a guard of janissaries at the -door, who, being warriors, lately come from the bloody battle with the -_camel_, did not fail to shew marks of insolence, which they wished to -be mistaken for courage. - -The two Agas were sitting on a high bench upon Persian carpets; and -about forty well-dressed and well-looking men, (many of them old) -sitting on carpets upon the floor, in a semi-circle round them. They -behaved with great politeness and attention, and asked no questions -but general ones; as, How the sea agreed with me? If there was plenty -at Cairo? till I was going away, when the youngest of the Agas -inquired, with a seeming degree of diffidence, Whether Mahomet Bey Abou -Dahab, was ready to march? As I knew well what this question meant, I -answered, I know not if he is ready, he has made great preparations. -The other Aga said, I hope you will be a messenger of peace? I -answered, I intreat you to ask me no questions; I hope, by the grace -of God, all will go well. Every person present applauded the speech; -agreed to respect my secret, as they supposed I had one, and they all -were inclined to believe, that I was a man in the confidence of Ali -Bey, and that his hostile designs against Mecca were laid aside: this -was just what I wished them to suppose; for it secured me against -ill-usage all the time I chose to stay there; and of this I had a proof -in the instant, for a very good house was provided for me by the Aga, -and a man of his sent to shew me to it. - -I wondered the Rais had not come home with me; who, in about half -an hour after I had got into my house, came and told me, that, when -the captain of the boat came on board the first time with the two -soldiers, he had put a note, which they call _tiskera_, into his hand, -pressing him into the Sherriffe’s service, to carry wheat to Jidda, -and, with the wheat, a number of _poor pilgrims_ that were going to -Mecca at the Sherriffe’s expence. Finding us, however, out of the -harbour, and, suspecting from our manners and carriage towards the -janissaries, that we were people who knew what we had to trust to, he -had taken the two soldiers a-shore with him, who were by no means fond -of their reception, or inclined to stay in such company; and, indeed, -our dresses and appearances in the boat were fully as likely to make -strangers believe we should rob them, as theirs were to impress us -with an apprehension that they would rob us. The Rais said also, that, -after my audience, the Aga had called upon him, and taken away the -_tiskera_, telling him he was free, and to obey nobody but me; and sent -me one of his servants to sit at the door, with orders to admit nobody -but whom I pleased, and that I might not be troubled with the people of -Yambo. - -Hitherto all was well; but it had been with me an observation, which -had constantly held good, that too prosperous beginnings in these -countries always ended in ill at the last. I was therefore resolved to -use my prosperity with great temperance and caution, make myself as -strong, and use my strength as little, as it was possible for me to do. - -There was a man of considerable weight in Aleppo, named [184]Sidi Ali -Taraboloussi, who was a great friend of Dr Russel, our physician, -through whom I became acquainted with him. He was an intimate friend -and acquaintance of the cadi of Medina, and had given me a letter to -him, recommending me, in a very particular manner, to his protection -and services. I inquired about this person, and was told he was in -town, directing the distribution of the corn to be sent to his capital. -Upon my inquiry, the news were carried to him as soon almost as his -name was uttered; on which, being desirous of knowing what sort of man -I was, about eight o’clock in the evening he sent me a message, and, -immediately after, I received a visit from him. - -I was putting my telescopes and time-keeper in order, and had forbid -admittance to any one; but this was so holy and so dignified a person, -that all doors were open to him. He observed me working about the -great telescope and quadrant in my shirt, for it was hot beyond -conception upon the smallest exertion. Without making any apology for -the intrusion at all, he broke out into exclamation, how lucky he -was! and, without regarding me, he went from telescope to clock, from -clock to quadrant, and from that to the thermometer, crying, _Ah tibe, -ah tibe_! This is fine, this is fine! He scarcely looked upon me, or -seemed to think I was worth his attention, but touched every thing so -carefully, and handled so properly the brass cover of the alidade, -which inclosed the horse-hair with the plummet, that he seemed to be a -man more than ordinarily versed in the use of astronomical instruments. -In short, not to repeat useless matter to the reader, I found he had -studied at Constantinople, understood the principles of geometry -very tolerably, was master of Euclid so far as it regarded plain -trigonometry; the demonstrations of which he rattled off so rapidly, -that it was impossible to follow, or to understand him. He knew nothing -of spherics, and all his astronomy resolved itself at last into maxims -of judicial astrology, first and second houses of the planets and -ascendancies, very much in the style of common almanacks. - -He desired that my door might be open to him at all times, especially -when I made observations; he also knew perfectly the division of our -clocks, and begged he might count time for me. All this was easily -granted, and I had from him, what was most useful, a history of the -situation of the government of the place, by which I learned, that the -two young men (the governors) were slaves of the Sherriffe of Mecca; -that it was impossible for any one, the most intimate with them, to -tell which of the two was most base or profligate; that they would have -robbed us all of the last farthing, if they had not been restrained by -fear; and that there was a foreigner, or a frank, very lately going to -India, who had disappeared, but, as he believed, had been privately put -to death in prison, for he had never after been heard of. - -Though I cannot say I relished this account, yet I put on the very best -face possible, “Here, in a garrison town, said I, with very worthless -soldiers, they might do what they pleased with six or seven strangers, -but I do not fear them; I now tell them, and the people of Yambo, all -and each of them, they had better be in their bed sick of the plague, -than touch a hair of my dog, if I had one.” “And so, says he they know, -therefore rest and rejoice, and stay as long with us as you can.” “As -short time as possible, said I, Sidi Mahomet; although I do not fear -wicked people, I don’t love them so much as to stay long with them.” - -He then asked me a favour, that I would allow my Rais to carry a -quantity of wheat for him to Jidda; which I willingly permitted, upon -condition, that he would order but one man to go along with it; on -which he declared solemnly, that none but one should go, and that -I might _throw_ him even into the _sea_, if he behaved improperly. -However, afterwards he sent three; and one who deserved often to be -_thrown_ into the _sea_, as he had permitted. “Now friend, said I, I -have done every thing that you have desired, though favours should have -begun with you upon your own principle, as I am the stranger. Now, -what I have to ask you is this,--Do you know the Shekh of Beder Hunein? -Know him! says he, I am married to his sister, a daughter of Harb; he -is of the tribe of Harb.” “Harb be it then (said I) your trouble will -be the less; then you are to send a camel to your brother-in-law, who -will procure me the largest, and most perfect plant possible of the -Balsam of Mecca. He is not to break the stem, nor even the branches, -but to pack it entire, with fruit and flower, if possible, and wrap it -in a mat.” He looked cunning, shrugged up his shoulders, drew up his -mouth, and putting his finger to his nose, said, “Enough, I know all -about this, you shall find what sort of a man I am, I am no fool, as -you shall see.” - -I received this the third day at dinner, but the flower (if there had -been any) was rubbed off. The fruit was in several stages, and in great -perfection. The drawing, and description from this [185]plant, will, I -hope, for ever obviate all difficulty about its history. He sent me, -likewise, a quart bottle of the pure balsam, as it had flowed that -year from the tree, with which I have verified what the old botanists -in their writings have said of it, in its several stages. He told me -also the circumstances I have related in my description of the balsam, -as to the gathering and preparing of the several kinds of it, and a -curious anecdote as to its origin. He said the plant was no part of -the creation of God in the six days, but that, in the last of three -very bloody battles, which Mahomet fought with the noble Arabs of Harb, -and his kinsmen the Beni Koreish, then Pagans at Beder Hunein, that -Mahomet prayed to God, and a grove of balsam-trees grew up from the -blood of the slain upon the field of battle; and, that with the balsam -that flowed from them he touched the wounds even of those that were -dead, and all those predestined to be good _Mussulmen_ afterwards, -immediately came to life. “I hope, said I, friend, that the other -things you told me of it, are fully as true as this, for they will -otherwise laugh at me in England.” “No, no, says he, not half so true, -nor a quarter so true, there is nothing in the world so certain as -this.” But his looks, and his laughing very heartily, shewed me plainly -he knew better, as indeed most of them do. - -In the evening, before we departed, about nine o’clock, I had an -unexpected visit from the youngest of the two Agas; who, after many -pretended complaints of sickness, and injunctions of secrecy, at last -_modestly_ requested me to give him some _slow poison_, that might kill -_his brother_, without suspicion, and after some time should elapse. -I told him, such proposals were not to be made to a man like me; that -all the gold, and all the silver in the world, would not engage me to -poison the poorest vagrant in the street, supposing it never was to be -suspected, or known but to my own heart. All he said, was, “Then your -manners are not the _same_ as ours.”--I answered, dryly, “_Mine_, I -thank God, are not,” and so we parted. - -Yambo, or at least the present town of that name, I found, by many -observations of the sun and stars, to be in latitude 24° 3´ 35´´ -north, and in long. 38° 16´ 3´´ east from the meridian of Greenwich. -The barometer, at its highest, on the 23d of April, was 27° 8´, and, -the lowest on the 27th, was 26° 11´. The thermometer, on the 24th of -April, at two o’clock in the afternoon, stood at 91°, and the lowest -was 66° in the morning of the 26th of same month. Yambo is reputed very -unwholesome, but there were no epidemical diseases when I was there. - -The many delays of loading the wheat, the desire of _doubling_ the -quantity I had permitted, in which both the Rais and my friend the -cadi conspired for their mutual interest, detained me at Yambo all -the 27th of April, very much against my inclination. For I was not a -little uneasy at thinking among what banditti I lived, whose daily -wish was to rob and murder me, from which they were restrained by fear -only; and this, a fit of drunkenness, or a piece of bad news, such as -a report of Ali Bey’s death, might remove in a moment. Indeed we were -allowed to want nothing. A sheep, some bad beer, and some very good -wheat-bread, were delivered to us every day from the Aga, which, with -dates and honey, and a variety of presents from those that I attended -as a physician, made us pass our time comfortably enough; we went -frequently in the boats to fish at sea, and, as I had brought with -me three fizgigs of different sizes, with the proper lines, I seldom -returned without killing four or five dolphins. The sport with the line -was likewise excellent. We caught a number of beautiful fish from the -very house where we lodged, and some few good ones. We had vinegar in -plenty at Yambo; onions, and several other greens, from Raddua; and, -being all cooks, we lived well. - -On the 28th of April, in the morning, I sailed with a cargo of wheat -that did not belong to me, and three passengers, instead of one, for -whom only I had undertaken. The wind was fair, and I saw one advantage -of allowing the Rais to load, was, that he was determined to carry sail -to make amends for the delay. There was a tumbling, disagreeable swell, -and the wind seemed dying away. One of our passengers was very sick. At -his request we anchored at Djar, a round small port, whose entrance is -at the north-east. It is about three fathoms deep throughout, unless -just upon the south side, and perfectly sheltered from every wind. We -saw here, for the first time, several plants of rack tree, growing -considerably within the sea-mark, in some places with two feet of water -upon the trunk. I found the latitude of Djar to be 23° 36´ 9´´ north. -The mountains of Beder Hunein were S. S. W. of us. - -The 29th, at five o’clock in the morning, we sailed from Djar. At -eight, we passed a small cape called [186]Ras el Himma; and the wind -turning still more fresh, we passed a kind of harbour called Maibeed, -where there is an anchoring place named El Horma. The sun was in the -meridian when we passed this; and I found, by observation, El Horma was -in lat. 23° 0´ 30´´ north. At ten we passed a mountain on land called -Soub; at two, the small port of Muftura, under a mountain whose name is -Hajoub; at half past four we came to an anchor at a place called Harar. -The wind had been contrary all the night, being south-east, and rather -fresh; we thought, too, we perceived a current setting strongly to the -westward. - -On the 30th we sailed at eight in the morning, but the wind was -unfavourable, and we made little way. We were surrounded with a great -many sharks, some of which seemed to be large. Though I had no line -but upon the small fizgigs for dolphins, I could not refrain from -attempting one of the largest, for they were so bold, that some of -them, we thought, intended to leap on board. I struck one of the most -forward of them, just at the joining of the neck; but as we were not -practised enough in laying our line, so as to run out without hitching, -he leaped above two feet out of the water, then plunged down with -prodigious violence, and our line taking hold of something standing in -the way, the cord snapped asunder, and away went the shark. All the -others disappeared in an instant; but the Rais said, as soon as they -smelled the blood, they would not leave the wounded one, till they -had torn him to pieces. I was truly sorry for the loss of my tackle, -as the two others were really like harpoons, and not so manageable. -But the Rais, whom I had studied to keep in very good humour, and had -befriended in every thing, was an old harpooner in the Indian Ocean, -and he pulled out from his hold a compleat apparatus. He not only had a -small harpoon like my first, but better constructed. He had, likewise, -several hooks with long chains and lines, and a wheel with a long hair -line to it, like a small windlass, to which he equally fixed the line -of the harpoon, and those of the hooks. This was a compliment he saw I -took very kindly, and did not doubt it would be rewarded in the proper -time. - -The wind freshening and turning fairer, at noon we brought to, within -sight of Rabac, and at one o’clock anchored there. Rabac is a small -port in lat. 22° 35´ 30´´ north. The entry is E. N. E. and is about -a quarter of a mile broad. The port extends itself to the east, and -is about two miles long. The mountains are about three leagues to the -north, and the town of Rabac about four miles north by east from the -entrance to the harbour. We remained all day, the first of May, in -the port, making a drawing of the harbour. The night of our anchoring -there, the Emir Hadje of the pilgrims from Mecca encamped about three -miles off. We heard his evening gun. - -The passengers that had been sick, now insisted upon going to see the -Hadje; but as I knew the consequence would be, that a number of fanatic -wild people would be down upon us, I told him plainly, if he went from -the boat, he should not again be received; and that we would haul out -of the port, and anchor in the offing; this kept him with us. But all -next day he was in very bad humour, repeating frequently, to himself, -that he deserved all this for embarking with infidels. - -The people came down to us from Rabac with water melons, and skins full -of water. All ships may be supplied here plentifully from wells near -the town; the water is not bad. - -The country is level, and seemingly uncultivated, but has not so desert -a look as about Yambo. I should suspect by its appearance, and the -freshness of its water, that it rained at times in the mountains here, -for we were now considerably within the tropic, which passes very near -Ras el Himma, whereas Rabac is half a degree to the southward. - -On the 2d, at five o’clock in the morning, we sailed from Rabac, with a -very little wind, scarcely making two knots an hour. - -At half past nine, Deneb bore east and by south from us. This place is -known by a few palm-trees. The port is small, and very indifferent, at -least for six months of the year, because it lies open to the south, -and there is a prodigious swell here. - -At one o’clock we passed an island called Hammel, about a mile off; at -the same time, another island, El Memisk, bore east of us, about three -miles, where there is good anchorage. - -At three and three quarters, we passed an island called Gawad, a mile -and a quarter south-east of us. The main bore likewise south-east, -distant something more than a league. We here changed our course from -south to W. S. W. and at four o’clock came to an anchor at the small -island of Lajack. - -The 3d, we sailed at half past four in the morning, our course W. -S. W. but it fell calm; after having made about a league, we found -ourselves off Ras Hateba, or the Woody Cape, which bore due east of us. -After doubling the cape, the wind freshening, at four o’clock in the -afternoon we anchored in the port of Jidda, close upon the key, where -the officers of the custom-house immediately took possession of our -baggage. - -[Illustration: _Arab Shekh; Tribe Beni Koreish._ - -_Heath Sc:_ - -_London Publish’d Dec^r. 1^{st}. 1789. by G. Robinson & Co._] - - - - -CHAP. XI. - - _Occurrences at Jidda--Visit of the Vizir--Alarm of the - Factory--Great Civility of the English trading from - India--Polygamy--Opinion of Dr Arbuthnot ill-founded--Contrary - to Reason and Experience--Leave Jidda._ - - -The port of Jidda is a very extensive one, consisting of numberless -shoals, small islands, and sunken rocks, with channels, however, -between them, and deep water. You are very safe in Jidda harbour, -whatever wind blows, as there are numberless shoals which prevent the -water from ever being put into any general motion; and you may moor -head and stern, with twenty anchors out if you please. But the danger -of being lost, I conceive, lies in the going in and coming out of the -harbour. Indeed the observation is here verified, the more _dangerous_ -the _port_, the _abler_ the _pilots_, and no accidents ever happen. - -There is a draught of the harbour of Jidda handed about among the -English for many years, very inaccurately, and very ill laid down, -from what authority I know not, often condemned, but never corrected; -as also a pretended chart of the upper part of the Gulf, from Jidda -to Mocha, full of soundings. As I was some months at Jidda, kindly -entertained, and had abundance of time, Captain Thornhill, and some -other of the gentlemen trading thither, wished me to make a survey of -the harbour, and promised me the assistance of their officers, boats, -and crews. I very willingly undertook it to oblige them. Finding -afterwards, however, that one of their number, Captain Newland, had -undertaken it, and that he would be hurt by my interfering, as he was -in some manner advanced in the work, I gave up all further thoughts of -the plan. He was a man of real ingenuity and capacity, as well as very -humane, well behaved, and one to whom I had been indebted for every -sort of attention. - -God forgive those who have taken upon them, very lately, to ingraft -a number of new soundings upon that miserable bundle of errors, that -Chart of the upper part of the Gulf from Jidda to Mocha, which has -been tossed about the Red Sea these twenty years and upwards. One of -these, since my return to Europe, has been sent to me new dressed like -a bride, with all its original and mortal sins upon its head. I would -beg leave to be understood, that there is not in the world a man more -averse than I am to give offence even to a child. It is not in the -spirit of criticism I speak this. In any other case, I would not have -made any observations at all. But, where the lives and properties of so -many are at stake yearly, it is a species of treason to conceal one’s -sentiments, if the publishing of them can any way contribute to safety, -whatever offence it may give to unreasonable individuals. - -Of all the vessels in Jidda, two only had their log lines properly -divided, and yet all were so fond of their supposed accuracy, as to -aver they had kept their course within five leagues, between India and -Babelmandeb. Yet they had made no estimation of the currents without -the [187]Babs, nor the different very strong ones soon after passing -Socotra; their half-minute glasses upon a medium ran 57´´; they had -made no observation on the tides or currents in the Red Sea, either in -the channel or in the inward passage; yet there is delineated in this -map a course of Captain Newland’s, which he kept in the middle of the -channel, full of sharp angles and short stretches; you would think -every yard was measured and sounded. - -To the spurious catalogue of soundings found in the old chart above -mentioned, there is added a double proportion of new, from what -authority is not known; so that from Mocha, to lat. 17° you have as it -were soundings every mile, or even less. No one can cast his eyes on -the upper part of the map, but must think the Red Sea one of the most -frequented places in the world. Yet I will aver, without fear of being -contradicted, that it is a characteristic of the Red Sea, scarce to -have soundings in any part of the channel, and often on both sides, -whilst ashore soundings are hardly found a boat-length from the main. -To this I will add, that there is scarce one island upon which I ever -was, where the boltsprit was not over the land, while there were no -soundings by a line heaved over the stern. I must then protect against -making these old most erroneous maps a foundation for new ones, as -they can be of no use, but must be of detriment. Many good seamen -of knowledge and enterprise have been in that sea, within these few -years. Let them say, candidly, what were their instruments, what their -difficulties were, where they had doubts, where they succeeded, and -where they were disappointed? Were these acknowledged by one, they -would be speedily taken up by others, and rectified by the help of -mathematicians and good observers on shore. - -Mr Niebuhr has contributed much, but we should reform the map on both -sides; though there is a great deal done, yet much remains still to -do. I hope that my friend Mr Dalrymple, when he can afford time, will -give us a foundation more proper to build upon, than that old rotten -one, however changed in form, and supposed to have been improved, if -he really has a number of observations by him that can be relied on, -otherwise it is but continuing the delusion and the danger. - -If ships of war afterwards, that keep the channel, shall come, manned -with stout and able seamen, and expert young officers, provided with -lines, glasses, good compasses, and a number of boats, then we shall -know these soundings, at least in part. And then also we shall know -the truth of what I now advance, viz. that ships like those employed -hitherto in trading from India (manned and provided as the best of -them are) were incapable, amidst unknown tides and currents, and going -before a monsoon, whether southern or northern, of knowing within three -leagues where any one of them had ever dropt his sounding line, unless -he was close on board some island, shoal, remarkable point, or in a -harbour. - -Till that time, I would advise every man sailing in the Red Sea, -especially in the channel, where the pilots know no more than he, to -trust to his own hands for safety in the minute of danger, to heave -the lead at least every hour, keep a good look-out, and shorten sail -in a fresh wind, or in the night-time, and to consider all maps of the -channel of the Arabian Gulf, yet made, as matters of mere curiosity, -and not fit to trust a man’s life to. Any captain in the India service, -who had run over from Jidda into the mouth of the river Frat, and -the neighbouring port Kilfit, which might every year be done for L. -10 Sterling extra expences, would do more meritorious service to the -navigation of that sea, than all the soundings that were ever yet made -from Jibbel Zekir to the island of Sheduan. - -From Yambo to Jidda I had slept little, making my memoranda as full -upon the spot as possible. I had, besides, an aguish disorder, which -very much troubled me, and in dress and cleanliness was so like a -Galiongy (or Turkish seaman) that the [188]Emir Bahar was astonished at -hearing my servants say I was an Englishman, at the time they carried -away all my baggage and instruments to the custom-house. He sent his -servant, however, with me to the Bengal-house, who promised me, in -broken English, all the way, a very magnificent reception from my -countrymen. Upon his naming all the captains for my choice, I desired -to be carried to a _Scotchman_, a _relation of my own_, who was then -accidentally leaning over the rail of the stair-case, leading up to -his apartment. I saluted him by his name; he fell into a violent rage, -calling me _villain_, _thief_, _cheat_, and _renegado rascal_; and -declared, if I offered to proceed a step further, he would throw me -over stairs. I went away without reply, his curses and abuse followed -me long afterwards. The servant, my conductor, screwed his mouth, and -shrugged up his shoulders. “Never fear, says he, I will carry you to -the _best of them all_.” We went up an opposite stair-case, which I -thought within myself, if those are their India manners, I shall keep -my name and situation to myself while I am at Jidda. I stood in no need -of them, as I had credit for 1000 sequins and more, if I should want -it, upon Yousef Cabil, Vizir or Governor of Jidda. - -I was conducted into a large room, where Captain Thornhill was sitting, -in a white callico waistcoat, a very high-pointed white cotton -night-cap, with a large tumbler of water before him, seemingly very -deep in thought. The Emir Bahar’s servant brought me forward by the -hand, a little within the door; but I was not desirous of advancing -much farther, for fear of the salutation of being thrown down stairs -again. He looked very steadily, but not sternly, at me; and desired -the servant to go away and shut the door. “Sir, says he, are you an -Englishman?”--I bowed.--“You surely are sick, you should be in your -bed, have you been long sick?”--I said, “long Sir,” and bowed.--“Are -you wanting a passage to India?”--I again bowed.--“Well, says he, you -look to be a man in distress; if you have a secret, I shall respect -it till you please to tell it me, but if you want a passage to India, -apply to no one but Thornhill of the Bengal merchant. Perhaps you are -afraid of somebody, if so, ask for Mr Greig, my lieutenant, he will -carry you on board my ship directly, where you will be safe.”--“Sir, -said I, I hope you will find me an honest man, I have no enemy that -I know, either in Jidda or elsewhere, nor do I owe any man any -thing.”--“I am sure, says he, I am doing wrong, in keeping a poor man -standing, who ought to be in his bed. Here! Philip! Philip!”--Philip -appeared. “Boy,” says he, in Portuguese, which, as I imagine, he -supposed I did not understand, “here is a poor Englishman, that should -be either in his bed or his grave; carry him to the cook, tell him to -give him as much broth and mutton as he can eat; the _fellow_ seems to -have been starved, but I would rather have the feeding of ten to India, -than the burying of one at Jidda.” - -Philip de la Cruz was the son of a Portuguese lady, whom Captain -Thornhill had married; a boy of great talents, and excellent -disposition, who carried me with great willingness to the cook. I -made as aukward a bow as I could to Capt. Thornhill, and said, “God -will return this to your honour some day.” Philip carried me into a -court-yard, where they used to expose the samples of their India goods -in large bales. It had a portico along the left-hand side of it, which -seemed designed for a stable. To this place I was introduced, and -thither the cook brought me my dinner. Several of the English from the -vessels, lascars, and others, came in to look at me; and I heard it, in -general, agreed among them, that I was a very thief-like fellow, and -certainly a Turk, and d----n them if they should like to fall into my -hands. - -I fell fast asleep upon the mat, while Philip was ordering me another -apartment. In the mean time, some of my people had followed the baggage -to the Custom-house, and some of them staid on board the boat, to -prevent the pilfering of what was left. The keys had remained with -me, and the Vizir had gone to sleep, as is usual, about mid-day. As -soon as he awaked, being greedy of his prey, he fell immediately to my -baggage, wondering that such a quantity of it, and that boxes in such -a curious form, should belong to a mean man like me; he was therefore -full of hopes, that a fine opportunity for pillage was now at hand. He -asked for the keys of the trunks, my servant said, they were with me, -but he would go instantly and bring them. That, however, was too long -to stay; no delay could possibly be granted. Accustomed to pilfer, they -did not force the locks, but, very artist like, took off the hinges at -the back, and in that manner opened the lids, without opening the locks. - -The first thing that presented itself to the Vizir’s sight, was the -firman of the Grand Signior, magnificently written and titled, and the -inscription powdered with gold dust, and wrapped in green taffeta. -After this was a white sattin bag, addressed to the Khan of Tartary, -with which Mr Peyssonel, French consul of Smyrna, had favoured me, and -which I had not delivered, as the Khan was then prisoner at Rhodes. -The next was a green and gold silk bag, with letters directed to the -Sherriffe of Mecca; and then came a plain crimson-sattin bag, with -letters addressed to Metical Aga, sword bearer (or Seiictar, as it -is called) of the Sherriffe, or his great minister and favourite. He -then found a letter from Ali Bey to himself, written with all the -superiority of a Prince to a slave. - -In this letter the Bey told him plainly, that he heard the governments -of Jidda, Mecca, and other States of the Sherriffe, were disorderly, -and that merchants, coming about their lawful business, were -plundered, terrified, and detained. He therefore intimated to him, that -if any such thing happened to me, he should not write or complain, but -he would send and punish the affront at the very gates of Mecca. This -was very unpleasant language to the Vizir, because it was now publicly -known, that Mahomet Bey Abou Dahab was preparing next year to march -against Mecca, for some offence the Bey had taken at the Sherriffe. -There was also another letter to him from Ibrahim Sikakeen, chief of -the merchants at Cairo, ordering him to furnish me with a thousand -sequins for my present use, and, if more were needed, to take my bill. - -These contents of the trunk were so unexpected, that Cabil the Vizir -thought he had gone too far, and called my servant in a violent hurry, -upbraiding him, for not telling who I was. The servant defended -himself, by saying, that neither he, nor his people about him, would so -much as regard a word that he spoke; and the cadi of Medina’s principal -servant, who had come with the wheat, told the Vizir plainly to his -face, that he had given him warning enough, if his pride would have -suffered him to hear it. - -All was now wrong, my servant was ordered to nail up the hinges, but he -declared it would be the last action of his life; that nobody opened -baggage that way, but with intention of stealing, when the keys could -be got; and, as there were many rich things in the trunk, intended as -presents to the Sherriffe, and Metical Aga, which might have been taken -out, by the hinges being forced off before he came, he washed his hands -of the whole procedure, but knew his master would complain, and loudly -too, and would be heard both at Cairo and Jidda. The Vizir took his -resolution in a moment like a man. He nailed up the baggage, ordered -his horse to be brought, and attended by a number of naked blackguards -(whom they call soldiers) he came down to the Bengal house, on which -the whole factory took alarm. - -About twenty-six years before, the English traders from India to Jidda, -fourteen in number, were all murdered, sitting at dinner, by a mutiny -of these wild people. The house has, ever since, lain in ruins, having -been pulled down and forbidden to be rebuilt. - -Great inquiry was made after the English nobleman, whom nobody had -seen; but it was said that one of his servants was there in the Bengal -house; I was sitting drinking coffee on the mat, when the Vizir’s -horse came, and the whole court was filled. One of the clerks of the -custom-house asked me where my master was? I said, “In heaven.” The -Emir Bahar’s servant now brought forward the Vizir to me, who had not -dismounted himself. He repeated the same question, where my master -was?--I told him, I did not know the purport of his question, that I -was the person to whom the baggage belonged, which he had taken to the -custom-house, and that it was in my favour the Grand Signior and Bey -had written. He seemed very much surprised, and asked me how I could -appear in such a dress?--“You cannot ask that seriously, said I; I -believe no prudent man would dress better, considering the voyage I -have made. But, besides, you did not leave it in my power, as every -article, but what I have on me, has been these four hours at the -custom-house, waiting your pleasure.” - -We then went all up to our kind landlord, Captain Thornhill, to whom I -made my excuse, on account of the ill usage I had first met with from -my own relation. He laughed very heartily at the narrative, and from -that time we lived in the greatest friendship and confidence. All was -made up, even with Yousef Cabil; and all heads were employed to get -the strongest letters possible to the Naybe of Masuah, the king of -Abyssinia, Michael Suhul the minister, and the king of Sennaar. - -Metical Aga, great friend and protector of the English at Jidda, and in -effect, we may say, _sold to them_, for the great presents and profits -he received, was himself originally an Abyssinian slave, was the man of -confidence, and directed the sale of the king’s, and Michael’s gold, -ivory, civet, and such precious commodities, that are paid to them -in kind; he furnished Michael, like wise, with returns in fire-arms; -and this had enabled Michael to subdue Abyssinia, murder the king his -master, and seat another on his throne. - -On the other hand, the Naybe of Masuah, whose island belonged to the -Grand Signior, and was an appendage of the government of the Basha -of Jidda, had endeavoured to withdraw himself from his allegiance, -and set up for independency. He paid no tribute, nor could the Basha, -who had no troops, force him, as he was on the Abyssinian side of the -Red Sea. Metical Aga, however, and the Basha, at last agreed; the -latter ceded to the former the island and territory of Masuah, for a -fixed sum annually; and Metical Aga appointed Michael, governor of -Tigré, receiver of his rents. The Naybe no sooner found that he was -to account to Michael, than he was glad to pay his tribute, and give -presents to the bargain; for Tigré was the province from which he drew -his sustenance, and Michael could have over-run his whole territory -in eight days, which once, as we shall see hereafter, belonged to -Abyssinia. Metical’s power being then universally acknowledged and -known, the next thing was to get him to make use of it in my favour. - -We knew of how little avail the ordinary futile recommendations of -letters were. We were veteran travellers, and knew the style of the -East too well, to be duped by letters of mere civility. There is no -people on the earth more perfectly polite in their correspondence with -one another, than are those of the East; but their civility means -little more than the same sort of expressions do in Europe, to shew you -that the writer is a well-bred man. But this would by no means do in a -journey so long, so dangerous, and so serious as mine. - -We, therefore, set about procuring effective letters, letters of -business and engagement, between man and man; and we all endeavoured to -make Metical Aga a very good man, but no great head-piece, comprehend -this perfectly. My letters from Ali Bey opened the affair to him, and -first commanded his attention. A very handsome present of pistols, -which I brought him, inclined him in my favour, because, as I was -bearer of letters from his superior, I might have declined bestowing -any present upon him. - -The English gentlemen joined their influence, powerful enough, to have -accomplished a much greater end, as everyone of these have separate -friends for their own affairs, and all of them were desirous to -befriend me. Added to these was a friend of mine, whom I had known at -Aleppo, Ali Zimzimiah, _i. e._ ‘keeper of the holy well at Mecca,’ a -post of great dignity and honour. This man was a mathematician, and an -astronomer, according to their degree of knowledge in that science. - -All the letters were written in a style such as I could have desired, -but this did not suffice in the mind of a very friendly and worthy -man, who had taken an attachment to me since my first arrival. This -was Captain Thomas Price, of the Lion of Bombay. He first proposed -to Metical Aga, to send a man of his own with me, together with the -letters, and I do firmly believe, under Providence, it was to this -last measure I owed my life. With this Captain Thornhill heartily -concurred, and an Abyssinian, called Mahomet Gibberti, was appointed to -go with particular letters besides those I carried myself, and to be an -eye-witness of my reception there. - -There was some time necessary for this man to make ready, and a -considerable part of the Arabian Gulf still remained for me to explore. -I prepared, therefore, to set out from Jidda, after having made a -considerable stay in it. - -Of all the new things I yet had seen, what most astonished me was -the manner in which trade was carried on at this place. Nine ships -were there from India; some of them worth, I suppose, L. 200,000. One -merchant, a Turk, living at Mecca, thirty hours journey off, where no -Christian dares go, whilst the whole Continent is open to the Turk for -escape, offers to purchase the cargoes of four out of nine of these -ships himself; another, of the same cast, comes and says, he will buy -none, unless he has them all. The samples are shewn, and the cargoes of -the whole nine ships are carried into the wildest part of Arabia, by -men with whom one would not wish to trust himself alone in the field. -This is not all, two India brokers come into the room to settle the -price. One on the part of the India captain, the other on that of the -buyer the Turk. They are neither Mahometans nor Christians, but have -credit with both. They sit down on the carpet, and take an India shawl, -which they carry on their shoulder, like a napkin, and spread it over -their hands. They talk, in the mean time, indifferent conversation, -of the arrival of ships from India, or of the news of the day, as if -they were employed in no serious business whatever. After about twenty -minutes spent in handling each others fingers below the shawl, the -bargain is concluded, say for nine ships, without one word ever having -been spoken on the subject, or pen or ink used in any shape whatever. -There never was one instance of a dispute happening in _these sales_. - -But this is not yet all, the money is to be paid. A private Moor, who -has nothing to support him but his character, becomes responsible -for the payment of these cargoes; his name was Ibrahim Saraf when I -was there, _i. e._ Ibrahim the Broker. This man delivers a number of -coarse hempen bags, full of what is supposed to be money. He marks the -contents upon the bag, and puts his seal upon the string that ties the -mouth of it. This is received for what is marked upon it, without any -one ever having opened one or the bags, and, in India, it is current -for the value marked upon it, as long as the bag lasts. - -Jidda is very unwholesome, as is, indeed, all the east coast of the Red -Sea. Immediately without the gate of that town, to the eastward, is a -desert plain filled with the huts of the Bedowèens, or country Arabs, -built of long bundles of spartum, or bent grass, put together like -fascines. These Bedowèens supply Jidda with milk and butter. There is -no stirring out of town, even for a walk, unless for about half a mile, -in the south side by the sea, where there is a number of stinking pools -of stagnant water, which contributes to make the town very unwholesome. - -Jidda, besides being in the most unwholesome part of Arabia, is, at -the same time, in the most barren and desert situation. This, and -many other inconveniencies, under which it labours, would, probably, -have occasioned its being abandoned altogether, were it not for its -vicinity to Mecca, and the great and sudden influx of wealth from the -India trade, which, once a-year, arrives in this part, but does not -continue, passing on, as through a turnpike, to Mecca; whence it is -dispersed all over the east. Very little advantage however accrues to -Jidda. The customs are all immediately sent to a needy sovereign, and -a hungry set of relations, dependents and ministers at Mecca. The gold -is returned in bags and boxes, and passes on as rapidly to the ships as -the goods do to the market, and leaves as little profit behind. In the -mean time, provisions rise to a prodigious price, and this falls upon -the townsmen, while all the profit of the traffic is in the hands of -strangers; most of whom, after the market is over, (which does not last -six weeks) retire to Yemen, and other neighbouring countries, which -abound in every sort of provision. - -Upon this is founded the observation, that of all Mahometan countries -none are so monogam as those of Jidda, and no where are there so many -unmarried women, altho’ this is the country of their prophet, and the -permission of marrying four wives was allowed in this district in the -first instance, and afterwards communicated to all the tribes. - -But Mahomet, in his permission of plurality of wives, seems constantly -to have been on his guard, against suffering that, which was intended -for the welfare of his people, from operating in a different manner. -He did not permit a man to marry two, three, or four wives, unless he -could maintain them. He was interested for the rights and rank of these -women; and the man so marrying was obliged to shew before the Cadi, or -some equivalent officer, or judge, that it was in his power to support -them, according to their birth. It was not so with concubines, with -women who were purchased, or who were taken in war. Every man enjoyed -these at his pleasure, and their peril, that is, whether he was able to -maintain them or not. - -From this great scarcity of provisions, which is the result of an -extraordinary concourse to a place almost destitute of the necessaries -of life, few inhabitants of Jidda can avail themselves of the privilege -granted him by Mahomet. He therefore cannot marry more than one wife, -because he cannot maintain more, and from this cause arises the want of -people, and the large number of unmarried women. - -When in Arabia Felix, where every sort of provision is exceedingly -cheap, where the fruits of the ground, the general food for man, are -produced spontaneously, the supporting of a number of wives costs no -more than so many slaves or servants; their food is the same, and a -blue cotton shirt, a habit common to them all, is not more chargeable -for the one than the other. The consequence is, that celibacy in women -is prevented, and the number of people is increased in a fourfold ratio -by polygamy, to what it is in those that are monogamous. - -I know there are authors fond of system, enemies to free inquiry, and -blinded by prejudice, who contend that polygamy, without distinction -of circumstances, is detrimental to the population of a country. The -learned Dr Arbuthnot, in a paper addressed to the Royal Society[189], -has maintained this strange doctrine, in a still stranger manner. He -lays it down, as his first position, that _in semine masculino_ of -our first parent Adam, there was impressed an original necessity of -procreating, ever after, an equal number of males and females. The -manner he proves this, has received great incense from the vulgar, as -containing an unanswerable argument. He shews, by the casting of three -dice, that the chances are almost infinite, that an equal number of -males and females should _not_ be born in any year; and he pretends to -prove, that every year in twenty, as taken from the bills of mortality, -the same number of males and females have constantly been produced, -or at least a greater proportion of men than of women, to make up for -the havock occasioned by war, murder, drunkenness, and all species of -violence to which women are not subject. - -I need not say, that this, at least, sufficiently shews the weakness -of the argument. For, if the _equal_ proportion had been _in semine -masculino_ of our first parent, the consequence must have been, that -male and female would have been invariably born, from the creation to -the end of all things. And it is a supposition very unworthy of the -wisdom of God, that, at the creation of man, he could make an allowance -for any deviation that was to happen, from crimes, against the -commission of which his positive precepts ran. Weak as this is, it is -not the weakest part of this artificial argument, which, like the web -of a spider too finely woven, whatever part you touch it on, the whole -falls to pieces. - -After taking it for granted, that he has proved the equality of -the two sexes in number, from the bills of mortality in London, he -next supposes, as a consequence, that all the world is in the same -predicament; that is, that an equal number of males and females is -produced every where. Why Dr Arbuthnot, an eminent physician (which -surely implies an informed naturalist) should imagine that this -inference would hold, is what I am not able to account for. He should -know, let us say, in the countries of the east, that fruits, flowers, -trees, birds, fish, every blade of grass, is commonly different, and -that man, in his appearance, diet, exercise, pleasure, government, and -religion, is as widely different; why he should found the issue of an -Asiatic, however, upon the bills of mortality in London, is to the full -as absurd as to assert, that they do not wear either beard or whiskers -in Syria, because that is not the case in London. - -I am well aware, that it maybe urged by those who permit themselves to -say every thing, because they are not at pains to consider any thing, -that the course of my argument will lead to a defence of polygamy -in general, the supposed doctrine of the Thelypthora[190]. Such -reflections as these, unless introduced for merriment, are below my -animadversion; all I shall say on that topic is, that they who find -encouragement to polygamy in Mr Madan’s book, the Thelypthora, have -read it with a much more acute perception than perhaps I have done; and -I shall be very much mistaken, if polygamy increases in England upon -the principles laid down in the Thelypthora. - -England, says Dr Arbuthnot, enjoys an equality of both sexes, and, if -it is not so, the inequality is so imperceptible, that no inconvenience -has yet followed. What we have now to inquire is, Whether other -nations, or the majority of them, are in the same situation? For, if -we are to decide by this, and if we should happen to find, that, in -other countries, there are invariably born three women to one man, the -conclusion, in regard to that country, must be, that three women to -one man was the proportion of one sex to the other, impressed at the -creation _in semine_ of our first parent. - -I confess I am not fond of meddling with the globe _before_ the -_deluge_. But as learned men seem inclined to think that Ararat and -Euphrates are the mountain and river of antediluvian times, and that -Mesopotamia, or Diarbekir, is the ancient situation of the terrestrial -paradise, I cannot give Dr Arbuthnot’s argument fairer play[191], than -to transport myself thither; and, in the same spot where the necessity -was imposed of male and female being produced in equal numbers, inquire -how that case stands now. The pretence that climates and times may have -changed, the proportion cannot be admitted, since it has been taken -for granted, that it exists in the bills of mortality in London, and -governs them to this day; and, since it was founded on necessity, which -must be eternal. - -Now, from a diligent inquiry into the south, and scripture-part of -Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Syria, from Mousul (or Nineveh) to Aleppo -and Antioch, I find the proportion to be fully two women born to one -man. There is indeed a fraction over, but not a considerable one. From -Latikea, Laodicea ad mare, down the coast of Syria to Sidon, the number -is very nearly three, or two and three-fourths to one man. Through the -Holy Land, the country called _Horan_, in the Isthmus of Suez, and -the parts of the Delta, unfrequented by strangers, it is something -less than three. But, from Suez to the straits of Babelmandeb, which -contains the three Arabias, the portion is fully four women to one man, -which, I have reason to believe, holds as far as the Line, and 30° -beyond it. - -The Imam of Sana[191] was not an old man when I was in Arabia Felix -in 1769; but he had 88 children then alive, of whom 14 only were -sons.--The priest of the Nile had 70 and odd children; of whom, as I -remember, above 50 were daughters. - -It may be objected, that Dr Arbuthnot, in quoting the bills of -mortality for twenty years, gave most unexceptionable grounds for -his opinion, and that my single assertion of what happens in a -foreign country, without further foundation, cannot be admitted as -equivalent testimony; and I am ready to admit this objection, as -bills of mortality there are none in any of these countries. I shall -therefore say in what manner I attained the knowledge which I have just -mentioned. Whenever I went into a town, village, or inhabited place, -dwelt long in a mountain, or travelled journies with any set of people, -I always made it my business to inquire how many children they had, or -their fathers, their next neighbours, or acquaintance. This not being a -captious question, or what any one would scruple to answer, there was -no interest to deceive; and if it had been possible, that two or three -had been so wrong-headed among the whole, it would have been of little -consequence. - -I then asked my landlord at Sidon, (suppose him a weaver,) how many -children he has had? He tells me how many sons, and how many daughters. -The next I ask is a smith, a tailor, a silk-gatherer, the Cadi of the -place, a cowherd, a hunter, a fisher, in short every man that is not -a stranger, from whom I can get proper information. I say, therefore, -that a medium of both sexes arising from three or four hundred families -indiscriminately taken, shall be the proportion in which one differs -from the other; and this, I am confident, will give the result to be -three women to one man in 50° out of the 90° under every meridian of -the globe. - -Without giving Mahomet all the credit for abilities that some have -done, we may surely suppose him to know what happened in his own -family, where he must have seen this great disproportion of four women -born to one man; and from the obvious consequences, we are not to -wonder that one of his first cares, when a legislator, was to rectify -it, as it struck at the very root of his empire, power, and religion. -With this view, he enacted, or rather revived, the law which gave -liberty to every individual to marry four wives, each of whom was -to be equal in rank and honour, without any preference but what the -predilection of the husband gave her. By this he secured civil rights -to each woman, and procured a means of doing away that reproach, of -_dying without issue_, to which the minds of the whole sex have always -been sensible, whatever their religion was, or from whatever part of -the world they came. - -Many, who are not conversant with Arabian history, have imagined, that -this permission of a plurality of wives was given in favour of men, -and have taxed one of the most _political_, _necessary_ measures, of -that legislator, arising from motives merely civil, with a tendency -to encourage lewdness, from which it was very far distant. But, if -they had considered that the Mahometan law allows divorce without any -_cause assigned_, and that, every day at the pleasure of the man; -besides, that it permits him as many concubines as he can maintain, buy -with money, take in war, or gain by the ordinary means of address and -solicitations,--they will think such a man was before sufficiently -provided, and that there was not the least reason for allowing him to -marry four wives at a time, when he was already at liberty to marry a -new one every day. - -Dr Arbuthnot lays it down as a self-evident position, that four women -will have more children by four men, than the same four women would -have by one. This assertion may very well be disputed, but still it is -not in point. For the question with regard to Arabia, and to a great -part of the world besides, is, Whether or not four women and one man, -married, or cohabiting at discretion, shall produce more children, than -four women and one man who is debarred from cohabiting with any but -one of the four, the others dying unmarried without the knowledge of -man? or, in other words, Which shall have most children, one man and -one woman, or one man and four women? This question I think needs no -discussion. - -Let us now consider, if there is any further reason why England should -not be brought as an example, which Arabia, or the East in general, are -to follow. - -Women in England are commonly capable of child-bearing at fourteen, -let the other term be forty-eight, when they bear no more; thirty-four -years, therefore, an English woman bears children. At the age of -fourteen or fifteen they are objects of our love; they are endeared -by bearing us children after that time, and none I hope will pretend, -that, at forty-eight and fifty, an English woman is not an agreeable -companion. Perhaps the last years, to thinking minds, are fully more -agreeable than the first. We grow old together, we have a near -prospect of dying together; nothing can present a more agreeable -picture of social life, than monogamy in England. - -The Arab, on the other hand, if she begins to bear children at -eleven, seldom or never has a child after twenty. The time then of -her child-bearing is nine years, and four women, _taken altogether_, -have then the term of _thirty-six_. So that the English woman that -bears children for thirty-four years, has only two years less than the -term enjoyed by the four wives whom Mahomet has allowed; and if it be -granted an English wife may bear at fifty, the terms are equal. - -But there are other grievous differences. An Arabian girl, at _eleven_ -years old, by her youth and beauty, is the object of man’s desire; -being an infant, however, in understanding, she is not a rational -companion for him. A man marries there, say at _twenty_, and before he -is thirty, his wife, improved as a companion, ceases to be an object of -his desires, and a mother of children; so that all the best, and most -vigorous of his days, are spent with a woman he cannot love, and with -her he would be destined to live forty, or forty-five years, without -comfort to himself by increase of family, or utility to the public. - -The reasons, then, against polygamy, which subsist in England, do not -by any means subsist in Arabia; and that being the case, it would be -unworthy of the wisdom of God, and an unevenness in his ways, which -we shall never see, to subject two nations, under such different -circumstances, absolutely to the same observances. - -I consider the prophecy concerning Ishmael, and his descendants the -Arabs, as one of the most extraordinary that we meet with in the Old -Testament. It was also one of the earliest made, and proceeded upon -grounds of private reparation. Hagar had not sinned, though she had -fled from Sarah with Ishmael her son into the wilderness. In that -desert there were then no inhabitants, and though Ishmael’s[192] -succession was incompatible with God’s promise to Abraham and his son -Isaac, yet neither Hagar nor he having sinned, justice required a -reparation for the heritage which he had lost. God gave him that very -wilderness which before was the property of no man, in which Ishmael -was to erect a kingdom under the most improbable circumstances possible -to be imagined. His [193]hand was to be against every man, and every -man’s hand against him. By his sword he was to live, and pitch his tent -in the _face_ of his brethren. - -Never has prophecy been so completely fulfilled. It subsisted from the -earliest ages; it was verified before the time of Moses; in the time -of David and Solomon; it subsisted in the time of Alexander and that -of Augustus Cæsar; it subsisted in the time of Justinian,--all very -distant, unconnected periods; and I appeal to the evidence of mankind, -if, without apparent support or necessity, but what it has derived from -God’s promise only, it is not in full vigour at this very day. This -prophecy alone, in the truth of which all sorts of religions agree, is -therefore of itself a sufficient proof, without other, of the Divine -authority of the scripture. - -Mahomet prohibited all pork and wine; two articles which must have -been, before, very little used in Arabia. Grapes, here, grow in the -mountains of Yemen, but never arrive at maturity enough for wine. They -bring them down for this purpose to Loheia, and there the heat of the -climate turns the wine sour before they can clear it of its fæces so -as to make it drinkable; and we know that, before the appearance of -Mahomet, Arabia was never a wine country. As for swine, I never heard -of them in the peninsula, of Arabia, (unless perhaps wild in the woods -about Sana,) and it was from early times inhabited by Jews before the -coming of Mahomet. The only people therefore that ate swine’s flesh -must have been Christians, and they were a sect of little account. Many -of these, however, do not eat pork yet, but all of them were, oppressed -and despised every-where, and there was no inducement for any other -people to imitate them. - -Mahomet then prohibiting only what was merely neutral, or indifferent -to the Arabs, indulged them in that to which he knew they were prone. - -At the several conversations I had with the English merchants at Jidda, -they complained grievously of the manner in which they were oppressed -by the sherriffe of Mecca and his officers. The duties and fees were -increased every voyage; their privileges all taken away, and a most -destructive measure introduced of forcing them to give presents, which -was only an inducement to oppress, that the gift might be the greater. -I asked them if I should obtain from the Bey of Cairo permission for -their ships to come down to Suez, whither there were merchants in -India who would venture to undertake that voyage? Captain Thornhill -promised, for his part, that the very season after such permission -should arrive in India, he would dispatch his ship the Bengal Merchant, -under command of his mate Captain Greig, to whose capacity and worth -all his countrymen bore very ready testimony, and of which I myself -had formed a very good opinion, from the several conversations we had -together. This scheme was concerted between me and Captain Thornhill -only; and tho’ it must be confessed it had the appearance of an airy -one, (since it was not to be attempted, till I had returned through -Abyssinia and Nubia, against which there were many thousand chances,) -it was executed, notwithstanding, in the very manner in which it had -been planned, as will be after stated. - -The kindness and attention of my countrymen did not leave me as long -as I was on shore. They all did me the honour to attend me to the -water edge. If others have experienced pride and presumption, from -gentlemen of the East-Indies, I was most happily exempted from even the -appearance of it at Jidda. Happy it would have been for me, if I had -been more neglected. - -All the quay of Jidda was lined with people to see the English salute, -and along with my vessel there parted, at the same time, one bound to -Masuah, which carried Mahomet Abd el cader, Governor of Dahalac, over -to his government. Dahalac[194] is a large island, depending upon -Masuah, but which has a separate firman, or commission, renewed every -two years. This man was a Moor, a servant of the Naybe of Masuah, and -he had been at Jidda to procure his firman from Metical Aga, while -Mahomet Gibberti was to come with me, and was to bring it to the Naybe. -This Abd el cader no sooner was arrived at Masuah, than, following the -turn or his country for lying, he spread a report, that a great man, -or prince, whom he left at Jidda, was coming speedily to Masuah; that -he had brought great presents to the Sherriffe and Metical Aga; that, -in return, he had received a large sum in _gold_ from the Sherriffe’s -Vizir, Yousef Cabil; besides as much as he pleased from the English, -who had done nothing but feast and regale him for the several months -he had been at Jidda; and that, when he departed, as this great man -was now going to visit the Imam in Arabia Felix, all the English ships -hoisted their colours, and fired their cannon from morning to night, -for three days successively, which was two days after he had sailed, -and therefore what he could not possibly have seen. The consequence -of all this was, the Naybe of Masuah expected that a man with immense -treasures was coming to put himself into _his hands_. I look therefore -upon the danger I escaped there as superior to all those put together, -that I have ever been exposed to: of such material and bad consequence -is the most contemptible of all weapons, the tongue of a liar and a -fool! - -Jidda is in lat. 28° 0´ 1´´ north, and in long. 39° 16´ 45´´ east of -the meridian of Greenwich. Our weather there had few changes. The -general wind was north-west, or more northerly. This blowing along the -direction of the Gulf brought a great deal of damp along with it; and -this damp increases as the season advances. Once in twelve or fourteen -days, perhaps, we had a south wind, which was always dry. The highest -degree of the barometer at Jidda, on the 5th of June, wind north, was -26° 6´, and the lowest on the 18th of same month, wind north-west, was -25° 7´. The highest degree of the thermometer was 97° on the 12th of -July, wind north, the lowest was 78° wind north. - - - - -CHAP. XII. - - _Sails from Jidda--Konfodah--Ras Heli boundary of Arabia - Felix--Arrives at Loheia--Proceeds to the Straits of the Indian - Ocean--Arrives there--Returns by Azab to Loheia._ - - -It was on the 8th of July 1769 I sailed from the harbour of Jidda on -board the same vessel as before, and I suffered the Rais to take a -small loading for his own account, upon condition that he was to carry -no passengers. The wind was fair, and we sailed through the English -fleet at their anchors. As they had all honoured me with their regret -at parting, and accompanied me to the shore, the Rais was surprised to -see the respect paid to his little vessel as it passed under their huge -sterns, every one hoisting his colours, and saluting it with eleven -guns, except the ship belonging to my Scotch friend, who shewed his -colours, indeed, but did not fire a gun, only standing upon deck, cried -with the trumpet, “Captain ---- wishes Mr Bruce a good voyage.” I stood -upon deck, took my trumpet, and answered, “Mr Bruce wishes Captain ---- -a speedy and perfect return of his understanding;” a wish, poor man, -that has not yet been accomplished, and very much to my regret, it does -not appear probable that ever it will. That night having passed a -cluster of shoals, called the Shoals of Safia, we anchored in a small -bay, Mersa Gedan, about twelve leagues from the harbour of Jidda. - -The 9th of July, we passed another small road called _Goofs_, and at -a quarter past nine, Raghwan, east north-east two miles, and, at a -quarter past ten, the small Port of Sodi, bearing east north-east, at -the same distance. At one and three quarters we passed Markat, two -miles distant north-east by east; and a rock called _Numan_, two miles -distant to the south-west. After this the mountain of Somma, and, at a -quarter past six, we anchored in a small unsafe harbour, called _Mersa -Brahim_, of which we had seen a very rough and incorrect design in the -hands of the gentlemen at Jidda. I have endeavoured, with that draught -before me, to correct it so far that it may now be depended upon. - -The 10th, we sailed, at five o’clock in the morning, with little wind, -our course south and by west; I suppose we were then going something -less than two knots an hour. At half after seven we passed the island -Abeled, and two other small mountains that bore about a league -south-west and by west of us. The wind freshened as it approached -mid-day, so that at one o’clock we went full three knots an hour, being -obliged to change our course according to the lying of the islands. It -came to be about south south-east in the end of the day. - -At a quarter after one, we passed Ras el Askar, meaning the Cape -of the Soldiers, or of the Army. Here we saw some trees, and, at a -considerable distance within the Main, mountains to the north-east -of us. At two o’clock we passed in the middle channel, between five -sandy islands, all covered with kelp, three on the east or right hand, -and two on the west. They are called _Ginnan el Abiad_, or the White -Gardens, I suppose from the green herb growing upon the white sand. -At half after two, with the same wind, we passed an island bearing -east from us, the Main about a league distant. At three we passed -close to an island bearing south-west of us, about a mile off. It is -of a moderate height, and is called _Jibbel Surreine_. At half past -four our course was south-east and by south; we passed two islands to -the south-east of us, at two miles, and a smaller, west south-west a -quarter of a mile distant. From this to the Main will be about five -miles, or something more. At fifty minutes after four, came up to -an island which reached to Konfodah. We saw to the west, and west -south-west of us, different small islands, not more than half a mile -distant. We heaved the line, and had no soundings at thirty-two fathom, -yet, if any where, I thought there we were to find shoal water. At -five o’clock, our course being south-east and by south, we passed -an island a quarter of a mile to the west of us, and afterwards a -number of others in a row; and, at half past eight, we arrived at an -anchoring-place, but which cannot be called a harbour, named _Mersa -Hadou_. - -The 11th, we left Mersa Hadou at four o’clock in the morning. Being -calm, we made little way; our course was south south-east, which -changed to a little more easterly. At six, we tacked to stand in for -Konfodah harbour, which is very remarkable for a high mountain behind -it, whose top is terminated by a pyramid or cone of very regular -proportion. There was no wind to carry us in; we hoisted out the boat -which I had bought at Jidda for my pleasure and safety, intending -it to be a present to my Rais at parting, as he very well knew. At a -quarter past eight, we were towed to our anchorage in the harbour of -Konfodah. - -Konfodah means the town of the hedge-hog[195]. It is a small village, -consisting of about two hundred miserable houses, built with green -wood, and covered with mats, made of the doom, or palm-tree; lying on a -bay, or rather a shallow bason, in a desert waste or plain. Behind the -town are small hillocks of white sand. Nothing grows on shore excepting -kelp, but it is exceedingly beautiful, and very luxuriant; farther in, -there are gardens. Fish is in perfect plenty; butter and milk in great -abundance; even the desert looks fresher than other deserts, which made -me imagine that rain fell sometimes here, and this the Emir told me was -the case. - -Although I made a draught of the port, it is not worth the publishing. -For though in all probability it was once deep, safe, and convenient, -yet there is nothing now but a kind of road, under shelter of a point, -or ridge of land, which rounds out into the sea, and ends in a Cape, -called _Ras Mozeffa_. Behind the town there is another small Cape, upon -which there are three guns mounted, but with what intention it was not -possible to guess. - -The Emir Ferhan, governor of the town, was an Abyssinian slave, -who invited me on shore, and we dined together on very excellent -provision, dressed according to their custom. He said the country near -the shore was desert, but a little within land, or where the roots and -gravel had fixed the sand, the soil produced every thing, especially if -they had any showers of rain. It was so long since I had heard mention -of a shower of rain, that I could not help laughing, and he seemed to -think that he had said something wrong, and begged so politely to know -what I laughed at, that I was obliged to confess. “The reason, said I, -Sir, is an absurd one. What passed in my mind at that time was, that I -had travelled about two thousand miles, and above twelve months, and -had neither seen nor heard of a _shower of rain_ till now, and though -you will perceive by my conversation that I understand your language -well, for a stranger, yet I declare to you, the moment you spoke it, -had you asked, what was the Arabic for a shower of rain, I could not -have told you. I declare to you, upon my word, it was that which I -laughed at, and upon no other account whatever.” “You are going, says -he, to countries where you will have rain and wind, sufficiently cold, -and where the water in the mountains is harder than the dry land, and -people stand upon it[196]. We have only the remnant of their showers, -and it is to that we owe our greatest happiness.” - -I was very much pleased with his conversation. He seemed to be near -fifty years of age, was exceedingly well dressed, had neither gun -nor pistol about him, not even a knife, nor an Arab servant armed, -though they were all well dressed; but he had in his court-yard -about threescore of the finest horses I had for a long time seen. We -dined just opposite to them, in a small saloon strowed with India -carpets; the walls were covered with white tiles, which I suppose he -had got from India; yet his house, without, was a very common one, -distinguished only from the rest in the village by its size. - -He seemed to have a more rational knowledge of things, and spoke more -elegantly than any man I had conversed with in Arabia. He said he had -lost the only seven sons he had, in one month, by the small-pox: And -when I attempted to go away, he wished I would stay with him some time, -and said, that I had better take up my lodgings in his house, than go -on board the boat that night, where I was not perfectly in safety. On -my seeming surprised at this, he told me, that last year, a vessel from -Mascatte, on the Indian Ocean, had quarrelled with his people; that -they had fought on the shore, and several of the crew had been killed; -that they had obstinately cruized in the neighbourhood, in hopes of -reprisals, till, by the change of the monsoon, they had lost their -passage home, and so were necessarily confined to the Red Sea for six -months afterwards; he added, they had four guns, which they called -patareroes, and that they would certainly cut us off, as they could -not miss to fall in with us. This was the very worst news that I had -ever heard, as to what might happen at sea. Before this, we thought all -strangers were our friends, and only feared the natives of the coast -for enemies; now, upon a bare defenceless shore, we found ourselves -likely to be a prey to both natives and strangers. - -Our Rais, above all, was seized with a panic; his country was just -adjoining to Mascatte upon the Indian Ocean, and they were generally at -war. He said he knew well who they were, that there was no country kept -in better order than Mascatte; but that these were a set of pirates, -belonging to the Bahareen; that their vessels were stout, full of men, -who carried incense to Jidda, and up as far as Madagascar; that they -feared no man, and loved no man, only were true to their employers for -the time. He imagined (I suppose it was but imagination,) that he had -seen a vessel in the morning, (a lug-sail vessel, as the pirate was -described to be,) and it was with difficulty we could prevail on the -Rais not to sail back to Jidda. I took my leave of the Emir to return -to my tent, to hold a consultation what was to be done. - -Konfodah is in the lat. 19° 7´ North. It is one of the most unwholesome -parts on the Red Sea, provision is very dear and bad, and the water, -(contrary to what the Emir had told me) execrable. Goats flesh is -the only meat, and that very dear and lean. The anchorage, from the -castle, bears north-west a quarter of a mile distant, from ten to seven -fathoms, in sand and mud. - -On the 14th, our Rais, more afraid of dying by a fever than by the -hands of the pirates, consented willingly to put to sea. The Emir’s -good dinners had not extended to the boat’s crew, and they had been -upon short commons. The Rais’s fever had returned since he left Jidda, -and I gave him some doses of bark, after which he soon recovered. But -he was always complaining of hunger, which the black flesh of an old -goat, the Emir had given us, did not satisfy. - -We sailed at six o’clock in the morning, having first, by way of -precaution, thrown all our ballast over-board, that we might run into -shoal water upon the appearance of the enemy. We kept a good look-out -toward the horizon all around us, especially when we sailed in the -morning. I observed we became all fearless, and bold, about noon; -but towards night the panic again seized us, like children that are -afraid of ghosts; though at that time we might have been sure that all -stranger vessels were at anchor. - -We had little wind, and passed between various rocks to the westward, -continuing our course S. S. E. nearly, somewhat more easterly, and -about three miles distant from the shore. At four o’clock, noon, we -passed Jibbel Sabeia, a sandy island, larger than the others, but no -higher. To this island the Arabs of Ras Heli send their wives and -children in time of war; none of the rest are inhabited. At five we -passed Ras Heli, which is the boundary between Yemen, or Arabia Felix, -and the [197]Hejaz, or province of Mecca, the first belonging to the -Imam, or king of Sana, the other to the Sherriffe lately spoken of. - -I desired my Rais to anchor this night close under the Cape, as it was -perfectly calm and clear, and, by taking a mean of five observations -of the passage of so many stars, the most proper for the purpose, over -the meridian, I determined the latitude of Ras Heli, and consequently -the boundary of the two states, Hejaz and Yemen, or Arabia Felix and -Arabia Deserta, to be 18° 36´ north. - -The mountains reach here nearer to the sea. We anchored a mile from -the shore in 15 fathoms, the banks were sand and coral; from this the -coast is better inhabited. The principal Arabs to which the country -belongs are Cotrushi, Sebahi, Helali, Mauchlota, and Menjahi. These are -not Arabs by origin, but came from the opposite coast near Azab, and -were _Shepherds_, who were stubborn enemies to Mahomet, but at last -converted; they are black, and woolly-headed. The mountains and small -islands on the coast, farther inland to the eastward, are in possession -of the _Habib_. These are white in colour, rebellious, or independent -Arabs, who pay no sort of obedience to the Imam, or the Sherriffe of -Mecca, but occasionally plunder the towns on the coast. - -All the sandy desert at the foot of the mountains is called _Tehama_, -which extends to Mocha. But in the maps it is marked as a separate -country from Arabia Felix, whereas it is but the low part, or sea-coast -of it, and is not a separate jurisdiction. It is called _Tema_ in -scripture, and derives its name from _Taami_ in Arabic, which signifies -the sea-coast. There is little water here, as it never rains; there is -also no animal but the gazel or antelope, and but a few of them. There -are few birds, and those which may be found are generally mute. - -The 15th, we sailed with little wind, coasting along the shore, -sometimes at two miles distance, and often less. The mountains now -seemed high. I sounded several times, and found no ground at thirty -fathoms, within a mile of the shore. We passed several ports or -harbours; first Mersa Amec, where there is good anchorage in eleven -fathom of water, a mile and a half from the shore; at eight o’clock, -Nohoude, with an island of the same name; at ten, a harbour and -village called Dahaban. As the sky was quite overcast, I could get no -observation, though I watched very attentively. Dahaban is a large -village, where there is both water and provision, but I did not see its -harbour. It bore E. N. E. of us about three miles distant. At three -quarters past eleven we came up to a high rock, called _Kotumbal_, and -I lay to, for observation. It is of a dark-brown, approaching to red; -is about two miles from the Arabian shore, and produces nothing. I -found its latitude to be 17° 57´ north. A small rock stands up at one -end of the base of the mountain. - -We came to an anchor in the port of Sibt, where I went ashore under -pretence of seeking provisions, but in reality to see the country, and -observe what sort of people the inhabitants were. The mountains from -Kotumbal ran in an even chain along the coast, at no great distance, -but of such a height, that as yet we had seen nothing like them. Sibt -is too mean, and too small to be called a village, even in Arabia. It -consists of about fifteen or twenty miserable huts, built of straw; -around it there is a plantation of doom-trees, of the leaves of which -they make mats and sails, which is the whole manufacture of the place. - -Our Rais made many purchases here. The _Cotrushi_, the inhabitants -of this village, seem to be as brutish a people as any in the world. -They are perfectly lean, but muscular, and apparently strong; they -wear all their own hair, which they divide upon the crown of their -head. It is black and bushy, and, although sufficiently long, seems to -partake of the woolly quality of the Negro. Their head is bound round -with a cord or fillet of the doom leaf, like the ancient diadem. The -women are generally ill-favoured, and go naked like the men. Those -that are married have, for the most part, a rag about their middle, -some of them not that. Girls of all ages go quite naked, but seem not -to be conscious of any impropriety in their appearance. Their lips, -eye-brows, and foreheads above the eye-brow, are all marked with -stibium, or antimony, the common ornament of savages throughout the -world. They seemed to be perfectly on an equality with the men, walked, -sat, and smoked with them, contrary to the practice of all women among -the Turks and Arabs. - -We found no provisions at Sibt, and the water very bad. We returned -on board our vessel at sun-set, and anchored in eleven fathom, little -less than a mile from the shore. About eight o’clock, two girls, not -fifteen, swam off from the shore, and came on board. They wanted -stibium for their eye-brows. As they had laboured so hard for it, I -gave them a small quantity, which they tied in a rag about their neck. -I had killed three sharks this day; one of them, very large, was lying -on deck. I asked them if they were not afraid of that fish? They said, -they knew it, but it would not hurt them, and desired us to eat it, -for it was good, and made men strong. There appeared no symptoms of -jealousy among them. The harbour of Sibt is of a semi-circular form, -screened between N. N. E. and S. S. W. but to the south, and south -west, it is exposed, and therefore is good only in summer. - -The 16th, at five in the morning, we sailed from the port of Sibt, but, -the wind being contrary, were obliged to steer to the W. S. W. and it -was not till nine o’clock we could resume our true course, which was -south-east. At half past four in the afternoon the main bore seven -miles east, when we passed an island a quarter of a mile in length, -called _Jibbel Foran_, the Mountain of Mice. It is of a rocky quality, -with some trees on the south end, thence it rises insensibly, and ends -in a precipice on the north. At six, we passed the island [198]Deregé, -low and covered with grass, but round like a shield, which is the -reason of its name. At half past six Ras Tarfa bore E. S. E. of us, -distant about two miles; and at three quarters after six we passed -several other islands, the largest of which is called _Saraffer_. It is -covered with grass, has small trees upon it, and, probably, therefore -water, but is uninhabited. At nine in the evening we anchored before -Djezan. - -Djezan is in lat. 16° 45´ north, situated on a cape, which forms one -side of a large bay. It is built, as are all the towns on the coast, -with straw and mud. It was once a very considerable place for trade, -but since coffee hath been so much in demand, of which they have none, -that commerce is moved to Loheia and Hodeida. It is an usurpation from -the territory of the Imam, by a Sherriffe of the family of Beni Hassan, -called _Booarish_. The inhabitants are all Sherriffes, in other terms, -troublesome, ignorant fanatics. Djezan is one of the towns most subject -to fevers. The Farenteit[199], or worm, is very frequent here. They -have great abundance of excellent fish, and fruit in plenty, which is -brought from the mountains, whence also they are supplied with very -good water. - -The 17th, in the evening, we sailed from Djezan; in the night we passed -several small villages called _Dueime_, which I found to be in lat. -16° 12´ 5´´ north. In the morning, being three miles distant from -the shore, we passed Cape Cosserah, which forms the north side of a -large Gulf. The mountains here are at no great distance, but they are -not high. The whole country seems perfectly bare and desert, without -inhabitants. It is reported to be the most unwholesome part of Arabia -Felix. - -On the 18th, at seven in the morning, we first discovered the -mountains, under which lies the town of Loheia. These mountains bore -north north-east of us, when anchored in three-fathom water, about -five miles from the shore. The bay is so shallow, and the tide being -at ebb, we could get no nearer; the town bore east north-east of us. -Loheia is built upon the south-west side of a peninsula, surrounded -every where, but on the east, by the sea. In the middle of this neck -there is a small mountain which serves for a fortress, and there are -towers with cannon, which reach across on each side of the hill to the -shore. Beyond this is a plain, where the Arabs intending to attack the -town, generally assemble. The ground upon which Loheia stands is black -earth, and seems to have been formed by the retiring of the sea. At -Loheia we had a very uneasy sensation, a kind of prickling came into -our legs, which were bare, occasioned by the salt effluvia, or steams, -from the earth, which all about the town, and further to the south, is -strongly impregnated with that mineral. - -Fish, and butcher meat, and indeed all sorts of provision, are -plentiful and reasonable at Loheia, but the water is bad. It is found -in the sand at the foot of the mountains, down the sides of which it -has fallen in the time of the rain, and is brought to the town in skins -upon camels. There is also plenty of fruit brought from the mountains -by the Bedowé, who live in the skirts of the town, and supply it with -milk, firewood, and fruit, chiefly grapes and bananas. - -The government of the Imam is much more gentle than any Moorish -government in Arabia or Africa; the people too are of gentler manners, -the men, from early ages, being accustomed to trade. The women at -Loheia are as solicitous to please as those of the most polished -nations in Europe; and, though very retired, whether married or -unmarried, they are not less careful of their dress and persons. At -home they wear nothing but a long shift of fine cotton-cloth, suitable -to their quality. They dye their feet and hands with [200]henna, not -only for ornament, but as an astringent, to keep them dry from sweat: -they wear their own hair, which is plaited, and falls in long tails -behind. - -The Arabians consider long and straight hair as beautiful. The -Abyssinians prefer the short and curled. The Arabians perfume -themselves and their shifts with a composition of musk, ambergrease, -incense, and benjoin, which they mix with the sharp horny nails that -are at the extremity of the fish surrumbac; but why this ingredient -is added I know not, as the smell of it, when burnt, does not at all -differ from that of horn. They put all these ingredients into a kind -of censer on charcoal, and stand over the smoke of it. The smell is -very agreeable; but, in Europe, it would be a very expensive article of -luxury. - -The Arab women are not black, there are even some exceedingly fair. -They are more corpulent than the men, but are not much esteemed.--The -Abyssinian girls, who are bought for money, are greatly preferred; -among other reasons, because their time of bearing children is longer; -few Arabian women have children after the age of twenty. - -At Loheia we received a letter from Mahomet Gibberti, telling us, that -it would yet be ten days before he could join us, and desiring us to be -ready by that time. This hurried us extremely, for we were much afraid -we should not have time to see the remaining part of the Arabian Gulf, -to where it joins with the Indian Ocean. - -On the 27th, in the evening, we parted from Loheia, but were obliged -to tow the boat out. About nine, we anchored between an island called -_Ormook_, and the land; about eleven we set sail with a wind at -north-east, and passed a cluster of islands on our left. - -[Illustration: _Arab of Lohein, Tribe Beni Koreish._ - -_Heath Sc:_ - -_London Publish’d Dec^r. 1^{st}. 1789. by G. Robinson & Co._] - -The 28th, at five o’clock in the morning, we saw the small island of -Rasab; at a quarter after six we passed between it and a large island -called _Camaran_, where there is a Turkish garrison and town, and -plenty of good water. At twelve we passed a low round island, which -seemed to consist of white sand. The weather being cloudy, I could get -no observation. At one o’clock we were off Cape Israel. - -As the weather was fair, and the wind due north and steady, though -little of it, my Rais said that we had better stretch over to Azab, -than run along the coast in the direction we were now going, because, -somewhere between Hodeida and Cape Nummel, there was foul ground, with -which he should not like to engage in the night. Nothing could be more -agreeable to me. For, though I knew the people of Azab were not to -be trusted, yet there were two things I thought I might accomplish, -by being on my guard. The one was, to learn what those ruins were -that I had heard so much spoken of in Egypt and at Jidda, and which -are supposed to have been works of the Queen of Sheba, whose country -this was. The other was, to obtain the myrrh and frankincense-tree, -which grow upon that coast only, but neither of which had as yet been -described by any author. - -At four o’clock we passed a dangerous shoal, which is the one I suppose -our Rais was afraid of. If so, he could not have adopted a worse -measure, than by stretching over from Cape Israel to Azab in the night; -for, had the wind come westerly, as it soon after did, we should have -probably been on the bank; as it was, we passed it something less than -a mile, the wind was north, and we were going at a great rate. At -sun-set we saw Jibbel Zekir, with three small islands, on the north -side of it. At twelve at night the wind failing, we found ourselves -about a league from the west end of Jibbel Zekir, but it then began to -blow fresh from the west; so that the Rais begged liberty to abandon -the voyage to Azab, and to keep our first intended one to Mocha. For my -part, I had no desire at all to land at Mocha. Mr Niebuhr had already -been there before us; and I was sure every useful observation had been -made as to the country, for he had staid there a very considerable -time, and was ill used. We kept our course, however, upon Mocha town. - -The 29th, about two o’clock in the morning, we passed six islands, -called Jibbel el Ourèe; and having but indifferent wind, we anchored -about nine off the point of the shoal, which lies immediately east of -the north fort of Mocha. - -The town of Mocha makes an agreeable appearance from the sea. Behind it -there is a grove of palm-trees, that do not seem to have the beauty of -those in Egypt, probably owing to their being exposed to the violent -south-westers that blow here, and make it very uneasy riding for -vessels; there is, however, very seldom any damage done. The port is -formed by two points of land, which make a semi-circle. Upon each of -the points is a small fort; the town is in the middle, and if attacked -by an enemy, these two forts are so detached that they might be made -of more use to annoy the town, than they could ever be to defend the -harbour. The ground for anchorage is of the very best kind, sand -without coral, which last chafes the cables all over the Red Sea. - -On the 30th, at seven o’clock in the morning, with a gentle but steady -wind at west, we sailed for the mouth of the Indian Ocean. Our Rais -became more lively and bolder as he approached his own coast, and -offered to carry me for nothing, if I would go home with him to Sheher, -but I had already enough upon my hand. It is, however, a voyage some -man of knowledge and enterprise should attempt, as the country and the -manners of the people are very little known. But this far is certain, -that there all the precious gums grow; all the drugs of the _galenical -school_, the frankincense, myrrh, benjoin, dragons-blood, and a -multitude of others, the natural history of which no one has yet given -us. - -The coast of Arabia, all along from Mocha to the Straits, is a bold -coast, close to which you may run without danger night or day. We -continued our course within a mile of the shore, where in some places -there appeared to be small woods, in others a flat bare country, -bounded with mountains at a considerable distance. Our wind freshened -as we advanced. About four in the afternoon we saw the mountain -which forms one of the Capes of the Straits of Babelmandeb, in shape -resembling a gunner’s quoin. About six o’clock, for what reason I did -not know, our Rais insisted upon anchoring for the night behind a small -point. I thought, at first, it had been for pilots. - -The 31st, at nine in the morning, we came to an anchor above Jibbel -Raban, or Pilots Island, just under the Cape which, on the Arabian -side, forms the north entrance of the Straits. We now saw a small -vessel enter a round harbour, divided from us by the Cape. The Rais -said he had a design to have anchored there last night; but as it -was troublesome to get out in the morning by the westerly wind, he -intended to run over to Perim island to pass the night, and give us an -opportunity to make what observations we pleased in quiet. - -We caught here a prodigious quantity of the finest fish that I had ever -before seen, but the silly Rais greatly troubled our enjoyment, by -telling us, that many of the fish in that part were poisonous. Several -of our people took the alarm, and abstained; the rule I made use of in -choosing mine, was to take all those that were likest the fish of our -own northern seas, nor had I ever any reason to complain. - -At noon, I made an observation of the sun, just under the Cape of the -Arabian shore, with a Hadley’s quadrant, and found it to be in lat. -12° 38´ 30´´, but by many passages of the stars, observed by my large -astronomical quadrant in the island of Perim, all deductions made, I -found the true latitude of the Cape should be rather 12° 39´ 20´´ north. - -Perim is a low island, its harbour good, fronting the Abyssinian shore. -It is a barren, bare rock, producing, on some parts of it, plants of -absynthium, or rue, in others kelp, that did not seem to thrive; it was -at this time perfectly scorched by the heat of the sun, and had only -a very faint appearance of having ever vegetated. The island itself -is about five miles in length, perhaps more, and about two miles in -breadth. It becomes narrower at both ends. Ever since we anchored at -the Cape, it had begun to blow strongly from the west, which gave our -Rais great apprehension, as, he said, the wind sometimes continued in -that point for fifteen days together. This alarmed me not a little, -least, by missing Mahomet Gibberti, we should lose our voyage. We had -rice and butter, honey and flour. The sea afforded us plenty of fish, -and I had no doubt but hunger would get the better of our fears of -being poisoned: with water we were likewise pretty well supplied, but -all this was rendered useless by our being deprived of fire. In short, -though we could have killed twenty turtles a-day, all we could get to -make fire of, were the rotten dry roots of the rue that we pulled from -the clefts of the rock, which, with much ado, served to make fire for -boiling our coffee. - -The 1st of August we ate drammock, made with cold water and raw flour, -mixed with butter and honey, but we soon found this would not do, -though I never was hungry, in my life, with so much good provision -about me; for, besides the articles already spoken of, we had two -skins of wine from Loheia, and a small jar of brandy, which I had kept -expressly for a feast, to drink the King’s health on arriving in his -dominions, the _Indian Ocean_. I therefore proposed, that, leaving the -Rais on board, myself and two men should cross over to the south side, -to try if we could get any wood in the kingdom of Adel. This, however, -did not please my companions. We were much nearer the Arabian shore, -and the Rais had observed several people on land, who seemed to be -fishers. - -If the Abyssinian shore was bad by its being desert, the danger of the -Arabian side was, that we should fall into the hands of thieves. But -the fear of wanting, even coffee, was so prevalent, and the repetition -of the drammock dose so disgusting, that we resolved to take a boat in -the evening, with two men armed, and speak to the people we had seen. -Here again the Rais’s heart failed him. He said the inhabitants on that -coast had fire-arms as well as we, and they could bring a million -together, if they wanted them, in a moment; therefore we should forsake -Perim island for the time, and, without hoisting in the boat, till we -saw further, run with the vessel close to the Arabian shore. There, it -was conceived, armed as we were, with ammunition in plenty, we should -be able to defend ourselves, if those we had seen were pirates, of -which I had not any suspicion, as they had been eight hours in our -sight, without having made one movement nearer us; but I was the only -person on board that was of that opinion. - -Upon attempting to get our vessel out, we found the wind strong against -us; so that we were obliged, with great difficulty and danger, to -tow her round the west point, at the expence of many hard knocks, -which she got by the way. During this operation, the wind had calmed -considerably; my quadrant, and every thing was on board; all our arms, -new charged and primed, were laid, covered with a cloth, in the cabbin, -when we found happily that the wind became due east, and with the wind -our resolution changed. We were but twenty leagues to Mocha, and not -above twenty-six from Azab, and we thought it better, rather to get on -our return to Loheia, than to stay and live upon drammock, or fight -with the pirates for firewood. About six o’clock, we were under weigh. -The wind being perfectly fair, we carried as much sail as our vessel -would bear, indeed, till her masts nodded again. But before we begin -the account of our return, it will be necessary to say something of -these famous Straits, the communication between the Red Sea and Indian -Ocean. - -This entrance begins to shew itself, or take a shape between two capes; -the one on the continent of Africa, the other on the peninsula of -Arabia. That on the African side is a high land, or cape, formed by -a chain of mountains, which run out in a point far into the sea. The -Portuguese, or Venetians, the first Christian traders in those parts, -have called it _Gardefui_, which has no signification in any language. -But, in that of the country where it is situated, it is called -_Gardefan_, and means the _Straits of Burial_, the reason of which will -be seen afterwards. The opposite cape is Fartack, on the east coast of -Arabia Felix, and the distance between them, in a line drawn across -from one to another, not above fifty leagues. The breadth between these -two lands diminishes gradually for about 150 leagues, till at last it -ends in the Straits, whose breadth does not seem to me to be above six -leagues. - -After getting within the Straits, the channel is divided into two, -by the island of Perim, otherwise called _Mehun_. The inmost and -northern channel, or that towards the Arabian shore, is two leagues -broad at most, and from twelve to seventeen fathom of water. The other -entry is three leagues broad, with deep water, from twenty to thirty -fathom. From this, the coast on both sides runs nearly in a north-west -direction, widening as it advances, and the Indian Ocean grows -straiter. The coast upon the left hand is part of the kingdom of Adel, -and, on the right, that of Arabia Felix. The passage on the Arabian -shore, though the narrowest and shallowest of the two, is that most -frequently sailed through, and especially in the night; because, if you -do not round the south-point of the island, as near as possible, in -attempting to enter the broad one, but are going large with the wind -favourable, you fall in with a great number of low small islands, where -there is danger. At ten o’clock, with the wind fair, our course almost -north-east, we passed three rocky islands about a mile on our left. - -On the 2d, at sun-rise, we saw land a-head, which we took to be the -Main, but, upon nearer approach, and the day becoming clearer, we found -two low islands to the leeward; one of which we fetched with great -difficulty. We found there the stock of an old acacia-tree, and two or -three bundles of wreck, or rotten sticks, which we gathered with great -care; and all of us agreed, we would eat breakfast, dinner, and supper -hot, instead of the cold repast we had made upon the drammock in the -Straits. We now made several large fires; one took the charge of the -coffee, another boiled the rice; we killed four turtles, made ready a -dolphin; got beer, wine, and brandy, and drank the King’s health in -earnest, which our regimen would not allow us to do in the Straits of -Babelmandeb. While this good chear was preparing, I saw with my glass, -first one man running along the coast westward, who did not stop; -about a quarter of an hour after, another upon a camel, walking at the -ordinary pace, who dismounted just opposite to us, and, as I thought, -kneeled down to say his prayers upon the sand. We had launched our boat -immediately upon seeing the trunk of the tree on the island; so we were -ready, and I ordered two of the men to row me on shore, which they did. - -It is a bay of but ordinary depth, with straggling trees, and some flat -ground along the coast. Immediately behind is a row of mountains of a -brownish or black colour. The man remained motionless, sitting on the -ground, till the boat was ashore, when I jumped out upon the sand, -being armed with a short double-barrelled gun, a pair of pistols, and -a crooked knife. As soon as the savage saw me ashore, he made the best -of his way to his camel, and got upon his back, but did not offer to go -away. - -I sat down on the ground, after taking the white turban off my head, -and waving it several times in token of peace, and seeing that he did -not stir, I advanced to him about a hundred yards. Still he stood, and -after again waving to him with my hands, as inviting him to approach, -I made a sign as if I was returning to the shore. Upon seeing this, he -advanced several paces, and stopt. I then laid my gun down upon the -land, thinking that had frightened him, and walked up as near him as -he would suffer me; that is, till I saw he was preparing to go away. -I then waved my turban, and cried, _Salam, Salam_. He staid till I -was within ten yards of him. He was quite naked, was black, and had a -fillet upon his head, either of a black or blue rag, and bracelets of -white beads upon both his arms. He appeared as undetermined what to do. -I spoke as distinctly to him as I could, _Salam Alicum_.--He answered -something like Salam, but what it was I know not. I am, said I, a -stranger from India, who came last from Tajoura in the bay of Zeyla, -in the kingdom of Adel. He nodded his head, and said something in an -unknown language, in which I heard the repetition of Tajoura and Adel. -I told him I wanted water, and made a sign of drinking. He pointed up -the coast to the eastward, and said, _Raheeda_, then made a sign of -drinking, and said _Tybe_. I now found that he understood me, and asked -him where Azab was? he pointed to a mountain just before him, and -said, Eh owah Azab Tybe, still with a representation of drinking. - -I debated with myself, whether I should not take this savage prisoner. -He had three short javelins in his hand, and was mounted upon a camel. -I was on foot, and above the ancles in sand, with only two pistols, -which, whether they would terrify him to surrender or not, I did not -know; I should, otherwise, have been obliged to have shot him, and this -I did not intend. After having invited him as courteously as I could, -to the boat, I walked towards it myself, and, in the way, took up my -firelock, which was lying hid among the sand. I saw he did not follow -me a step, but when I had taken the gun from the ground, he set off at -a trot as fast as he could, to the westward, and we presently lost him -among the trees. - -I returned to the boat, and then to dinner on the island, which we -named Traitor’s Island, from the suspicious behaviour of that only -man we had seen near it. This excursion lost me the time of making my -observation; all the use I made of it was to gather some sticks and -camel’s dung, which I heaped up, and made the men carry to the boat, to -serve us for firing, if we should be detained. The wind was very fair, -and we got under weigh by two o’clock. - -About four we passed a rocky island with breakers on its south end, -we left it about a mile to the windward of us. The Rais called it -Crab-island. About five o’clock we came to an anchor close to a cape -of no height, in a small bay, in three fathom of water, and leaving -a small island just on our stern. We had not anchored here above ten -minutes, before an old man and a boy came down to us. As they had no -arms, I went ashore, and bought a skin of water. The old man had a very -thievish appearance, was quite naked, and laughed or smiled at every -word he said. He spoke Arabic, but very badly; told me there was great -plenty of every thing in the country whither he would carry me. He -said, moreover, that there was a king there, and a people that, loved -strangers. - -The murder of the boat’s crew of the Elgin East-Indiaman, in that -very spot where he was then sitting and praising his countrymen, came -presently into my mind. I found my hand involuntarily take hold of my -pistol, and I was, for the only time in my life, strongly tempted to -commit murder. I thought I saw in the looks of that old vagrant, one of -those who had butchered so many Englishmen in cold blood. - -From his readiness to come down, and being so near the place, it -was next to impossible that he was not one of the party. A little -reflection, however, saved his life; and I asked him if he could sell -us a sheep, when he said they were coming. These words put me on my -guard, as I did not know how many people might accompany them. I -therefore desired him to bring me the water to the boat, which the boy -accordingly did, and we paid him, in cohol, or stibium, to his wishes. - -Immediately upon this I ordered them to put the boat afloat, demanding, -all the time, where were the sheep? A few minutes afterwards, four -stout young men came down, dragging after them two lean goats, which -the old man maintained to me were sheep. Each man had three light -javelins in his hand, and they began to wrangle exceedingly about the -animals, whether they were sheep or goats, though they did not seem to -understand one word of our language, but the words _sheep_ and _goat_ -in Arabic. In five minutes after, their number increased to eleven, and -I thought it was then full time for me to go on board, for every one of -them seemed, by his discourse and gestures, to be violently agitated, -but what they said I could not comprehend. I drew to the shore, and -then put myself on board as soon as possible. They seemed to keep at -a certain distance, crying out _Belled, belled!_ and pointing to the -land, invited me to come ashore; the old hypocrite alone seemed to have -no fear, but followed me close to the boat. I then resolved to have -a free discourse with him. “There is no need, said I to the old man, -to send for thirteen men to bring two goats. We bought the water from -people that had no lances, and we can do without the sheep, though we -could not want the water, therefore, every man that has a lance in his -hand let him go away from me, or I will fire upon him.” - -They seemed to take no sort of notice of this, and came rather nearer. -“You old-grey headed traitor, said I, do you think I don’t know what -you want, by inviting me on shore; let all those about you with arms go -home about their business, or I will in a minute blow them all off the -face of the earth.” He then jumped up, with rather more agility than -his age seemed to promise, and went to where the others were sitting in -a cluster, and after a little conversation the whole of them retired. - -The old fellow and the boy now came down without fear to the boat, when -I gave them tobacco, some beads, and antimony, and did every thing to -gain the father’s confidence. But he still smiled and laughed, and -I saw clearly he had taken his resolution. The whole burden of his -song was, to persuade me to come on shore, and he mentioned every -inducement, and all the kindness that he would shew me. “It is fit, -you old rogue, said I, that, now your life is in my hands, you should -know how much better men there are in the world than you. They were my -_countrymen_, eleven or twelve of whom you murdered about three years -ago, in the very place where you are now sitting, and though I could -have killed the same number to-day, without any danger to myself, I -have not only let them go away, but have bought and sold with you, and -given you presents, when, according to your own law, I should have -killed both you and your son. Now do not imagine, knowing what I know, -that ever you shall decoy me ashore; but if you will bring me a branch -of the myrrh tree, and of the incense tree to-morrow, I will give you -two fonduclis for each of them.” He said, he would do it that night. -“The sooner the better, said I, for it is now becoming dark.” Upon this -he sent away his boy, who in less than a quarter of an hour came back -with a branch in his hand. - -I could not contain my joy, I ordered the boat to be drawn upon the -shore, and went out to receive it; but, to my great disappointment, -I found that it was a branch of Acacia, or Sunt, which we had every -where met with in Egypt, Syria, and Arabia. I told him, this was of no -use, repeating the word _Gerar_, _Saiél_, _Sunt_. He answered Eh owah -_Saiél_; but being asked for the myrrh (mour), he said it was far up -in the mountains, but would bring it to me if I would go to the town. -Providence, however, had dealt more kindly with us in the moment than -we expected. For, upon going ashore out of eagerness to get the myrrh, -I saw, not a quarter of a mile from us, sitting among the trees, at -least thirty men, armed with javelins, who all got up the moment they -saw me landed. I called to the boatmen to set the boat afloat, which -they immediately did, and I got quickly on board, near up to the middle -in water; but as I went by the old man, I gave him so violent a blow -upon the face with the thorny branch in my hand, that it felled him to -the ground. The boy fled, and we rowed off; but before we took leave of -these traitors, we gave them a discharge of three blunderbusses loaded -with pistol-shot, in the direction where, in all probability, they were -lying to see the boat go off. - -I directed the Rais to stand out towards Crab-island, and there being -a gentle breeze from the shore, carrying an easy sail, we stood over -upon Mocha town, to avoid some rocks or islands, which he said were to -the westward. While lying at Crab-island, I observed two stars pass the -meridian, and by them I concluded the latitude of that island to be 13° -2´ 45´´ North. - -The wind continuing moderate, but more to the southward, at three -o’clock in the morning of the 3d, we passed Jibbel el Ourèe, then -Jibbel Zekir; and having a steady gale, with fair and moderate weather, -passing to the westward of the island Rasab, between that and some -other islands to the north-east, where the wind turned contrary, we -arrived at Loheia, the 6th, in the morning, being the third day from -the time we quitted Azab. We found every thing well on our arrival at -Loheia; but no word of Mahomet Gibberti, and I began now to be uneasy. -The rains in Abyssinia were to cease the 6th of next month, September, -and then was the proper time for our journey to Gondar. - -The only money in the country of the [201]Imam, is a small piece -less than a sixpence, and by this the value of all the different -denominations of foreign coin is ascertained. It has four names, -Commesh, Loubia, Muchsota, and Harf, but the first two of these are -most commonly used. - -This money is very base adulterated silver, if indeed there is any -in it. It has the appearance of pewter; on the one side is written -_Olmass_, the name of the Imam; on the other, _Emir el Moumeneen_, -Prince of the Faithful, or True Believers; a title, first taken by Omar -after the death of Abou Becr; and since, borne by all the legitimate -Caliphs. There are likewise Half-commeshes, and these are the smallest -specie current in Yemen. - - 1 VENETIAN SEQUIN, 90 } - 1 FONDUCLI, 80 } COMMESHES. - 1 BARBARY SEQUIN, 80 } - 1 PATAKA, _or_ IMPERIAL DOLLAR, 40 } - -When the Indian merchants or vessels are here, the fonducli is raised -three commeshes more, though all specie is scarce in the Imam’s -country, notwithstanding the quantity continually brought hither for -coffee, in silver patakas, that is, dollars, which is the coin in which -purchases of any amount are paid. When they are to be changed into -commeshes, the changer or broker gives you but 39 instead of 40, so he -gains 2½ _per cent._ for all money he changes, that is, by giving bad -coin for good. - -The long measure in Yemen is the peek of Stamboul, as they call it; -but, upon measuring it with a standard of a Stamboul peek, upon a -brass rod made on purpose, I found it 26⅝ inches, which is neither the -Stambouline peek, the Hendaizy peek, nor the el Belledy peek. The peek -of Stamboul is 23⅗ inches, so this of Loheia is a distinct peek, which -may be called [202]Yemani. - -The weights of Loheia are the rotolo, which are of two sorts, one of -140 drachms, and used in selling fine, the other 160 drachms, for -ordinary and coarser goods. This last is divided into 16 ounces, -each ounce into 10 drachms; 100 of these rotolos are a _kantar_, or -_quintal_. The quintal of Yemen, carried to Cairo or Jidda, is 113 -rotolo, because the rotolo of these places is 144 drachms. Their -weights appear to be of Italian origin, and were probably brought -hither when the Venetians carried on this trade. There is another -weight, called _faranzala_, which I take to be the native one of the -country. It is equal to 20 rotolo, of 160 drachms each. - -The customs, which at Mocha are three _per cent._ upon India goods, are -five here, when brought directly from India; but all goods whatever, -brought from Jidda by merchants, whether Turks or natives, pay seven -_per cent._ at Loheia. - -Loheia is in lat. 15° 40´ 52´´ north, and in long. 42° 58´ 15´´ east -of the meridian of Greenwich.--The barometer, at its highest on the -7th day of August, was 26° 9´, and its lowest 26° 1´, on the 30th of -July.--The thermometer, when at its highest, was 99° on the 30th of -the same month, wind north-east; and its lowest was 81° on the 9th of -August, wind south by east. - -On the 31st of August, at four o’clock in the morning, I saw a comet -for the first time. The head of it was scarcely visible in the -telescope, that is, its precise form, which was a pale indistinct -luminous body, whose edges were not at all defined. Its tail extended -full 20°. It seemed to be a very thin vapour, for through it I -distinguished several stars of the fifth magnitude, which seemed to -be increased in size. The end of its tail had lost all its fiery -colour, and was very thin and white. I could distinguish no nucleus, -nor any part that seemed redder or deeper than the rest; for all was a -dim-ill-defined spot. At 4^{hrs.} 1´ 24´´, on the morning of the 31st, -it was distant 20° 40´ from Rigel; its tail extended to three stars in -Eridanus. - -The 1st of September Mahomet Gibberti arrived, bringing with him -the firman for the Naybe of Masuah, and letters from Metical Aga -to [203]Ras Michael. He also brought a letter to me, and another -to Achmet, the Naybe’s nephew, and future successor, from Sidi Ali -Zimzimia, that is, ‘the keeper of Ishmael’s well at Mecca, called -_Zimzim_.’ In this letter, Sidi Ali desires me to put little trust in -the Naybe, but to keep no secret from Achmet his nephew, who would -certainly be my friend. - - - - -CHAP. XIII. - - _Sails for Masuah--Passes a Volcano--Comes to Dahalac--Troubled - with a Ghost--Arrives at Masuah._ - - -All being prepared for our departure, we sailed from Loheia on the 3d -of September 1769, but the wind failing, we were obliged to warp the -vessel out upon her anchors. The harbour of Loheia, which is by much -the largest in the Red Sea, is now so shallow, and choked up, that, -unless by a narrow canal through which we enter and go out, there -is no where three fathom of water, and in many places not half that -depth. This is the case with all the harbours on the east-coast of the -Red Sea, while those on the west are deep, without any banks or bars -before them, which is probably owing, as I have already said, to the -violence of the north-west winds, the only constant strong winds to be -met with in this Gulf. These occasion strong currents to set in upon -the east-coast, and heap up the land and gravel which is blown in from -Arabia. - -All next day, the 4th, we were employed at warping out our vessel -against a contrary wind. The 5th, at three quarters past five in the -morning, we got under sail with little wind. At half past nine, Loheia -bore east north-east about four leagues distant; and here we came in -sight of several small, barren, and uninhabited islands. Booarish bore -south-west two miles off; Zebid one mile and a half distant, east -and by north; Amar, the smallest of all, one mile south; and Ormook, -south-east by east two miles. - -The Arabs of the mountain, who had attempted to surprise Loheia in the -spring, now prepared for another attack against it, and had advanced -within three days journey. This obliged the Emir to draw together all -his troops from the neighbourhood; all the camels were employed to lay -in an extraordinary stock of water. - -Our Rais, who was a stranger, and without connections in this place, -found himself under great difficulties to provide water enough for the -voyage, for we had but a scanty provision left, and though our boat was -no more than sixty feet long, we had about forty people on board of -her. I had indeed hired the vessel for myself, but gave the Rais leave -to take some known people passengers on board, as it was very dangerous -to make enemies in the place to which I was going, by frustrating any -person of his voyage home, even though I paid for the boat, and still -as dangerous to take a person unknown, whose end in the voyage might be -to defeat my designs. We were resolved, therefore, to bear away for an -island to the northward, where they said the water was both good, and -in plenty. - -In the course of this day, we passed several small islands, and, in the -evening, anchored in seven fathom and a half of water, near a shoal -distant four leagues from Loheia. We there observed the bearings and -distances of several islands, with which we were engaged; Foosht, -W.b.N.¼ north, four leagues; Baccalan N.W.b.W. three leagues; Baida, a -large high rock above the water, with white steep cliffs, and a great -quantity of sea-fowl; Djund, and Mufracken, two large rocks off the -west point off Baccalan, W.N.W.¼ west, eleven miles; they appear, at a -distance, like a large heap of ruins: Umsegger, a very small island, -nearly level with the water, W.N.W.¼ west four miles distant; Nachel, -S.E.¼E. one league off; Ajerb S.E.b.E.½ south, two leagues; Surbat, an -island S.E.b.E.¾ south, distant ten miles; it has a marabout or Shekh’s -tomb upon it: Dahu and Dee, two small islands, close together, N.W.¼ -west, about eleven miles distant; Djua S.E.½ south; it is a small white -island four leagues and a half off: Sahar, W.¼ north, nine miles off. - -On the 6th, we got under sail at five o’clock in the morning. Our water -had failed us as we foresaw, but in the evening we anchored at Foosht, -in two fathoms water east of the town, and here staid the following -day, our sailors being employed in filling our skins with water, for -they make no use of casks in this sea. - -Foosht is an island of irregular form. It is about five miles from -south to north, and about nine in circumference. It abounds in good -fish. We did not use our net, as our lines more than supplied us. There -were many kinds, painted with the most beautiful colours in the world, -but I always observed, the more beautiful they were, the worse for -eating. There were indeed none good but those that resembled the fish -of the north in their form, and plainness of their colours. Foosht is -low and sandy on the south, and on the north is a black hill or cape -of no considerable height, that may be seen at four leagues off. It -has two watering-places; one on the east of the island, where we now -were, the other on the west. The water there is bitter, but it had been -troubled by a number of little barks, that had been taking in water -just before us. The manner of filling their goat skins being a very -slovenly one, they take up much of the mud along with it, but we found -the water excellent, after it had settled two or three days; when it -came on board, it was as black as ink. It was incomparably the best -water we had drank since that of the Nile. - -This island is covered with a kind of bent grass, which want of rain, -and the constant feeding of the few goats that are kept here, prevent -from growing to any height. The end of the island, near the north cape, -sounds very hollow, underneath, like Solfaterra, near Naples; and as -quantities of pumice stones are found here, there is great appearance -that the black hill was once a volcano. Several large shells from the -fish called Bisser, some of them twenty inches long, are seen turned -upon their faces, on the surface of large stones, of ten or twelve ton -weight. These shells are sunk into the stones, as if they were into -paste, and the stone raised round about, so as to conceal the edge of -the shell; a proof that this stone has, some time lately, been soft or -liquified. For, had it been long ago, the weather and sun would have -worn the surface of the shell, but it seems perfectly entire, and is -set in that hard brown rock, as the stone of a ring is in a golden -chasing. - -The inhabitants of Foosht are poor fishermen, of the same degree of -blackness as those between Heli and Djezan; like them too, they were -naked, or had only a rag about their waist. Their faces are neither -stained nor painted. They catch a quantity of fish called Seajan, which -they carry to Loheia, and exchange for Dora and Indian corn, for they -have no bread, but what is procured this way. They also have a flat -fish, with a long tail to it, whose skin is a species of shagreen, with -which the handles of knives and swords are made. Pearls too are found -here, but neither large nor of a good water, on the other hand, they -are not dear; they are the produce of various species of shells, all -Bivalves[204]. - -The town consists of about thirty huts, built with faggots of bent -grass or spartum, and these are supported within with a few sticks, -and thatched with the grass, of which they are built. The inhabitants -seemed to be much terrified at seeing us come a-shore all armed; this -was not done out of fear of them, but, as we intended to stay on shore -all night, we wished to be in a situation to defend ourselves against -boats of strollers from the main. The saint, or Marabout, upon seeing -me pass near him, fell flat upon his face, where he lay for a quarter -of an hour; nor would he get up till the guns, which I was told had -occasioned his fears, were ordered by me to be immediately sent on -board. - -On the 7th, by an observation of the meridian altitude of the sun, I -found the latitude of Foosht to be 15° 59´ 43´´ north. There are here -many beautiful shell-fish; the concha veneris, of several sizes and -colours, as also sea urchins, or sea-eggs. I found, particularly, one -of the pentaphylloid kind, of a very particular form. Spunges of the -common sort are likewise found all along this coast. The bearings and -distances of the principal islands from Foosht are: - - Baccalan, and the two rocks Djund and Mufracken, E. N. E. 4 miles. - Baida rock, E. by N. 4 miles. - Sahar, - - S. E. 3 do. - Ardaina, - W.N.W. 8 do. - Aideen, - - N.½E. 9 do. - -Baccalan is an island, low, long, and as broad as Foosht, inhabited by -fishermen; without water in summer, which is then brought from Foosht, -but in winter they preserve the rain-water in cisterns. These were -built in ancient times, when this was a place of importance for the -fishing of pearls, and they are in perfect repair to this day; neither -the cement of the work, nor the stucco within, having at all suffered. -Very violent showers fall here from the end of October to the beginning -of March, but at certain intervals. - -All the islands on this east-side of the channel belong to the -Sherriffe Djezan Booarish, but none are inhabited except Baccalan and -Foosht. This last island is the most convenient watering-place for -ships, bound up the channel from Jibbel Teir, from which it bears N. -E. by E. ¾ E. by the compass, nineteen leagues distant. It should be -remembered, however, that the western watering-place is most eligible, -because, in that case, navigators need not engage themselves among the -islands to the eastward, where they will have uneven soundings two -leagues from the land; but, though they should fall to the eastward -of this island, they will have good anchorage, from nine to eighteen -fathoms water; the bottom being good sand, between the town and the -white rock Baida. - -Having supplied our great and material want of water, we all repaired -on board in the evening of the 7th; we then found ourselves unprovided -with another necessary, namely fire; and my people began to remember -how cold our stomachs were from the drammock at Babelmandeb. Firewood -is a very scarce article in the Red Sea. It is, nevertheless, to be -found in small quantities, and in such only it is used. Zimmer, an -island to the northward, was known to afford some; but, from the time -I had landed at Foosht, on the 6th, a trouble of a very particular -kind had fallen upon our vessel, of which I had no account till I had -returned on board. - -An Abyssinian, who had died on board, and who had been buried upon our -coming out from Loheia bay, had been seen upon the boltsprit for two -nights, and had terrified the sailors very much; even the Rais had -been not a little alarmed; and, though he could not directly say that -he had seen him, yet, after I was in bed on the 7th, he complained -seriously to me of the bad consequences it would produce if a gale -of wind was to rise, and the ghost was to keep his place there, and -desired me to come forward and speak to him. “My good Rais,” said I, “I -am exceedingly tired, and my head achs much with the sun, which hath -been violent to-day. You know the Abyssinian paid for his passage, -and, if he does not overload the ship, (and I apprehend he should -be lighter than when we took him on board) I do not think, that in -justice or equity, either you or I can hinder the ghost from continuing -his voyage to Abyssinia, as we cannot judge what serious business he -may have there.” The Rais began to bless himself that he did not know -any thing of his affairs.--“Then,” said I, “if you do not find he makes -the vessel too heavy before, do not molest him; because, certainly if -he was to come into any other part of the ship, or if he was to insist -to sit in the middle of you (in the disposition that you all are) he -would be a greater inconvenience to you than in his present post.” The -Rais began again to bless himself, repeating a verse of the Koran; -“bismilla sheitan rejem,” in the name of God keep the devil far from -me. “Now, Rais,” said I, “if he does us no harm, you will let him ride -upon the boltsprit till he is tired, or till he comes to Masuah, for I -swear to you, unless he hurts or troubles us, I do not think I have any -obligation to get out of my bed to molest him, only see that he carries -nothing off with him.” - -The Rais now seemed to be exceedingly offended, and said, for his part -he did not care for his life more than any other man on board; if it -was not from fear of a gale of wind, he might ride on the boltsprit and -be d----n’d; but that he had always heard learned people could speak to -ghosts. Will you be so good, Rais, said I, to step forward, and tell -him, that I am going to drink coffee, and should be glad if he would -walk into the cabbin, and say any thing he has to communicate to me, if -he is a Christian, and if not, to Mahomet Gibberti. The Rais went out, -but, as my servant told me, he would neither go himself, nor could get -any person to go to the ghost for him. He came back, however, to drink -coffee with me. I was very ill, and apprehensive of what the French -call a _Coup de soleil_. “Go, said I to the Rais, to Mahomet Gibberti, -who was lying just before us, tell him that I am a Christian, and have -no jurisdiction over ghosts in these seas.” - -A moor called _Yasine_, well known to me afterwards, now came forward, -and told me, that Mahomet Gibberti had been very bad ever since we -failed, with sea-sickness, and begged that I would not laugh at the -spirit, or speak so familiarly of him, because it might very possibly -be the devil, who often appeared in these parts. The Moor also desired -I would send Gibberti some coffee, and order my servant to boil him -some rice with fresh water from Foosht; for hitherto our fish and our -rice had been boiled in sea water, which I constantly preferred. This -bad news of my friend Mahomet banished all merriment, I gave therefore -the necessary orders to my servant to wait upon him, and at the same -time recommended to Yasine to go forward with the Koran in his hand, -and read all night, or till we should get to Zimmer, and then, or in -the morning, bring me an account of what he had seen. - -The 8th, early in the morning, we sailed from Foosht, but the wind -being contrary, we did not arrive at our destination till near mid-day, -when we anchored in an open road about half a mile from the island, -for there is no harbour in Baccalan, Foosht, nor Zimmer. I then took -my quadrant, and went with the boat ashore, to gather wood. Zimmer is -a much smaller island than Foosht, without inhabitants, and without -water; though, by the cisterns which still remain, and are sixty yards -square, hewed out of the solid rock, we may imagine this was once a -place of consequence: rain in abundance, at certain seasons, still -falls there. It is covered with young plants of rack tree, whose -property it is, as I have already said, to vegetate in salt water. The -old trees had been cut down, but there was a considerable number of -Saiel, or Acacia trees, and of these we were in want. - -Although Zimmer is said to be without water, yet there are antelopes -upon it, as also hyænas in number, and it is therefore probable that -there is water in some subterraneous caves or clefts of the rocks, -unknown to the Arabs or fishermen, without which these animals could -not subsist. It is probable the antelopes were brought over from Arabia -for the Sherriffe’s pleasure, or those of his friends, if they did -not swim from the main, and an enemy afterwards brought the hyæna to -disappoint that amusement. Be that as it will, though I did not myself -see the animals, yet I observed the dung of each of them upon the -sand, and in the cisterns; so the fact does not rest wholly upon the -veracity of the boatman. We found at Zimmer plenty of the large shell -fish called Bisser and Surrumbac, but no other. I found Zimmer, by an -observation of the sun at noon, to be in lat. 16° 7´ North, and from it -we observed the following bearings and distances. - - Sahaanah, dist. 9 miles, S. by W. - Foosht, do. 8 do. N. W. by N.¼ W. - Aideen, do. 7 do. E. - Ardaina, do. 2 do. E. by S. - Rahha, do. 6 do. N. W.¼ N. - Doohaarab, do. 21 do. W. N. W.¼ W. - -We sailed in the night from Zimmer. When we came nearer the channel, -the islands were fewer, and we had never less than twenty-five fathom -water. The wind was constantly to the north and west, and, during all -the heat of the day, N. N. W. At the same time we had visibly a strong -current to the northward. - -The 9th, at six o’clock in the morning, the island Rapha bore N. E. by -east, distant about two leagues, and in the same direction we saw the -tops of very high mountains in Arabia Felix, which we imagined to be -those above Djezan; and though these could not be less than twenty-six -leagues distance, yet I distinguished their tops plainly, some minutes -before sun-rise. At noon I observed our latitude to be 16° 10´ 3´´ -north, so we had made very little way this day, it being for the most -part calm. Rapha then bore E. ¾ north, distant thirteen miles, and -Doohaarab N. N. W. five miles off. We continued under sail all the -evening, but made little way, and still less during the night. - -On the 10th, at seven in the morning, I first saw Jibbel Teir, till -then it had been covered with a mist. I ordered the pilot to bear down -directly upon it. All this forenoon our vessel had been surrounded with -a prodigious number of sharks. They were of the hammer-headed kind, and -two large ones seemed to vie with each other which should come nearest -our vessel. The Rais had fitted a large harpoon with a long line for -the large fish in the channel, and I went to the boltsprit to wait for -one of the sharks, after having begged the Rais, first to examine if -all was tight there, and if the ghost had done it no harm by sitting -so many nights upon it. He shook his head, laughing, and said, “The -sharks seek something more substantial than ghosts.” “If I am not -mistaken, Rais, said I, this ghost seeks something more substantial -too, and you shall see the end of it.” - -I struck the largest shark about a foot from the head with such force, -that the whole iron was buried in his body. He shuddered, as a person -does when cold, and shook the shaft of the harpoon out of the socket, -the weapon being made so on purpose; the shaft fell across, kept fixt -to the line, and served as a float to bring him up when he dived, and -impeded him when he swam. No salmon fisher ever saw finer sport with -a fish and a rod. He had thirty fathom of line out, and we had thirty -fathom more ready to give him. He never dived, but sailed round the -vessel like a ship, always keeping part of his back above water. The -Rais, who directed us, begged we would not pull him, but give him as -much more line as he wanted; and indeed we saw it was the weight of the -line that galled him, for he went round the vessel without seeking to -go farther from us. At last he came nearer, upon our gathering up the -line, and upon gently pulling it after, we brought him along-side, till -we fastened a strong boat-hook in his throat: a man swung upon a cord -was now let down to cut his tail, while hanging on the ship’s side, -but he was, if not absolutely dead, without the power of doing harm. -He was eleven feet seven inches from his snout to his tail, and nearly -four feet round in the thickest part of him. He had in him a dolphin -very lately swallowed, and about half a yard of blue cloth. He was the -largest, the Rais said, he had ever seen, either in the Red Sea or the -Indian Ocean. - -About twenty minutes before twelve o’clock we were about four leagues -distant from the island, as near as I could judge upon a parallel. -Having there taken my observation, and all deductions made, I concluded -the latitude of the north end of Jibbel Teir to be 15° 38´ north; -thirty-two leagues west longitude from Loheia, fifty-three east -longitude from Masuah, and forty-six leagues east of the meridian -of Jidda. Jibbel Teir, or the Mountain of the Bird, is called by -others, Jibbel Douhan, or the Mountain of Smoke. I imagine that the -fame was the origin of our name of[205]_Gibraltar_, rather than from -_Tarik_, who first landed in Spain; and one of my reasons is, that so -conspicuous a mountain, near, and immediately in the face of the moors -of Barbary, must have been known by some name, long before Tarik with -his Arabs made his descent into Spain. - -The reason of its being called Jibbel Douhan, the Mountain of Smoke, -is, that though, in the middle of the sea, it is a volcano, which -throws out fire, and though nearly extinguished, smokes to this day. -It probably has been the occasion of the creation of great part of the -neighbouring islands. Did it burn now, it would be of great use to -shipping in the night, but in the earliest history of the trade of that -sea, no mention is made of it, as in a state of conflagration. It was -called _Orneón_ in Ptolemy, the Bird-Island, the name as Jibbel Teir. -It is likewise called Sheban, from the white spot at the top of it, -which seems to be sulphur, and a part seems to have fallen in, and to -have enlarged the crater on this side. The island is four miles from -south to north, has a peek in form of a pyramid in the middle of it, -and is about a quarter of a mile high. It descends, equally, on both -sides, to the sea; has four openings at the top, which vent smoke, and -sometimes, in strong southerly winds it is said to throw out fire. -There was no such appearance when we passed it. The island is perfectly -desert, being covered with sulphur and pumice stones. - -Some journals that I have seen are full of indraughts, whirlpools, -and unfathomable depths, all around this island. I must however take -the liberty of saying to these gentlemen, who are otherwise so very -fond of soundings as to distribute them all over the channel, that -they have been unfortunate in placing their unfathomable depths -here, and even soundings. It is probable these are occasioned by the -convulsions in the earth made by this volcano; but the only indraught -we saw was a strong current setting northward, and there are soundings -as far as three leagues east of it, in 33 fathom water, with a sandy -bottom. Between this and the island Rafab you have soundings from 20 -to 35 fathom, with sand and rocks; and on the north-east side you -have good anchoring, from a league’s distance, till within a cable’s -length of the shore, and there is anchorage five leagues S. W. by W. -in twenty-five fathoms, and I believe also, in the line from Loheia -to Dahalac, the effects of the convulsions of this volcano. Such, at -least, is the information I procured at Masuah from the pilots used to -this navigation in search of sulphur; such was the information also of -my Rais, who went twice loaded with that commodity to his own country -at Mascatte; no other people go there. Both Abyssinians and Arabians -believe that this is the entry or passage by which the devil comes up -to this world. - -Six leagues E. by S. of this island there is a dangerous shoal with -great overfalls, on which a French ship struck in the year 1751, and -was saved with very great difficulty. Jibbel Teir is the point from -which all our ships, going to Jidda, take their departure, after -sailing from Mocha, and passing the islands to the southward. - -We left Jibbel Teir on the 11th with little wind at west, but towards -mid-day it freshened as usual, and turned northward to N. N. east. -We were now in mid-channel, so that we stood on straight for Dahalac -till half past four, when a boy, who went aloft, saw four islands -in a direction N. W. by W.¼ west. We were standing on with a fresh -breeze, and all our sails full, when I saw, a little before sun-set, -a white-fringed wave of the well-known figure of a breaker. I cried -to the Rais for God’s sake to shorten sail, for I saw a breaker -a-head, straight in our way. He said there was no such thing; that I -had mistaken it, for it was a sea-gull. About seven in the evening we -struck upon a reef of coral rocks. Arabs are cowards in all sudden -dangers, which they consider as particular directions or mandates of -providence, and therefore not to be avoided. Few uncultivated minds -indeed have any calmness, or immediate resource in themselves when in -unexpected danger. The Arab sailors were immediately for taking the -boat, and sailing to the islands the boy had seen. The Abyssinians were -for cutting up the planks and wood of the inside of the vessel, and -making her a raft. - -A violent dispute ensued, and after that a battle, when night overtook -us, still fast upon the rock. The Rais and Yasine, however, calmed the -riot, when I begged the passengers would hear me. I told them, “You -all know, or should know, that the boat is mine, as I bought it with -my money, for the safety and accommodation of myself and servants; you -know, likewise, that I and my men are all well armed, while you are -naked; therefore do not imagine that we will suffer any of you to enter -that boat, and save your lives at the expence of ours. On this vessel -of the Rais is your dependence, in it you are to be saved or to perish; -therefore all hands to work, and get the vessel off, while it is calm; -if she had been materially damaged, she had been sunk before now.” They -all seemed on this to take courage, and said, they hoped I would not -leave them. I told them, if they would be men, I would not leave them -while there was a bit of the vessel together. - -The boat was immediately launched, and one of my servants, the Rais, -and two sailors, were put on board. They were soon upon the bank, where -the two sailors got out, who cut their feet at first upon the white -coral, but afterwards got firmer footing. They attempted to push the -ship backwards, but she would not move. Poles and handspikes were tried -in order to stir her, but these were not long enough. In a word, there -was no appearance of getting her off before morning, when we knew the -wind would rise, and it was to be feared she would then be dashed to -pieces. Mahomet Gibberti, and Yasine, had been reading the Koran aloud -ever since the vessel struck. I said to them in passing, “Sirs, would -it not be as wise for you to leave your books till you get a-shore, and -lend a hand to the people?” Mahomet answered, “that he was so weak and -sick, that he could not stand.” But Yasine did not slight the rebuke, -he stripped himself naked, went forward on the vessel, and then threw -himself into the sea. He, first, very judiciously, felt what room there -was for standing, and found the bank was of considerable breadth, and -that we were stuck upon the point of it; that it rounded, slanting away -afterwards, and seemed very deep at the sides, so the people, standing -on the right of it, could not reach the vessel to push it, only those -upon the point. The Rais and Yasine now cried for poles and handspikes, -which were given them; two more men let themselves down by the side, -and stood upon the bank. I then desired the Rais to get out a line, -come a-stern with the boat, and draw her in the same direction that -they pushed. - -As soon as the boat could be towed a-stern, a great cry was set up, -that she began to move. A little after, a gentle wind just made itself -felt from the east, and the cry from the Rais was, Hoist the fore-sail -and put it a-back. This being immediately done, and a gentle breeze -filling the fore-sail at the time, they all pushed, and the vessel slid -gently off, free from the shoal. I cannot say I partook of the joy so -suddenly as the others did. I had always some fears a plank might have -been started; but we saw the advantage of a vessel being sewed, rather -than nailed together, as she not only was unhurt, but made very little -water. The people were all exceedingly tired, and nobody thought they -could enough praise the courage and readiness of Yasine. From that day -he grew into consideration with me, which increased ever after, till my -departure from Abyssinia. - -The latitude of our place, at noon, had been 15° 32´ 12´´. I rectified -my quadrant, and hung it up. Seeing the clear of the _Lyre_ not far -from the meridian, I was willing to be certain of that dangerous place -we had fallen upon. By two observations of _Lucida Lyræ_, and _Lucida -Aquilæ_, and by a mean of both, I found the bank to be in lat. 15° 28´ -15´´ north. - -There was a circumstance, during the hurry of this transaction, that -gave us all reason to be surprised. The ghost was supposed to be again -seen on the boltsprit, as if pushing the vessel ashore; and as this was -breaking covenant with me, as a passenger, I thought it was time some -notice should be taken of him, since the Rais had referred it entirely -to me. I inquired who the persons were that had seen him. Two moors of -Hamazen were the first that perceived him, and afterwards a great part -of the crew had been brought to believe the reality of this vision. -I called them forward to examine them before the Rais, and Mahomet -Gibberti, and they declared that, during the night, they had seen him -go and come several times; once, he was pushing against the boltsprit, -another time he was pulling upon the rope, as if he had an anchor -ashore; after this he had a very long pole, or stick, in his hand, but -it seemed heavy and stiff, as if it had been made of iron, and when -the vessel began to move, he turned into a small blue flame, ran along -the gunnel on the larboard side of the ship, and, upon the vessel -going off, he disappeared. “Now,” said I, “it is plain by this change -of shape, that he has left us for ever, let us therefore see whether -he has done us any harm or not. Hath any of you any baggage stowed -forwards?” The strangers answered, “Yes, it is all there.” Then said -I, go forward, and see if every man has got his own. They all did this -without loss of time, when a great noise and confusion ensued; every -one was plundered of something, stibium, nails, brass wire, incense -and beads; in short, all the precious part of their little stores was -stolen. - -All the passengers were now in the utmost despair, and began to charge -the sailors. “I appeal to you, Yasine and Mahomet Gibberti, said I, -whether these two moors who saw him oftenest, and were most intimate -with him, have not a chance of knowing where the things are hid; for in -my country, where ghosts are very frequent, they are always assisted -in the thefts they are guilty of, by those that see and converse with -them. I suppose therefore it is the same with Mahometan ghosts.” “The -very same, said Mahomet Gibberti and Yasine, as far as ever we heard.” -“Then go, Yasine, with the Rais, and examine that part of the ship -where the moors slept, while I keep them here; and take two sailors -with you, that know the secret places.” Before the search began, -however, one of them told Yasine where every thing was, and accordingly -all was found and restored. I would not have the reader imagine, that I -here mean to value myself, either upon any supernatural knowledge, or -extreme sagacity, in supposing that it was a piece of roguery from the -beginning, of which I never doubted. But while Yasine and the sailors -were busy pushing off the vessel, and I a-stern at an observation, -Mahomet Gibberti’s servant, sitting by his master, saw one of the moors -go to the repository of the baggage, and, after staying a little, come -out with a box and package in his hand. This he told his master, who -informed me, and the ghost finding his associates discovered, never was -seen any more. - -The 12th, in the morning, we found that this shoal was a sand bank, -with a ridge of coral rocks upon it, which stretches hither from Selma, -and ends a little farther to the northward in deep water. At sun-rise -the islands bore as follow:-- - - Wowcan, distant 5 miles, S. S. E. ¼ E. - Selma, do. 3 do. S. - Megaida, do. 4 do. S. W.½ S. - Zober, do. 4 do. W. by S.¼ S. - Racka, do. 5 do. N. N. W. - Fursh, do. 4 do. N. W. by N.¼ N. - -These islands lie in a semi-circle round this shoal. There were no -breakers upon it, the sea being so perfectly calm. I suppose if there -had been wind, it would have broken upon it, as I certainly saw it do -before we struck; between Megaida and Zober is a small sharp rock above -the surface of the sea. - -We got under sail at six in the morning, but the wind was very fast -decaying, and soon after fell dead-calm. Towards eleven, as usual, it -freshened, and almost at due north. At noon I found our lat. to be 15° -29´ 33´´ north, from which we had the following bearings:-- - - Selma, distant 5 miles, S. E.½S. - Megaida, do. 4 do. S. S. E. - Zober, do. 2 do. S. - Dubia, do. 5 do. W. by S.¼S. - Racka, do. 1 do. N. W. - Beyoume, do. 5 do. N. W. by N. - Cigala, do. 6 do. N. - Fursh, do. 3 do. N. E. by N.¼N. - ---and the rocks upon which we struck, E. by S.½S. something less than -five miles off. - -At four o’clock in the afternoon we saw land, which our pilot told us -was the south end of Dahalac. It bore west by south, and was distant -about nine leagues. As our course was then west by north, I found that -we were going whither I had no intention to land, as my agreement was -to touch at Dahalac el Kibeer, which is the principal port, and on -the south end of the island, where the India ships formerly used to -resort, as there is deep water, and plenty of sea-room between that and -the main. But the freight of four sacks of dora, which did not amount -to ten shillings, was sufficient to make the Rais break his word, and -run a risk of cancelling all the meritorious services he had so long -performed for me. So certain is it, that none of these people can ever -do what is right, where the smallest trifle is thrown into the scale to -bias them from their duty. - -At six in the evening we anchored near a small island called _Racka -Garbia_, or West Racka, in four fathom of stony-ground. By a meridian -altitude of _Lucida Aquilæ_, I concluded the lat. to be 15° 31´ 30´´ -north, and our bearings as follow:-- - - Dallacken, distant 3 miles, N. E.¾E. - Dalgrousht, do. 5 do. S. E. by E.½S. - Dellesheb, do. 6 do. E. N. E.¾E. - Dubia, do. 11 do. E. by S.½S. - Racka Garbia, do. 2 do. S. W. by W.¼S. - -On the 13th, a little after sun-rise, we continued our course west, and -a very little southerly, with little wind. At eight o’clock we passed -Dalgrousht, north by east about a league distance, and a new island, -Germ Malco west by north. At noon, I observed our latitude to be 15° -33´ 13´´ north; and our bearings as follow:-- - - Dallacken, distant 6 miles, E. by S. - Racka, do. 6 do. S. E. by S. - Germ Malco, do. 6 do. S. S. W. - Dalgrousht, do. 4 do. E. N. E. - Dennifarek, do. 7 do. N. N. W. - Seide el Arabi, do. 4 do. W. by S. - Dahal Couss, do. 9 do. N. W. by N. - -The south cape of the island of Dahalac is called _Ras Shouke_, which, -in Arabic, means the Cape of Thorns, because upon it are a quantity -of sunt, or acacia, the thorny-tree which bears the gum-arabic. We -continued our course along the east side of Dahalac, and, at four -o’clock in the afternoon, saw Irwée, which is said to answer to the -centre of the island. It bore then south-west of us four miles. We -also saw two small islands, Tarza and Siah el Sezan; the first, north -by west three miles; the second, north-east by east, but something -farther. After having again violently struck on the coral rocks in the -entry, at sun-set we anchored in the harbour of Dobelew. - -This harbour is in form circular, and sufficiently defended from all -winds, but its entrance is too narrow, and within, it is full of rocks. -The bottom of the whole port is covered with large ramifications of -white coral, with huge black stones; and I could no where observe -there were above three fathom water, when it was full sea. The pilot -indeed said there were seven, or twelve at the mouth; but so violent a -tide rushed in through the entrance, that no vessel could escape being -driven upon the rocks, therefore I made no draught of it. - -Dobelew is a village three miles south-west of the harbour. It -consists of about eighty houses, built of stone drawn from the sea; -these calcine like shells, and make good enough morter, as well as -materials for building before burning. All the houses are covered with -bent-grass, like those of Arabia. The 17th, I got my large quadrant -a-shore, and observed the sun in the meridian in that village, and -determined the lat. of its south-west extremity, to be 15° 42´ 22´´ -north. - -Irwee is a village still smaller than Dobelew, about four miles -distant. From this observation, compared with our account, we computed -the southern cape of Dahalac, called _Ras Shouke_, to be in lat. 15° -27´ 30´´; and Ras Antalou, or the north cape, to be in lat. 15° 54´ -30´´ north. - -The whole length of the island, whose direction is from north-west to -south-east is thirty-seven miles, and its greatest breadth eighteen, -which did within a very little agree with the account the inhabitants -gave us, who made its length indeed something more. - -Dahalac is by far the largest island in the Red Sea, as none, that we -had hitherto seen, exceeded five miles in length. It is low and even, -the soil fixed gravel and white sand, mixed with shells and other -marine productions. It is destitute of all sorts of herbage, at least -in summer, unless a small quantity of bent grass, just sufficient -to feed the few antelopes and goats that are on the island. There -is a very beautiful species of this last animal found here, small, -short-haired, with thin black sharp horns, having rings upon them, and -they are very swift of foot. - -This island is, in many places, covered with large plantations of -Acacia trees, which grow to no height, seldom above eight feet, but -spread wide, and turn flat at top, probably by the influence of the -wind from the sea. Though in the neighbourhood of Abyssinia, Dahalac -does not partake of its seasons: no rain falls here, from the end of -March to the beginning of October; but, in the intermediate months, -especially December, January, and February, there are violent showers -for twelve hours at a time, which deluge the island, and fill the -cisterns so as to serve all next summer; for there are no hills nor -mountains in Dahalac, and consequently no springs. These cisterns -alone preserve the water, and of them there yet remain three hundred -and seventy, all hewn out of the solid rock. They say these were the -works of the Persians; it is more probable they were those of the first -Ptolemies. But whoever were the constructors of these magnificent -reservoirs, they were a very different people from those that now -possess them, who have not industry enough to keep one of the three -hundred and seventy clear for the use of man. All of them are open to -every sort of animal, and half full of the filth they leave there, -after drinking and washing in them. The water of Dobelew, and Irwée, -tasted strong of musk, from the dung of the goats and antelopes, and -the smell before you drink it is more nauseous than the taste; yet one -of these cisterns, cleaned and shut up with a door, might afford them -wholesome sweet water all the year over. - -After the rains fall, a prodigious quantity of grass immediately -springs up; and the goats give the inhabitants milk, which in winter -is the principal part of their subsistence, for they neither plow nor -sow. All their employment is to work the vessels which trade to the -different parts of the coast. One half of the inhabitants is constantly -on the Arabian side, and by their labour is enabled to furnish with -[206]dora, and other provisions, the other half who stay at home; -and when their time is expired, they are relieved by the other half, -and supplied with necessaries in their turn. But the sustenance of -the poorer sort is entirely shell and other fish. Their wives and -daughters are very bold, and expert fisher-women. Several of them, -entirely naked, swam off to our vessel before we came to an anchor, -begging handfuls of wheat, rice, or dora. They are very importunate and -sturdy beggars, and not easily put off with denials. These miserable -people, who live in the villages not frequented by barks from Arabia, -are sometimes a whole year without tasting bread. Yet such is the -attachment to the place of their nativity, they prefer living in this -bare, barren, parched spot, almost in want of necessaries of every -kind, especially of these essential ones, bread and water, to those -pleasant and plentiful countries on both sides of them. This preference -we must not call strange, for it is universal: A strong attachment to -our native country, whatever is its condition, has been impressed by -Providence, for wise ends, in the breasts of all nations; from Lapland -to the Line, you find it written precisely in the same character. - -There are twelve villages, or towns, in Dahalac, little different -in size from Dobelew; each has a plantation of doom-trees round it, -which furnish the only manufacture in the island. The leaves of this -tree, when dried, are of a glossy white, which might very easily be -mistaken for sattin; of these they make baskets of surprising beauty -and neatness, staining part of the leaves with red or black, and -working them into figures very artificially. I have known some of -these, resembling straw-baskets, continue full of water for twenty-four -hours, without one drop coming through. They sell these at Loheia -and Jidda, the largest of them for four commesh, or sixpence. This -is the employment, or rather amusement of the men who stay at home; -for they work but very moderately at it, and all of them indeed take -special care, not to prejudice their health by any kind of fatigue from -industry. - -People of the better sort, such as the Shekh and his relations, men -privileged to be idle, and never exposed to the sun, are of a brown -complexion, not darker than the inhabitants of Loheia. But the common -sort employed in fishing, and those who go constantly to sea, are -not indeed black, but red, and little darker than the colour of new -mahogany. There are, besides, blacks among them, who come from Arkeeko -and the Main, but even these, upon marrying, grow less black in a -generation. - -The inhabitants of Dahalac seemed to be a simple, fearful, and -inoffensive people. It is the only part of Africa, or Arabia, (call it -which you please) where you see no one carry arms of any kind; neither -gun, knife, nor sword, is to be seen in the hands of any one. Whereas, -at Loheia, and on all the coast of Arabia, and more particularly at -Yambo, every person goes armed; even the porters, naked, and groaning -under the weight of their burden, and heat of the day, have yet a -leather belt, in which they carry a crooked knife, so monstrously -long, that it needs a particular motion and address in walking, not to -lame the bearer. This was not always the case at Dahalac; several of -the Portuguese, on their first arrival here, were murdered, and the -island often treated ill, in revenge, by the armaments of that nation. -The men seem healthy. They told me they had no diseases among them, -unless sometimes in Spring, when the boats of Yemen and Jidda bring the -small-pox among them, and very few escape with life that are infected. -I could not observe a man among them that seemed to be sixty years old, -from which I infer, they are not long livers, though the air should be -healthy, as being near the channel, and as they have the north wind all -summer, which moderates the heat. - -Of all the islands we had passed on this side the channel, Dahalac -alone is inhabited. It depends, as do all the rest, upon Masuah, and is -conferred by a firman from the Grand Signior, on the Basha of Jidda; -and, from him, on Metical Aga, then on the Naybe and his servants. The -present governor’s name was Hagi Mahomet Abdel cader, of whom I have -before spoken, as having sailed from Jidda to Masuah before me, where -he did me all the dis-service in his power, and nearly procured my -assassination. The revenue of this governor consists in a goat brought -to him monthly by each of the twelve villages. Every vessel, that puts -in there for Masuah, pays him also a pound of coffee, and every one -from Arabia, a dollar or pataka. No sort of small money is current at -Dahalac, excepting Venetian glass-beads, old and new, of all sizes and -colours, broken and whole. - -Although this is the miserable state of Dahalac at present, matters -were widely different in former times. The pearl fishery flourished -greatly here, under the Ptolemies; and even long after, in the time -of the Caliphs, it produced a great revenue, and, till the sovereigns -of Cairo, of the present miserable race of slaves, began to withdraw -themselves from their dependency on the port (for even after the -reign of Selim, and the conquests of Arabia, under Sinan Basha, the -Turkish gallies were still kept up at Suez, whilst Masuah and Suakem -had Bashas) Dahalac was the principal island that furnished the pearl -fishers, or divers. It was, indeed, the chief port for the fishery on -the southern part of the Red Sea, as Suakem was on the north; and the -Basha of Masuah passed part of every summer here, to avoid the heat at -his place of residence on the Continent. - -The fishery extended from Dahalac and its islands nearly to lat. 20°. -The inhabited islands furnished each a bark, and so many divers, and -they were paid in wheat, flour, &c. such a portion to each bark, -for their use, and so much to leave with their family, for their -subsistence; so that a few months employment furnished them with every -thing necessary for the rest of the year. The fishery was rented, in -latter times, to the Basha of Suakem, but there was a place between -Suakem, and the supposed river Frat, in lat. 21° 28´ north, called -_Gungunnah_, which was reserved to the Grand Signior in particular, and -a special officer was appointed to receive the pearls on the spot, and -send them to Constantinople. The pearls found there were of the largest -size, and inferior to none in water, or roundness. Tradition says, that -this was, exclusively, the property of the Pharaohs, by which is meant, -in Arabian manuscrip’s, the old kings of Egypt before Mahomet. - -In the same extent, between Dahalac and Suakem, was another very -valuable fishery, that of[207] tortoises, from which the finest shells -of that kind were produced, and a great trade was carried on with -the East Indies, (China especially) at little expence, and with very -considerable profits. The animal itself (the turtle) was in great -plenty, between lat. 18° and 20°, in the neighbourhood of those low -sandy islands, laid down in my chart. - -The India trade flourished exceedingly at Suakem and Masuah, as it had -done in the prosperous time of the Caliphs. The Banians, (then the -only traders from the East Indies) being prohibited by the Mahometans -to enter the Holy Land of the Hejaz, carried all their vessels to -Konfodah in Yemen, and from these two ports had, in return, at the -first hand, pearls, tortoise-shell, which sold for its weight of gold, -in China; Tibbar, or pure gold of Sennaar, (that from Abyssinia being -less so) elephant’s teeth, rhinoceros horns for turning, plenty of gum -Arabic, cassia, myrrh, frankincense, and many other precious articles; -these were all bartered, at Masuah and Suakem, for India goods. But -nothing which violence and injustice can ruin, ever can subsist under -Turkish government. The Bashas paying dearly for their confirmation -at Constantinople, and uncertain if they should hold this office long -enough to make reimbursements for the money they had already advanced, -had not patience to stay till the course of trade gradually indemnified -them, but proceeding from extortion to extortion, they at last became -downright robbers, seizing the cargo of the ships wherever they could -find them, and exercising the most shocking cruelties on the person -they belonged to, slaying the factors alive, and impaling those that -remained in their hands, to obtain, by terror, remittances from India. -The trade was thus abandoned, and the revenue ceased. There were no -bidders at Constantinople for the farm, nobody had trade in their heads -when their lives were every hour in danger. Dahalac became therefore -dependent on the Basha of Jidda, and he appointed an[208] Aga, who paid -him a moderate sum, and appropriated to himself the provisions and -salary allowed for the pearl fishery, or the greatest part of them. - -The Aga at Suakem endeavoured, in vain, to make the Arabs and people -near him work without salary, so they abandoned an employment which -produced nothing but punishment; and, in time, they grew ignorant of -the fishery in which they once were so well skilled and had been -educated. This great nursery of seamen therefore was lost, and the -gallies, being no longer properly manned, were either given up to rot, -or turned into merchant-ships for carrying the coffee between Yemen and -Suez, these vessels were unarmed, and indeed incapable of armament, and -unserviceable by their construction; besides, they were ill-manned, and -so carelessly and ignorantly navigated, that there was not a year, that -one or more did not founder, not from stress of weather, (for they were -sailing in a pond) or from any thing, but ignorance, or inattention. - -Trade took again its ancient course towards Jidda. The Sherriffe of -Mecca, and all the Arabs, were interested to get it back to Arabia, and -with it the government of their own countries. That the pearl fishing -might, moreover, no longer be an allurement for the Turkish power to -maintain itself here, and oppress them, they discouraged the practice -of diving, till it grew into desuetude; this brought insensibly all the -people of the islands to the continent, where they were employed in -coasting vessels, which continues their only occupation to this day. -This policy succeeded; the princes of Arabia became again free from -the Turkish power, now but a shadow, and Dahalac, Masuah, and Suakem, -returned to their ancient masters, to which they are subject at this -instant, governed indeed by Shekhs of their own country, and preserving -only the name of Turkish government, each being under the command of a -robber and assassin. - -The immense treasures in the bottom of the Red Sea, have thus been -abandoned for near two hundred years, though they never were richer -in all probability than at present. No nation can now turn them to any -profit, but the English East India Company, more intent on multiplying -the number of their enemies, and weakening themselves by spreading -their inconsiderable force over new conquests, than creating additional -profit by engaging in new articles of commerce. A settlement upon the -river Frat, which never yet has belonged to any one but wandering -Arabs, would open them a market both for coarse and fine goods from -the southern frontiers of Morocco, to Congo and Angola, and set the -commerce of pearls and tortoise shell on foot again. All this section -of the Gulf from Suez, as I am told, is in their charter, and twenty -ships might be employed on the Red Sea, without any violation of -territorial claims. The myrrh, the frankincense, some cinnamon, and -variety of drugs, are all in the possession of the weak king of Adel, -an usurper, tyrant, and Pagan, without protection, and willing to -trade with any superior power, that only would secure him a miserable -livelihood. - -If this does not take place, I am persuaded the time is not far off, -when these countries shall, in some shape or other, be subjects of a -new master. Were another Peter, another Elizabeth, or, better than -either, another Catharine to succeed the present, in an empire already -extended to China;--were such a sovereign, unfettered by European -politics, to prosecute that easy task of pushing those mountebanks of -sovereigns and statesmen, these stage-players of government, the Turks, -into Asia, the inhabitants of the whole country, who in their hearts -look upon her already as their sovereign, because she is the head of -their religion, would, I am persuaded, submit without a blow that -instant the Turks were removed on the other side of the Hellespont. - -There are neither horses, dogs, sheep, cows, nor any sort of quadruped, -but goats, asses, a few half-starved camels and antelopes at Dahalac, -which last are very numerous. The inhabitants have no knowledge of -fire-arms, and there are no dogs, nor beasts of prey in the island to -kill them; they catch indeed some few of them in traps. - -On our arrival at Dahalac, on the 14th, we saw swallows there, and, on -the 16th, they were all gone. On our landing at Masuah, on the 19th, -we saw a few; the 21st and 22d they were in great flocks; on the 2d of -October they were all gone. It was the blue long-tailed swallow, with -the flat head; but there was, likewise, the English martin, black, and -darkish grey in the body, with a white breast. - -The language at Dahalac is that of the _Shepherds_; Arabic too is -spoken by most of them. From this island we see the high mountains of -_Habesh_, running in an even ridge like a wall, parallel to the coast, -and down to Suakem. - -Before I leave Dahalac, I must observe, that, in a wretched chart, -in the hands of some of the English gentlemen at Jidda, there were -soundings marked all along the east-coast of Dahalac, from thirteen -to thirty fathoms, within two leagues of the shore. Now, the islands -I have mentioned occupy a much larger space than that; yet none of -them are set down in the chart; and, where the soundings are marked -thirty, forty, and even ninety fathom, all is full of shoals under -water, with islands and sunken coral rocks, some of them near the -surface, though the breakers do not appear upon them, partly owing to -the waves being steadied by the violence of the current, and somewhat -kept off by the island. This dangerous error is, probably, owing to the -draughts being composed from different journals, where the pilot has -had different ways of measuring his distance; some using forty-two feet -to a thirty-second glass, and some twenty-eight, both of them being -considered as one competent division of a degree; the distances are all -too short, and the soundings, and every thing else, consequently out of -their places. - -Whoever has to navigate in the Abyssinian side of the channel, will do -well to pass the island Dahalac on the east side, or, at least, not -approach the outmost island, Wowcan, nearer than ten leagues; but, -keeping about twelve leagues meridian distance west of Jibbel Teir, or -near mid-channel between that and the island, they will then be out -of danger; being between lat. 15° 20´ and 15° 40´, which last is the -latitude, as I observed, of Saiel Noora, and which is the northern -island, we saw, three leagues off Ras Antalou, the northmost cape of -Dahalac. - -Both at our entering into the port of Dobelew on the 14th, and our -going out of it on the 17th, we found a tide running like a sluice, -which we apprehended, in spite of our sails being full, would force us -out of our course upon the rocks. I imagine it was then at its greatest -strength, it now being near the equinoctial full moon. The channel -between Terra Firma and the island being very narrow, and the influence -of the sun and moon then nearly in the equator, had occasioned this -unusual violence of the tide, by forcing a large column of water -through so narrow a space. - -On the 17th, after we had examined our vessel, and found she had -received no damage, and provided water (bad as it was) for the -remainder of our voyage, we sailed from Dobelew, but, the wind being -contrary, we were obliged to come to an anchor, at three quarters past -four o’clock, in ten fathom water, about three leagues from that port, -which was to the south-west of us; the bearings and distances are as -follow:-- - - Derghiman Kibeer, distant 10 miles, W. S. W. - Deleda, do. 7 do. W. by N. - Saiel Sezan, do. 4 do. S. E. - Zeteban, do. 5 do. N. E. - Dahalac, do. 12 do. S. S. W. - Dahalhalem, do. 12 do. N. W. by N. - -On the 18th, we sailed, standing off and on, with a contrary wind at -north-west, and a strong current in the same direction. At half past -four in the morning we were forced to come to an anchor. There is -here a very shallow and narrow passage, which I sounded myself in the -boat, barely one and a half fathom, or nine feet of water, and we were -obliged to wait the filling of the tide. This is called the _Bogaz_, -which signifies, as I have before observed, the narrow and shallow -passage. It is between the island Dahalac and the south point of the -island of Noora, about forty fathom broad, and, on each side full of -dangerous rocks. The islands then bore, - - Derghiman Seguier, distant 3 miles, S. W. - Derghiman Kibeer, do. 5 do. S. - Dahalhalem, do. 4 do. E. N. E. - Noora, do. 2 do. N. E. by N. - -The tide now entered with an unusual force, and ran more like the Nile, -or a torrent, or stream conducted to turn a mill, than the sea, or the -effects of a tide. At half past one o’clock, there was water enough -to pass, and we soon were hurried through it by the violence of the -current, driving us in a manner truly tremendous. - -At half after three, we passed between Ras Antalou, the North Cape of -Dahalac, and the small island Dahalottom, which has some trees upon -it. On this island is the tomb of Shekh[209] Abou Gafar, mentioned by -Poncet, in his voyage, who mistakes the name of the saint for that of -the island. The strait between the Cape and the island is a mile and -a half broad. At four in the afternoon, we anchored near a small -island called _Surat_. All between this and Dahalac, there is no -water exceeding seven fathom, till you are near Dahalac Kibeer, whose -port has water for large vessels, but is open to every point, from -south-west to north-west, and has a great swell. - -All ships coming to the westward of Dahalac had better keep within the -island Drugerut, between that and the main, where there is plenty of -water, and room enough to work, tho’, even here, there are islands -a-head; and clear weather, as well as a good look-out, will always be -necessary. - -On the 19th of September, at three quarters past six in the morning, we -sailed from our anchorage near Surat. At a quarter past nine, Dargeli, -an island with trees upon it, bore N. W. by W. two miles and a half -distant; and Drugerut three leagues and a half north and by east, when -it fell calm. - -At eleven o’clock, we passed the island of Dergaiham, bearing N. by -East, three miles distant, and at five in the afternoon we came to an -anchor in the harbour of Masuah, having been[210] seventeen days on our -passage, including the day we first went on board, though this voyage, -with a favourable wind, is generally made in three days; it often has, -indeed, been sailed in less. - -The reader will observe, that many of the islands begin with Dahal, -and some with Del, which last is only an abbreviation of the former, -and both of them signify _island_ in the language of Beja, otherwise -called _Geez_, or the language of the shepherds. Massowa, too, though -generally spelled in the manner I have here expressed it, should -properly be written _Masuah_, which is the harbour or water of the -_Shepherds_. Of this nation, so often mentioned already in this work, -as well as the many other people less powerful and numerous than they -that inhabit the countries between the tropics, or frontiers of Egypt -and the Line, it will be necessary now to speak in some detail, -although the connection they all have with the trade of the Red Sea, -and with each other, will oblige me to go back to very early times, -to the invention of letters, and all the useful arts, which had their -beginning here, were carefully nourished, and came probably to as great -a perfection as they did ever since arrive at any other period. - - - - -TRAVELS TO DISCOVER THE SOURCE OF THE NILE. - - - - -BOOK II. - - ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST AGES OF THE INDIAN AND AFRICAN TRADE--THE - FIRST PEOPLING OF ABYSSINIA AND ATBARA--SOME CONJECTURES - CONCERNING THE ORIGIN OF LANGUAGE THERE. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - _Of the India trade in its earliest ages--Settlement of - Ethiopia--Troglodytes--Building of the first Cities._ - - -The farther back we go into the history of Eastern nations, the more -reason we have to be surprised at the accounts of their immense -riches and magnificence. One who reads the history of Egypt is like -a traveller walking through its ancient, ruined, and deserted towns, -where all are palaces and temples, without any trace of private or -ordinary habitation. So in the earliest though now mutilated, accounts -which we have of them, all is power, splendour, and riches, attended -by the luxury which was the necessary consequence, without any clue -or thread left us by which we can remount, or be conducted, to the -source or fountain whence this variety of wealth had flowed; without -ever being able to arrive at a period, when these people were poor and -mean, or even in a state of mediocrity, or upon a footing with European -nations. - -The sacred scriptures, the most ancient, as well as the most credible -of all histories, represent Palestine, of which they particularly -treat, in the earliest ages, as not only full of polished, powerful, -and orderly states, but abounding also in silver and gold[211], in a -greater proportion than is to be found this day in any state in Europe, -though immensely rich dominions in a new world have been added to the -possession of that territory, which furnished the greatest quantity -of gold and silver to the old. Palestine, however, is a poor country, -left to its own resources and produce merely. It must have been always -a poor country, without some extraordinary connection with foreign -nations. It never contained either mines of gold or silver, and though, -at most periods of its history, it appears to have been but thinly -inhabited, it never of itself produced wherewithal to support and -maintain the few that dwelt in it. - -Mr de Montesquieu[212], speaking of the wealth of Semiramis, imagines -that the great riches of the Assyrian empire in her reign, arose from -this queen’s having plundered some more ancient and richer nation, -as they, in their turn, fell afterwards a prey to a poorer, but more -warlike enemy. But however true this fact may be with regard to -Semiramis, it does not solve the general difficulty, as still the same -question recurs, concerning the wealth of that prior nation, which the -Assyrians plundered, and from which they received their treasure. I -believe the example is rare, that a large kingdom has been enriched by -war. Alexander conquered all Asia, part of Africa, and a considerable -portion of Europe; he plundered Semiramis’s kingdom, and all those that -were tributary to her; he went farther into the Indies than ever she -did, though her territories bordered upon the river Indus itself; yet -neither Macedon, nor any of the neighbouring provinces of Greece, could -ever compare with the small districts of Tyre and Sidon for riches. - -War disperses wealth in the very instant it acquires it; but commerce, -well regulated, constantly and honestly supported, carried on with -œconomy and punctuality, is the only thing that ever did enrich -extensive kingdoms; and one hundred hands employed at the loom will -bring to a country more riches and abundance, than ten thousand bearing -spears and shields. We need not go far to produce an example that will -confirm this. The subjects and neighbours of Semiramis had brought -spices by land into Assyria. The Ishmaelites and Midianites, the -merchants and carriers of gold from Ethiopia, and more immediately from -Palestine, met in her dominions; and there was, for a time, the mart of -the East India trade. But, by an absurd expedition with an army into -India, in hopes to enrich herself all at once, she effectually ruined -that commerce, and her kingdom fell immediately afterwards. - -Whoever reads the history of the most ancient nations, will find the -origin of wealth and power to have risen in the east; then to have -gradually advanced westward, spreading itself at the same time north -and south. They will find the riches and population of those nations -decay in proportion as this trade forsakes them; which cannot but -suggest to a good understanding, this truth constantly to be found in -the disposition of all things in this universe, that God makes use of -the smallest means and causes to operate the greatest and most powerful -effects. In his hand a pepper-corn is the foundation of the power, -glory, and riches of India; he makes an acorn, and by it communicates -power and riches to nations divided from India by thousands of leagues -of sea. - -Let us pursue our consideration of Egypt. Sesostris, before the time -we have been just speaking of, passed with a fleet of large ships -from the Arabian Gulf into the Indian Ocean; he conquered part of -India, and opened to Egypt the commerce of that country by sea. I -enter not into the credibility of the number of his fleet, as there is -scarce any thing credible left us about the shipping and navigation -of the ancients, or, at least, that is not full of difficulties and -contradictions; my business is with the expedition, not with the number -of the ships. It would appear he revived, rather than first discovered, -this way of carrying on the trade to the East Indies, which, though -it was at times intermitted, (perhaps forgot by the Princes who -were contending for the Sovereignty of the continent of Asia), was, -nevertheless, perpetually kept up by the trading nations themselves, -from the ports of India and Africa, and on the Red Sea from Edom. - -The pilots from these ports alone, of all the world, had a secret -confined to their own knowledge, upon which the success of these -voyages depended. This was the phænomena of the trade-winds[213] -and monsoons, which the pilots of Sesostris knew; and which those -of Nearchus seem to have taught him only in part, in his voyage -afterwards, and of which we are to speak in the sequel. History says -further of Sesostris, that the Egyptians considered him as their -greatest benefactor, for having laid open to them the trade both of -India and Arabia, for having overturned the dominion of the _Shepherd_ -kings; and, lastly, for having restored to the Egyptian individuals -each their own lands, which had been wrested from them by the violent -hands of the Ethiopian _Shepherds_, during the first usurpation of -these princes. - -In memory of his having happily accomplished these events, Sesostris -is said to have built a ship of cedar of a hundred and twenty yards -in length, the outside of which he covered with plates of gold, and -the inside with plates of silver, and this he dedicated in the temple -of Isis. I will not enter into the defence of the probability of his -reasons for having built a ship of this size, and for such a purpose, -as one of ten yards would have sufficiently answered. The use it was -made for, was apparently to serve for a hieroglyphic, of what he had -accomplished, viz. that he had laid open the gold and silver trade from -the mines in Ethiopia, and had navigated the ocean in ships made of -wood, which were the only ones, he thereby insinuated, that could be -employed in that trade. The Egyptian ships, at that time, were all made -of the reed papyrus[214], covered with skins or leather, a construction -which no people could venture to present to the ocean. - -There is much to be learned from a proper understanding of these last -benefits conferred by Sesostris upon his Egyptian subjects. When -we understand these, which is very easy to any that have travelled -in the countries we are speaking of, (for nations and causes have -changed very little in these countries to this day), it will not be -difficult to find a solution of this problem, What was the commerce -that, progressively, laid the foundation of all that immense grandeur -of the east; what polished them, and cloathed them with silk, scarlet, -and gold; and what carried the arts and sciences among them, to a -pitch, perhaps, never yet surpassed, and this some thousands of years -before the nations in Europe had any other habitation than their native -woods, or cloathing than the skins of beasts, wild and domestic, or -government, but that first, innate one, which nature had given to the -strongest? - -Let us inquire what was the connection Sesostris brought about between -Egypt and India; what was that commerce of Ethiopia and Arabia, -by which he enriched Egypt, and what was their connection with the -peninsula of India; who were those kings who bore so opposite an -office, as to be at the same time _Shepherds_; and who were those -_Shepherds_, near, and powerful enough to wrest the property of their -lands from four million of inhabitants. - -To explain this, it will be necessary to enter into some detail, -without which no person dipping into the ancient or modern history -of this part of Africa, can have any precise idea of it, nor of the -different nations inhabiting the peninsula, the source of whose wealth -consisted entirely in the early, but well-established commerce between -Africa and India. What will make this subject of more easy explanation -is, that the ancient employment and occupations of these people in the -first ages, were still the same that subsist at this day. The people -have altered a little by colonies of strangers being introduced among -them, but their manners and employments are the same as they originally -were. What does not relate to the ancient history of these people, I -shall only mention in the course of my travels when passing through, or -sojourning amongst them. - -Providence had created the inhabitants of the peninsula of India under -many disadvantages in point of climate. The high and wholesome part -of the country was covered with barren and rugged mountains; and, at -different times of the year, violent rains fell in large currents -down the sides of these, which overflowed all the fertile land below; -and these rains were no sooner over, than they were succeeded by -a scorching sun, the effect of which upon the human body, was to -render it feeble, enervated, and incapable of the efforts necessary -for agriculture. In this flat country, large rivers, that scarce -had declivity enough to run, crept slowly along, through meadows of -fat black earth, stagnating in many places as they went, rolling -an abundance of decayed vegetables, and filling the whole air with -exhalations of the most corrupt and putrid kind. Even rice, the general -food of man, the safest and most friendly to the inhabitants of that -country, could not grow but by laying under water the places where it -was sown, and thereby rendering them, for several months, absolutely -improper for man’s dwelling. Providence had done this, but, never -failing in its wisdom, had made to the natives a great deal more than a -sufficient amends. - -Their bodies were unfit for the fatigues of agriculture, nor was the -land proper for common cultivation. But this country produced spices -of great variety, especially a small berry called Pepper, supposed, of -all others, and with reason, to be the greatest friend to the health -of man. This grew spontaneously, and was gathered without toil. It -was, at once, a perfect remedy for the inclemencies and diseases of -the country, as well as the source of its riches, from the demand of -foreigners. This species of spice is no where known but in India, -though equally useful in every putrid region, where, unhappily, these -diseases reign. Providence has not, as in India, placed remedies so -near them, thus wisely providing for the welfare of mankind in general, -by the dependency it has forced one man to have upon another. In India, -and similar climates, this spice is not used in small quantities, but -in such, as to be nearly equal to that of bread. - -In cloathing, Providence had not been less kind to India. The silk -worm, with little fatigue and trouble to man, almost without his -interference, provided for him a stuff, at once the softest, the -most light and brilliant, and consequently the best adapted to warm -countries; and cotton, a vegetable production, growing every where -in great abundance, without care, which may be considered as almost -equal to silk, in many of its qualities, and superior to it in some, -afforded a variety still cheaper for more general use. Every tree -without culture produced them fruit of the most excellent kind; every -tree afforded them shade, under which, with a very light and portable -_loom_ of cane, they could pass their lives delightfully in a calm -and rational enjoyment, by the gentle exercise of weaving, at once -providing for the health of their bodies, the necessities of their -families, and the riches of their country. - -But however plentifully their spices grew, in whatever quantity the -Indians consumed them, and however generally they wore their own -manufactures, the superabundance of both was such, as naturally led -them to look out for articles against which they might barter their -superfluities. This became necessary to supply the wants of those -things that had been with-held from them, for wise ends, or which, from -wantonness, luxury, or slender necessity, they had created in their own -imaginations. - -Far to the westward of them, but part of the same continent, connected -by a long desert, and dangerous coast, was the peninsula of Arabia, -which produced no spices, tho’ the necessities of its climate subjected -its inhabitants to the same diseases as those in India. In fact, the -country and climate were exactly similar, and, consequently, the -plentiful use of these warm productions was as necessary there, as in -India, the country where they grew. - -It is true, Arabia was not abandoned wholly to the inclemency of its -climate, as it produced myrrh and frankincense, which, when used as -perfumes or fumigations, were powerful antiseptics of their kind, but -administered rather as preventatives, than to remove the disorder -when it once prevailed. These were kept up at a price, of which, at -this day, we have no conception, but which never diminished from any -circumstance, under which the country where they grew, laboured. - -The silk and cotton of India were white and colourless, liable to soil, -and without any variety; but Arabia produced gum and dyes of various -colours, which were highly agreeable to the taste of the Asiatics. -We find the sacred scriptures speak of the party-coloured garment as -the mark of the greatest honour[215]. Solomon, in his proverbs, too, -says, that he decked his bed with coverings of tapestry of Egypt[216]. -But Egypt had neither silk nor cotton manufactory, no, nor even wool. -Solomon’s coverings, though he had them from Egypt, were therefore an -article of barter with India. - -Balm, or Balsam[217], was a commodity produced in Arabia, sold at a -very high price, which it kept up till within these few centuries in -the east; when the Venetians carried on the India trade by Alexandria, -this Balsam then sold for its weight in gold; it grows in the same -place, and, I believe, nearly in the same quantity as ever, but, for -very obvious reasons[218], it is now of little value. - -The basis of trade, or a connection between these two countries, was -laid, then, from the beginning, by the hand of Providence. The wants -and necessities of the one found a supply, or balance from the other. -Heaven had placed them not far distant, could the passage be made by -sea; but violent, steady, and unconquerable winds presented themselves -to make that passage of the ocean impossible, and we are not to doubt, -but, for a very considerable time, this was the reason why the commerce -of India was diffused through the continent, by land only, and from -this arose the riches of Semiramis. - -But, however precious the merchandise of Arabia was, it was neither in -quantity, nor quality, capable of balancing the imports from India. -Perhaps they might have paid for as much as was used in the peninsula -of Arabia itself, but, beyond this there was a vast continent called -Africa, capable of consuming many hundred fold more than Arabia; which -lying under the same parallel with India, part of it still farther -south, the diseases of the climate, and the wants of its numerous -inhabitants, were, in many parts of it, the same as those of Arabia and -India; besides which there was the Red Sea, and divers communications -to the northward. - -Neither their luxuries nor necessaries were the same as those of -Europe. And indeed Europe, at this time, was probably inhabited by -shepherds, hunters, and fishers, who had no luxury at all, or such as -could not be supplied from India; they lived in woods and marshes, with -the animals which made their sport, food, and cloathing. - -The inhabitants of Africa then, this vast Continent, were to be -supplied with the necessaries, as well as the luxuries of life, but -they had neither the articles Arabia wanted, nor those required in -India, at least, for a time they thought so; and so long they were not -a trading people. - -It is a tradition among the Abyssinians, which they say they have had -from time immemorial, and which is equally received among the Jews and -Christians, that almost immediately after the flood, Cush, grandson of -Noah, with his family, passing through Atbara from the low country of -Egypt, then without inhabitants, came to the ridge of mountains which -still separates the flat country of Atbara from the more mountainous -high-land of Abyssinia. - -By casting his eye upon the map, the reader will see a chain of -mountains, beginning at the Isthmus of Suez, that runs all along like -a wall, about forty miles from the Red Sea, till it divides in lat. -13°, into two branches. The one goes along the northern frontiers of -Abyssinia, crosses the Nile, and then proceeds westward, through Africa -towards the Atlantic Ocean. The other branch goes southward, and then -east, taking the form of the Arabian Gulf; after which, it continues -southward all along the Indian Ocean, in the same manner as it did in -the beginning all along, the Red Sea, that is parallel to the coast. - -Their tradition says, that, terrified with the late dreadful event the -flood, still recent in their minds, and apprehensive of being again -involved in a similar calamity, they chose for their habitation caves -in the sides of these mountains, rather than trust themselves again on -the plain. It is more than probable, that, soon after their arrival, -meeting here with the tropical rains, which, for duration, still exceed -the days that occasioned the flood, and observing, that going through -Atbara, that part of Nubia between the Nile and Astaboras, afterwards -called Meroë, from a dry climate at first, they had after fallen -in with rains, and as those rains increased in proportion to their -advancing southward, they chose to stop at the first mountains, where -the country was fertile and pleasant, rather than proceed farther at -the risk of involving themselves, perhaps in a land of floods, that -might prove as fatal to their posterity as that of Noah had been to -their ancestors. - -This is a conjecture from probability, only mentioned for illustration, -for the motives that guided them cannot certainly be known; but it is -an undoubted fact, that here the Cushites, with unparalleled industry, -and with instruments utterly unknown to us, formed for themselves -commodious, yet wonderful habitations in the heart of mountains of -granite and marble, which remain entire in great numbers to this day, -and promise to do so till the consummation of all things. This original -kind of dwellings soon extended themselves through the neighbouring -mountains. As the Cushites grew populous, they occupied those that were -next them, spreading the industry and arts which they cultivated, as -well to the eastern as to the western ocean, but, content with their -first choice, they never descended from their caves, nor chose to -reside at a distance on the plain. - -It is very singular that St Jerome does not know where to look for -this family, or descendents of Cush; though they are as plainly -pointed out, and as often alluded to by scripture, as any nation in -the Old Testament. They are described, moreover, by the particular -circumstances of their country, which have never varied, to be in the -very place where I now fix them, and where, ever since, they have -remained, and still do to this present hour, in the same mountains, and -the same houses of stone they formed for themselves in the beginning. -And yet Bochart[219], professedly treating this subject, as it were -industriously, involves it in more than Egyptian darkness. I rather -refer the reader to his work, to judge for himself, than, quoting it by -extracts, communicate the confusion of his ideas to my narrative. - -The Abyssinian tradition further says, they built the city of Axum some -time early in the days of Abraham. Soon after this, they pushed their -colony down to Atbara, where we know from Herodotus[220], they early -and successfully pursued their studies, from which, Josephus says[221], -they were called Meroëtes, or inhabitants of the island of Meroë. - -The prodigious fragments of colossal statues of the dog-star, still -to be seen at Axum, sufficiently shew what a material object of their -attention they considered him to be; and Seir, which in the language -of the Troglodytes, and in that of the low country of Meroë, exactly -corresponding to it, signifies a _dog_, instructs us in the reason why -this province was called _Sirè_, and the large river which bounds it, -_Siris_. - -I apprehend the reason why, without forsaking their ancient domiciles -in the mountains, they chose this situation for another city, Meroë, -was owing to an imperfection they had discovered (both in Sirè and in -their caves below it) to result from their climate. They were within -the tropical rains; and, consequently, were impeded and interrupted in -the necessary observations of the heavenly bodies, and the progress -of astronomy which they so warmly cultivated. They must have seen, -likewise, a necessity of building Meroë farther from them than perhaps -they wished, for the same reason they built Axum in the high country -of Abyssinia in order to avoid the fly (a phænomenon of which I shall -afterwards speak) which pursued them everywhere within the limits of -the rains, and which must have given an absolute law in those first -times to the regulations of the Cushite settlements. They therefore -went the length of lat. 16°, where I saw the ruins supposed to be -those of Meroë[222], and caves in the mountains immediately above that -situation, which I cannot doubt were the temporary habitation of the -builders of that first seminary of learning. - -It is probable that, immediately upon their success at Meroë, they lost -no time in stretching on to Thebes. We know that it was a colony of -Ethiopians, and probably from Meroë, but whether directly, or not, we -are not certain. A very short time might have passed between the two -establishments, for we find above Thebes, as there are above Meroë, a -vast number of caves, which the colony made provisionally, upon its -first arrival, and which are very near the top of the mountain, all -inhabited to this day. - -Hence we may infer, that their ancient apprehensions of a deluge -had not left them whilst, they saw the whole land of Egypt could be -overflowed every year without rain falling upon it; that they did not -absolutely, as yet, trust to the liability of towns like those of Sirè -and Meroë, placed upon columns or stones, one laid upon the other, or -otherwise, that they found their excavations in the mountains were -finished with less trouble, and more comfortable when complete, than -the houses that were built. It was not long before they assumed a -greater degree of courage. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - _Saba and the South of Africa peopled--Shepherds, their - particular Employment and Circumstances--Abyssinia occupied - by seven stranger Nations--Specimens of their several - Languages--Conjectures concerning them._ - - -While these improvements were going on so prosperously in the central -and northern territory of the descendents of Cush, their brethren -to the south were not idle, they had extended themselves along the -mountains that run parallel to the Arabian Gulf; which was in all -times called Saba, or Azabo, both which signify _South_, not because -Saba was south of Jerusalem, but because it was on the south coast -of the Arabian Gulf, and, from Arabia and Egypt, was the first land -to the southward which bounded the African Continent, then richer, -more important, and better known, than the rest of the world. By that -acquisition, they enjoyed all the perfumes and aromatics in the east, -myrrh, and frankincense, and cassia; all which grow spontaneously in -that stripe of ground, from the Bay of Bilur west of Azab, to Cape -Gardefan, and then southward up in the Indian Ocean, to near the coast -of Melinda, where there is cinnamon, but of an inferior kind. - -Arabia probably had not then set itself up as a rival to this side -of the Red Sea, nor had it introduced from Abyssinia the myrrh and -frankincense, as it did afterwards, for there is no doubt that the -principal mart, and growth of these gums, were always near Saba. Upon -the consumption increasing, they, however, were transplanted thence -into Arabia, where the myrrh has not succeeded. - -The Troglodyte extended himself still farther south. As an astronomer, -he was to disengage himself from the tropical rains and cloudy skies -that hindered his correspondent observations with his countrymen at -Meroë and Thebes. As he advanced within the southern tropic, he, -however, still found rains, and made his houses such as the fears -of a deluge had instructed him to do. He found there solid and high -mountains, in a fine climate; but, luckier than his countrymen to -the northward, he found gold and silver in large quantities, which -determined his occupation, and made the riches and consequence of his -country. In these mountains, called _the Mountains of Sofala_, large -quantities of both metals were discovered in their pure unmixed state, -lying in globules without alloy, or any necessity of preparation or -separation. - -The balance of trade, so long against the Arabian and African -continents, turned now in their favour from the immense influx of these -precious metals, found in the mountains of Sofala, just on the verge of -the southern tropical rains. - -Gold and silver had been fixed upon in India as proper returns for -their manufactures and produce. It is impossible to say whether it was -from their hardness or beauty, or what other reason governed the mind -of man in making this standard of barter. The history of the particular -transactions of those times is lost, if, indeed, there ever was such -history, and, therefore, all further inquiries are in vain. The choice, -it seems, was a proper one, since it has continued unaltered so many -ages in India, and has been universally adopted by all nations pretty -much in the proportion or value as in India, into which continent gold -and silver, from this very early period, began to flow, have continued -so to do to this day, and in all probability will do to the end of -time. What has become of that immense quantity of bullion, how it is -consumed, or where it is deposited, and which way, if ever it returns, -are doubts which I never yet found a person that could satisfactorily -solve. - -The Cushite then inhabited the mountains, whilst the northern colonies -advanced from Meroë to Thebes, busy and intent upon the improvement of -architecture, and building of towns, which they began to substitute -for their caves; they thus became traders, farmers, artificers of all -kinds, and even practical astronomers, from having a meridian night and -day free from clouds, for such was that of the Thebaid. As this was -impossible to their brethren, and six months continual rain confined -them to these caves, we cannot doubt but that their sedentary life made -them useful in reducing the many observations daily made by those of -their countrymen who lived under a purer sky. Letters too, at least one -sort of them, and arithmetical characters, we are told, were invented -by this middle part of the Cushites, while trade and astronomy, the -natural history of the winds and seasons, were what necessarily -employed the part of the colony established at Sofala most to the -southward. - -The very nature of the Cushites commerce, the collecting of gold, the -gathering and preparing his spices, necessarily fixed him perpetually -at home; but his profit lay in the dispersing of these spices through -the continent, otherwise his mines, and the trade produced by the -possession of them, were to him of little avail. - -A carrier was absolutely necessary to the Cushite, and Providence had -provided him one in a nation which were his neighbours. These were in -most respects different, as they had long hair, European features, very -dusky and dark complexion, but nothing like the black-moor or negro; -they lived in plains, having moveable huts or habitations, attended -their numerous cattle, and wandered from the necessities and particular -circumstances of their country. These people were in the Hebrew called -_Phut_, and, in all other languages, _Shepherds_; they are so still, -for they still exist; they subsist by the same occupation, never had -another, and therefore cannot be mistaken; they are called Balous, -Bagla, Belowee, Berberi, Barabra, Zilla and Habab[223], which all -signify but one thing, namely that of _Shepherd_. From their place of -habitation, the territory has been called _Barbaria_ by the Greeks -and Romans, from Berber, in the original signifying _shepherd_. The -authors that speak of the Shepherds seem to know little of those of -the _Thebaid_, and still less of those of _Ethiopia_, whilst they -fall immediately upon the shepherds of the Delta, that they may get -the sooner rid of them, and thrust them into Assyria, Palestine, and -Arabia. They never say what their origin was; how they came to be -so powerful; what was their occupation; or, properly, the land they -inhabited; or what is become of them now, though they seem inclined to -think the race extinct. - -The whole employment of the shepherds had been the dispersing of the -Arabian and African goods all over the continent; they had, by that -employment, risen to be a great people: as that trade increased, their -quantity of cattle increased also, and consequently their numbers, and -the extent of their territory. - -Upon looking at the map, the reader will see a chain of mountains -which I have described, and which run in a high ridge nearly straight -north, along the Indian Ocean, in a direction parallel to the coast, -where they end at Cape Gardefan. They then take the direction of the -coast, and run west from Cape Gardefan to the Straits of Babelmandeb, -inclosing the frankincense and myrrh country, which extends -considerably to the west of Azab. From Babelmandeb they run northward, -parallel to the Red Sea, till they end in the sandy plain at the -Isthmus of Suez, a name probably derived from Suah, _Shepherds_. - -Although this stripe of land along the Indian Ocean, and afterwards -along the Red Sea, was necessary to the shepherds, because they carried -their merchandise to the ports there, and thence to Thebes and Memphis -upon the Nile, yet the principal seat of their residence and power -was that flat part of Africa between the northern tropic and the -mountains of Abyssinia. This is divided into various districts; it -reaches from Masuah along the sea-coast to Suakem, then turns westward, -and continues in that direction, having the Nile on the south, the -tropic on the north, to the deserts of Selima, and the confines of -Libya on the west. This large extent of country is called _Beja_. The -next is that district[224] in form of a shield, as Meroë is said to -have been; this name was given it by Cambyses. It is between the Nile -and Astaboras, and is now called Atbara. Between the river Mareb, the -ancient Astusaspes on the east, and Atbara on the west, is the small -plain territory of Derkin, another district of the shepherds. All that -range of mountains running east and west, inclosing Derkin and Atbara -on the south, and which begins the mountainous country of Abyssinia, -is inhabited by the negro woolly-headed Cushite, or Shangalla, living -as formerly in caves, who, from having been the most cultivated and -instructed people in the world, have, by a strange reverse of fortune, -relapsed into brutal ignorance, and are hunted by their neighbours like -wild beasts in those forests, where they used to reign in the utmost -luxury, liberty, and splendour. But the noblest, and most warlike of -all the shepherds, were those that inhabited the mountains of the -Habab, a considerable ridge reaching from the neighbourhood of Masuah -to Suakem, and who, still dwell there. - -In the ancient language of this country, _So_, or _Suah_, signified -shepherd, or shepherds; though we do not know any particular rank or -degrees among them, yet we may suppose these called simply _shepherds_ -were the common sort that attended the flocks. Another denomination, -part of them bore, was _Hycsos_, sounded by us Agsos, which signifies -_armed shepherds_, or such as wore harness, which may be supposed the -soldiers, or armed force of that nation. The third we see mentioned -is Ag-ag, which is thought to be the nobles or chiefs of those armed -shepherds, whence came their title _King of Kings_[225]. The plural of -this is Agagi, or, as it is written in the Ethiopic, Agaazi. - -This term has very much puzzled both Scaliger and Ludolf; for, finding -in the Abyssinian books that they are called Agaazi, they torment -themselves about finding the etymology of that word. They imagine them -to be Arabs from near the Red Sea, and Mr Ludolf[226] thinks the term -signifies _banished men_. Scaliger, too, has various guesses about them -nearly to the same import. All this, however, is without foundation; -the people assert themselves at this day to be Agaazi, that is, a race -of Shepherds inhabiting the mountains of the Habab, and have by degrees -extended themselves through the whole province of Tigré, whose capital -is called Axum, from Ag and Suah, the metropolis, or principal city of -the shepherds that wore arms. - -Nothing was more opposite than the manners and life of the Cushite, -and his carrier the shepherd. The first, though he had forsaken his -caves, and now lived in cities which he had built, was necessarily -confined at home by his commerce, amassing gold, arranging the invoices -of his spices, hunting in the season to provide himself with ivory, -and food throughout the winter. His mountains, and the cities he built -afterwards, were situated upon a loomy, black earth, so that as soon -as the tropical rains began to fall, a wonderful phænomenon deprived -him of his cattle. Large swarms of flies appeared wherever that loomy -earth was, which made him absolutely dependent in this respect upon the -shepherd, but this affected the shepherd also. - -This insect is called _Zimb_; it has not been described by any -naturalist. It is in size very little larger than a bee, of a thicker -proportion, and his wings, which are broader than those of a bee, -placed separate like those of a fly; they are of pure gauze, without -colour or spot upon them; the head is large, the upper jaw or lip -is sharp, and has at the end of it a strong-pointed hair of about a -quarter of an inch long; the lower jaw has two of these pointed hairs, -and this pencil of hairs, when joined together, makes a resistance to -the finger nearly equal to that of a strong hog’s bristle. Its legs are -serrated in the inside, and the whole covered with brown hair or down. -As soon as this plague appears, and their buzzing is heard, all the -cattle forsake their food, and run wildly about the plain, till they -die, worn out with fatigue, fright, and hunger. No remedy remains, but -to leave the black earth, and hasten down to the sands of Atbara, and -there they remain while the rains last, this cruel enemy never daring -to pursue them farther. - -What enables the shepherd to perform the long and toilsome journies -across Africa is the camel, emphatically called by the Arabs, the _ship -of the desert_. He seems to have been created for this very trade, -endued with parts and qualities adapted to the office he is employed -to discharge. The driest thistle, and the barest thorn, is all the -food this useful quadruped requires, and even these, to save time, he -eats while advancing on his journey, without stopping, or occasioning -a moment of delay. As it is his lot to cross immense deserts, where no -water is found, and countries not even moistened by the dew of heaven, -he is endued with the power at one watering-place to lay in a store, -with which he supplies himself for thirty days to come. To contain this -enormous quantity of fluid, Nature has formed large cisterns within -him, from which, once filled, he draws at pleasure the quantity he -wants, and pours it into his stomach with the same effect as if he -then drew it from a spring, and with this he travels, patiently and -vigorously, all day long, carrying a prodigious load upon him, through -countries infected with poisonous winds, and glowing with parching and -never-cooling sands. Though his size is immense, as is his strength, -and his body covered with a thick skin, defended with strong hair, yet -still he is not capable to sustain the violent punctures the fly makes -with his pointed proboscis. He must lose no time in removing to the -sands of Atbara; for, when once attacked by this fly, his body, head, -and legs break out into large bosses, which swell, break, and putrify, -to the certain destruction of the creature. - -Even the elephant and rhinoceros, who, by reason of their enormous -bulk, and the vast quantity of food and water they daily need, cannot -shift to desert and dry places as the season may require, are obliged -to roll themselves in mud and mire, which, when dry, coats them over -like armour, and enables them to stand their ground against this winged -assassin; yet I have found some of these tubercles upon almost every -elephant and rhinoceros that I have seen, and attribute them to this -cause. - -All the inhabitants of the sea-coast of Melinda, down to Cape Gardefan, -to Saba, and the south coast of the Red Sea, are obliged to put -themselves in motion, and remove to the next sand in the beginning -of the rainy season, to prevent all their stock of cattle from being -destroyed. This is not a partial emigration; the inhabitants of all the -countries from the mountains of Abyssinia northward, to the confluence -of the Nile and Astaboras, are once a-year obliged to change their -abode, and seek protection in the sands of Beja; nor is there any -alternative, or means of avoiding this, though a hostile band was in -their way, capable of spoiling them of half their substance; and this -is now actually the case, as we shall see when we come to speak of -Sennaar. - -Of all those that have written upon these countries, the prophet -Isaiah alone has given an account of this animal, and the manner of -its operation. Isa. vii. ch. 18. and 19. ver. “And it shall come to -pass, in that day, that the Lord shall _hiss_ for the fly that is in -the uttermost part of the rivers of Egypt,”--“And they shall come, and -shall rest all of them in the desolate vallies[227], and in the holes -of the rocks, and upon all thorns, and upon all bushes.” - -The mountains that I have already spoken of, as running through the -country of the Shepherds, divide the seasons by a line drawn along -their summit, so exactly, that, while the eastern side, towards the -Red Sea, is deluged with rain for the six months that constitute our -_winter_ in Europe, the western side toward Atbara enjoys a perpetual -sun, and active vegetation. Again, the six months, when it is our -_summer_ in Europe, Atbara, or the western side of these mountains, is -constantly covered with clouds and rain, while, for the same time, the -shepherd on the eastern side, towards the Red Sea, feeds his flocks -in the most exuberant foliage and luxuriant verdure, enjoying the -fair weather, free from the fly or any other molestation. These great -advantages have very naturally occasioned these countries of Atbara and -Beja to be the principal residence of the shepherd and his cattle, and -have entailed upon him the necessity of a perpetual change of places. -Yet so little is this inconvenience, so short the peregrination, that, -from the rain on the west side, a man, in the space of four hours, will -change to the opposite season, and find himself in sun-shine to the -eastward. - -When Carthage was built, the carriage of this commercial city fell -into the hands of Lehabim, or Lubim, the Libyan peasants, and became -a great accession to the trade, power, and number of the shepherds. -In countries to which there was no access by shipping, the end of -navigation was nearly answered by the immense increase of camels; and -this trade, we find, was carried on in the very earliest ages on the -Arabian side, by the Ishmaelite merchants trading to Palestine and -Syria, from the south end of the peninsula, with camels. This we learn -particularly from Genesis, they brought myrrh and spices, or pepper, -and sold them for silver; they had also balm, or balsam, but this it -seems, in those days, they brought from Gilead. - -We are sorry, in reading this curious anecdote preserved to us in -scripture, to find, in those early ages of the India trade, that -another species of commerce was closely connected with it, which modern -philanthropy has branded as the disgrace of human nature. It is plain, -from the passage, the commerce of selling men was then universally -established. Joseph[228] is bought as readily, and sold as currently -immediately after, as any ox or camel could be at this day. Three -nations, Javan, Tubal, and Meshech[229], are mentioned as having their -principal trade at Tyre in the selling of men; and, as late as St -John’s time[230], this is mentioned as a principal part of the trade -of Babylon; notwithstanding which, no prohibition from God, or censure -from the prophets, have ever stigmatized it either as irreligious or -immoral; on the contrary, it is always spoken of as favourably as any -species of commerce whatever. For this, and many other reasons which I -could mention, I cannot think, that purchasing slaves is, in itself, -either cruel or unnatural. To purchase any living creature to abuse -it afterwards, is certainly both base and criminal; and the crime -becomes still of a deeper dye, when our fellow-creatures come to be the -sufferers. But, although this is an abuse which accidentally follow -the trade, it is no necessary part of the trade itself; and, it is -against this abuse the wisdom of the legislature should be directed, -not against the trade itself. - -On the eastern side of the peninsula of Africa, many thousand slaves -are sold to Asia, perfectly in the same manner as those on the west -side are sent to the West Indies; but no one, that ever I heard, has -as yet opened his mouth against the sale of Africans to the East -Indies; and yet there is an aggravation in this last sale of slaves -that should touch us much more than the other, where no such additional -grievance can be pretended. The slaves sold into Asia are most of them -Christians; they are sold to Mahometans, and, with their liberty, they -are certainly deprived of their religion likewise. But the treatment -of the Asiatics being much more humane than what the Africans, sold -to the West Indies, meet with, no clamour has yet been raised against -this commerce in Asia, because its only bad consequence is apostacy; a -proof to me that religion has no part in the present dispute, or, as -I have said, it is the abuse that accidentally follows the purchasing -of slaves, not the trade itself, that should be considered as the -grievance. - -It is plain from all history, that two abominable practices, the -one the eating of men, the other of sacrificing them to the devil, -prevailed all over Africa. The India trade, as we have seen in very -early ages, first established the buying and selling of slaves; since -that time, the eating of men, or sacrificing them, has so greatly -decreased on the eastern side of the peninsula, that now we scarcely -hear of an instance of either of these that can be properly vouched. On -the western part, towards the Atlantic Ocean, where the sale of slaves -began a considerable time later, after the discovery of America and the -West Indies, both of these horrid practices are, as it were, general, -though, I am told, less so to the northward since that event. - -There is still alive a man of the name of Matthews, who was present at -one of those bloody banquets on the west of Africa, to the northward of -Senega. It is probable the continuation of the slave-trade would have -abolished these, in time, on the west side also. Many other reasons -could be alledged, did my plan permit it. But I shall content myself -at present, with saying, that I very much fear that a relaxation and -effeminacy of manners, rather than genuine tenderness of heart, has -been the cause of this violent paroxysm of philanthropy, and of some -other measures adopted of late to the discouragement of discipline, -which I do not doubt will soon be felt to contribute their mite to the -decay both of trade and navigation that will necessarily follow. - -The Ethiopian shepherds at first carried on the trade on their own -side of the Red Sea; they carried their India commodities to Thebes, -likewise to the different black nations to the south-west; in return, -they brought back gold, probably at a cheaper rate, because certainly -by a shorter carriage than by that from Ophir. - -Thebes became exceedingly rich and proud, though, by the most extensive -area that ever was assigned to it, it never could be either large or -populous. Thebes is not mentioned in scripture by that name; it was -destroyed before the days of Moses by Salatis prince of the Agaazi, -or Ethiopian shepherds; at this day it has assumed a name very like -the ancient one. The first signification of its name, Medinet Tabu, I -thought was the Town of our Father. This, history says, was given it by -Sesostris in honour of his father; in the ancient language, its name -was _Ammon No_. The next that presented itself was Theba, which was the -Hebrew name for the Ark when Noah was ordered to build it--Thou shalt -“make thee an Ark (Theba) of gopher-wood[231].” - -The figure of the temples in Thebes do not seem to be far removed from -the idea given us of the Ark. The third conjecture is, that being -the first city built and supported on pillars, and, on different and -separate pieces of stone, it got its name from the architects first -expression of approbation or surprise, Tabu, that it stood insulated -and alone, and this seems to me to be the most conformable both to the -Hebrew and Ethiopic. - -The shepherds, for the most part, friends and allies of the Egyptians, -or Cushite, at times were enemies to them. We need not, at this time -of day, seek the cause; there are many very apparent, from opposite -manners, and, above all, the difference in the dietetique regimen. The -Egyptians worshipped the cow, the Shepherds killed and ate her. The -Shepherds were Sabeans, worshipping the host of heaven--the sun, moon, -and stars. Immediately upon the building of Thebes and the perfection -of sculpture, idolatry and the grossest materialism greatly corrupted -the more pure and speculative religion of the Sabeans. Soon after the -building of Thebes, we see that Rachel, Abraham’s wife, had idols[232]; -we need seek no other probable cause of the devastation that followed, -than difference of religion. - -Thebes was destroyed by Salatis, who overturned the first Dynasty -of Cushite, or Egyptian kings, begun by Menes, in what is called -the second age of the world, and founded the first Dynasty of the -Shepherds, who behaved very cruelly, and wrested the lands from their -first owners; and it was this Dynasty that Sesostris destroyed, after -calling Thebes by his father’s name, Ammon No, making those decorations -that we have seen of the harp in the sepulchres on the west, and -building Diospolis on the opposite side of the river. The second -conquest of Egypt by the Shepherds was that under Sabaco, by whom it -has been imagined Thebes was destroyed, in the reign of Hezekiah king -of Judah, who is said to have made peace with So[233] king of Egypt, as -the translator has called him, mistaking So for the name of the king, -whereas it only denoted his quality of shepherd. - -From this it is plain, all that the scripture mentions about Ammon -No, applies to Diospolis on the other side of the river. Ammon No and -Diospolis, though they were on different sides of the river, were -considered as one city, thro’ which the Nile flowed, dividing it into -two parts. This is plain from profane history, as well as from the -prophet Nahum[234], who describes it very exactly, if in place of the -word _sea_ was substituted _river_, as it ought to be. - -There was a third invasion of the Shepherds after the building of -Memphis, where a [235]king of Egypt[236] is said to have inclosed two -hundred and forty thousand of them in a city called _Abaris_; they -surrendered upon capitulation, and were banished the country into the -land of Canaan. That two hundred and forty thousand men should be -inclosed in one city, so as to bear a siege, seems to me extremely -improbable; but be it so, all that it can mean is, that Memphis, built -in Lower Egypt near the Delta, had war with the Shepherds of the -Isthmus of Suez, or the districts near them, as those of Thebes had -before with the Shepherds of the Thebaid. But, however much has been -written upon the subject, the total expulsion of the Shepherds at any -one time by any King of Egypt, or at any one place, must be fabulous, -as they have remained in their ancient seats, and do remain to this -day; perhaps in not so great a number as when the India trade was -carried on by the Arabian Gulf, yet still in greater numbers than any -other nation of the Continent. - -The mountains which the Agaazi inhabit, are called _Habab_, from which -it comes, that they themselves have got that name. Habab, in their -language, and in Arabic likewise, signifies a _serpent_, and this I -suppose explains that historical fable in the book of Axum, which says, -a serpent conquered the province of Tigré, and reigned there. - -It may be asked, Is there no other people that inhabit Abyssinia, but -these two nations, the Cushites and the Shepherds? Are there no other -nations, whiter or fairer than them, living to the southward of the -Agaazi? Whence did these come? At what time, and by what name are they -called? To this I answer, That there are various nations which agree -with this description, who have each a particular name, and who are all -known by that of _Habesh_, in Latin _Convenæ_, signifying a number of -distinct people meeting accidentally in one place. The word has been -greatly misunderstood, and misapplied, both by Scaliger and Ludolf, -and a number of others; but nothing is more consonant to the history -of the country than the translation I have given it, nor will the word -itself bear any other. - -The Chronicle of Axum, the most ancient repository of the antiquities -of that country, a book esteemed, I shall not say how properly, as the -first in authority after the holy scriptures, says, that between the -creation of the world and the birth of our Saviour there were 5500 -years[237]; that Abyssinia had never been inhabited till 1808 years -before Christ[237]; and 200 years after that, which was in the 1600, -it was laid waste by a flood, the face of the country much changed -and deformed, so that it was denominated at that time Ourè Midre, or, -_the country laid waste_, or, as it is called in scripture itself, a -land which the waters or floods had spoiled[238]; that about the 1400 -year before Christ it was taken possession of by a variety of people -speaking different languages, who, as they were in friendship with the -Agaazi, or Shepherds, possessing the high country of Tigrè, came and -sat down beside them in a peaceable manner, each occupying the lands -that were before him. This settlement is what the Chronicle of Axum -calls _Angaba_, the entry and establishment of these nations, which -finished the peopling of Abyssinia. - -Tradition further says, that they came from Palestine. All this seems -to me to wear the face of truth. Some time after the year 1500, we know -there happened a flood which occasioned great devastation. Pausanius -says, that this flood happened in Ethiopia in the reign of Cecrops; -and, about the 1490 before Christ, the Israelites entered the land of -promise, under Caleb and Joshua. We are not to wonder at the great -impression that invasion made upon the minds of the inhabitants of -Palestine. We see by the history of the harlot, that the different -nations had been long informed by prophecies, current and credited -among themselves, that they were to be extirpated before the face -of the Israelites, who for some time had been hovering about their -frontiers. But now when Joshua had passed the Jordan, after having -miraculously dried up the river[239] before his army had invaded -Canaan, and had taken and destroyed Jericho, a panic seized the whole -people of Syria and Palestine. - -These petty states, many in number, and who had all different -languages, seeing a conqueror with an immense army already in -possession of part of their country, and who did not conduct himself -according to the laws of other conquerors, but put the vanquished under -saws and harrows of iron, and destroyed the men, women, and children; -and sometimes even the cattle, by the sword, no longer could think of -waiting the arrival of such an enemy, but sought for safety by speedy -flight or emigration. The Shepherds in Abyssinia and Atbara were the -most natural refuge these fugitives could seek; commerce must have long -made them acquainted with each others manners, and they must have been -already entitled to the rights of hospitality by having often passed -through each other’s country. - -Procopius[240] mentions that two pillars were standing in his time -on the coast of Mauritania, opposite to Gibraltar, upon which were -inscriptions in the Phœnician tongue: “We are Canaanites, flying from -the face of Joshua, the son of Nun, the _robber_:” A character they -naturally gave him from the ferocity and violence of his manners. Now, -if what these inscriptions contain is true, it is much more credible, -that the different nations, emigrating at that time, should seek their -safety near hand among their friends, rather than go to an immense -distance to Mauritania, to risk a precarious reception among strangers, -and perhaps that country not yet inhabited. - -Upon viewing the several countries in which these nations have their -settlements, it seems evident they were made by mutual consent, and in -peace; they are not separated from each other by chains of mountains, -or large and rapid rivers, but generally by small brooks, dry the -greatest part of the year; by hillocks, or small mounds of earth, or -imaginary lines traced to the top of some mountain at a distance; these -boundaries have never been disputed or altered, but remain upon the old -tradition to this day. These have all different languages, as we see -from scripture all the petty states of Palestine had, but they have no -letters, or written character, but the Geez, the character -of the Cushite shepherd by whom they were first invented and used, as -we shall see hereafter. I may add in further proof of their origin, -that the curse[241] of Canaan seems to have followed them, they have -obtained no principality, but served the kings of the Agaazi or -Shepherds, have been hewers of wood and drawers of water, and so they -still continue. - -[Illustration: Geez] - -[Illustration: Amhara] - -[Illustration: Falasha] - -[Illustration: Damot Agow] - -[Illustration: Tcheratz Agow] - -[Illustration: Gafat] - -[Illustration: Galla] - -The first and most considerable of these nations settled in a province -called _Amhara_; it was, at first coming, as little known as the -others; but, upon a revolution in the country, the king fled to that -province, and there the court staid many years, so that the Geez, or -language of the Shepherds, was dropt, and retained only in writing, -and as a dead language; the sacred scriptures being in that language -only, saved the Geez from going totally into disuse. The second were -the Agows of Damot, one of the southern provinces of Abyssinia, where -they are settled immediately upon the sources of the Nile. The third -are the Agows of Lasta, or Tcheratz Agow, from Tchera, their principal -habitation; theirs too is a separate language; they are Troglodytes -that live in caverns, and seem to pay nearly the same worship to the -Siris, or Tacazzè, that those of Damot pay to the Nile. - -I take the old names of these two last-mentioned nations, to be sunk in -the circumstances of this their new settlement, and to be a compound of -two words Ag-oha, the Shepherds of the River, and I also imagine, that -the idolatry they introduced in the worship of the Nile, is a further, -proof that they came from Canaan, where they imbibed materialism in -place of the pure Sabean worship of the Shepherds, then the only -religion of this part of Africa. - -The fourth is a nation bordering upon the southern banks of the -Nile near Damot. It calls itself Gafat, which signifies oppressed -by violence, torn, expelled, or chaced away by force. If we were to -follow the idea arising merely from this name, we might be led to -imagine, that these were part of the tribes torn from Solomon’s son -and successor, Rehoboam. This, however, we cannot do confident with -the faith to be kept by a historian with his reader. The evidence of -the people themselves, and the tradition of the country, deny they -ever were Jews, or ever concerned with that colony, brought with -Menilek and the queen of Saba, which established the Jewish hierarchy. -They declare, that they are now Pagans, and ever were so; that they -are partakers with their neighbours the Agows in the worship of the -river Nile, the extent or particulars of which I cannot pretend to -explain.--The fifth is a tribe, which, if we were to pay any attention -to similarity of names, we should be apt to imagine we had found here -in Africa a part of that great Gaulish nation so widely extended in -Europe and Asia. A comparison of their languages, with what we know -exists of the former, cannot but be very curious.--These are the -Galla, the most considerable of these nations, specimens of whose -language I have cited. This word, in their own language, signifies -_Shepherd_[242]; they say that formerly they lived on the borders of -the southern rains, within the southern tropic; and that, like these in -Atbara, they were carriers between the Indian and Atlantic Oceans, and -supplied the interior part of the peninsula with Indian commodities. - -The history of this trade is unknown; it must have been little less -ancient, and nearly as extensive, as the trade to Egypt and Arabia. -It probably suffered diminution, when the mines of Sofala were given -up, soon after the discovery of the new world. The Portuguese found -it still flourishing, when they made their first conquests upon that -coast; and they carry it on still in an obscure manner, but in the same -tract to their settlements near Cape Negro on the western ocean. From -these settlements would be the proper place to begin to explore the -interior parts of the peninsula, on both sides of the southern tropic, -as protection and assistance could probably be got through the whole -course of it, and very little skill in language would be necessary. - -When no employment was found for this multitude of men and cattle, -they left their homes, and proceeding northward, they found themselves -involved near the Line, in rainy, cold, and cloudy weather, where they -scarcely ever saw the sun. Impatient of such a climate, they advanced -still farther, till about the year 1537, they appeared in great numbers -in the province of Bali, abandoning the care of camels for the breeding -of horses. At present they are all cavalry. I avoid to say more of them -in this place, as I shall be obliged to make frequent mention of them -in the course of my narrative. - -The Falasha, too, are a people of Abyssinia, having a particular -language of their own; a specimen of which I have also published, as -the history of the people seems to be curious. I do not, however, mean -to say of them, more than of the Galla, that this was any part of those -nations who fled from Palestine on the _invasion_ of Joshua. For they -are now, and ever were, Jews, and have traditions of their own as to -their origin, and what reduced them to the present state of separation, -as we shall see hereafter, when I come to speak of the translation of -the holy scripture. - -In order to gratify such as are curious in the study and history of -language, I, with great pains and difficulty, got the whole book of the -Canticles translated into each of these languages, by priests esteemed -the most versant in the language of each nation. As this barbarous -polyglot is of too large a size to print, I have contented myself with -copying six verses of the first chapter in each language; but the whole -book is at the service of any person of learning that will bestow his -time in studying it, and, for this purpose, I left it in the British -Museum, under the direction of Sir Joseph Banks, and the Bishop of -Carlisle. - -These _Convenæ_, as we have observed, were called _Habesh_, a number -of distinct nations meeting in one place. Scripture has given them a -name, which, though it has been ill translated, is precisely _Convenæ_, -both in the Ethiopic and Hebrew. Our English translation calls -them the _mingled people_[243], whereas it should be the _separate -nations_, who, though met and settled together, did not mingle, which -is strictly _Convenæ_. The inhabitants then who possessed Abyssinia, -from its southern boundary to the tropic of Cancer, or frontiers of -Egypt, were the Cushites, or polished people, living in towns, first -Troglodytes, having their habitations in caves. The next were the -Shepherds; after these were the nations who, as we apprehend, came from -Palestine--Amhara, Agow of Damot, Agow of Tchera, and Gafat. - -Interpreters, much less acquainted with the historical circumstances -of these countries than the prophets, have, either from ignorance -or inattention, occasioned an obscurity which otherwise did not -arise from the text. All these people are alluded to in scripture by -descriptions that cannot be mistaken. If they have occasioned doubts or -difficulties, they are all to be laid at the door of the translators, -chiefly the Septuagint. When Moses returned with his wife Zipporah, -daughter of the sovereign of the Shepherds of Midian, carriers of -the India trade from Saba into Palestine, and established near their -principal mart Edom, in Idumea or Arabia, Aaron, and Miriam his sister, -quarrelled with Moses, because he had married one who was, as the -translator says, an Ethiopian[244]. There is no sense in this cause; -Moses was a fugitive when he married Zipporah; she was a noble-woman, -daughter of the priest of Midian, head of a people. She likewise, as -it would seem, was a Jewess[245], and more attentive, at that time, to -the preservation of the precepts of the law, than Moses was himself; -no exception, then, could lie against Zipporah, as she was surely, -in every view, Moses’s superior. But if the translator had rendered -it, that Aaron and Miriam had quarrelled with Moses, because he had -married a _negro_, or _black-moor_, the reproach was evident; whatever -intrinsic merit Zipporah might have been found to have possessed -afterwards, she must have appeared before the people, at first sight, -as a _strange_ woman, or Gentile, whom it was prohibited to marry. -Besides, the innate deformity of the complexion, negroes were, at all -times, rather coveted for companions of men of luxury or pleasure, than -sought after for wives of sober legislators, and governors of a people. - -The next instance I shall give is, Zerah of Gerar[246], who came out -to fight Asa king of Israel with an army of a million of men, and -three hundred chariots, whilst both the quarrel and the decision are -represented as immediate. - -Gerar was a small district, producing only the Acacia or gum-arabic -trees, from which it had its name; it had no water but what came from -a few wells, part of which had been dug by Abraham[247], after much -strife with the people of the country, who sought to deprive him of -them, as of a treasure. - -Abraham and his brother Lot returning from Egypt, though poor -shepherds, could not subsist there for want of food, and water, and -they separated accordingly, by consent[248]. Now it must be confessed, -as it is not pretended there was any miracle here, that there is not -a more unlikely tale in all Herodotus, than this must be allowed to -be upon the footing of the translation. The translator calls Zerah an -Ethiopian, which should either mean he dwelt in Arabia, as he really -did, and this gave him no advantage, or else that he was a stranger, -who originally came from the country above Egypt; and, either way, -it would have been impossible, during his whole life-time, to have -collected a million of men, one of the greatest armies that ever stood -upon the face of the earth, nor could he have fed them though they had -ate the whole trees that grew in his country, nor could he have given -every hundredth man one drink of water in a day from all the wells he -had in his country. - -Here, then, is an obvious triumph for infidelity, because, as I have -said, no supernatural means are pretended. But had it been translated, -that Zerah was a _black-moor_, a _Cushite-negro_, and prince of the -Cushites, that were carriers in the Isthmus, an Ethiopian shepherd, -then the wonder ceased. Twenty camels, employed to carry couriers upon -them, might have procured that number of men to meet in a short space -of time, and, as Zerah was the aggressor, he had time to choose when -he should attack his enemy; every one of these shepherds carrying with -them their provision of flour and water, as is their invariable custom, -might have fought with Asa at Gerar, without eating a loaf of Zerah’s -bread, or drinking a pint of his water. - -The next passage I shall mention is the following: “The labour of -Egypt, and merchandise of Ethiopia, and of the Sabeans, men of -stature, shall come over unto thee, and they shall be thine[249].” Here -the several nations are distinctly and separately mentioned in their -places, but the whole meaning of the passage would have been lost, -had not the situation of these nations been perfectly known; or, had -not the Sabeans been mentioned separately, for both the Sabeans and -the Cushite were certainly Ethiopians. Now, the meaning of the verse -is, that the fruit of the agriculture of Egypt, which is wheat, the -commodities of the negro, gold, silver, ivory, and perfumes, would be -brought by the Sabean shepherds, their carriers, a nation of great -power, which should join themselves with you. - -Again, Ezekiel says,[250] “And they shall know that I am the Lord, -when I have set a fire in Egypt, and when all her helpers shall be -destroyed.”--“In that day shall messengers go forth from me in ships, -to make the careless Ethiopians afraid.” Now, Nebuchadnezzar was to -destroy Egypt[251], from the frontiers of Palestine, to the mountains -above Atbara, where the Cushite dwelt. Between this and Egypt is a -great desert; the country beyond it, and on both sides, was possessed -by half a million of men. The Cushite, or negro merchant, was secure -under these circumstances from any insult by land, but they were open -to the sea, and had no defender, and messengers, therefore, in ships -or a fleet had easy access to them, to alarm and keep them at home, -that they did not fall into danger by marching into Egypt against -Nebuchadnezzar, or interrupting the service upon which God had sent -him. But this does not appear from translating Cush, _Ethiopian_; the -nearest Ethiopian to Nebuchadnezzar, the most powerful and capable of -opposing him, were the Ethiopian shepherds of the Thebaid, and these -were not accessible to ships; and the shepherds, so posted near to the -scene of destruction to be committed by Nebuchadnezzar, were enemies -to the Cushites living in towns, and they had repeatedly themselves -destroyed them, and therefore had no temptation to be other than -spectators. - -In several other places, the same prophet speaks of Cush as the -commercial nation, sympathising with their countrymen dwelling in the -towns in Egypt, independent of the shepherds, who were really their -enemies, both in civil and religious matters. “And the sword shall come -upon Egypt, and great pain shall be in Ethiopia, when the slain shall -fall in Egypt[252].” Now Ethiopia, as I have before said, that is, the -low country of the shepherds, nearest Egypt, had no common cause with -the Cushites that lived in towns there; it was their countrymen, the -Cushites in Ethiopia, who mourned for those that fell in Egypt, who -were merchants, traders, and dwelt in cities like themselves. - -I shall mention but one instance more: “Can the Ethiopian change his -skin, or the leopard his spots?[253]” Here Cush is rendered Ethiopian, -and many Ethiopians being white, it does not appear why they should be -fixed upon, or chosen for the question more than other people. But had -Cush been translated Negro, or Black-moor, the question would have -been very easily understood, Can the negro change his skin, or the -leopard his spots? - -Jeremiah[254] speaks of the chiefs of the mingled people that dwell -in the deserts. And Ezekiel[255] also mentions them independent of -all the others, whether Shepherds, or Cushites, or Libyans their -neighbours, by the name of the Mingled People. Isaiah[256] calls them -“a nation scattered and peeled; a people terrible from their beginning -hitherto; a nation meted out and trodden down, whose land the rivers -have spoiled:” which is a sufficient description of them, as having -been expelled their own country, and settled in one that had suffered -greatly by a deluge a short time before. - - - - -CHAP. III. - - _Origin of Characters or Letters--Ethiopic the first - Language--How and why the Hebrew Letter was formed._ - - -The reader will observe what I have already said concerning the -language of Habesh, or the Mingled Nations, that they have not -characters of their own; but when written, which is very seldom, it -must be by using the Geez alphabet. Kircher, however, says, there are -two characters to be found in Abyssinia; one he calls the Sacred Old -Syrian, the other the Vulgar, or Common Geez character, of which we are -now speaking. But this is certainly a mistake; there never was, that I -know, but two original characters which obtained in Egypt. The first -was the Geez, the second the Saitic, and both these were the oldest -characters in the world, and both derived from hieroglyphics. - -Although it is impossible to avoid saying something here of the origin -of languages, the reader must not expect that I should go very deep -into the fashionable opinions concerning them, or believe that all -the old deities of the Pagan nations were the patriarchs of the Old -Testament. With all respect to Sanchoniatho and his followers, I can -no more believe that Osiris, the first king of Egypt, was a real -personage, and that Tot was his secretary, than I can believe Saturn -to be the patriarch Abraham, and Rachel and Leah, Venus and Minerva. I -will not fatigue the reader with a detail of useless reasons; if Osiris -is a real personage, if he was king of Egypt, and Tot his secretary, -they surely travelled to very good purpose, as all the people of Europe -and Asia seem to be agreed, that in person they first communicated -letters and the art of writing to them, but at very different, and very -distant periods. - -Thebes was built by a colony of Ethiopians from Sirè, the city of Seir, -or the Dog Star. Diodorus Siculus says, that the Greeks, by putting O -before Siris, had made the word unintelligible to the Egyptians: Siris, -then, was Osiris; but he was not the Sun, no more than he was Abraham, -nor was he a real personage. He was Syrius, or the dog-star, designed -under the figure of a dog, because of the warning he gave to Atbara, -where the first observations were made at his heliacal rising, or his -disengaging himself from the rays of the sun, so as to be visible to -the naked eye. He was the Latrator Anubis, and his first appearance -was figuratively compared to the barking of a dog, by the warning it -gave to prepare for the approaching inundation. I believe, therefore, -this was the first hieroglyphic; and that Isis, Osiris, and Tot, were -all after inventions relating to it; and, in saying this, I am so far -warranted, because there is not in Axum (once a large city) any other -hieroglyphic but of the dog-star, as far as I can judge from the huge -fragments of figures of this animal, remains of which, in differrent -postures, are still distinctly to be seen upon the pedestals everywhere -among the ruins. - -It is not to be doubted, that hieroglyphics then, but not astronomy, -were invented at Thebes, where the theory of the dog-star was -particularly investigated, because connected with their rural year. -Ptolemy[257] has preserved us an observation of an helaical rising of -Sirius on the 4th day after the summer solstice, which answers to the -2250 year before Christ; and there are great reasons to believe the -Thebans were good practical astronomers long before that period[258]; -early, as it may be thought, this gives to Thebes a much greater -antiquity than does the chronicle of Axum just cited. - -As such observations were to be of service for ever, they became more -valuable and useful in proportion to their priority. The most ancient -of them would be of use to the astronomers of this day, for Sir Isaac -Newton appeals to these of Chiron the Centaur. Equations may indeed be -discovered in a number of centuries, which, by reason of the smallness -of their quantities, may very probably have escaped the most attentive -and scrupulous care of two or three generations; and many alterations -in the starry firmament, old stars being nearly extinguished, and new -emerging, would appear from a comparative slate of the heavens made -for a series of ages. And a Theban _Herschel_[259] would have given us -the history of planets he then observed, which, after appearing for -ages, are now visible no more, or have taken a different form. - -The dial, or gold circle of Osimandyas, shews what an immense progress -they had made in astronomy in so little time. This, too, is a proof -of an early fall and revival of the arts in Egypt, for the knowledge -and use of Armillæ had been lost with the destruction of Thebes, and -were not again discovered, that is, revived, till the reign of Ptolemy -Soter, 300 years before the Christian æra. I consider that immense -quantity of hieroglyphics, with which the walls of the temples, and -faces of the obelisks, are covered, as containing so many astronomical -observations. - -I look upon these as the ephemerides of some thousand years, and that -sufficiently accounts for their number. Their date and accuracy were -indisputable; they were exhibited in the most public places, to be -consulted as occasion required; and, by the deepness of the engraving, -and hardness of the materials, and the thickness and solidity of the -block itself upon which they were carved, they bade defiance at once to -violence and time. - -I know that most of the learned writers are of sentiments very -different from mine in these respects. They look for mysteries and -hidden meanings, moral and philosophical treatises, as the subjects -of these hieroglyphics. A sceptre, they say, is the hieroglyphic of a -king. But where do we meet a sceptre upon an antique Egyptian monument? -or who told us this was an emblem of royalty among the Egyptians at -the time of the first invention of this figurative writing? Again, the -serpent with the tail in its mouth denotes the eternity of God, that -he is without beginning and without end. This is a Christian truth, -and a Christian belief, but no where to be found in the polytheism -of the inventors of hieroglyphics. Was Cronos or Ouranus without -beginning and without end? Was this the case with Osiris and Tot, -whose fathers and mothers births and marriages are known? If this was -a truth, independent of revelation, and imprinted from the beginning -in the minds of men; if it was destined to be an eternal truth, which -must have appeared by every man finding it in his own breast, from the -beginning, how unnecessary must the trouble have been to write a common -known truth like this, at the expence of six weeks labour, upon a table -of porphyry or granite. - -It is not with philosophy as with astronomy; the older the -observations, the more use they are of to posterity. A lecture of an -Egyptian priest upon divinity, morality, or natural history, would -not pay the trouble, at this day, of engraving it upon stone; and -one of the reasons that I think no such subjects were ever treated -in hieroglyphics is, that in all those I ever had an opportunity of -seeing, and very few people have seen more, I have constantly found the -same figures repeated, which obviously, and without dispute, allude to -the history of the Nile, and its different periods of increase; the -mode of measuring it, the Etesian winds; in short, such observations -as we every day see in an almanack, in which we cannot suppose, that -forsaking the obvious import, where the good they did was evident, they -should ascribe different meanings to the hieroglyphic, to which no key -has been left, and therefore their future inutility must have been -foreseen. - -I shall content myself in this wide field, to fix upon one famous -hieroglyphical personage, which is _Tot_, the secretary of Osiris, -whose function I shall endeavour to explain; if I fail, I am in good -company; I give it only as my opinion, and submit it chearfully to the -correction of others. The word _Tot_ is Ethiopic, and there can be -little doubt it means the dog-star. It was the name given to the first -month of the Egyptian year. The meaning of the name, in the language of -the province of Siré, is an _idol_, composed of different heterogeneous -pieces; it is found having this signification in many of their books. -Thus a naked man is not a _Tot_, but the body of a naked man, with a -dog’s head, an ass’s head, or a serpent instead of a head, is a _Tot_. -According to the import of that word, it is, I suppose, an almanack, -or section of the phænomena in the heavens which are to happen in the -limited time it is made to comprehend, when exposed for the information -of the public; and the more extensive its use is intended to be, the -greater number of emblems, or signs of observation, it is charged with. - -Besides many other emblems or figures, the common Tot, I think, has -in his hand a cross with a handle, as it is called _Crux Ansata_, -which has occasioned great speculation among the decypherers. This -cross, fixed to a circle, is supposed to denote the _four elements_, -and to be the symbol of the influence the sun has over them. -Jamblichus[260] records, that this cross, in the hand of Tot, is the -name of the _divine Being_ that travels through the world. Sozomen[261] -thinks it means the _life_ to come, the same with the ineffable image -of eternity. Others, strange difference! say it is the _phallus_, -or human genitals, while a later[262] writer maintains it to be the -mariner’s compass. My opinion, on the contrary is, that, as this figure -was exposed to the public for the reason I have mentioned, the Crux -Ansata in his hand was nothing else but a monogram of his own name TO, -and [TOT] signifying TOT, or as we write Almanack upon a collection -published for the same purpose. - -[Illustration: _London Published December 1^{st}. 1789 by G. Robinson & -Co_] - -The changing of these emblems, and the multitude of them, produced the -necessity of contrasting their size, and this again a consequential -alteration in the original forms; and a stile, or small portable -instrument, became all that was necessary for finishing these small -_Tots_, instead of a large graver or carving tool, employed in making -the large ones. But men, at last, were so much used to the alteration, -as to know it better than under its primitive form, and the engraving -became what we may call the first elements, or root, in preference to -the original. - -The reader will see, that, in my history of the civil wars in -Abyssinia, the king, forced by rebellion to retire to the province of -Tigré, and being at Axum, found a stone covered with hieroglyphics, -which, by the many inquiries I made after inscriptions, and some -conversations I had had with him, he guessed was of the kind which I -wanted. Full of that princely goodness and condescension that he ever -honoured me with, throughout my whole stay, he brought it with him when -he returned from Tigré, and was restored to his throne at Gondar. - -It seems to me to be one of those private Tots, or portable almanacks, -of the most curious kind. The length of the whole stone is fourteen -inches, and six inches broad, upon, a base three inches high, -projecting from the block itself, and covered with hieroglyphics. A -naked figure of a man, near six inches, stands upon two crocodiles, -their heads turned different ways. In each of his hands he holds two -serpents, and a scorpion, all by the tail, and in the right hand hangs -a noose, in which is suspended a ram or goat. On the left hand he holds -a lion by the tail. The figure is in great relief; and the head of it -with that kind of cap or ornament which is generally painted upon the -head of the figure called Isis, but this figure is that of a man. On -each side of the whole-length figure, and above it, upon the face of -the stone where it projects, are marked a number of hieroglyphics of -all kinds. Over this is a very remarkable representation; it is an old -head, with very strong features, and a large bushy beard, and upon it -a high cap ribbed or striped. This I take to be the Cnuph, or Animus -Mundi, though Apuleus, with very little probability, says this was -made in the likeness of no creature whatever. The back of the stone is -divided into eight compartments[263], from the top to the bottom, -and these are filled with hieroglyphics in the last stage, before they -took the entire resemblance of letters. Many are perfectly formed; the -Crux Ansata appears in one of the compartments, and Tot in another. -Upon the edge, just above where it is broken, is 1119, so fair and -perfect in form, that it might serve as an example of caligraphy, even -in the present times; 45 and 19, and some other arithmetical figures, -are found up and down among the hieroglyphics. - -[Illustration: _N^o. 2_ - -A TABLE OF _HIEROGLYPHICS_, FOUND AT AXUM 1771. - -London Publish’d Dec^r. 1. 1789. by G. Robinson & Co.] - -This I suppose was what formerly the Egyptians called a book, -or almanack; a collection of these was probably hung up in some -conspicuous place, to inform the public of the state of the heavens, -and seasons, and diseases, to be expected in the course of them, as is -the case in the English almanacks at this day. Hermes is said to have -composed 36,535 books, probably of this sort, or they might contain -the correspondent astronomical observations made in a certain time at -Meroë, Ophir, Axum, or Thebes, communicated to be hung up for the use -of the neighbouring cities. Porphyry[264] gives a particular account of -the Egyptian almanacks. “What is comprised in the Egyptian almanacks, -says he, contains but a small part of the Hermaic institutions; all -that relates to the rising and setting of the moon and planets, and of -the stars and their influence, and also some advice upon diseases.” - -It is very remarkable, that, besides my Tot here described, there -are five or six, precisely the same in all respects, already in the -British Museum; one of them, the largest of the whole, is made of -sycamore, the others are of metal. There is another, I am told, in -Lord Shelburn’s collection; this I never had an opportunity of seeing; -but a very principal attention seems to have been paid to make all of -them light and portable, and it would seem that by these having been -formed so exactly similar, they were the Tots intended to be exposed -in different cities or places, and were neither more nor less than -Egyptian almanacks. - -Whether letters were known to Noah before the flood, is no where said -from any authority, and the inquiry into it is therefore useless. It -is difficult, in my opinion, to imagine, that any society, engaged in -different occupations, could subsist long without them. There seems to -be less doubt, that they were invented, soon after the dispersion, long -before Moses, and in common use among the Gentiles of his time. - -It seems also probable, that the first alphabet was Ethiopic, first -founded on hieroglyphics, and afterwards modelled into more current, -and less laborious figures, for the sake of applying them to the -expedition of business. Mr Fourmont is so much of this opinion, that -he says it is evident the three first letters of the Ethiopic alphabet -are hieroglyphics yet, and that the Beta resembles the door of a house -or temple. But, with great submission, the doors of houses and temples, -when first built, were square at the top, for arches were not known. -The Beta was taken from the doors of the first Troglodytes in the -mountains, which were rounded, and gave the hint for turning the arch, -when architecture advanced nearer to perfection. - -Others are for giving to letters a divine original: they say they -were taught to Abraham by God himself; but this is no where vouched; -though it cannot be denied, that it appears from scripture there were -two sorts of characters known to Moses, when God spoke to him on Mount -Sinai. The first two tables, we are told, were wrote by the finger of -God, in what character is not said, but Moses received them to read -to the people, so he surely understood them. But, when he had broken -these two tables, and had another meeting with God on the mount on -the subject of the law, God directs him specially not to write in the -Egyptian character or hieroglyphics, but in the current hand used by -the Ethiopian merchants, _like the letters_ upon a signet; that is, -he should not write in hieroglyphics by a _picture_, representing the -_thing_, for that the law forbids; and the bad consequences of this -were evident; but he should write the law in the current hand, by -characters representing sounds, (though nothing else in heaven or on -earth,) or by the letters that the Ishmaelites, Cushites, and India -trading nations had long used in business for signing their invoices, -engagements, &c. and this was the meaning of being _like the letters of -a signet_. - -Hence, it is very clear, God did not invent letters, nor did Moses, -who understood both characters before the promulgation of the law upon -Mount Sinai, having learned them in Egypt, and during his long stay -among the Cushites, and Shepherds in Arabia Petrea. Hence it should -appear also, that the sacred character of the Egyptian was considered -as profane, and forbid to the Hebrews, and that the common Ethiopic was -the Hebrew sacred character, in which the copy of the law was first -wrote. The text is very clear and explicit: “And the stones shall be -with the _names_ of the children of Israel, twelve, according to their -_names, like_ the engravings of _signet_; every one with his _name_, -shall they be according to the twelve tribes[265].” Which is plainly, -You shall not write in the way used till this day, for it leads the -people into idolatry; you shall not type Judah by a _lion_, Zebulun by -_ship_, Issachar by an _ass_ couching between two burdens; but, instead -of writing by pictures, you shall take the other known hand, the -merchants writing, which signifies _sounds_, not _things_; write the -names Judah, Zebulun, Issachar, in the letters, such as the merchants -use upon their signets. And, on Aaron’s breast-plate of pure gold, was -to be written, in the same alphabet, like the engravings of a signet, -HOLINESS TO THE LORD[266]. - -These signets, of the remotest antiquity in the East, are worn still -upon every man’s hand to this day, having the name of the person that -wears them, or some sentence upon it always religious. The Greeks, -after the Egyptians, continued the other method, and described figures -upon their signet; the use of both has been always common in Britain. - -We find afterwards, that, in place of stone or gold, for greater -convenience Moses wrote in a book, “And it came to pass, when Moses had -made an end of writing the words of this law in a book, until they were -finished;[267]”-- - -Although, then, Moses certainly did not invent either, or any -character, it is probable that he made two, perhaps more, alterations -in the Ethiopic alphabet as it then stood, with a view to increase -the difference still more between the writing then in use among the -nations, and what he intended to be peculiar to the Jews. The first -was altering the direction, and writing from right to left, whereas, -the Ethiopian was, and is to this day, written from left to right, as -was the hieroglyphical alphabet[268]. The second was taking away the -points, which, from all times, must have existed and been, as it were, -a part of the Ethiopic letters invented with them, and I do not see -how it is possible it ever could have been read without them; so that, -which way soever the dispute may turn concerning the antiquity of the -application of the Masoretic points, the invention was no new one, but -did exist as early as language was written. And I apprehend, that these -alterations were very rapidly adopted after the writing of the law, and -applied to the new character as it then stood; because, not long after, -Moses was ordered to submit the law itself to the people, which would -have been perfectly useless, had not reading and the character been -familiar to them at that time. - -It appears to me also, that the Ethiopic words were always separated, -and could not run together, or be joined as the Hebrew, and that the -running the words together into one must have been matter of choice in -the Hebrew, to increase the difference in writing the two languages, -as the contrary had been practised in the Ethiopian language. Though -there is really little resemblance between the Ethiopic and the -Hebrew letters, and not much more between that and the Samaritan, -yet I have a very great suspicion the languages were once much nearer -a-kin than this disagreement of their alphabet promises, and, for -this reason, that a very great number of words are found throughout -the Old Testament that have really no root, nor can be derived from -any Hebrew origin, and yet all have, in the Ethiopic, a plain, clear, -unequivocal origin, to and from which they can be traced without force -or difficulty. - -I shall now finish what I have to say upon this subject, by observing, -that the Ethiopic alphabet consists of twenty-six letters, each of -these, by a virgula, or point annexed, varying in sound, so as to -become, in effect, forty-two distinct letters. But I must further add, -that at first they had but twenty-five of these original letters, -the Latin P being wanting, so that they were obliged to substitute -another letter in the place of it. Paulus, for example, they called -Taulus, Oulus, or Caulus. Petros they pronounced Ketros. At last they -substituted T, and added this to the end of their alphabet, giving -it the force of P, though it was really a repetition of a character, -rather than invention. Besides these there are twenty others of the -nature of diphthongs, but I should suppose some of these are not of the -same antiquity with the letters of the alphabet, but have been invented -in later times by the scribes for convenience. - -The reader will understand, that, speaking of the Ethiopic at present, -I mean only the Geez language, the language of the Shepherds, and of -the books. None of the other many languages spoken in Abyssinia have -characters for writing. But when the Amharic became substituted, in -common use and conversation, to the Geez, after the restoration of the -Royal family, from their long banishment in Shoa, seven new characters -were necessarily added to answer the pronunciation of this new -language, but no book was ever yet written in any other language except -Geez. On the contrary, there is an old law in this country, handed down -by tradition only, that whoever should attempt to translate the holy -scripture into Amharic, or any other language, his throat should be cut -after the manner in which they kill sheep, his family sold to slavery, -and his house razed to the ground; and, whether the fear of this law -was true or feigned, it was a great obstacle to me in getting those -translations of the Song of Solomon made which I intend for specimens -of the different languages of those distinct nations. - -The Geez is exceedingly harsh and unharmonious. It is full of these -two letters, D and T, on which an accent is put that nearly resembles -stammering. Considering the small extent of sea that divides this -country from Arabia, we are not to wonder that it has great affinity to -the Arabic. It is not difficult to be acquired by those who understand -any other of the oriental languages; and, for a reason I have given -some time ago, that the roots of many Hebrew words are only to be found -here, I think it absolutely necessary to all those that would obtain a -critical skill in that language. - -Wemmers, a Carmelite, has wrote a small Ethiopic dictionary in thin -quarto, which, as far as it goes, has considerable merit; and I am told -there are others of the same kind extant, written chiefly by Catholic -priests. But by far the most copious, distinct, and best-digested work, -is that of Job Ludolf, a German of great learning in the Eastern -languages, and who has published a grammar and dictionary of the Geez -in folio. This read with attention is more than sufficient to make -any person of very moderate genius a great proficient in the Ethiopic -language. He has likewise written a short essay towards a dictionary -and grammar of the Amharic, which, considering the very small help -he had, shews his surprising talents and capacity. Much, however, -remains still to do; and it is indeed scarcely possible to bring this -to any tolerable degree of forwardness for want of books, unless a -man of genius, while in the country itself, were to give his time and -application to it: It is not much more difficult than the former, and -less connected with the Hebrew or Arabic, but has a more harmonious -pronunciation. - - - - -CHAP. IV. - - _Some Account of the Trade Winds and Monsoons--Application of - this to the Voyage to Ophir and Tarshish._ - - -It is a matter of real affliction, which shews the vanity of all -human attainments, that the preceding pages have been employed in -describing, and, as it were, drawing from oblivion, the history of -those very nations that first conveyed to the world, not the elements -of literature only, but all sorts of learning, arts, and sciences in -their full detail and perfection. We see that these had taken deep -root, and were not easily extirpated. The first great and fatal blow -they received was from the destruction of Thebes, and its monarchy, by -the first invasion of the Shepherds under Salatis, which shook them to -the very foundation. The next was in the conquest of the Thebaid under -Sabaco and his Shepherds. The third was when the empire of Lower Egypt -(I do not think of the Thebaid) was transferred to Memphis, and that -city taken, as writers say, by the Shepherds of Abaris only, or of the -Delta, though it is scarcely probable, that, in so favourite a cause -as the destruction of cities, the whole Shepherds did not lend their -assistance. - -These were the calamities, we may suppose, under which the arts in -Egypt fell; for, as to the foreign conquests of Nebuchadnezzar and -his Babylonians, they affected cities and the persons of individuals -only. They were temporary, never intended to have lasting consequences; -their beginning and end were prophesied at the same time. That of the -Assyrians was a plundering expedition only, as we are told by scripture -itself, intended to last but forty years[269], half the life of man, -given, for a particular purpose, for the indemnification of the king -Nebuchadnezzar, for the hardships he sustained at the siege of Tyre, -where the obstinacy of the inhabitants, in destroying their wealth, -deprived the conqueror of his expected booty. The Babylonians were a -people the most polished after the Egyptians. Egypt under them suffered -by rapacity, but not by ignorance, as it did in all the conquests of -the Shepherds. - -After Thebes was destroyed by the first Shepherds, commerce, and it is -probable the arts with it, fled for a time from Egypt, and centered -in Edom, a city and territory, tho’ we know little of its history, at -that period the richest in the world. David, in the very neighbourhood -of Tyre and Sidon, calls Edom the strong city; “Who will bring me into -the strong city? Who will lead me into Edom[270]?” David, from an old -quarrel, and probably from the recent instigations of the Tyrians his -friends, invaded Edom[271], destroyed the city, and dispersed the -people. He was the great military power then upon the continent; Tyre -and Edom were rivals; and his conquest of that last great and trading -state, which he united to his empire, would yet have lost him the trade -he sought to cultivate, by the very means he used to obtain it, had not -Tyre been in a capacity to succeed to Edom, and to collect its mariners -and artificers, scattered abroad by the conquest. - -David took possession of two ports, Eloth and Ezion-gaber[272], from -which he carried on the trade to Ophir and Tarshish, to a very great -extent, to the day of his death. We are struck with astonishment when -we reflect upon the sum that Prince received in so short a time from -these mines of Ophir. For what is said to be given by King David[273] -and his Princes for the building of the Temple of Jerusalem, exceeds in -value eight hundred millions of our money, if the talent there spoken -of is a Hebrew talent[274], and not a weight of the same denomination, -the value of which was less, and peculiarly reserved for and used -in the traffic of these precious metals, gold and silver. It was, -probably, an African or Indian weight, proper to the same mines, whence -was gotten the gold appropriated to fine commodities only, as is the -case with our ounce Troy different from the Averdupoise. - -Solomon, who succeeded David in his kingdom, was his successor likewise -in the friendship of Hiram king of Tyre. Solomon visited Eloth and -Ezion-gaber[275] in person, and fortified them. He collected a number -of pilots, shipwrights, and mariners, dispersed by his father’s -conquest of Edom, most of whom had taken refuge in Tyre and Sidon, the -commercial states in the Mediterranean. Hiram supplied him with sailors -in abundance; but the sailors so furnished from Tyre were not capable -of performing the service which Solomon required, without the direction -of pilots and mariners used to the navigation of the Arabian Gulf and -Indian Ocean. Such were those mariners who formerly lived in Edom, whom -Solomon had now collected in Eloth and Ezion-gaber. - -This last-mentioned navigation was very different in all respects from -that of the Mediterranean, which, in respect to the former, might -be compared to a pond, every side being confined with shores little -distant the one from the other; even that small extent of sea was so -full of islands, that there was much greater art required in the pilot -to avoid land than to reach it. It was, besides, subject to variable -winds, being to the northward of 30° of latitude, the limits to which -Providence hath confined those winds all over the globe; whereas the -navigation of the Indian Ocean was governed by laws more convenient and -regular, though altogether different from those that obtained in the -Mediterranean. Before I proceed, it will be necessary to explain this -phænomenon. - -It is known to all those who are ever so little versant in the history -of Egypt, that the wind from the north prevails in that valley all the -summer months, and is called the _Etesian winds_; it sweeps the valley -from north to south, that being the direction of Egypt, and of the -Nile, which runs through the midst of it. The two chains of mountains, -which confine Egypt on the east and on the west, constrain the wind to -take this precise direction. - -It is natural to suppose the same would be the case in the Arabian -Gulf, had that narrow sea been in a direction parallel to the land of -Egypt, or due north and south. The Arabian Gulf, however, or what we -call the Red Sea, lies from nearly north-west to south-east, from Suez -to Mocha. It then turns nearly east and west till it joins the Indian -Ocean at the Straits of Babelmandeb, as we have already said, and may -be further seen by consulting the map. Now, the Etesian winds, which -are due north in Egypt, here take the direction of the Gulf, and blow -in that direction steadily all the season, while it continues north -in the valley of Egypt; that is, from April to October the wind blows -north-west up the Arabian Gulf towards the Straits; and, from November -till March, directly contrary, down the Arabian Gulf, from the Straits -of Babelmandeb to Suez and the isthmus. - -These winds are by some corruptly called the _trade-winds_; but this -name given to them is a very erroneous one, and apt to confound -narratives, and make them unintelligible. A trade-wind is a wind which, -all the year through, blows, and has ever blown, from the same point of -the horizon; such is the south-west, south of the Line, in the Indian -and Pacific Ocean. On the contrary, these winds, of which we have now -spoken, are called _monsoons_; each year they blow six months from the -northward, and the other six months from the southward, in the Arabian -Gulf: While in the Indian Ocean, without the Straits of Babelmandeb, -they blow just the contrary at the same seasons; that is, in summer -from the southward, and in winter from the northward, subject to a -small inflexion to the east and to the west. - -The reader will observe, then, that, a vessel sailing from Suez or the -Elanitic Gulf, in any of the summer months, will find a steady wind at -north-west, which will carry it in the direction of the Gulf to Mocha. -At Mocha, the coast is east and west to the Straits of Babelmandeb, so -that the vessel from Mocha will have variable winds for a short space, -but mostly westerly, and these will carry her on to the Straits. She -is then done with the monsoon in the Gulf, which was from the north, -and, being in the Indian Ocean, is taken up by the monsoon which blows -in the summer months there, and is directly contrary to what obtains -in the Gulf. This is a south-wester, which carries the vessel with a -flowing sail to any part in India, without delay or impediment. - -The same happens upon her return home. She sails in the winter months -by the monsoon proper to that sea, that is, with a north-east, which -carries her through the Straits of Babelmandeb. She finds, within the -Gulf, a wind at south-east, directly contrary to what was in the ocean; -but then her course is contrary likewise, so that a south-easter, -answering to the direction of the Gulf, carries her directly to Suez, -or the Elanitic Gulf, to whichever way she proposes going. Hitherto all -is plain, simple, and easy to be understood; and this was the reason -why, in the earliest ages, the India trade was carried on without -difficulty. - -Many doubts, however, have arisen about a port called _Ophir_, whence -the immense quantities of gold and silver came, which were necessary -at this time, when provision was making for building the Temple of -Jerusalem. In what part of the world this Ophir was has not been yet -agreed. Connected with this voyage, too, was one to Tarshish, which -suffers the same difficulties; one and the same fleet performed them -both in the same season. - -In order to come to a certainty where this Ophir was, it will be -necessary to examine what scripture says of it, and to keep precisely -to every thing like description which we can find there, without -indulging our fancy farther. _First_, then, the trade to Ophir was -carried on from the Elanitic Gulf through the Indian Ocean. _Secondly_, -The returns were gold, silver, and ivory, but especially silver[276]. -_Thirdly_, The time of the going and coming of the fleet was precisely -three years[277], at no period more nor less. - -Now, if Solomon’s fleet sailed from the Elanitic Gulf to the Indian -Ocean, this voyage of necessity must have been made by monsoons, for no -other winds reign in that ocean. And, what certainly shews this was the -case, is the precise term of three years, in which the fleet went and -came between Ophir and Ezion-gaber. For it is plain, so as to supersede -the necessity of proof or argument, that, had this voyage been made -with variable winds, no limited term of years ever could have been -observed in its going and returning. The fleet might have returned from -Ophir in two years, in three, four, or five years; but, with variable -winds, the return precisely in three years was not possible, whatever -part of the globe Ophir might be situated in. - -Neither Spain nor Peru could be Ophir; part of these voyages must have -been made by variable winds, and the return consequently uncertain. The -island of Ceylon, in the East Indies, could not be Ophir; the voyage -thither is indeed made by monsoons, but we have shewed that a year is -all that can be spent in a voyage to the East Indies; besides, Ceylon -has neither gold nor silver, though it has ivory. St. Domingo has -neither gold, nor silver, nor ivory. When the Tyrians discovered Spain, -they found a profusion of silver in huge masses, but this they brought -to Tyre by the Mediterranean, and then sent it to the Red Sea over land -to answer the returns from India. Tarshish, too, is not found to be a -port in any of these voyages, so that part of the description fails, -nor were there ever elephants bred in Spain. - -These mines of Ophir were probably what furnished the East with gold -in the earliest times; great traces of excavation must, therefore, -have appeared; yet in none of the places just mentioned are there -great remains of any mines that have been wrought. The ancient traces -of silver-mines in Spain are not to be found, and there never were -any of gold. John Dos Santos[278], a Dominican friar, says, that on -the coast of Africa, in the kingdom of Sofala, the main-land opposite -to Madagascar, there are mines of gold and silver, than which none -can be more abundant, especially in silver. They bear the traces of -having been wrought from the earliest ages. They were actually open and -working when the Portuguese conquered that part of the peninsula, and -were probably given up since the discovery of the new world, rather -from political than any other reasons. - -John Dos Santos says, that he landed at Sofala in the year 1586; that -he sailed up the great river Cuama as far as Tetè, where, always -desirous to be in the neighbourhood of gold, his Order had placed -their convent. Thence he penetrated for above two hundred leagues -into the country, and saw the gold mines then working, at a mountain -called Afura[279]. At a considerable distance from these are the silver -mines of Chicoua; at both places there is great appearance of ancient -excavations; and at both places the houses of the kings are built with -mud and straw, whilst there are large remains of massy buildings of -stone and lime. - -It is a tradition which generally obtains in that country, that these -works belonged to the Queen of Saba, and were built at the time, and -for the purpose of the trade on the Red Sea: this tradition is common -to all the Cafrs in that country. Eupolemus, an ancient author quoted -by Eusebius[280], speaking of David, says, that he built ships at -calls them, _metal-men_, to Orphi, or Ophir, an island in the Red Sea. -Now, by the Red Sea, he understands the Indian Ocean[281]; and by -Orphi, he probably meant the island of Madagascar; or Orphi (or Ophir) -might have been the name of the Continent, instead of Sofala, that is, -Sofala where the mines are might have been the main-land of Orphi. - -The kings of the isles are often mentioned in this voyage; Socotra, -Madagascar, the Commorras, and many other small islands thereabout, -are probably those the scripture calls the _Isles_. All, then, at last -reduces itself to the finding a place, either Sofala, or any other -place adjoining to it, which avowedly can furnish gold, silver, and -ivory in quantity, has large tokens of ancient excavations, and is at -the same time under such restrictions from monsoons, that three years -are absolutely necessary to perform the voyage, that it needs no more, -and cannot be done in less, and this is Ophir. - -Let us now try these mines of Dos Santos by the laws of the monsoons, -which we have already laid down in describing the voyage to India. -The fleet, or ship, for Sofala, parting in June from Ezion-gaber, -would run down before the northern monsoon to Mocha. Here, not the -monsoon, but the direction of the Gulf changes, and the violence of the -south-westers, which then reign in the Indian Ocean, make themselves -at times felt even in Mocha Roads. The vessel therefore comes to an -anchor in the harbour of Mocha, and here she waits for moderate weather -and a fair wind, which carries her out of the Straits of Babelmandeb, -through the few leagues where the wind is variable. If her course was -now to the East Indies, that is east-north-east, or north-east and by -north, she would find a strong south-west wind that would carry her to -any part of India, as soon as she cleared Cape Gardefan, to which she -was bound. - -But matters are widely different if she is bound for Sofala; her -course is nearly south-west, and she meets at Cape Gardefan a strong -south-wester that blows directly in her teeth. Being obliged to return -into the gulf, she mistakes this for a trade-wind, because she is not -able to make her voyage to Mocha but by the summer monsoon, which -carries her no farther than the Straits of Babelmandeb, and then leaves -her in the face of a contrary wind, a strong current to the northward, -and violent swell. - -The attempting this voyage with sails, in these circumstances, was -absolutely impossible, as their vessels went only before the wind: if -it was performed at all, it must have been by oars[282], and great -havock and loss of men must have been the consequence of the several -trials. This is not conjecture only; the prophet Ezekiel describes the -very fact. Speaking of the Tyrian voyages probably of this very one he -says, “Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters (the ocean): the -east wind hath broken thee in the midst of the seas[283].” In short, -the east, that is the north-east wind, was the very monsoon that was -to carry them to Sofala, yet having no sails, being upon a lee-shore, -a very bold coast, and great swell, it was absolutely impossible with -oars to save themselves from destruction. - -At last philosophy and observation, together with the unwearied -perseverance of man bent upon his own views and interest, removed -these difficulties, and shewed the mariners of the Arabian Gulf, that -these periodical winds, which, in the beginning, they looked upon as -invincible barriers to the trading to Sofala, when once understood, -were the very means of performing this voyage safely and expeditiously. - -The vessel trading to Sofala sailed, as I have said, from the bottom -of the Arabian Gulf in summer, with the monsoon at north, which -carried her to Mocha. There the monsoon failed her by the change of -the direction of the Gulf. The south-west winds, which blow without -Cape Gardefan in the Indian Ocean, forced themselves round the Cape -so as to be felt in the road of Mocha, and make it uneasy riding -there. But these soon changed, the weather became moderate, and the -vessel, I suppose in the month of August, was safe at anchor under Cape -Gardefan, where was the port which, many years afterwards, was called -Promontorium Aromatum. Here the ship was obliged to stay all November, -because all these summer months the wind south of the Cape was a strong -south-wester, as hath been before said, directly in the teeth of the -voyage to Sofala. But this time was not lost; part of the goods bought -to be ready for the return was ivory, frankincense, and myrrh; and the -ship was then at the principal mart for these. - -I suppose in November the vessel sailed with the wind at north-east, -with which she would soon have made her voyage: But off the coast -of Melinda, in the beginning of December, she there met an anomalous -monsoon at south-west, in our days first observed by Dr Halley, which -cut off her voyage to Sofala, and obliged her to put in to the small -harbour of _Mocha_, near Melinda, but nearer still to Tarshish, which -we find here by accident, and which we think a strong corroboration -that we are right as to the rest of the voyage. In the Annals of -Abyssinia, we see that Amda Sion, making war upon that coast in the -14th century, in a list of the rebellious Moorish vassals, mentions the -Chief of Tarshish as one of them, in the very situation where we have -now placed him. - -Solomon’s vessel, then, was obliged to stay at Tarshish till the month -of April of the second year. In May, the wind set in at north-east, -and probably carried her that same month to Sofala. All the time she -spent at Tarshish was not lost, for part of her cargo was to be brought -from that place, and she probably bought, bespoke, or left it there. -From May of the second year, to the end of that monsoon in October, the -vessel could not stir; the wind was north-east. But this time, far from -being lost, was necessary to the traders for getting in their cargo, -which we shall suppose was ready for them. - -The ship sails, on her return, in the month of November of the second -year, with the monsoon south-west, which in a very few weeks would have -carried her into the Arabian Gulf. But off Mocha, near Melinda and -Tarshish, she met the north-east monsoon, and was obliged to go into -that port and stay there till the end of that monsoon; after which a -south-wester came to her relief in May of the third year. With the May -monsoon she ran to Mocha within the Straits, and was there confined by -the summer monsoon blowing up the Arabian Gulf from Suez, and meeting -her. Here she lay till that monsoon, which in summer blows northerly -from Suez, changed to a south-east one in October or November, and that -very easily brought her up into the Elanitic Gulf, the middle or end of -December of the third year. She had no need of more time to complete -her voyage, and it was not possible she could do it in less. In short, -she changed the monsoon six times, which is thirty-six months, or three -years exactly; and there is not another combination of monsoons over -the globe, as far as I know, capable to effect the same. The reader -will please to consult the map, and keep it before him, which will -remove any difficulties he may have. It is for his instruction this map -has been made, not for that of the learned prelate[284] to whom it is -inscribed, much more capable of giving additional lights, than in need -of receiving any information I can give, even on this subject. - -The celebrated Montesquieu conjectures, that Ophir was really on the -coast of Africa; and the conjecture of that great man merits more -attention than the assertions of ordinary people. He is too sagacious, -and too enlightened, either to doubt of the reality of the voyage -itself, or to seek for Ophir and Tarshish in China. Uninformed, -however, of the particular direction of the monsoons upon the coast, -first very slightly spoken of by Eudoxus, and lately observed and -delineated by Dr Halley, he was staggered upon considering that the -whole distance, which employed a vessel in Solomon’s time for three -years, was a thousand leagues, scarcely more than the work of a month. -He, therefore, supposes, that the reason of delay was owing to the -imperfection of the vessels, and goes into very ingenious calculations, -reasonings, and conclusions thereupon. He conjectures, therefore, that -the ships employed by Solomon were what he calls _junks_[285] of the -Red Sea, made of papyrus, and covered with hides or leather. - -Pliny[286] had said, that one of these junks of the Red Sea was twenty -days on a voyage, which a Greek or Roman vessel would have performed in -seven; and Strabo[287] had said the same thing before him. - -This relative slowness, or swiftness, will not solve the difficulty. -For, if these junks[288] were the vessels employed to Ophir, the long -voyage, much more they would have been employed on the short one, to -and from India; now they performed this within a year, which was all -a Roman or Greek vessel could do, therefore this was not the cause. -Those employed by Solomon were Tyrian and Idumean vessels, the best -ships and sailers of their age. Whoever has seen the prodigious swell, -the violent currents, and strong south-westers beyond the Straits -of Babelmandeb, will not need any argument to persuade him, that no -vessel made of papyrus, or leather, could live an hour upon that sea. -The junks, indeed, were light and convenient boats, made to cross -the narrow gulf between the Sabeans and Homerites, or Cushites, at -Azab upon the Red Sea, and carry provisions from Arabia Felix to the -more desert coast of Azab. I have hinted, that the names of places -sufficiently demonstrate the great loss of men that happened to the -traders to Sofala before the knowledge of the monsoons, and the -introduction of the use of sails. - -I shall now consider how far the thing is confirmed by the names of -places in the language of the country, such as they have retained among -them to the present day. - -There are three Mochas mentioned in this voyage, situated in countries -very dissimilar to, and distant from, each other. The first is in -Arabia Deserta, in lat. 30° nearly, not far from the bottom of the Gulf -of Suez. The second is in lat. 13°, a small distance from the Straits -of Babelmandeb. The third Mocha is in lat. 3° south, near Tarshish, on -the coast of Melinda. Now, the meaning of Mocha, in the Ethiopic, is -_prison_; and is particularly given to these three places, because, in -any of them, a ship is forced to stay or be detained for months, till -the changing of the monsoon sets her at liberty to pursue her voyage. -At Mocha, near the bottom of the Gulf of Suez, a vessel, wanting to -proceed southward to Babelmandeb, is kept here in prison all winter, -till the summer monsoon sets her at liberty. At Mocha, in Arabia Felix, -the same happens to any vessel wanting to proceed to Suez in the summer -months; she may come up from the Straits of Babelmandeb to Mocha Road -by the accidental direction of the head of the Gulf; but, in the -month of May, the north-west wind obliges her to put into Mocha, and -there to stay till the south-easter relieves her in November. After -you double Gardefan, the summer monsoon, at north-east, is carrying -your vessel full sail to Sofala, when the anomalous monsoon takes her -off the coast of Melinda, and forces her into Tarshish, where she is -imprisoned for six months in the Mocha there. So that this word is -very emphatically applied to those places where ships are necessarily -detained by the change of monsoons, and proves the truth of what I have -said. - -The last Cape on the Abyssinian shore, before you run into the Straits, -is Cape Defan, called by the Portuguese, _Cape Dafui_. This has no -meaning in any language; the Abyssinians, on whose side it is, call -it _Cape Defan_, the Cape of Burial. It was probably there where the -east wind drove ashore the bodies of such as had been shipwrecked in -the voyage. The point of the same coast, which, stretches out into the -Gulf, before you arrive at Babelmandeb, was, by the Romans, called -_Promontorium Aromatum_, and since, by the Portuguese, _Cape Gardesui_. -But the name given it by the Abyssinians and sailors on the Gulf is, -_Cape Gardesan_, the Straits of Burial. - -Still nearer the Straits is a small port in the kingdom of Adel, -called _Mete_, _i. e._ Death, or, he or they are dead. And more to the -westward, in the same kingdom, is Mount Felix, corruptly so called -by the Portuguese. The Latins call it Elephas Mons, the Mountain -of the Elephant; and the natives, Jibbel Feel, which has the same -signification. The Portuguese, who did not know that Jibbel Feel was -Elephas Mons, being misled by the sound, have called it _Jibbel Felix_, -the Happy Mountain, a name to which it has no sort of title. - -The Straits by which we enter the Arabian Gulf are by the Portuguese -called Babelmandeb, which is nonsense. The name by which it goes among -the natives is Babelmandeb, the Gate or Port of Affliction. And near -it Ptolemy[289] places a town he calls, in the Greek, Mandaeth, which -appears to me to be only a corruption of Mandeb. The Promontory that -makes the south side of the Straits, and the city thereupon, is _Diræ_, -which means the Hades, or Hell, by Ptolemy[290] called Δηρη. This, too, -is a translation of the ancient name, because Δηρη (or Diræ) has no -signification in the Greek. A cluster of islands you meet in the canal, -after passing Mocha, is called Jibbel Zekir, or, the Islands of Prayer -for the remembrance of the dead. And still, in the same course up the -Gulf, others are called Sebaat Gzier, Praise or Glory be to God, as we -may suppose, for the return from this dangerous navigation. - -All the coast to the eastward, to where Gardefan stretches out into the -ocean, is the territory of Saba, which immemorially has been the mart -of frankincense, myrrh, and balsam. Behind Saba, upon the Indian Ocean, -is the _Regio Cinnamonifera_, where a considerable quantity of that -wild cinnamon grows, which the Italian druggists call _canella_. - -Inland near to Azab, as I have before observed, are large ruins, some -of them of small stones and lime adhering strongly together. There -is especially an aqueduct, which brought formerly a large quantity -of water from a fountain in the mountains, which must have greatly -contributed to the beauty, health, and pleasure of Saba. This is -built with large massy blocks of marble, brought from the neighbouring -mountains, placed upon one another without lime or cement, but joined -with thick cramps, or bars of brass. There are likewise a number of -wells, not six feet wide, composed of pieces of marble hewn to parts -of a circle, and joined with the same bars of brass also. This is -exceedingly surprising, for Agatharcides[291] tells us, that the -Alileans and Cassandrins, in the southern parts of Arabia, (just -opposite to Azab), had among them gold in such plenty, that they would -give double the weight of gold for iron, triple its weight for brass, -and ten times its weight for silver; that, in digging the earth, they -found pieces of gold as big as olive-stones, but others much larger. - -This seems to me extraordinary, if brass was at such a price in Arabia, -that it could be here employed in the meanest and most common uses. -However this be, the inhabitants of the Continent, and of the peninsula -of Arabia opposite to it, of all denominations agree, that this was the -royal seat of the Queen of Saba, famous in ecclesiastical history for -her journey to Jerusalem; that these works belonged to her, and were -erected at the place of her residence; that all the gold, silver, and -perfumes came from her kingdom of Sofala, which was Ophir, and which -reached from thence to Azab, upon the borders of the Red Sea, along the -coast of the Indian Ocean. - -It will very possibly be thought, that this is the place in which I -should mention the journey that the Queen of Saba made into Palestine; -but as the dignity of the expedition itself, and the place it holds -in Jewish antiquities, merits that it should be treated in a place -by itself, so the connection that it is supposed to have with the -foundation of the monarchy of Abyssinia, the country whose history -I am going to write, makes this particularly proper for the sake of -connection; and I shall, therefore, continue the history of the trade -of the Arabian Gulf to a period in which I can resume the narrative of -this expedition without occasioning any interruption to either. - - - - -CHAP. V. - - _Fluctuating State of the India Trade--Hurt by Military - Expeditions of the Persians--Revives under the Ptolemies--Falls - to Decay under the Romans._ - - -The prosperous days of the commerce with the Elanitic Gulf seemed to -be at this time nearly past; yet, after the revolt of the ten tribes, -Edom remaining to the house of David, they still carried on a sort of -trade from the Elanitic Gulf, though attended with many difficulties. -This continued till the reign of Jehosaphat[292]; but, on Jehoram’s -succeeding that prince, the Edomites[293] revolted and chose a king of -their own, and were never after subject to the kings of Judah till the -reign of Uzziah[294], who conquered Eloth, fortified it, and having -peopled it with a colony of his own, revived the old traffic. This -subsisted till the reign of Ahaz, when Rezin king of Damascus took -Eloth[295], and expelled the Jews, planting in their stead a colony -of Syrians. But he did not long enjoy this good fortune, for the -year after, Rezin[296] was conquered by Tilgath-pileser; and one of -the fruits of this victory was the taking of Eloth, which never after -returned to the Jews, or was of any profit to Jerusalem. - -The repeated wars and conquest to which the cities on the Elanitic Gulf -had been subject, the extirpation of the Edomites, all the great events -that immediately followed one another, of course disturbed the usual -channel of trade by the Red Sea, whose ports were now consequently -become unsafe by being in possession of strangers, robbers, and -soldiers; it changed, therefore, to a place nearer the center of -police and good government, than fortified and frontier towns could be -supposed to be. The Indian and African merchants, by convention, met in -Assyria, as they had done in Semiramis’s time; the one by the Persian -Gulf and Euphrates, the other through Arabia. Assyria, therefore, -became the mart of the India trade in the East. - -The conquests of Nabopollaser, and his son Nebuchadnezzar, had brought -a prodigious quantity of bullion, both silver and gold, to Babylon -his capital. For he had plundered Tyre[297], and robbed Solomon’s -Temple[298] of all the gold that had been brought from Ophir; and -he had, besides, conquered Egypt and laid it waste, and cut off the -communication of trade in all these places, by almost extirpating the -people. Immense riches flowed to him, therefore, on all sides, and -it was a circumstance particularly favourable to merchants in that -country, that it was governed by written laws that screened their -properties from any remarkable violence or injustice. - -I suppose the phrase in scripture, “The law of the Medes and Persians, -which altereth not[299],” must mean only written laws, by which those -countries were governed, without being left to the discretion of the -judge, as all the East was, and as it actually now is. - -In this situation the country was at the birth of Cyrus, who, having -taken Babylon[300] and slain Belshazzer[301], became master of the -whole trade and riches of the East. Whatever character writers give -of this great Prince, his conduct, with regard to the commerce of the -country, shews him to have been a weak one: For, not content with -the prodigious prosperity to which his dominions had arrived, by the -misfortune of other nations, and perhaps by the good faith kept by his -subjects to merchants, enforced by those written laws, he undertook the -most absurd and disastrous project of molesting the traders themselves, -and invading India, that all at once he might render himself master of -their riches. He executed this scheme just as absurdly as he formed -it; for, knowing that large caravans of merchants came into Persia and -Assyria from India, through the Ariana, (the desert coast that runs all -along the Indian Ocean to the Persian Gulf, almost entirely destitute -of water, and very nearly as much so of provisions, both which caravans -always carry with them), he attempted to enter India by the very same -road with a large army, the very same way his predecessor Semiramis -had projected 1300 years before; and as her army had perished, so did -his to a man, without having ever had it in his power to take one -pepper-corn by force from any part of India. - -The same fortune attended his son and successor Cambyses, who, -observing the quantity of gold brought from Ethiopia into Egypt, -resolved to march to the source, and at once make himself master of -those treasures by rapine, which he thought came too slowly through the -medium of commerce. - -Cambyses’s expedition into Africa is too well known for me to dwell -upon it in this place. It hath obtained a celebrity by the absurdity -of the project, by the enormous cruelty and havock that attended the -course of it, and by the great and very just punishment that closed it -in the end. It was one of those many monstrous extravagancies which -made up the life of the greatest madman that ever disgraced the annals -of antiquity. The basest mind is perhaps the most capable of avarice; -and when this passion has taken possession of the human heart, it is -strong enough to excite us to undertakings as great as any of those -dictated by the noblest of our virtues. - -Cambyses, amidst the commission of the most horrid excesses during the -conquest of Egypt, was informed that, from the south of that country, -there was constantly brought a quantity of pure gold, independent of -what came from the top of the Arabic Gulf, which was now carried into -Assyria, and circulated in the trade of his country. This supply of -gold belonged properly and exclusively to Egypt; and a very lucrative, -though not very extensive commerce, was, by its means, carried on -with India. He found out that the people, possessing these treasures, -were called _Macrobii_, which signifies _long livers_; and that they -possessed a country divided from him by lakes, mountains, and deserts. -But what still affected him most was, that in his way were a multitude -of warlike Shepherds, with whom the reader is already sufficiently -acquainted. - -Cambyses, to flatter, and make peace with them, fell furiously upon all -the gods and temples in Egypt; he murdered the sacred ox, the apis, -destroyed Memphis, and all the public buildings wherever he went. This -was a gratification to the Shepherds, being equally enemies to those -that worshipped beasts, or lived in cities. After this introduction, he -concluded peace with them in the most solemn manner, each nation vowing -eternal amity with the other. Notwithstanding which, no sooner was he -arrived at Thebes (in Egypt) than he detached a large army to plunder -the Temple of Jupiter Ammon, the greatest object of the worship of -these _shepherds_; which army utterly perished without a man remaining, -covered, as I suppose, by the moving sands. He then began his march -against the _Macrobii_, keeping close to the Nile. The country there -being too high to receive any benefit from the inundation of the river, -produced no corn, so that part of his army died for want of provision. - -Another detachment of his army proceeded to the country of the -Shepherds, who, indeed, furnished him with food; but, exasperated -at the sacrilege he had committed against their god, they conduced -his troops through places where they could procure no water. After -suffering all this loss, he was not yet arrived beyond 24°, the -parallel of Syené. From hence he dispatched ambassadors, or spies, -to discover the country before him, finding he could no longer rely -upon the Shepherds. These found it full of black warlike people, of -great size, and prodigious strength of body; active, and continually -exercised in hunting the lion, the elephant, and other monstrous beasts -which live in these forests. - -The inhabitants so abounded with gold, that the most common utensils -and instruments were made of that metal; whilst, at the same time, -they were utter strangers to bread of any kind whatever; and, not only -so, but their country was, by its nature, incapable of producing any -sort of grain from which bread could be made. They subsisted upon raw -flesh alone, dried in the sun, especially that of the rhinoceros, the -elephant, and giraffa, which they had slain in hunting. On such food -they have ever since lived, and live to this day, and on such food I -myself have lived with them; yet still it appears strange, that people -confined to this diet, without variety or change, should have it for -their characteristic that they were long livers. - -They were not at all alarmed at the arrival of Cambyses’s ambassadors. -On the contrary, they treated them as an inferior species of men. Upon -asking them about their diet, and hearing it was upon bread, they -called it _dung_, I suppose as having the appearance of that bread -which I have seen the miserable Agows, their neighbours, make from -seeds of bastard rye, which they collect in their fields under the -burning rays of the sun. They laughed at Cambyses’s requisition of -submitting to him, and did not conceal their contempt of his idea of -bringing an army thither. - -They treated ironically his hopes of conquest, even supporting all -difficulties of the desert overcome, and his army ready to enter their -country, and counseled him to return while he was well, at least for a -time, till he should produce a man of his army that could bend the bow -that they then sent him; in which case, he might continue to advance, -and have hope of conquest.--The reason of their reference to the bow -will be seen afterwards. I mention these circumstances of the quantity -of gold, the hunting of elephants, their living upon the raw flesh, -and, above all, the circumstances of the bow, as things which I myself -can testify to have met with among this very people. It is, indeed, -highly satisfactory in travelling, to be able to explain truths which, -from a want of knowledge of the country alone, have been treated as -falsehoods, and placed to the discredit of historians. - -The Persians were all famous archers. The mortification, therefore, -they experienced, by receiving the bow they could not bend, was a -very sensible one, though the narrative of the quantity of gold the -messengers had seen made a much greater impression upon Cambyses. -To procure this treasure was, however, impracticable, as he had -no provision, nor was there any in the way of his march. His army, -therefore, wasted daily by death and dispersion; and he had the -mortification to be obliged to retreat into Egypt, after part of his -troops had been reduced to the necessity of eating each other[302]. - -Darius, king of Persia, attempted to open this trade in a much more -worthy and liberal manner, as he sent ships down the river Indus into -the ocean, whence they entered the Red Sea. It is probable, in this -voyage, he acquired all the knowledge necessary for establishing this -trade in Persia; for he must have passed through the Persian Gulf, and -along the whole eastern coast of Arabia; he must have seen the marts -of perfumes and spices that were at the mouth of the Red Sea, and the -manner of bartering for gold and silver, as he was necessarily in those -trading places which were upon the very same coast from which the -bullion was brought. I do not know, then, why M. de Montesquieu[303] -has treated this expedition of Darius so contemptuously, as it appears -to have been executed without great trouble or expence, and terminated -without loss or hardship; the strongest proof that it was at first -wisely planed. The prince himself was famous for his love of learning, -which we find by his anxiety to be admitted among the Magi, and the -sense he had of that honour, in causing it to be engraved upon his -tomb. - -The expedition of Alexander into India was, of all events, that which -most threatened the destruction of the commerce of the Continent, or -the dispersing it into different channels throughout the East: First, -by the destruction of Tyre, which must have, for a time, annihilated -the trade by the Arabian Gulf; then by his march through Egypt into -the country of the Shepherds, and his intended further progress into -Ethiopia to the head of the Nile. If we may judge of what we hear of -him in that part of his expedition, we should be apt not to believe, as -others are fond of doing, that he had schemes of commerce mingled with -those of conquests. His anxiety about his own birth at the Temple of -Jupiter Ammon, this first question that he asked of the priest, “Where -the Nile had its source,” seemed to denote a mind busied about other -objects; for else he was then in the very place for information, being -in the temple of that horned god[304], the deity of the Shepherds, the -African carriers of the Indian produce; a temple which, though in the -midst of sand, and destitute of gold or silver, possessed more and -better information concerning the trade of India and Africa, than could -be found in any other place on the Continent. Yet we do not hear of one -question being made, or one arrangement taken, relative to opening the -India trade with Thebes, or with Alexandria, which he built afterwards. - -After having viewed the main ocean to the south, he ordered Nearchus -with his fleet to coast along the Persian Gulf, accompanied by part of -the army on land for their mutual assistance, as there were a great -many hardships which followed the march of the army by land, and much -difficulty and danger attended the shipping as they were sailing in -unknown seas against the monsoons. Nearchus himself informed the king -at Babylon of his successful voyage, who gave him orders to continue it -into the Red Sea, which he happily accomplished to the bottom of the -Arabian Gulf. - -We are told it was his intention to carry on the India trade by the -Gulf of Persia, for which reason he broke down all the cataracts -and dams which the Persians had built over the rivers communicating -with the Euphrates. No use, however, seems to have been made of -his knowledge of Arabia and Ethiopia, which makes me imagine this -expedition of Alexander’s fleet was not an idea of his own. It is, -indeed, said, that when Alexander came into India, the southern or -Indian Ocean was perfectly unknown; but I am rather inclined to believe -from this circumstance, that this voyage was made from some memorials -remaining concerning the voyage of Darius. The fact and circumstances -of Darius’s voyage are come down to us, and, by these very same means, -it must be probable they reached Alexander, who I do not believe ever -intended to carry on the India trade at Babylon. - -To render it impossible, indeed, he could not have done three things -more effectual than he did, when he destroyed Tyre, and dispersed its -inhabitants, persecuted the Orites, or land-carriers, in the Ariana, -and built Alexandria upon the Mediterranean; which last step fixed the -Indian trade in that city, and would have kept it there eternally, had -the Cape of Good Hope never been discovered. - -The Ptolemies, the wisest princes that ever sat upon the throne -of Egypt, applied with the utmost care and attention to cultivate -the trade of India, to keep up perfect and friendly understanding -with every country that supplied any branch of it, and, instead -of disturbing it either in Asia, Arabia, or Ethiopia, as their -predecessors had done, they used their utmost efforts to encourage it -in all quarters. - -Ptolemy I. was then reigning in Alexandria, the foundation of whose -greatness he not only laid, but lived to see it arrive at the greatest -perfection. It was his constant saying, that the true glory of a -king was not in being rich himself, but making his subjects so. -He, therefore, opened his ports to all trading nations, encouraged -strangers of every language, protected caravans, and a free navigation -by sea, by which, in a few years, he made Alexandria the great -store-house of merchandize, from India, Arabia, and Ethiopia. He did -still further to insure the duration of his kingdom, at the same time -that he shewed the utmost disinterestedness for the future happiness of -his people. He educated his son, Ptolemy Philadelphus, with the utmost -care, and the happy genius of that prince had answered his father’s -utmost expectations; and, when he arrived at the age of governing, the -father, worn out by the fatigue of long wars, surrendered the kingdom -to his son. - -Ptolemy had been a soldier from his infancy, and consequently kept up -a proper military force, that made him every where respected in these -warlike and unsettled times. He had a fleet of two hundred ships of war -constantly ready in the port of Alexandria, the only part for which -he had apprehensions. All behind him was wisely governed, whilst it -enjoyed a most flourishing trade, to the prosperity of which peace -is necessary. He died in peace and old age, after having merited the -glorious name of _Soter_, or _Saviour of the kingdom_, which he himself -had founded, the greatest part of which differed from him in language, -colour, habit, and religion. - -It is with astonishment we see how thoroughly he had established -the trade of India, Ethiopia, and Arabia, and what progress he had -already made towards uniting it with that of Europe, by a passage in -Athenæus[305], who mentions a festival and entertainment given by -his son, Ptolemy Philadelphus, to the people of Alexandria at his -accession, while his father was alive, but had just given up his crown. - -There was in this procession a great number of Indian women, besides -of other countries; and by Indians we may understand, not only the -Asiatic Indians, but the Abyssinians, and the inhabitants of the higher -part of Africa, as all these countries were comprehended under the -common appellation of _India_. These were in the habit of slaves, and -each led, or was followed by, a camel loaded with incense of Sheher, -and cinnamon, besides other aromatics. After these came a number of -Ethiopian blacks carrying the teeth of 600 elephants. Another troop -had a prodigious quantity of ebony; and again others loaded with that -finest gold, which is not dug from the mine, but washed from the -mountains by the tropical rains in small pieces, or pellets, which -the natives and traders at this day call _Tibbar_. Next came a pack of -24,000 Indian dogs, all Asiatics, from the peninsula of India, followed -by a prodigious number of foreign animals, both beasts and birds, -paroquets, and other birds of Ethiopia, carried in cages; 130 Ethiopian -sheep, 300 Arabian, and 20 from the Isle Nubia[306]; 26 Indian -buffaloes, white as snow, and eight from Ethiopia; three brown bears, -and a white one, which last must have been from the north of Europe; 14 -leopards, 16 panthers, four lynxes, one giraffa, and a rhinoceros of -Ethiopia. - -When we reflect upon this prodigious mixture of animals, all so easily -procured at one time, without preparation, we may imagine, that the -quantity of merchandises, for common demand, which accompanied them, -must have been in the proper proportion. - -The current of trade ran towards Alexandria with the greatest -impetuosity, all the articles of luxury of the East were to be found -there. Gold and silver, which were sent formerly to Tyre, came now -down to the Isthmus (for Tyre was no more) by a much shorter carriage, -thence to Memphis, whence it was sent down the Nile to Alexandria. The -gold from the west and south parts of the Continent reached the same -port with much less time and risk, as there was now no Red Sea to pass; -and here was found the merchandise of Arabia and India in the greatest -profusion. - -To facilitate the communication with Arabia, Ptolemy built a town on -the coast of the Red Sea, in the country of the Shepherds, and called -it _Berenice_[307], after his mother. This was intended as a place -of necessary refreshment for all the traders up and down the Gulf, -whether of India or Ethiopia; hence the cargoes of merchants, who -were afraid of losing the monsoons, or had lost them, were carried by -the inhabitants of the country, in three days, to the Nile, and there -embarked for Alexandria. To make the communication between the Nile and -the Red Sea still more commodious, this prince tried an attempt (which -had twice before miscarried with very great loss) to bring a canal[308] -from the Red Sea to the Nile, which he actually accomplished, joining -it to the Pelusiac, or Eastern branch of the Nile. Locks and sluices -moreover are mentioned as having been employed even in those early days -by Ptolemy, but very trifling ones could be needed, for the difference -of level is there but very small. - -This noble canal, one hundred yards broad, was not of that use to trade -which was expected; merchants were weary of the length of time consumed -in going to the very bottom of the Gulf, and afterwards with this -inland navigation of the canal, and that of the Nile, to Alexandria. It -was therefore much more expeditious to unload at Berenice, and, after -three days journey, send their merchandise directly down to Alexandria. -Thus the canal was disused, the goods passed from Berenice to the Nile -by land, and that road continues open for the same purpose to this day. - -It should appear, that Ptolemy had employed the vessels of India and -the Red Sea, to carry on his commerce with the peninsula, and that the -manner of trading directly to India with his own ships, was either not -known or forgotten. He therefore sent two ambassadors, or messengers, -Megasthenes and Denis, to observe and report what was the state of -India since the death of Alexander. These two performed their voyage -safely and speedily. The account they gave of India, if it was strictly -a true one, was, in all respects, perfectly calculated to animate -people to the further prosecution of that trade. In the mean time, in -order to procure more convenience for vessels trading on the Red Sea, -he resolved to attempt the penetrating into that part of Ethiopia which -lies on that sea, and, as historians imagine, with an intention to -plunder the inhabitants of their riches. - -It must not, however, be supposed, that Ptolemy was not enough -acquainted with the productions of a country so near to Egypt, as to -know this part of it had neither gold nor silver, whilst it was full of -forests likewise; for it was that part of Ethiopia called Barbaria, at -this day Barabra, inhabited by shepherds wandering with their cattle -about the neighbouring mountains according as the rains fall. Another -more probable conjecture was, that he wanted, by bringing about a -change of manners in these people, to make them useful to him in a -matter that was of the highest importance. - -Ptolemy, like his father, had a very powerful fleet and army, he but -was inferior to many of the princes, his rivals, in elephants, of which -great use was then made in war. These Ethiopians were hunters, and -killed them for their subsistence. Ptolemy, however, wished to have -them taken alive, being numerous, and hoped both to furnish himself, -and dispose of them as an article of trade, to his neighbours. - -There is something indeed ridiculous in the manner in which he executed -this expedition. Aware of the difficulty of subsisting in that country, -he chose only a hundred Greek horsemen, whom he covered with coats -of monstrous appearance and size, which left nothing visible but the -eyes of the rider. Their horses too were disguised by huge trappings, -which took from them all proportion and shape. In this manner they -entered this part of Ethiopia, spreading terror every where by -their appearance, to which their strength and courage bore a strict -proportion whenever they came to action. But neither force nor intreaty -could gain any thing upon these Shepherds, or ever make them change -or forsake the food they had been so long accustomed to; and all the -fruit Ptolemy reaped from this expedition, was to build a city, by the -sea-side, in the south-east corner of this country, which he called -Ptolemais Theron, or Ptolemais in the country of wild beasts. - -I have already observed, but shall again repeat it, that the reason why -ships, in going up and down the Red Sea, kept always upon the Ethiopian -shore, and why the greatest number of cities were always built upon -that side is, that water is much more abundant on the Ethiopian side -than the Arabian, and it was therefore of the greatest consequence to -trade to have that coast fully discovered and civilized. Indeed it is -more than probable, that nothing further was intended by the expedition -of the hundred Greeks, just now mentioned, than to gain sufficient -intelligence how this might be done most perfectly. - -Ptolemy Evergetes, son and successor of Ptolemy Philadelphus, availed -himself of this discovery. Having provided himself amply with -necessaries for his army, and ordered a fleet to coast along beside -him, up the Red Sea, he penetrated quite through the country of the -Shepherds into that of the Ethiopian Troglodytes, who are black and -woolly-headed, and inhabit the low country quite to the mountains of -Abyssinia. Nay[309], he even ascended those mountains, forced the -inhabitants to submission, built a large temple at Axum, the capital of -Sirè, and raised a great many obelisks, several of which are standing -to this day. Afterwards proceeding to the south-east, he descended -into the cinnamon and myrrh country, behind Cape Gardefan, (the Cape -that terminates the Red Sea, and the Indian Ocean) from this crossed -over to Arabia, to the Homerites, being the same people with the -Abyssinians, only on the Arabian shore. He then conquered several of -the Arabian princes, who first resisted him, and had it in his power to -have put an end to the trade of India there, had he not been as great a -politician as he was a warrior. He used his victory, therefore, in no -other manner, than to exhort and oblige these princes to protect trade, -encourage strangers, and, by every means, provide for the surety of -neutral intercourse, by making rigorous examples of robbers by sea and -land. - -The reigns of the latter Ptolemies were calculated to bring this -commerce to a decline, had it not been for two great events, the -fall of Carthage, destroyed by Scipio, and that of Corinth, by the -consul Mummius. The importance of these events to Alexandria seems -to have sustained the prosperity of Egypt, even against the ravages -committed in the war between Ptolemy the VI. and VII. Alexandria was -then besieged, and not only deprived of its riches, but reduced to the -utmost want of necessaries, and the horrid behaviour of Ptolemy VII. -(had it continued) would have soon rendered that city desolate. The -consequence of such a conduct, however, made a strong impression on the -prince himself, who, at once recalling his unjust edicts, by which he -had banished all foreign merchants from Alexandria, became on a sudden -wholly addicted to commerce, the encourager of arts and sciences, and -the protector of strangers. - -The impolitic conduct in the beginning of his reign, however, had -affected trade even in India. For the story preserved by Posidonius, -and very improperly criticised by Strabo, seems to import little less. -One day, the troops posted on the Arabian Gulf found a ship abandoned -to the waves, on board of which was one Indian only, half dead with -hunger and thirst, whom they brought to the king. This Indian declared -he sailed from his own country, and, having lost his course and spent -all his provisions, he was carried to the place where he was found, -without knowing where he was, and after having survived the rest of his -companions: he concluded an imperfect narrative, by offering to be a -guide to any person his majesty would send to India. His proposals were -accordingly accepted, and Eudoxus was named by the king to accompany -him. Strabo[310] indeed laughs at this story. However, we must say, he -has not seized the most ridiculous parts of it. - -We are told that the king ordered the Indian to be taught Greek, and -waited with patience till he had learned that language. Surely, before -any person could thus instruct him, the master must have had some -language in common with his scholar, or he had better have taught -Eudoxus the Indian language, as it would have been as easy, and of much -more use in the voyage he was to undertake. Besides, is it possible -to believe, after the many years the Egyptians traded backwards and -forwards to India, that there was not a man in Alexandria who could -interpret for him to the king, when such a number of Egyptians went -every year to India to trade, and stayed there for months each time? -Could Ptolemy Philadelphus, at his father’s festival, find 600 Indian -female slaves, all at once, in Alexandria; and, after the trade had -lasted so much longer, were the people from India decreased, or would -their language be less understood? The king’s wisdom, moreover, did -not shew itself greatly, when he was going to trust a ship with his -subjects to so skilful a pilot as this Indian, who, in the first -voyage, had lost himself and all his companions. - -India, however, and the Indian seas, were as well known in Egypt as -they are now; and the magnificence and shew which attended Eudoxus’s -embassy seems to prove, that whatever truth there is in the Indian -being found, Eudoxus’ errand must have been to remove the bad effects -that the king’s extortions and robberies, committed upon all strangers -in the beginning of his reign, had made upon the trading nations. -Eudoxus returned, but after the death of Ptolemy. The necessity, -however, of this voyage appeared still great enough to make Cleopatra -his widow project a second to the same place, and greater preparations -were made than for the former one. - -But Eudoxus, trying experiments probably about the courses of the -trade-winds, lost his passage, and was thrown upon the coast of -Ethiopia; where, having landed, and made himself agreeable to the -natives, he brought home to Egypt a particular description of that -country and its produce, which furnished all the discovery necessary -to instruct the Ptolemies in every thing that related to the ancient -trade of Arabia. In the course of the voyage, Eudoxus discovered the -part of the prow of a vessel which had been broken off by a storm. The -figure of a horse made it an object of inquiry; and some of the sailors -on board, who had been employed in European voyages, immediately knew -this wreck to be part of one of those vessels used to trade on the -western ocean. Eudoxus[311] instantly perceived all the importance of -the discovery, which amounted to nothing less, than that there was a -passage round Africa from the Indian to the Atlantic Ocean. Full of -this thought, he returned to Egypt, and, having shewn the prow of his -vessel to European shipmasters, they all declared that this had been -part of a vessel which had belonged to Cadiz, in Spain. - -This discovery, great as it was, was to none of more importance than to -Eudoxus; for, some time after, falling under the displeasure of Ptolemy -Lathyrus, VIIIth of that name, and being in danger of his life, he -fled and embarked on the Red Sea, sailed round the peninsula of Africa, -crossed the Atlantic Ocean, and came safely to Cadiz. - -The spirit of inquiry, and desire of travelling, spread itself -instantly through Egypt, upon this voyage of Eudoxus; and different -travellers pushed their discoveries into the heart of the country, -where some of the nations are reported to have been so ignorant as not -to know the use of fire: ignorance almost incredible, had we not an -instance of it in our own times. It was in the reign of Ptolemy IX. -that Agatharcides[312] drew up his description of the Red Sea. - -The reigns of the other Ptolemies ending in the XIIIth of that name, -though full of great events, have nothing material to our present -subject. Their constant expence and profusion must have occasioned -a great consumption of trading articles, and very little else was -wanting; or, if there had, it must have arrived at its height in the -reign of the celebrated Cleopatra; whose magnificence, beauty, and -great talents, made her a wonder, greater than any in her capital. -In her time, all nations flocked, as well for curiosity as trade, to -Alexandria; Arabs, Ethiopians, Troglodytes, Jews, and Medes; and all -were received and protected by this princess, who spoke to each of them -in his own language[313]. - -The discovery of Spain, and the possession of the mines of Attica -from which they drew their silver, and the revolution that happened -in Egypt itself, seemed to have superseded the communication with the -coast of Africa; for, in Strabo’s time, few of the ports of the Indian -Ocean, even those nearest the Red Sea, were known. I should, indeed, -suppose, that the trade to India by Egypt decreased from the very time -of the conquest by Cæsar. The mines the Romans had at the source of -the river Betis[314], in Spain, did not produce them above L.15,000 -a-year; this was not a sufficient capital for carrying on the trade -to India, and therefore the immense riches of the Romans seem to have -been derived from the greatness of the prices, not from the extent -of the trade. In fact[315], we are told that 100 _per cent_. was a -profit in common trade upon the Indian commodities. Egypt now, and -all its neighbourhood, began to wear a face of war, to which it had -been a stranger for so many ages. The north of Africa was in constant -troubles, after the first ruin of Carthage; so that we may imagine the -trade to India began again, on that side, to be carried on pretty much -in the same manner it had been before the days of Alexander. But it had -enlarged itself very much on the Persian side, and found an easy, short -inlet, into the north of Europe, which then furnished them a market and -consumption of spices. - -I must confess, notwithstanding, if it is true what Strabo says he -heard himself in Egypt, that the Romans employed one hundred and twenty -vessels in the Indian trade[316], it must at that time have lost very -little of its vigour. We must, however, imagine, that great part of -this was for the account, and with the funds of foreign merchants. The -Jews in Alexandria, until the reign of Ptolemy Phiscon, had carried on -a very extensive part of the India trade. All Syria was mercantile; and -lead, iron, and copper, supplied, in some manner, the deficiency of -gold and silver, which never again was in such abundance till after the -discovery of America. - -But the ancient trade to India, by the Arabian Gulf and Africa, carried -on by the medium of these two metals, remained at home undiminished -with the Ethiopians, defended by large extensive deserts, and happy -with the enjoyment of riches and security, till a fresh discovery again -introduced to them both partners and masters in their trade. - -One of the reasons that makes me imagine the Indian trade was not -flourishing, or in great esteem, immediately upon the Roman conquest of -Egypt, is, that Augustus, very soon after, attempted to conquer Arabia. -He sent Elius Gallus, with an army from Egypt into Arabia, who found -there a number of effeminate, timid people, scarcely to be driven to -self-defence by violence, and ignorant of every thing that related to -war. Elius, however, found that they overmatched him in cunning, and -the perfect knowledge of the country, which their constant employment -as carriers had taught them. His guides led him round from hardship to -hardship, till his army almost perished with hunger and thirst, without -seeing any of those riches his master had sent him to take possession -of. - -Thus was the Arabian expedition of Augustus conceived with the same -views as those of Semiramis, Cyrus, and Cambyses, deservedly as unhappy -in its issue as these first had been. - -That the African trade, moreover, was lost, appears from Strabo[317], -and his reasoning upon the voyage of Eudoxus, which he treats as a -fable. But his reasoning proves just the contrary, and this voyage was -one foundation for opening this trade again, and making this coast more -perfectly known. This likewise appears clear from Ptolemy[318], who, -speaking of a promontory or cape opposite to Madagascar, on the coast -of Africa, says it was inhabited by anthropophagi, or man-eaters, and -that all beyond 8° south was unknown, and that this cape extended to -and joined the continent of India[319]. - - - - -CHAP. VI. - - _Queen of Saba visits Jerusalem--Abyssinian Tradition - concerning Her--Supposed Founder of that Monarchy--Abyssinia - embraces the Jewish Religion--Jewish Hierarchy still retained - by the Falasha--Some Conjectures concerning their Copy of the - Old Testament._ - - -It is now that I am to fulfil my promise to the reader, of giving -him some account of the visit made by the Queen of Sheba[320], as -we erroneously call her, and the consequences of that visit; the -foundation of an Ethiopian monarchy, and the continuation of the -sceptre in the tribe of Judah, down to this day. If I am obliged to go -back in point of time, it is, that I may preserve both the account of -the trade of the Arabian Gulf, and of this Jewish kingdom, distinct and -unbroken. - -We are not to wonder, if the prodigious hurry and flow of business, -and the immensely valuable transactions they had with each other, had -greatly familiarized the Tyrians and Jews, with their correspondents -the Cushites and Shepherds on the coast of Africa. This had gone so -far, as very naturally to have created a desire in the queen of Azab, -the sovereign of that country, to go herself and see the application -of such immense treasures that had been exported from her country -for a series of years, and the prince who so magnificently employed -them. There can be no doubt of this expedition, as Pagan, Arab, Moor, -Abyssinian, and all the countries round, vouch it pretty much in the -terms of scripture. - -Many[321] have thought this queen was an Arab. But Saba was a separate -state, and the Sabeans a distinct people from the Ethiopians and the -Arabs, and have continued so till very lately. We know, from history, -that it was a custom among these Sabeans, to have women for their -sovereigns in preference to men, a custom which still subsists among -their descendents. - - ---- _Medis levibusque Sabæis, - Imperat hie sexus Reginarumque sub armis, - Barbariæ[322], pars magna jacet._ - CLAUDIAN. - -Her name, the Arabs say, was _Belkis_; the Abyssìnians, _Maqueda_. Our -Saviour calls her _Queen of the South_, without mentioning any other -name, but gives his sanction to the truth of the voyage. “The Queen -of the South (or Saba, or Azab) shall rise up in the judgment with -this generation, and shall condemn it; for she came from the uttermost -parts of the earth to hear the wisdom of Solomon; and, behold, a -greater than Solomon is here[323].” No other particulars, however, are -mentioned about her in scripture; and it is not probable our Saviour -would say she came from the uttermost parts of the earth, if she had -been an Arab, and had near 50° of the Continent behind her. The gold, -the myrrh, cassia, and frankincense, were all the produce of her -own country; and the many reasons Pineda[324] gives to shew she was -an Arab, more than convince me that she was an Ethiopian or Cushite -shepherd. - -A strong objection to her being an Arab, is, that the Sabean Arabs, or -Homerites, the people that lived opposite to Azab on the Arabian shore, -had kings instead of queens, which latter the Shepherds had, and still -have. Moreover, the kings of the Homerites were never seen abroad, and -were stoned to death if they appeared in public; subjects of this stamp -would not very readily suffer their queen to go to Jerusalem, even -supposing they had a queen, which they had not. - -Whether she was a Jewess or a Pagan is uncertain; Sabaism was -the religion of all the East. It was the constant attendant and -stumbling-block of the Jews; but considering the multitude of that -people then trading from Jerusalem, and the long time it continued, it -is not improbable she was a Jewess. “And when the queen of Sheba heard -of the fame of Solomon concerning the name of the Lord, she came to -prove him with hard questions[325].” Our Saviour, moreover, speaks of -her with praise, pointing her out as an example to the Jews[326]. And, -in her thanksgiving before Solomon, she alludes to _God’s blessing_ on -the _seed_ of Israel for ever[327], which is by no means the language -of a Pagan, but of a person skilled in the ancient history of the Jews. - -She likewise appears to have been a person of learning, and that -sort of learning which was then almost peculiar to Palestine, not to -Ethiopia. For we see that one of the reasons of her coming, was to -examine whether Solomon was really the learned man he was said to be. -She came to try him in allegories, or parables, in which Nathan had -instructed Solomon. - -The learning of the East, and of the neighbouring kings that -corresponded with each other, especially in Palestine and Syria, -consisted chiefly in these: “And Joash king of Israel sent to Amaziah -king of Judah, saying, The thistle that was in Lebanon sent to the -Cedar that was in Lebanon, saying, Give thy daughter to my son to wife: -and there passed by a wild beast that was in Lebanon, and trode down -the thistle.”--“Thou sayest, Lo, thou hast smitten the Edomites, and -thine heart lifteth thee up to boast: abide now at home, why shouldest -thou meddle to thine hurt, that thou shouldest fall, even thou, and -Judah with thee[328]?” - -The annals of Abyssinia, being very full upon this point, have taken -a middle opinion, and by no means an improbable one. They say she was -a Pagan when she left Azab, but being full of admiration at the sight -of Solomon’s works, she was converted to Judaism in Jerusalem, and -bore him a son, whom she called Menilek, and who was their first king. -However strongly they assert this, and however dangerous it would be to -doubt it in Abyssinia, I will not here aver it for truth, nor much less -still will I positively contradict it, as scripture has said nothing -about it. I suppose, whether true or not, in the circumstances she -was, whilst Solomon also, so far from being very nice in his choice, -was particularly addicted to Idumeans[329], and other strange women, -he could not more naturally engage himself in any amour than in one -with the queen of Saba, with whom he had so long entertained the most -lucrative connections, and most perfect friendship, and who, on her -part, by so long a journey, had surely made sufficient advances. - -The Abyssinians, both Jews and Christians, believe the xlvth psalm -to be a prophecy of this queen’s voyage to Jerusalem; that she was -attended by a daughter of Hiram’s from Tyre to Jerusalem, and that the -last part contains a declaration of her having a son by Solomon, who -was to be king over a nation of Gentiles. - -To Saba, or Azab, then, she returned with her son Menilek, whom, after -keeping him some years, she sent back to his father to be instructed. -Solomon did not neglect his charge, and he was anointed and crowned -king of Ethiopia, in the temple of Jerusalem, and at his inauguration -took the name of David. After this he returned to Azab, and brought -with him a colony of Jews, among whom were many doctors of the law of -Moses, particularly one of each tribe, to make judges in his kingdom, -from whom the present Umbares (or Supreme Judges, three of whom always -attend the king) are said and believed to be descended. With these -came also Azarias, the son of Zadok the priest, and brought with him a -Hebrew transcript of the law, which was delivered into his custody, as -he bore the title of Nebrit, or High Priest; and this charge, though -the book itself was burnt with the church of Axum in the Moorish war -of Adel, is still continued, as it is said, in the lineage of Azarias, -who are Nebrits, or keepers of the church of Axum, at this day. All -Abyssinia was thereupon converted, and the government of the church and -state modelled according to what was then in use at Jerusalem. - -By the last act of the queen of Saba’s reign, she settled the mode of -succession in her country for the future. First, she enacted, that the -crown should be hereditary in the family of Solomon for ever. Secondly, -that, after her, no woman should be capable of wearing that crown or -being queen, but that it should descend to the heir male, however -distant, in exclusion of all heirs female whatever, however near; and -that these two articles should be considered as the fundamental laws -of the kingdom, never to be altered or abolished. And, lastly, That -the heirs male of the royal house, should always be sent prisoners to -a high mountain, where they were to continue till their death, or till -the succession should open to them. - -What was the reason of this last regulation is not known, it being -peculiar to Abyssinia, but the custom of having women for sovereigns, -which was a very old one, prevailed among the neighbouring shepherds -in the last century, as we shall see in the course of this history, -and, for what we know, prevails to this day. It obtained in Nubia till -Augustus’s time, when Petreius, his lieutenant in Egypt, subdued her -country, and took the queen Candace prisoner. It endured also after -Tiberius, as we learn from St Philip’s baptising the eunuch[330] -servant of queen Candace, who must have been successor to the former; -for she, when taken prisoner by Petreius, is represented as an infirm -woman, having but one eye[331]. Candace indeed was the name of all the -sovereigns, in the same manner Cæsar was of the Roman emperors. As for -the last severe part, the punishment of the princes, it was probably -intended to prevent some disorders among the princes of her house, that -she had observed frequently to happen in the house of David[332] at -Jerusalem. - -The queen of Saba having made these laws irrevocable to all her -posterity, died, after a long reign of forty years, in 986 before -Christ, placing her son Menilek upon the throne, whose posterity, the -annals of Abyssinia would teach us to believe, have ever since reigned. -So far we must indeed bear witness to them, that this is no new -doctrine, but has been stedfastly and uniformly maintained from their -earliest account of time; first, when Jews, then in later days after -they had embraced christianity. We may further add, that the testimony -of all the neighbouring nations is with them upon this subject, whether -they be friends or enemies. They only differ in name of the queen, or -in giving her two names. - -This difference, at such a distance of time, should not break scores, -especially as we shall see that the queens in the present day have -sometimes three or four names, and all the kings three, whence has -arisen a very great confusion in their history. And as for her -being an Arab, the objection is still easier got over. For all the -inhabitants of Arabia Felix, especially those of the coast opposite -to Saba, were reputed Abyssins, and their country part of Abyssinia, -from the earliest ages, to the Mahometan conquest and after. They were -her subjects; first, Sabean Pagans like herself, then converted (as -the tradition says) to Judaism, during the time of the building of -the temple, and continuing Jews from that time to the year 622 after -Christ, when they became Mahometans. - -I shall therefore now give a list of their kings of the race of -Solomon, descended from the queen of Saba, whose device is a lion -passant, proper upon a field gules, and their motto, “_Mo Anbasa am -Nizilet Solomon am Negadè Jude_;” which signifies, ‘the lion of the -race of Solomon and tribe of Judah hath overcome.’ The Portuguese -missionaries, in place of a lion passant, which is really the king’s -bearing, have given him, in some of their publications, a lion rampant, -purposely, as is supposed, to put a cross into the paw of this Jewish -lion; but he is now returned to the lion passant, that he was in the -time of Solomon, without any symbol either of religion or peace in his -paws. - - - - - LIST OF THE KINGS OF ABYSSINIA, - - FROM - - MAQUEDA, QUEEN OF SABA, TO THE NATIVITY. - - - Years. - - Menilek, or David I. reigned 4 - Hendedya, or Zagdur, 1 - Awida, 11 - Ausyi, 3 - Sawé, 31 - Gesaya, 15 - Katar, 15 - Mouta, 20 - Bahas, 9 - Kawida, 2 - Kanaza, 10 - Katzina, 9 - Wazeha, 1 - Hazer, 2 - Kalas, 6 - Solaya, 16 - Falaya, 26 - Aglebu, 3 - Asisena, 1 - Brus, 29 - Mohesa, 1 - Bazen, 16 - -Menilek succeeded to the throne in the 986th year before Christ; -and this number of years must be exhausted in the reign of these -twenty-two kings, when each reign, in that case, will amount to more -than forty-four years, which is impossible. The reign of the twenty-one -kings of Israel, at a medium, is a little more than twenty-two years -at an average, and that is thought abundantly high. And, even upon -that footing of comparison, there will be wanting a great deal more -than half the number of years between Menilek and Bazen, so that this -account is apparently false. But I have another very material objection -to it, as well as the preceding one, which is, that there is not one -name in the whole list that has an Ethiopic root or derivation. - -The reader will give what credit he pleases to this very ancient -list. For my part, I content myself with disproving nothing but what -is impossible, or contrary to the authority of scripture, or my own -private knowledge. There are other lists still, which I have seen, -all of no better authority than this. I shall only observe, upon this -last, that there is a king in it, about nine years before our Saviour’s -nativity, that did me the honour of using my name two thousand -years before it came into Britain, spelled in the same manner that -name anciently was, before folly, and the love of novelty, wantonly -corrupted it. - -The Greeks, to divert the king, had told him this circumstance, and he -was exceedingly entertained at it. Sometimes, when he had seen either -Michael, or Fasil[333], or any of the great ones do me any favour, or -speak handsomely of me, he would say gravely, that he was to summon the -council to inquire into my pedigree, whether I was descended of the -heirs-male of that Brus who was king nine years before the nativity; -that I was likely to be a dangerous person, and it was time I should -be sent to Wechné, unless I chose to lose my leg or arm, if I was -found, by the judges, related to him by the heirs-male. To which I -answered, that however he made a jest of this, one of my predecessors -was certainly a king, though not of Abyssinia, not nine years before, -but 1200 after our redemption; that the arms of my family were a -lion like his; but, however creditable his majesty’s apprehensions as -to Abyssinia might be to me, I could venture to assure him, the only -connections I had the honour ever to have had _with him_, were by the -_heirs-female_. - -At other times, when I was exceedingly low-spirited, and despairing of -ever again seeing Britain, he, who well knew the cause, used to say to -the Serach Massery, “Prepare the Sendick and Nagareet; let the judges -be called, and the household troops appear under arms, for Brus is to -be buried: he is an Ozoro of the line of Solomon, and, for any thing -I know, may be heir to the crown. Bring likewise plenty of brandy, -for they all get drunk at burials in his country.” These were days -of sun-shine, when such jests passed; there were cloudy ones enough -that followed, which much more than compensated the very transitory -enjoyment of these. - -Although the years laid down in the book of Axum do not precisely agree -with our account, yet they are so near, that we cannot doubt that the -revolt of the ten tribes, and destruction of Rehoboam’s fleet which -followed, occasioned the removal of Menilek’s capital to Tigré[334]. -But, whatever was the cause, Menilek did remove his court from Azab to -a place near Axum, at this day called _Adega Daid_, the House of David; -and, at no great distance, is another called _Azabo_, from his ancient -metropolis, where there are old remains of building of stone and lime, -a certain proof that Axum was then fallen, else he would have naturally -gone thither immediately upon forsaking his mother’s capital of Azab. - -That country, round by Cape Gardefan, and south towards Sofala, along -the Indian Ocean, was long governed by an officer called _Baharnagash_, -the meaning of which is, King of the Sea, or Sea Coast. Another officer -of the same title was governor of Yemen, or Arabia Felix, which, from -the earliest times, belonged to Abyssinia, down to the Mahometan -conquest. The king himself was called _Nagash_, or Najashi, so were the -governors of several provinces, especially Gojam; and great confusion -has risen from the multitude of these kings. We find, for example, -sometimes three upon the throne at one time, which is exceedingly -improbable in any country. We are, therefore, to suppose, that one of -these only is king, and two of them are the Najashi, or Nagash, we have -just described; for, as the regulation of the queen of Saba banished -the heirs-male to the mountain, we cannot conceive how three brothers -could be upon the throne at the same time, as this law subsists to the -present day. This, although it is one, is not the only reason of the -confusion, as I shall mention another in the sequel. - -As we are about to take our leave of the Jewish religion and government -in the line of Solomon, it is here the proper place that I should -add what we have to say of the Falasha, of whom we have already had -occasion to speak, when we gave a specimen of their language, among -those of the stranger nations, whom we imagine to have come originally -from Palestine. I did not spare my utmost pains in inquiring into the -history of this curious people, and lived in friendship with several -esteemed the most knowing and learned among them, and I am persuaded, -as far as they knew, they told me the truth. - -The account they give of themselves, which is supported only by -tradition among them, is, that they came with Menilek from Jerusalem, -so that they agree perfectly with the Abyssinians in the story of the -queen of Saba, who, they say,· was a Jewess, and her nation Jews before -the time of Solomon; that she lived at Saba, or Azaba, the myrrh and -frankincense country upon the Arabian Gulf. They say further, that -she went to Jerusalem, under protection of Hiram king of Tyre, whose -daughter is said in the xlvth Psalm to have attended her thither; that -she went not in ships, nor through Arabia, for fear or the Ishmaelites, -but from Azab round by Masuah and Suakem, and was escorted by the -Shepherds, her own subjects, to Jerusalem, and back again, making use -of her own country vehicle, the camel, and that hers was a white one, -of prodigious size and exquisite beauty. - -They agree also, in every particular, with the Abyssinians, about the -remaining part of the story, the birth and inauguration of Menilek, who -was their first king; also the coming of Azarias, and twelve elders -from the twelve tribes, and other doctors of the law, whose posterity -they deny to have ever apostatised to Christianity, as the Abyssinians -pretend they did at the conversion. They say, that, when the trade of -the Red Sea fell into the hands of strangers, and all communication -was shut up between them and Jerusalem, the cities were abandoned, and -the inhabitants relinquished the coast; that they were the inhabitants -of these cities, by trade mostly brick and tile-makers, potters, -thatchers of houses, and such like mechanics, employed in them; and -finding the low country of Dembea afforded materials for exercising -these trades, they carried the article of pottery in that province to a -degree of perfection scarcely to be imagined. - -Being very industrious, these people multiplied exceedingly, and were -very powerful at the time of the conversion to Christianity, or, as -they term it, the Apostacy under Abreha and Atzbeha. At this time they -declared a prince of the tribe of Judah, and of the race of Solomon and -Menilek, to be their sovereign. The name of this prince was Phineas, -who refused to abandon the religion of his forefathers, and from him -their sovereigns are lineally descended; so they have still a prince -of the house of Judah, although the Abyssinians, by way of reproach, -have called this family Bet Israel, intimating that they were rebels, -and revolted from the family of Solomon and tribe of Judah, and there -is little doubt, but that some of the successors of Azarias adhered -to their ancient faith also. Although there was no bloodshed upon -difference of religion, yet, each having a distinct king with the same -pretensions, many battles were fought from motives of ambition, and -rivalship of sovereign power. - -About the year 960, an attempt was made by this family to mount the -throne of Abyssinia, as we shall see hereafter; when the princes of the -house of Solomon were nearly extirpated upon the rock Damo. This, it -is probable, produced more animosity and bloodshed. At last the power -of the Falasha was so much weakened, that they were obliged to leave -the flat country of Dembea, having no cavalry to maintain themselves -there, and to take possession of the rugged, and almost inaccessible -rocks, in that high ridge called the Mountains of Samen. One of these, -which nature seems to have formed for a fortress, they chose for their -metropolis, and it was ever after called the Jews Rock. - -A great overthrow, which they received in the year 1600, brought them -to the very brink of ruin. In that battle Gideon and Judith, their -king and queen, were slain. They have since adopted a more peaceable -and dutiful behaviour, pay taxes, and are suffered to enjoy their own -government. Their king and queen’s name was again Gideon and Judith, -when I was in Abyssinia, and these names seem to be preferred for those -of the Royal family. At that time they were supposed to amount to -100,000 effective men. Something like this, the sober and most knowing -Abyssinians are obliged to allow to be truth; but the circumstances of -the conversion from Judaism are probably not all before us. - -The only copy of the Old Testament, which they have, is in Geez, -the same made use of by the Abyssinian Christians, who are the only -scribes, and sell these copies to the Jews; and, it is very singular -that no controversy, or dispute about the text, has ever yet arisen -between the professors of the two religions. They have no keriketib, -or various readings; they never heard of talmud, targum, or cabala: -Neither have they any _fringes[335] or ribband_ upon their _garments_, -nor is there, as far as I could learn, one scribe among them. - -I asked them, being from Judea, whence they got that language which -they spoke, whether it was one of the languages of the nations which -they had learned on the coast of the Red Sea. They apprehended, but -it was mere conjecture, that the language which they spoke was that -of those nations they had found on the Red Sea, after their leaving -Judea and settling there; and the reason they gave was certainly a -pertinent one; that they came into Abyssinia, speaking Hebrew, with the -advantage of having books in that language; but they had now forgot -their Hebrew[336], and it was therefore not probable they should retain -any other language in which they had no books, and which they never had -learned to express by letters. - -I asked them, since they came from Jerusalem, how it happened they had -not Hebrew, or Samaritan copies of the law, at least the Pentateuch -or Octateuch. They said they were in possession of both when they -came from Jerusalem; but their fleet being destroyed, in the reign of -Rehoboam, and communication becoming very uncertain by the Syrian wars, -they were, from necessity, obliged to have the scriptures translated, -or make use of the copies in the hands of the Shepherds, who, according -to them, before Solomon’s time, were all Jews. - -I asked them where the Shepherds got their copy, because, -notwithstanding the invasion of Egypt by Nebuchadnezzar, who was the -foreign obstacle the longest in their way, the Ishmaelite Arabs had -access through Arabia to Jerusalem and Syria, and carried on a great -trade thither by land. They professed very candidly they could not give -a satisfactory answer to that, as the time was very distant, and war -had destroyed all the memorials of these transactions. I asked if they -really ever had any memorials of their own country, or history of any -other. They answered, with some hesitation, they had no reason to say -they ever had any; if they had, they were all destroyed in the war with -Gragné. This is all that I could ever learn from this people, and it -required great patience and prudence in making the interrogations, and -separating truth from falsehood; for many of them, (as is invariably -the case with barbarians) if they once divine the reason of your -inquiry, will say whatever they think will please you. - -They deny the sceptre has ever departed from Judah, as they have a -prince of that house reigning, and understand the prophecy of the -gathering of the Gentiles at the coming of Shiloh, is to be fulfilled -on the appearance of the Messiah, who is not yet come, when all the -inhabitants of the world are to be Jews. But I must confess they did -not give an explanation of this either clearly or readily, or seem to -have ever considered it before. They were not at all heated by the -subject, nor interested, as far as I could discern, in the difference -between us, nor fond of talking upon their religion at all, though very -ready at all quotations, when a person was present who spoke Amharic, -with the barbarous accent that they do; and this makes me conceive that -their ancestors were not in Palestine, or present in those disputes or -transactions that attended the death of our Saviour, and have subsisted -ever after. They pretend that the book of Enoch was the first book of -scripture they ever received. They knew nothing of that of Seth, but -place Job immediately after Enoch, so that they have no idea of the -time in which Job lived, but said they believed it to be soon after -the flood; and they look upon the book bearing his name to be the -performance of that prophet. - -Many difficulties occur from this account of the Falasha; for, though -they say they came from Jerusalem in the time of Solomon, and from -different tribes, yet there is but one language amongst them all, -and that is not Hebrew or Samaritan, neither of which they read or -understand; nor is their answer to this objection satisfactory, for -very obvious reasons. - -Ludolf, the most learned man that has writ upon the subject, says, that -it is apparent the Ethiopic Old Testament, at least the Pentateuch, was -copied from the Septuagint, because of the many Grecisms to be found in -it; and the names of birds and precious stones, and some other passages -that appear literally to be translated from the Greek. He imagines -also, that the present Abyssinian version is the work of Frumentius -their first bishop, when Abyssinia was converted to Christianity under -Abreha and Atzbeha, about the year 333 after Christ, or a few years -later. - -Although I brought with me all the Abyssinian books of the Old -Testament, (if it is a translation) I have not yet had time to make -the comparison here alluded to, but have left them, for the curiosity -of the public, deposited in the British Museum, hoping that some man -of learning or curiosity would do this for me. In the mean time I must -observe, that it is much more natural to suppose that the Greeks, -comparing the copies together, expunged the words or passages they -found differing from the Septuagint, and replaced them from thence, -as this would not offend the Jews, who very well knew that those who -translated the Septuagint version were all Jews themselves. - -Now, as the Abyssinian copy of the Holy Scriptures, in Mr Ludolf’s -opinion, was translated by Frumentius above 330 after Christ, and the -Septuagint version, in the days of Philadelphus, or Ptolemy II. above -160 years before Christ, it will follow, that, if the present Jews use -the copy translated by Frumentius, and, if that was taken from the -Septuagint, the Jews must have been above 400 years without any books -whatsoever at the time of the conversion by Frumentius: So they must -have had all the Jewish law, which is in perfect vigour and force among -them, all their Levitical observances, their purifications, atonements, -abstinences, and sacrifices, all depending upon their memory, without -writing, at least for that long space of 400 years. - -This, though not absolutely impossible, is surely very nearly so. We -know, that, at Jerusalem itself, the seat of Jewish law and learning, -idolatry happening to prevail, during the short reigns of only four -kings, the law, in that interval, became so perfectly forgotten and -unknown, that a copy of it being accidentally found and read by Josiah, -that prince, upon his first learning its contents, was so astonished at -the deviations from it, that he apprehended the immediate destruction -of the whole city and people. To this I shall only add, that whoever -considers the stiff-neckedness, stubbornness, and obstinacy, which -were ever the characters of this Jewish nation, they will not easily -believe that they did ever _willingly_ “receive the _Old_ Testament -from a people who were the avowed champions of the _New_.” - -They have, indeed, no knowledge of the New Testament but from -conversation; and do not curse it, but treat it as a folly where it -supposes the Messiah come, who, they seem to think, is to be a temporal -prince, prophet, priest, and conqueror. - -Still, it is not probable that a Jew would receive the law and the -prophets from a Christian, without absolute necessity, though they -might very well receive such a copy from a brother Jew, which all the -Abyssinians were, when this translation was made. Nor would this, as -I say, hinder them from following a copy really made by Jews from the -text itself, such as the Septuagint actually was. But, I confess, -great difficulties occur on every side, and I despair of having them -solved, unless by an able, deliberate analysis of the specimen of the -Falasha language which I have preserved, in which I earnestly request -the concurrence of the learned. A book of the length of the Canticles -contains words enough to judge upon the question, Whence the Falasha -came, and what is the probable cause they had not a translation in -their own tongue, since a version became necessary? - -I have less doubt that Frumentius translated the New Testament, as he -must have had assistance from those of his own communion in Egypt; -and this is a further reason why I believe that, at his coming, he -found the Old Testament already translated into the Ethiopic language -and character, because Bagla, or Geez, was an unknown letter, and -the language unknown, not only to him, but likewise to every province -in Abyssinia, except Tigré; so that it would have cost him no more -pains to teach the nation the Greek character and Greek language, than -to have translated the New Testament into Ethiopic, using the Geez -character, which was equally unknown, unless in Tigré. The saving of -time and labour would have been very material to him; he would have -used the whole scriptures, as received in his own church, and the Greek -letter and language would have been just as easily attained in Amhara -as the Geez; and those people, even of the province of Tigré, that had -not yet learned to read, would have written the Greek character as -easily as their own. I do not know that so early there was any Arabic -translation of the Old Testament; if there was, the same reasons would -have militated for his preferring this; and still he had but the New -Testament to undertake. But having found the books of the Old Testament -already translated into Geez, this altered the case; and he, very -properly, continued the gospel in that language and letter also, that -it might be a testimony for the Christians, and against the Jews, as it -was intended. - - - - -CHAP. VII. - - _Books in Use in Abyssinia--Enoch--Abyssinia not converted - by the Apostles--Conversion from Judaism to Christianity by - Frumentius._ - - -The Abyssinians have the whole scriptures entire as we have, and count -the same number of books; but they divide them in another manner, at -least in private hands, few of them, from extreme poverty, being able -to purchase the whole, either of the historical or prophetical books -of the Old Testament. The same may be said of the New, for copies -containing the whole of it are very scarce. Indeed no where, unless -in churches, do you see more than the Gospels, or the Acts of the -Apostles, in one person’s possession, and it must not be an ordinary -man that possesses even these. - -Many books of the Old Testament are forgot, so that it is the same -trouble to procure them, even in churches, for the purpose of copying, -as to consult old records long covered with dust and rubbish. The -Revelation of St John is a piece of favourite reading among them. Its -title is, _the Vision of John Abou Kalamsis_, which seems to me to be a -corruption of _Apocalypsis_. At the same time, we can hardly imagine -that Frumentius, a Greek and a man of letters, should make so strange a -mistake. There is no such thing as distinctions between canonical and -apocryphal books. Bell and the Dragon, and the Acts of the Apostles, -are read with equal devotion, and, for the most part, I am afraid, -with equal edification; and it is in the spirit of truth, and not of -ridicule, that I say St George and his Dragon, from idle legends only, -are objects of veneration, nearly as great as any of the heroes in the -Old Testament, or saints in the New. The Song of Solomon is a favourite -piece of reading among the old priests, but forbidden to the young -ones, to the deacons, laymen, and women. The Abyssinians believe, that -this song was made by Solomon in praise of Pharaoh’s daughter; and do -not think, as some of our divines are disposed to do, that there is in -it any mystery or allegory respecting Christ and the church. It may be -asked, Why did I choose to have this book translated, seeing that it -was to be attended with this particular difficulty? To this I answer, -The choice was not mine, nor did I at once know all the difficulty. The -first I pitched upon was the book of Ruth, as being the shortest; but -the subject did not please the scribes and priests who were to copy for -me, and I found it would not do. They then chose the Song of Solomon, -and engaged to go through with it; and I recommended it to two or three -young scribes, who completed the copy by themselves and their friends. -I was obliged to procure licence for these scribes whom I employed in -translating it into the different languages; but it was a permission of -course, and met with no real, though some pretended difficulty. - -A nephew of Abba Salama[337], the Acab Saat, a young man of no common -genius, asked leave from his uncle before he began the translation; to -which Salama answered, alluding to an old law, That, if he attempted -such a thing, he should be killed as they do sheep; but, if I would -give _him_ the money, he would permit it. I should not have taken -any notice of this; but some of the young men having told it to Ras -Michael[338], who perfectly guessed the matter, he called upon the -scribe, and asked what his uncle had said to him, who told him very -plainly, that, if he began the translation, his throat should be cut -like that of a sheep. One day Michael asked Abba Salama, whether that -was true; he answered in the affirmative, and seemed disposed to be -talkative. “Then,” said the Ras to the young man, “your uncle declares, -if you write the book for Yagoube, he shall cut your throat like a -sheep; and I say to you, I swear by St Michael, I will put you to death -like an ass if you don’t write it; consider with yourself which of the -risks you’ll run, and come to me in eight days, and make your choice.” -But, before the eighth day, he brought me the book, very well pleased -at having an excuse for receiving the price of the copy. Abba Salama -complained of this at another time when I was present, and the name of -_frank_ was invidiously mentioned; but he only got a stern look and -word from the Ras: “Hold your tongue, Sir, you don’t know what you say; -you don’t know that you are a fool, Sir, but I do; if you talk much you -will publish it to all the world.” - -After the New Testament they place the constitutions of the Apostles, -which they call _Synnodos_, which, as far as the cases or doctrines -apply, we may say is the written law of the country. These were -translated out of the Arabic. They have next a general liturgy, or book -of common prayer, besides several others peculiar to certain festivals, -under whose names they go. The next is a very large voluminous book, -called _Haimanout Abou_, chiefly a collection from the works of -different Greek fathers, treating of, or explaining several heresies, -or disputed points of faith, in the ancient Greek Church. Translations -of the works of St Athanasius, St Bazil, St John Chrysostome, and St -Cyril, are likewise current among them. The two last I never saw; and -only fragments of St Athanasius; but they are certainly extant. - -The next is the Synaxar, or the Flos Sanctorum, in which the miracles -and lives, or lies of their saints, are at large recorded, in four -monstrous volumes in folio, stuffed full of fables of the most -incredible kind. They have a saint that wrestled with the devil in -shape of a serpent nine miles long, threw him from a mountain, and -killed him. Another saint who converted the devil, who turned monk, and -lived in great holiness for forty years after his conversion, doing -penance for having tempted our Saviour upon the mountain: what became -of him after they do not say. Again, another saint, that never ate nor -drank from his mother’s womb, went to Jerusalem, and said mass every -day at the holy sepulchre, and came home at night in the shape of a -stork. The last I shall mention was a saint, who, being very sick, and -his stomach in disorder, took a longing for partridges; he called upon -a brace of them to come to him, and immediately two roasted partridges -came _flying_, and rested upon his plate, to be devoured. These stories -are circumstantially told and vouched by unexceptionable people, and -were a grievous stumbling-block to the Jesuits, who could not pretend -their own miracles were either better established, or more worthy of -belief. - -There are other books of less size and consequence, particularly the -Organon Denghel, or the Virgin Mary’s Musical Instrument, composed -by Abba George about the year 1440, much valued for the purity of -its language, though he himself was an Armenian. The last of this -Ethiopic library is the book of Enoch[339]. Upon hearing this book -first mentioned, many literati in Europe had a wonderful desire to see -it, thinking that, no doubt, many secrets and unknown histories might -be drawn from it. Upon this some impostor, getting an Ethiopic book -into his hands, wrote for the title, _The Prophecies of Enoch_, upon -the front page of it. M. Pierisc[340] no sooner heard of it than he -purchased it of the impostor for a considerable sum of money: being -placed afterwards in Cardinal Mazarine’s library, where Mr Ludolf had -access to it, he found it was a Gnostic book upon mysteries in heaven -and earth, but which mentioned not a word of Enoch, or his prophecy, -from beginning to end; and, from this disappointment, he takes upon him -to deny the existence of any such book any where else. This, however, -is a mistake; for, as a public return for the many obligations I had -received from every rank of that most humane, polite, and scientific -nation, and more especially from the sovereign Louis XV. I gave to his -cabinet a part of every thing curious I had collected abroad; which -was received with that degree of consideration and attention that -cannot fail to determine every traveller of a liberal mind to follow my -example. - -Amongst the articles I consigned to the library at Paris, was a very -beautiful and magnificent copy of the prophecies of Enoch, in large -quarto; another is amongst the books of scripture which I brought -home, standing immediately before the book of Job, which is its proper -place in the Abyssinian canon; and a third copy I have presented to -the Bodleian library at Oxford, by the hands of Dr Douglas the Bishop -of Carlisle. The more ancient history of that book is well known. The -church at first looked upon it as apocryphal; and as it was quoted in -the book of Jude, the same suspicion fell upon that book also. For this -reason, the council of Nice threw the epistle of Jude out of the canon, -but the council of Trent arguing better, replaced the apostle in the -canon as before. - -Here we may observe by the way, that Jude’s appealing to the apocryphal -books did by no means import, that either he believed or warranted the -truth of them. But it was an argument, _a fortiori_, which our Saviour -himself often makes use of, and amounts to no more than this, You, -says he to the Jews, deny certain facts, which must be from prejudice, -because you have them allowed in your own books, and believe them -there. And a very strong and fair way of arguing it is, but this is by -no means any allowance that they are true. In the same manner, You, -says Jude, do not believe the coming of Christ and a latter judgment; -yet your ancient Enoch, whom you suppose was the seventh from Adam, -tells you this plainly, and in so many words, long ago. And indeed the -quotation is, word for word the same, in the second chapter of the book. - -All that is material to say further concerning the book of Enoch is, -that it is a Gnostic book, containing the age of the Emims, Anakims, -and Egregores, supposed descendents of the sons of God, when they fell -in love with the daughters of men, and had sons who were giants. These -giants do not seem to have been so charitable to the sons and daughters -of men, as their fathers had been. For, first, they began to eat all -the beasts of the earth, they then fell upon the birds and fishes, and -ate them also; their hunger being not yet satisfied, they ate all the -corn, all men’s labour, all the trees and bushes, and, not content -yet, they fell to eating the men themselves. The men (like our modern -sailors with the savages) were not afraid of dying, but very much so of -being eaten after death. At length they cry to God against the wrongs -the giants had done them, and God sends a flood which drowns both them -and the giants. - -Such is the reparation which this ingenious author has thought -proper to attribute to Providence, in answer to the first, and the -best-founded complaints that were made to him by man. I think this -exhausts about four or five of the first chapters. It is not the fourth -part of the book; but my curiosity led me no further. The catastrophe -of the giants, and the justice of the catastrophe, had fully satisfied -me. - -I cannot but recollect, that when it was known in England that I had -presented this book to the library of the King of France, without -staying a few days, to give me time to reach London, when our learned -countrymen might have had an opportunity of perusing at leisure another -copy of this book, Doctor Woide set out for Paris, with letters from -the Secretary of State to Lord Stormont, Ambassador at that court, -desiring him to assist the doctor in procuring access to my present, -by permission from his Most Christian Majesty. This he accordingly -obtained, and a translation of the work was brought over; but, I know -not why, it has no where appeared. I fancy Dr Woide was not much more -pleased with the conduct of the giants than I was. - -I shall conclude with one particular, which is a curious one: The -Synaxar (what the Catholics call their Flos Sanctorum, or the lives -and miracles of their saints), giving the history of the Abyssinian -conversion to Christianity in the year 333, says, that when Frumentius -and Œdesius were introduced to the king, who was a minor, they found -him reading the Psalms of David. - -This book, or that of Enoch, does by no means prove that they were at -that time Jews. For these two were in as great authority among the -Pagans, who professed Sabaism, the first religion of the East, and -especially of the _Shepherds_, as among the Jews. These being continued -also in the same letter and character among the Abyssinians from the -beginning, convinces me that there has not been any other writing in -this country, or the south of Arabia, since that which rose from the -Hieroglyphics. - -The Abyssinian history begins now to rid itself of part of that -confusion which is almost a constant attendant upon the very few -annals yet preserved of barbarous nations in very ancient times. It is -certain, from their history, that Bazen was contemporary with Augustus, -that he reigned sixteen years, and that the birth of our Saviour fell -on the 8th year of that prince, so that the 8th year of Bazen was the -first of Christ. - -Amha Yasous, prince of Shoa, a province to which the small remains of -the line of Solomon fled upon a catastrophe, I shall have occasion to -mention, gave me the following list of the kings of Abyssinia since -the time of which we are now speaking. From him I procured all the -books, of the Annals of Abyssinia, which have served me to compose -this history, excepting two, one given me by the King, the other the -Chronicle of Axum, by Ras Michael Governor of Tigré. - - -SHOA LIST OF PRINCES. - - Bazen, - Tzenaf Segued, - Garima Asferi, - Saraada, - Tzion, - Sargai, - Bagamai, - Jan Segued, - Tzion Heges, - Moal Genha, - Saif Araad, - Agedar, - Abreha and Atzbeha, 333, - Asfeha, - Arphad and Amzi, - Araad, - Saladoba, - Alamida, - Tezhana, - Caleb, 522, - Guebra Mascal, - Constantine, - Bazzer, - Azbeha, - Armaha, - Jan Asfeha, - Jan Segued, - Fere Sanai, - Aderaaz, - Aizor, - Del Naad, 960[341]. - -This list is kept in the monastery of Debra Libanos in Shoa; the -Abyssinians receive it without any sort of doubt, though to me it seems -very exceptionable: If it were genuine, it would put this monarchy in a -very respectable light in point of antiquity. - -Great confusion has arisen in these old lists, from their kings having -always two, and sometimes three names. The first is their christened -name, their second a nick, or bye-name, and the third they take upon -their inauguration. There is, likewise, another cause of mistake, which -is, when two names occur, one of a king, the other the quality of a -king only, these are set down as two brothers. For example, Atzbeha -is the _blessed_, or _the saint_; and I very much suspect, therefore, -that Atzbeha and Abreha, said to be two brothers, only mean Abraham -the _blessed_, or _the saint_; because, in that prince’s time, the -country was converted to Christianity; Caleb[342] and Elesbaas, were -long thought to be contemporary princes, till it was found out, by -inspecting the ancient authors of those times, that this was only -the name or quality of _blessed_, or _saint_, given to Caleb, in -consequence of his expedition into Arabia against Phineas king of the -Jews, and persecutor of the Christians. - -There are four very interesting events, in the course of the reign of -these princes. The first and greatest we have already mentioned, the -birth of Christ in the 8th year of Bazen. The second is the conversion -of Abyssinia to Christianity, in the reign of Abreha and Atzbeha, in -the year of Christ 333, according to our account. The third the war -with the Jews under Caleb. The fourth, the massacre of the princes on -the mountain of Damo. The time and circumstances of all these are well -known, and I shall relate them in their turn with the brevity becoming -a historian. - -Some ecclesiastical[343] writers, rather from attachment to particular -systems, than from any conviction that the opinion they espouse -is truth, would persuade us, that the conversion of Abyssinia to -Christianity happened at the beginning of this period, that is, soon -after the reign of Bazen; others, that Saint Matthias, or Saint -Bartholomew, or some others of the Apostles, after their mission -to teach the nations, first preached here the faith of Christ, and -converted this people to it. It is also said, that the eunuch baptized -by Philip, upon his return to Candace, became the Apostle of that -nation, which, from his preaching, believed in Christ and his gospel. -All these might pass for dreams not worthy of examination, if they were -not invented for particular purposes. - -Till the death of Christ, who lived several years after Bazen, very -few Jews had been converted even in Judea. We have no account in -scripture that induces us to believe, that the Apostles went to any -great distance from each other immediately after the crucifixion. Nay, -we know positively, they did not, but lived in community together for a -considerable time. Besides, it is not probable, if the Abyssinians were -converted by any of the Apostles, that, for the space of 300 years, -they should remain without bishops, and without church-government, in -the neighbourhood of many states, where churches were already formed, -without calling to their assistance some members of these churches, -who might, at least, inform them of the purport of the councils held, -and canons made by them, during that space of 300 years; for this was -absolutely necessary to preserve orthodoxy, and the communion between -this, and the churches of that time. And it should be observed, that -if, in Philip’s time, the Christian religion had not penetrated (as -we see in effect it had not) into the court of Candace, so much -nearer Egypt, it did not surely reach so early into the more distant -mountainous country of Abyssinia; and if the Ethiopia, where Candace -reigned, was the same as Abyssinia, the story of the queen of Saba -must be given up as a falsehood; for, in that case, there would be a -woman sitting upon the throne of that country 500 years after she was -excluded by a solemn deliberate fundamental law of the land. - -But it is known, from credible writers, engaged in no controversy, that -this Candace reigned upon the Nile in Atbara, much nearer Egypt. Her -capital also was taken in the time of Augustus, a few years before the -Conversion, by Philip; and we shall have occasion often to mention her -successors and her kingdom, as existing in the reign of the Abyssinian -kings, long after the Mahometan conquest; they existed when I passed -through Atbara, and do undoubtedly exist there to this day. What puts -an end to all this argument is a matter of fact, which is, that the -Abyssinians continued Jews and Pagans, and were found to be so above -300 years after the time of the Apostles. Instead, therefore, of taking -the first of this list (Bazen) for the prince under whom Abyssinia was -converted from Judaism, as authors have advanced, in conformity to the -Abyssinian annals, we shall fix upon the 13th (Abreha and Atzbeha, -whom we believe to be but one prince) and, before we enter into the -narrative of that remarkable event, we shall observe, that, from Bazen -to Abreha, being 341 years inclusive, the eighth of Bazen being the -first of Christ, by this account of the conversion, which happened -under Abreha and Atzbeha, it must have been about 333 years after -Christ, or 341 after Bazen. - -But we certainly know, that the first bishop, ordained for the -conversion of Abyssinia, was sent from Alexandria by St Athanasius, -who was himself ordained to that See about the year 326. Therefore, any -account, prior to this ordination and conversion, must be false, and -this conversion and ordination must have therefore happened about the -year 330, or possibly some few years later; for Socrates[344] says, -that St Athanasius himself was then but newly elected to the See of -Alexandria. - -In order to clear our way of difficulties, before we begin the -narrative of the conversion, we shall observe, in this place, the -reason I just hinted at, why some ecclesiastical writers had attributed -the conversion of Abyssinia to the Apostles. There was found, or -pretended to be found in Alexandria, a canon, of a council said to be -that of Nice, and this canon had never before been known, nor ever seen -in any other place, or in any language, except the Arabic; and, from -inspection, I may add, that it is such Arabic that scarce will convey -the meaning it was intended. Indeed, if it be construed according to -the strict rule of grammar, it will not convey any sense at all. This -canon regulated the precedency of the Abuna of Ethiopia in all after -councils, and it places him immediately after the prelate of Seleucia. -This most honourable antiquity was looked upon and boasted of for their -own purposes by the Jesuits, as a discovery of infinite value to the -church of Ethiopia. - -I shall only make one other observation to obviate a difficulty which -will occur in reading what is to follow. The Abyssinian history -plainly and positively says, that when Frumentius (the apostle of the -Abyssinians) came first into that country, a queen reigned, which is an -absolute contradiction to what we have already stated, and would seem -to favour the story of queen Candace. To this I answer, That though it -be true that all women are excluded from the Abyssinian throne, yet it -is as true that there is a law, or custom, as strictly observed as the -other, that the queen upon whose head the king shall have put the crown -in his life-time, it matters not whether it be her husband or son, or -any other relation, that woman is regent of the kingdom, and guardian -of every minor king, as long as she shall live. Supposing, therefore, -a queen to be crowned by her husband, which husband should die and -leave a son, all the brothers and uncles of that son would be banished, -and confined prisoners to the mountain, and the queen would have the -care of the kingdom, and of the king, during his minority. If her -son, moreover, was to die, and a minor succeed who was a collateral, -or no relation to her, brought, perhaps, from the mountain, she would -still be regent; nor does her office cease but by the king’s coming -of age, whose education, cloathing, and maintenance, she, in the mean -time, absolutely directs, according to her own will; nor can there be -another regent during her life-time. This regent, for life, is called -_Iteghè_; and this was probably the situation of the kingdom at the -time we mention, as history informs us the king was then a minor, and -consequently his education, as well as the government of his kingdom -and household, were, as they appear to have been, in the queen, or -_Iteghè’s_ hands; of this office I shall speak more in its proper -place. - -Meropius, a philosopher at Tyre, a Greek by nation and by religion, had -taken a passage in a ship on the Red Sea to India, and had with him -two young men, Frumentius and Œdesius, whom he intended to bring up to -trade, after having given them a very liberal education. It happened -their vessel was cast away on a rock upon the coast of Abyssinia. -Meropius, defending himself, was slain by the natives, and the two -boys carried to Axum, the capital of Abyssinia, where the Court then -resided. Though young, they soon began to shew the advantages attending -a liberal education. They acquired the language very speedily; and, -as that country is naturally inclined to admire strangers, these were -soon looked upon as two prodigies. Œdesius, probably the dullest of the -two, was set over the king’s household and wardrobe, a place that has -been filled constantly by a stranger of that nation to this very day. -Frumentius was judged worthy by the queen to have the care of the young -prince’s education, to which he dedicated, himself entirely. - -After having instructed his pupil in all sorts of learning, he strongly -impressed him with a love and veneration for the Christian religion; -after which he himself set out for Alexandria, where, as has been -already said, he found St. Athanasius[345] newly elected to that See. - -He related to him briefly what had passed in Ethiopia, and the great -hopes of the conversion of that nation, if proper pastors were sent -to instruct them. Athanasius embraced that opportunity with all the -earnestness that became his station and profession. He ordained -Frumentius bishop of that country, who instantly returned and found -the young king his pupil in the same good disposition as formerly; -he embraced Christianity; the greatest part of Abyssinia followed -his example, and the church of Ethiopia continued with this bishop -in perfect unity and friendship till his death; and though great -troubles arose from heresies being propagated in the East, that church, -and the fountain whence it derived its faith (Alexandria,) remained -uncontaminated by any false doctrine. - -But it was not long after this, that Arianism broke out under -Constantius the Emperor, and was strongly favoured by him. We have -indeed a letter of St Athanasius to that Emperor, who had applied to -him to depose Frumentius from his See for refusing to embrace that -heresy, or admit it into his diocese. - -It should seem, that this conversion of Abyssinia was quietly -conducted, and without blood; and this is the more remarkable, that it -was the second radical change of religion, effected in the same manner, -and with the same facility and moderation. No fanatic preachers, -no warm saints or madmen, ambitious to make or to be made martyrs, -disturbed either of these happy events, in this wise, though barbarous -nation, so as to involve them in bloodshed: no persecution was the -consequence of this difference of tenets, and if wars did follow, it -was from matters merely temporal. - - - - -CHAP. VIII. - - _War of the Elephant--First Appearance of the Small-Pox--Jews - persecute the Christians in Arabia--Defeated by the - Abyssinians--Mahomet pretends a divine Mission--Opinion - concerning the Koran--Revolution under Judith--Restoration of - the Line of Solomon from Shoa._ - - -In the reigns of the princes Abreha and Atzbeha, the Abyssinian annals -mention an expedition to have happened into the farthest part of Arabia -Felix, which the Arabian authors, and indeed Mahomet himself in the -Koran calls by the name of the War of the Elephant, and the cause of it -was this. There was a temple nearly in the middle of the peninsula of -Arabia, that had been held in the greatest veneration for about 1400 -years. The Arabs say, that Adam, when shut out of paradise, pitched -his tent on this spot; while Eve, from some accident or other I am -not acquainted with, died and was buried on the shore of the Red Sea, -at Jidda. Two days journey east from this place, her grave, of green -sods about fifty yards in length, is shewn to this day. In this temple -also was a black stone, upon which Jacob saw the vision mentioned in -scripture, of the angels descending, and ascending into Heaven. It is -likewise said, with more appearance of probability, that this temple -was built by Sesostris, in his voyage to Arabia Felix, and that he was -worshipped there under the name of Osiris, as he then was in every part -of Egypt. - -The great veneration the neighbouring nations paid to this tower, and -idol, suggested the very natural thought of making the temple the -market for the trade from Africa and India; the liberty of which, we -may suppose, had been in some measure restrained, by the settlements -which foreign nations had made on both coasts of the Red Sea. To remedy -which, they chose this town in the heart of the country, accessible on -all sides, and commanded on none, calling it Becca, which signifies -the House; though Mahomet, after breaking the idol and dedicating -the temple to the true God, named it Mecca, under which name it has -continued, the centre or great mart of the India trade to this day. - -In order to divert this trade into a channel more convenient for his -present dominions, Abreha built a very large church or temple, in the -country of the Homerites, and nearer the Indian Ocean. To encourage -also the resort to this place, he extended to it all the privileges, -protection, and emoluments, that belonged to the Pagan temple of Mecca. - -One particular tribe of Arabs, called Beni Koreish, had the care of -the Caba, for so the round tower of Mecca was called. These people -were exceedingly alarmed at the prospect of their temple being at once -deserted, both by its votaries and merchants, to prevent which, a party -of them, in the night, entered Abreha’s temple, and having first -burned what part of it could be consumed, they polluted the part that -remained, by besmearing it over with human excrements. - -This violent sacrilege and affront was soon reported to Abreha, who, -mounted upon a white elephant at the head of a considerable army, -resolved, in return, to destroy the temple of Mecca. With this intent, -he marched through that stripe of low country along the sea, called -Tehama, where he met with no opposition, nor suffered any distress but -from want of water; after which, at the head of his army, he sat down -before Mecca, as he supposed. - -Abou Thaleb (Mahomet’s grandfather, as it is thought) was then keeper -of the Caba, who had interest with his countrymen the Beni Koreish to -prevail upon them to make no resistance, nor shew any signs of wishing -to make a defence. He had presented himself early to Abreha upon his -march. There was a temple of Osiris at Taief, which, as a rival to -that of Mecca, was looked upon by the Beni Koreish with a jealous eye. -Abreha was so far misled by the intelligence given him by Abou Thaleb, -that he mistook the Temple of Taief for that of Mecca, and razed it to -the foundation, after which he prepared to return home. - -He was soon after informed of his mistake, and not repenting of what he -had already done, resolved to destroy Mecca also. Abou Thaleb, however, -had never left his side; by his great hospitality, and the plenty he -procured to the Emperor’s army, he so gained Abreha, that hearing, on -inquiry, he was no mean man, but a prince of the tribe of Beni Koreish, -noble Arabs, he obliged him to sit in his presence, and kept him -constantly with him as a companion. At last, not knowing how to reward -him sufficiently, Abreha desired him to ask any thing in his power to -grant, and he would satisfy him. Abou Thaleb, taking him at his word, -wished to be provided with a man, that should bring back forty oxen, -the soldiers had stolen from him. - -Abreha, who expected that the favour he was to ask, was to spare the -Temple, which he had in that case resolved in his mind to do, could -not conceal his astonishment at so silly a request, and he could not -help testifying this to Abou Thaleb, in a manner that shewed it had -lowered him in his esteem. Abou Thaleb, smiling, replied very calmly, -If that before you is the Temple of God, as I believe it is, you shall -never destroy it, if it is his will that it should stand: If it is not -the Temple of God, or (which is the same thing) if he has ordained -that you should destroy it, I shall not only assist you in demolishing -it, but shall help you in carrying away the last stone of it upon my -shoulders: But as for me, I am a shepherd, and the care of cattle is -my profession; twenty of the oxen which are stolen are not my own, and -I shall be put in prison for them to-morrow; for neither you nor I can -believe that this is an affair God will interfere in; and therefore I -apply to you for a soldier who will seek the thief, and bring back my -oxen, that my liberty be not taken from me. - -Abreha had now refreshed his army, and, from regard to his guest, had -not touched the Temple; when, says the Arabian author, there appeared, -coming from the sea, a flock of birds called Ababil, having faces -like lions, and each of them in his claws, holding a small stone like -a pea, which he let fall upon Abreha’s army, so that they all were -destroyed. The author of the manuscript[346] from which I have taken -this fable, and which is also related by several other historians, and -mentioned by Mahomet in the Koran, does not seem to swallow the story -implicitly. For he says, that there is no bird that has a face like -a lion, that Abou Thaleb was a Pagan, Mahomet being not then come, -and that the Christians were worshippers of the true God, the God of -Mahomet; and, therefore, if any miracle was wrought here, it was a -miracle of the devil, a victory in favour of Paganism, and destructive -of the belief of the true God. In, conclusion, he says, that it was at -this time that the small-pox and measles first broke out in Arabia, and -almost totally destroyed the army of Abreha. But if the stone, as big -as a pea, thrown by the Ababil, had killed Abreha’s army to the last -man, it does not appear how any of them could die afterwards, either by -the small-pox or measles. - -All that is material, however, to us, in this fact, is, that the time -of the siege of Mecca will be the æra of the first appearance of that -terrible disease, the small-pox, which we shall set down about the year -356; and it is highly probable, from other circumstances, that the -Abyssinian army was the first victim to it. - -As for the church Abreha built near the Indian Ocean, it continued free -from any further insult till the Mahometan conquest of Arabia Felix, -when it was finally destroyed in the Khalifat[347] of Omar. This is -the Abyssinian account, and this the Arabian history of the War of -the Elephant, which I have stated as found in the books of the most -credible writers of those times. - -But it is my duty to put the reader upon his guard, against adopting -literally what is here set down, without being satisfied of the -validity of the objection that may be made against the narrative in -general. Abreha reigned 27 years; he was converted to Christianity -in 333, and died in 360; now, it is scarcely possible, in the short -space of 27 years, that all Abyssinia and Arabia could be converted -to Christianity. The conversion of the Abyssinians is represented to -be a work of little time, but the Arab author, Hameesy, says, that -even Arabia Felix was full of churches when this expedition took -place, which is very improbable. And, what adds still more to the -improbability, is, that part of the story which states that Abreha -conversed with Mahomet’s father, or grandfather. For, supposing the -expedition in 356, Mahomet’s birth was in 558, so there will remain -202 years, by much too long a period for two lives. I do believe we -must bring this expedition down much lower than the reign of Abreha and -Atzbeha, the reason of which we shall see afterwards. - -As early as the commencement of the African trade with Palestine, the -Jewish religion had spread itself far into Arabia, but, after the -destruction of the temple by Titus, a great increase both of number -and wealth had made that people absolute masters in many parts of -that peninsula. In the Neged, and as far up as Medina, petty princes, -calling themselves kings, were established; who, being trained in the -wars of Palestine, became very formidable among the pacific commercial -nations of Arabia, deeply sunk into Greek degeneracy. - -Phineas, a prince of that nation from Medina, having beat St Aretas, -the Governor of Najiran, began to persecute the Christians by a new -species of cruelty, by ordering certain furnaces, or pits full of fire, -to be prepared, into which he threw as many of the inhabitants of -Najiran as refused to renounce Christianity. Among these was Aretas, so -called by the Greeks, Aryat by the Arabs, and Hawaryat, which signifies -the _evangelical_, by the Abyssinians, together with ninety of his -companions. Mahomet, in his Koran, mentions, this tyrant by the name of -the Master of the _fiery pits_, without either condemning or praising -the execution; only saying, ‘the sufferers shall be witness against him -at the last day.’ - -Justin, the Greek Emperor, was then employed in an unsuccessful war -with the Persians, so that he could not give any assistance to the -afflicted Christians in Arabia, but in the year 522 he sent an embassy -to Caleb, or Elesbaas, king of Abyssinia, intreating him to interfere -in favour of the Christians of Najiran, as he too was of the Greek -church. On the Emperor’s first request, Caleb sent orders to Abreha, -Governor of Yemen, to march to the assistance of Aretas, the son of -him who was burnt, and who was then collecting troops. Strengthened by -this reinforcement, the young soldier did not think proper to delay -the revenging his father’s death, till the arrival of the Emperor; but -having come up with Phineas, who was ferrying his troops over an arm of -the sea, he entirely routed them, and obliged their prince, for fear -of being taken, to swim with his horse to the nearest shore. It was -not long before the Emperor had crossed the Red Sea with his army; nor -had Phineas lost any time in collecting his scattered forces to oppose -him. A battle was the consequence, in which the fortune of Caleb again -prevailed. - -It would appear that the part of Arabia, near Najiran, which was the -scene of Caleb’s victory, belonged to the Grecian Emperor Justin, -because Aretas applied directly to him at Constantinople for succour; -and it was at Justin’s request only, that Caleb marched to the -assistance of Aretas, as a friend, but not as a sovereign; and as such -also, Abreha, Governor of Yemen, marched to assist Aretas, with the -Abyssinian troops, from the south of Arabia, against the stranger Jews, -who were invaders from Palestine, and who had no connection with the -Abyssinian Jewish Homerites, natives of the south coast of Arabia, -opposite to Saba. - -But neither of the Jewish kingdoms were destroyed by the victories -of Caleb, or Abreha, nor the subsequent conquest of the Persians. In -the Neged, or north part of Arabia, they continued not only after the -appearance of Mahomet, but till after the Hegira. For it was in the 8th -year of that æra that Hybar, the Jew, was besieged in his own castle in -Neged, and slain by Ali, Mahomet’s son-in-law, from that time called -Hydar Ali, or Ali the Lion. - -Now the Arabian manuscripts says positively that this Abreha, who -assisted Aretas, was Governor of Arabia Felix, or Yemen; for, by this -last name, I shall hereafter call the part of the peninsula of Arabia -belonging to the Abyssinians; so that he might very well have been the -prince who conversed with Mahomet’s father, and lost his army before -Mecca, which will bring down the introduction of the small-pox to -the year 522, just 100 years before the Hegira, and both Arabian and -Abyssinian accounts might be then true. - -The two officers who governed Yemen, and the opposite coast Azab, -which, as we have above mentioned, belonged to Abyssinia, were stiled -_Najashi_, as was the king also, and both of them were crowned with -gold. I am, therefore, persuaded, this is the reason of the confusion -of names we meet in Arabian manuscripts, that treat of the sovereigns -of Yemen. This, moreover, is the foundation of the story found in -Arabic manuscripts, that Jaffar, Mahomet’s brother, fled to the -Najashi, who was governor of Yemen, and was kindly treated by him, -and kept there till he joined his brother at the campaign of Hybarea. -Soon after his great victory over the Beni Koreish, at the last -battle of Beder Hunein, Mahomet is said to have written to the same -Najashi a letter of thanks, for his kind entertainment of his brother, -inviting him (as a reward) to embrace his religion, which the Najashi -is supposed to have immediately complied with. Now, all this is in -the Arabic books, and all this is true, as far as we can conjecture -from the accounts of those times, very partially writ by a set of -warm-headed bigotted zealots; such as all Arabic authors (historians -of the time) undoubtedly are. The error only lies in the application -of this story to the Najashi, or king of Abyssinia, situated far from -the scene of these actions, on high cold mountains, very unfavourable -to those rites, which, in low flat and warm countries, have been -temptations to slothful and inactive men to embrace the Mahometan -religion. - -A most shameful prostitution of manners prevailed in the Greek church, -as also innumerable heresies, which were first received as true -tenets of their religion, but were soon after persecuted in a most -uncharitable manner, as being erroneous. Their lies, their legends, -their saints and miracles, and, above all, the abandoned behaviour of -the priesthood, had brought their characters in Arabia almost as low as -that of the detested Jew, and, had they been considered in their true -light, they had been still lower. - -The dictates of nature in the heart of the honest Pagan, constantly -employed in long, lonely, and dangerous voyages, awakened him often to -reflect who that Providence was that invisibly governed him, supplied -his wants, and often mercifully saved him from the destruction into -which his own ignorance or rashness were leading him. Poisoned by -no system, perverted by no prejudice, he wished to know and adore -his Benefactor, with purity and simplicity of heart, free from these -fopperies and follies with which ignorant priests and monks had -disguised his worship. Possessed of charity, steady in his duty to his -parents, full of veneration for his superiors, attentive and merciful -even to his beasts; in a word, containing in his heart the principles -of the first religion, which God had inculcated in the heart of Noah, -the Arab was already prepared to embrace a much more perfect one than -what Christianity, at that time, disfigured by folly and superstition, -appeared to him to be. - -Mahomet, of the tribe of Beni Koreish (at whose instigation is -uncertain) took upon himself to be the apostle of a new religion, -pretending to have, for his only object, the worship of the true -God. Ostensibly full of the morality of the Arab, of patience and -self-denial, superior even to what is made necessary to salvation by -the gospel, his religion, at the bottom, was but a system of blasphemy -and falsehood, corruption and injustice. Mahomet and his tribe were -most profoundly ignorant. There was not among them but one man that -could write, and it was not doubted he was to be Mahomet’s secretary, -but unfortunately Mahomet could not read his writing. The story of the -angel who brought him leaves of the Koran is well known, and so is all -the rest of the fable. The wiser part of his own relations, indeed, -laughed at the impudence of his pretending to have a communication -with angels. Having, however, gained, as his apostles, some of the -best soldiers of the tribe of Beni Koreish, and persisting with great -uniformity in all his measures, he established a new religion upon the -ruins of idolatry and Sabaism, in the very temple of Mecca. - -Nothing severe was injoined by Mahomet, and the frequent prayers -and washings with water which he directed, were gratifications to a -sedentary people in a very hot country. The lightness of this yoke, -therefore, recommended it rapidly to those who were disgusted with -long fasting, penances, and pilgrimages. The poison of this false, -yet not severe religion, spread itself from that fountain to all the -trading nations: India, Ethiopia, Africa, all Asia, suddenly embraced -it; and every caravan carried into the bosom of its country people not -more attached to trade, than zealous to preach and propagate their new -faith. The Temple of Mecca (the old rendezvous of the Indian trade) -perhaps was never more frequented than it is at this day, and the -motives of the journey are equally trade and religion, as they were -formerly. - -I shall here mention, that the Arabs begun very soon to study letters, -and came to be very partial to their own language; Mahomet himself -so much so, that he held out his Koran, for its elegance alone, as a -greater miracle than that of raising the dead. This was not universally -allowed at that time; as there were even then compositions supposed -to equal, if not to surpass it. In my time, I have seen in Britain -a spirit of enthusiasm for this book in preference to all others, -not inferior to that which possessed Mahomet’s followers. Modern -unbelievers (Sale and his disciples) have gone every length, but to -say directly that it was dictated by the Spirit of God. Excepting the -command in Genesis chap. i. ver. 3. “And God said, Let there be light; -and there was light;” they defy us to shew in scripture a passage equal -in sublimity to many in the Koran. Following, without inquiring, what -has been handed down from one to the other, they would cram us with -absurdities, which no man of sense can swallow. They say the Koran is -composed in a style the most pure, and chaste, and that the tribe of -Beni Koreish was the most polite, learned, and noble of all the Arabs. - -But to this I answer--The Beni Koreish were from the earliest days, -according to their own[348] account, part established at Mecca, and -part as robbers on the sea-coast, and they were all children of -Ishmael. Whence then came their learning, or their superior nobility? -Was it found in the desert, in the temple, or did the robbers bring it -from the sea? Soiouthy, one of those most famous then for knowledge -in the Arabic, has quoted from the Koran many hundred words, either -Abyssinian, Indian, Persian, Ethiopic, Syrian, Hebrew, or Chaldaic, -which he brings back to the root, and ascribes them to the nation -they came from. Indeed it could not be otherwise; these caravans, -continually crowding with their trade to Mecca, must have vitiated the -original tongue by an introduction of new terms and new idioms, into -a language labouring under a penury of vocabules. But shall any one -for this persuade me, that a book is a model of pure, elegant, chaste -English, in which there shall be a thousand words of Welsh, Irish, -Gaelic, French, Spanish, Malabar Mexican, and Laponian? What would be -thought of such a medley? or, at least, could it be recommended as a -pattern for writing pure English? - -What I say of the Koran may be applied to the language of Arabia in -general: when it is called a copious language, and professors wisely -tell you, that there are six hundred words for a sword, two hundred for -honey, and three hundred that signify a lion, still I must observe, -that this is not a copious language, but a confusion of languages: -these, instead of distinct names, are only different epithets. For -example, a lion in English may be called a young lion, a white lion, a -small lion, a big lion: I style him moreover the fierce, the cruel, the -enemy to man, the beast of the desert, the king of beasts, the lover -of blood. Thus it is in Arabic; and yet it is said that all these are -words for a lion. Take another example in a sword; the cutter, the -divider, the friend of man, the master of towns, the maker of widows, -the sharp, the straight, the crooked; which may be said in English as -well as in Arabic. - -The Arabs were a people who lived in a country, for the most part, -desert; their dwellings were tents, and their principal occupation -feeding and breeding cattle, and they married with their own family. -The language therefore of such a people should be very poor; there -is no variety of images in their whole country. They were always bad -poets, as their works will testify; and if, contrary to the general -rule, the language of Arabia Deserta became a copious one, it must have -been by the mixture of so many nations meeting and trading at Mecca. -It must, at the same time, have been the most corrupt, where there was -the greatest concourse of strangers, and this was certainly among the -Beni Koreish at the Caba. When, therefore, I hear people praising the -Koran for the purity of its style, it puts me in mind of the old man in -the comedy, whose reason for loving his nephew was, that he could read -Greek; and being asked if he understood the Greek so read, he answered, -Not a word of it, but the rumbling of the sound pleased him. - -The war that had distracted all Arabia, first between the Greeks -and Persians, then between Mahomet and the Arabs, in support of his -divine mission, had very much hurt the trade carried on by universal -consent at the Temple of Mecca. Caravans, when they dared venture -out, were surprised upon every road, by the partizans of one side or -the other. Both merchants and trade had taken their departure to the -southward, and established themselves south of the Arabian Gulf, in -places which (in ancient times) had been the markets for commerce, -and the rendezvous of merchants. Azab, or Saba, was rebuilt; also -Raheeta, Zeyla, Tajoura, Soomaal, in the Arabian Gulf, and a number -of other towns on the Indian Ocean. The conquest of the Abyssinian -territories in Arabia forced all those that yet remained to take -refuge on the African side, in the little districts which now grew into -consideration. Adel, Mara, Hadea, Aussa, Wypo, Tarshish, and a number -of other states, now assumed the name of kingdoms, and soon obtained -power and wealth superior to many older ones. - -The Governor of Yemen (or Najashi) converted now to the faith of -Mahomet, retired to the African side of the Gulf. His government, long -ago, having been shaken to the very foundation by the Arabian war, was -at last totally destroyed. But the Indian trade at Adel wore a face of -prosperity, that had the features of ancient times. - -Without taking notice of every objection, and answering it, which has -too polemical an appearance for a work of this kind, I hope I have -removed the greatest part of the reader’s difficulties, which have, -for a long time, lain in the way, towards his understanding this part -of the history. There is one, however, remains, which the Arabian -historians have mentioned, viz. that this Najashi, who embraced the -faith of Mahomet, was avowedly of the royal family of Abyssinia. -To this I answer, he certainly was a person of that rank, and was -undoubtedly a nobleman, as there is no nobility in that country but -from relationship to the king, and no person can be related to the king -by the male line. But the females, even the daughters of those princes -who are banished to the mountain, marry whom they please; and all the -descendents of that marriage become noble, because they must be allied -to the king. So far then they may truly assert, that the Mahometan -Governor of Yemen, and his posterity, were this way related to the king -of Abyssinia. But the supposition that any heirs male of this family -became mussulmen, is, beyond any sort of doubt, without foundation or -probability. - -Omar, after subduing Egypt, destroyed the valuable library at -Alexandria, but his successors thought very differently from him in -the article of profane learning. Greek books of all kinds (especially -those of Geometry, Astronomy, and Medicine,) were searched for every -where and translated. Sciences flourished and were encouraged. Trade at -the same time kept pace, and increased with knowledge. Geography and -astronomy were every where diligently studied and solidly applied to -make the voyages of men from place to place safe and expeditious. The -Jews (constant servants of the Arabs) imbibed a considerable share of -their taste for earning. - -They had, at this time, increased very much in number. By the violence -of the Mahometan conquests in Arabia and Egypt, where their sect did -principally prevail, they became very powerful in Abyssinia. Arianism, -and all the various heresies that distracted the Greek church, were -received there in their turn from Egypt; the bonds of Christianity -were dissolved, and people in general were much more willing to favour -a new religion, than to agree with, or countenance any particular -one of their own, if it differed from that which they adopted in the -merest trifle. This had destroyed their metropolis in Egypt, just now -delivered up to the Saracens; and the disposition of the Abyssinians -seemed so very much to resemble their brethren the Cophts, that a -revolution in favour of Judaism was thought full as feasible in the -country, as it had been in Egypt in favour of the newly-preached, but -unequivocal religion of Mahomet. - -An independent sovereignty, in one family of Jews, had always been -preserved on the mountain of Samen, and the royal residence was upon -a high-pointed rock, called the Jews Rock: Several other inaccessible -mountains served as natural fortresses for this people, now grown very -considerable by frequent accessions of strength from Palestine and -Arabia, whence the Jews had been expelled. Gideon and Judith were then -king and queen of the Jews, and their daughter Judith (whom in Amhara -they call _Esther_, and sometimes _Saat_, i. e. _fire_[349],) was a -woman of great beauty, and talents for intrigue; had been married to -the governor of a small district called Bugna, in the neighbourhood of -Lasta, both which countries were likewise much infected with Judaism. - -Judith had made so strong a party, that she resolved to attempt the -subversion of the Christian religion, and, with it, the succession in -the line of Solomon. The children of the royal family were at this -time, in virtue of the old law, confined on the almost inaccessible -mountain of Damo in Tigrè. The short reign, sudden and unexpected -death of the late king Aizor, and the desolation and contagion which -an epidemical disease had spread both in court and capital, the weak -state of Del Naad who was to succeed Aizor and was an infant; all these -circumstances together, impressed Judith with an idea that now was the -time to place her family upon the throne, and establish her religion by -the extirpation of the race of Solomon. Accordingly she surprised the -rock Damo, and slew the whole princes there, to the number, it is said, -of about 400. - -Some nobles of Amhara, upon the first news of the catastrophe at Damo, -conveyed the infant king Del Naad, now the only remaining prince of -his race, into the powerful and loyal province of Shoa, and by this -means the royal family was preserved to be again restored. Judith -took possession of the throne in defiance of the law of the queen of -Saba, by this the first interruption of the succession in the line -of Solomon, and, contrary to what might have been expected from the -violent means she had used to acquire the crown, she not only enjoyed -it herself during a long reign of 40 years, but transmitted it also -to five of her posterity, all of them barbarous names, originating -probably in Lasta: These are said to be, - - Totadem, - Jan Shum, - Garima Shum, - Harbai, - Marari. - -Authors, as well Abyssinian as European, have differed widely about -the duration of these reigns. All that the Abyssinians are agreed upon -is, that this whole period was one scene of murder, violence, and -oppression. - -Judith and her descendents were succeeded by relations of their own, -a noble family of Lasta. The history of this revolution, or cause of -it, are lost and unknown in the country, and therefore vainly fought -after elsewhere. What we know is, that with them the court returned -to the Christian religion, and that they were still as different from -their predecessors in manners as in religion. Though usurpers, as were -the others, their names are preserved with every mark of respect and -veneration. They are, - - Tecla Haimanout, - Kedus Harbé, - Itibarek, - Lalibala, - Imeranha Christos, - Naacueto Laab. - -Not being kings of the line of Solomon, no part of their history is -recorded in the annals, unless that of Lalibala, who lived in the -end of the twelfth, or beginning of the thirteenth century, and was -a saint. The whole period of the usurpation, comprehending the long -reign of Judith, will by this account be a little more than 300 years, -in which time eleven princes are said to have sat upon the throne of -Solomon, so that, supposing her death to have been in the year 1000, -each of these princes, at an average, will have been a little more -than twenty-four years, and this is too much. But all this period is -involved in darkness. We might guess, but since we are not able to do -more, it answers no good purpose to do so much. I have followed the -histories and traditions which are thought the most authentic in the -country, the subject of which they treat, and where I found them; and -though they may differ from other accounts given by European authors, -this does not influence me, as I know that none of these authors -could have any other authorities than those I have seen, and the -difference only must be the fruit of idle imagination, and ill-founded -conjectures of their own. - -In the reign of Lalibala, near about the 1200, there was a great -persecution in Egypt against the Christians, after the Saracen -conquest, and especially against the masons, builders, and hewers -of stone, who were looked upon by the Arabs as the greatest of -abominations; this prince opened an asylum in his dominions to all -fugitives of that kind, of whom he collected a prodigious number. -Having before him as specimens the ancient works of the Troglodytes, -he directed a number of churches to be hewn out of the solid rock in -his native country of Lasta, where they remain untouched to this day, -and where they will probably continue till the latest posterity. Large -columns within are formed out of the solid rock, and every species -of ornament preserved, that would have been executed in buildings of -separate and detached stones, above ground. - -This prince undertook to realize the favourite pretensions of the -Abyssinians, to the power of turning the Nile out of its course, so -that it should no longer be the cause of the fertility of Egypt, now in -possession of the enemies of his religion. We may imagine, if it was in -the power of man to accomplish this undertaking, it could have fallen -into no better hands than those to whom Lalibala gave the execution of -it; people driven from their native country by those Saracens who now -were reaping the benefits of the river, in the places of those they had -forced to seek habitations far from the benefit and pleasure afforded -by its stream. - -This prince did not adopt the wild idea of turning the course of the -Nile out of its present channel; upon the possibility or impossibility -of which, the argument (so warmly and so long agitated) always -most improperly turns. His idea was to famish Egypt: and, as the -fertility of that country depends not upon the ordinary stream, but -the extraordinary increase of it by the tropical rains, he is said to -have found, by an exact survey and calculation, that there ran on the -summit, or highest part of the country, several rivers which could be -intercepted by mines, and their stream directed into the low country -southward, instead of joining the Nile, augmenting it and running -northward. By this he found he should be able so to disappoint its -increase, that it never would rise to a height proper to fit Egypt for -cultivation. And thus far he was warranted in his ideas of succeeding -(as I have been informed by the people of that country), that he did -intersect and carry into the Indian Ocean, two very large rivers, which -have ever since flowed that way, and he was carrying a level to the -lake Zawaia, where many rivers empty themselves in the beginning of the -rains, which would have effectually diverted the course of them all, -and could not but in some degree diminish the current below. - -Death, the ordinary enemy of all these stupendous Herculean -undertakings, interposed too here, and put a stop to this enterprize -of Lalibala. But Amha Yasous, prince of Shoa (in whose country part -of these immense works were) a young man of great understanding, and -with whom I lived several months in the most intimate friendship at -Gondar, assured me that they were visible to this day; and that they -were of a kind whose use could not be mistaken; that he himself had -often visited them, and was convinced the undertaking was very possible -with such hands, and in the circumstances things then were. He told me -likewise, that, in a written account which he had seen in Shoa, it was -said that this prince was not interrupted by death in his undertaking, -but persuaded by the monks, that if a greater quantity of water was -let down into the dry kingdoms of Hadea, Mara, and Adel, increasing -in population every day, and, even now, almost equal in power to -Abyssinia itself, these barren kingdoms would become the garden of -the world; and such a number of Saracens, dislodged from Egypt by the -first appearance of the Nile’s failing, would fly thither: that they -would not only withdraw those countries from their obedience, but be -strong enough to over-run the whole kingdom of Abyssinia. Upon this, -as Amha Yasous informed me, Lalibala gave over his first scheme, which -was the famishing of Egypt; and that his next was employing the men -in subterraneous churches; a useless expence, but more level to the -understanding of common men than the former. - -Don Roderigo de Lima, ambassador from the king of Portugal, in 1522 saw -the remains of these vast works, and travelled in them several days, as -we learn from Alvarez, the chaplain and historian of that embassy[350], -which we shall take notice of in its proper place. - -Lalibala was distinguished both as a poet and an orator. The old fable, -of a swarm of bees hanging to his lips in the cradle, is revived and -applied to him as foretelling the sweetness of his elocution. - -To Lalibala succeeded Imeranha Christos, remarkable for nothing but -being son of such a father as Lalibala, and father to such a son as -Naacueto Laab; both of them distinguished for works very extraordinary, -though very different in their kind. The first, that is those of the -father we have already hinted at, consisting in great mechanical -undertakings. The other was an operation of the mind, of still more -difficult nature, a victory over ambition, the voluntary abdication of -a crown to which he succeeded without imputation of any crime. - -Tecla Haimanout, a monk and native of Abyssinia, had been ordained -Abuna, and had founded the famous monastery of Debra Libanos in Shoa. -He was a man at once celebrated for the sanctity of his life, the -goodness of his understanding, and love to his country; and, by an -extraordinary influence, obtained over the reigning king Naacueto -Laab, he persuaded him, for conscience sake, to resign a crown, which -(however it might be said with truth, that he received it from his -father) could never be purged from the stain and crime of usurpation. - -In all this time, the line of Solomon had been continued from Del Naad, -who, we have seen, had escaped from the massacre of Damo, under Judith. -Content with possessing the loyal province of Shoa, they continued -their royal residence there, without having made one attempt, as far as -history tells us, towards recovering their ancient kingdom. - - -RACE OF SOLOMON BANISHED, BUT REIGNING IN SHOA. - - Del Naad, - Mahaber Wedem, - Igba Sion, - Tzenaf Araad, - Nagash Zaré, - Asfeha, - Jacob, - Bahar Segued, - Adamas Segued, - Icon Amlac. - -Naacueto Laab, of the house of Zaguè, was, it seems, a just and -peaceable prince. - -Under the mediation of Abuna Tecla Haimanout, a treaty was made between -him and Icon Amlac consisting of four articles, all very extraordinary -in their kind. - -The first was, that Naacueto Laab, prince of the house of Zaguè, should -forthwith resign the kingdom of Abyssinia to Icon Amlac, reigning -prince of the line of Solomon then in Shoa. - -The second, that a portion of lands in Lasta should be given to -Naacueto Laab and his heirs in absolute property, irrevocably and -irredeemably; that he should preserve, as marks of sovereignty, two -silver kettle-drums, or nagareets; that the points of the spears of his -guard, the globes that surmounted his sendeck, (that is the pole upon -which the colours are carried), should be silver, and that he should -sit upon a gold stool, or chair, in form of that used by the kings of -Abyssinia; and that both he and his descendents should be absolutely -free from all homage, services, taxes, or public burdens for ever, and -stiled Kings of Zaguè, or the Lasta king. - -The third article was, That one third of the kingdom should be -appropriated and ceded absolutely to the Abuna himself, for the -maintenance of his own state, and support of the clergy, convents, and -churches in the kingdom; and this became afterwards an æra, or epoch, -in Abyssinian history, called the æra of partition. - -The fourth, and last article, provided, that no native Abyssinian could -thereafter be chosen Abuna, and this even tho’ he was ordained at, and -sent from Cairo. In virtue of this treaty, concluded and solemnly sworn -to, Icon Amlac took possession of his throne, and the other contracting -parties of the provisions respectively allotted them. - -The part of the treaty that should appear most liable to be broken was -that which erected a kingdom within a kingdom. However, it is one of -the remarkable facts in the annals of this country, that the article -between Icon Amlac and the house of Zaguè was observed for near 500 -years; for it was made before the year 1300, and never was broken, but -by the treacherous murder of the Zaguean prince by Allo Fasil in the -unfortunate war of Begemder, in the reign of Joas 1768, the year before -I arrived in Abyssinia; neither has any Abuna native of Abyssinia ever -been known since that period. As for the exorbitant grant of one third -of the kingdom to the Abuna, it has been in great measure resumed, as -we may naturally suppose, upon different pretences of misbehaviour, -true or alledged, by the king or his ministers, the first great -invasion of it being in the subsequent reign of king Theodorus, who, -far from losing popularity by this infraction, has been ever reckoned a -model for sovereigns. - - -_END OF VOLUME FIRST._ - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] This epithet given to the springs from which the Nile rises, was -borrowed from a very elegant English poem that appeared in Dr Maty’s -Review for May 1786. It was sent to me by my friend Mr Barrington, to -whom it was attributed, although from modesty he disclaims it. From -whatever hand it comes, the poet is desired to accept of my humble -thanks. It was received with universal applause wherever it was -circulated, and a considerable number of copies was printed at the -desire of the public. Accident seemed to have placed it in Dr Maty’s -book with peculiar propriety, by having joined it to a fragment of -Ariosto, then first published, in the same Review. It has since been -attributed to Mr Mason. - -[2] He was long a slave to the Bey of Constantina, and appears to have -been a man of capacity. - -[3] This will be explained afterwards. - -[4] Ludolf, lib. i. cap. 15. - -[5] This is a running figure cut through the middle like the check of a -bank note. - -[6] Hippo. Reg. from Ptol. Geog. lib. iv. p. 109. - -[7] Hippo. Reg. id. ib. - -[8] Aphrodisium. id. ib. - -[9] Thabarca, id. ib. - -[10] Plin. Ep. xxxiii. l. 9. - -[11] Liv. Epit. xxx. l. 9. - -[12] Strabo lib xvii. p. 1189. It signifies the river of Cows, or Kine. -P. Mela lib. i. cap. 7. Sil. It. lib. vi. l. 140. - -[13] Ptol. Geog. lib. iv. Procop. lib. vi. cap. 5. de Ædif. - -[14] Val. Max. lib. ii. cap. 6. § 15. - -[15] Ptol. Geog. lib. iv. - -[16] Ptol. Geog. lib. iv. p. 106. - -[17] Ptol. Geog. lib. iv. p. 111. - -[18] Ptol. Geog. lib. iv. p. 108. - -[19] Vide Itin. Anton. - -[20] Procop. Bell. Vand. lib. ii. cap. 13. - -[21] Ptol. Geog. lib. iv. p. 111. - -[22] Shaw’s Travels, chap. viii. p. 57. - -[23] Shaw’s Travels, cap. v. p. 119. - -[24] Sal. Bel. Jug. § 94. L. Flor. lib. iii. cap. 1. - -[25] Shaw’s Travels, chap. v. p. 118. - -[26] Itin. Anton. p. 3. - -[27] Itin. Anton, p. 3. - -[28] Shaw’s Travels, cap. v. p. 115. - -[29] Cel. Geog. Antique, lib. iv. cap. 4. and cap. 5. p. 118. - -[30] Itin. Anton. p. 2. - -[31] Ptol. Geog. lib. iv. p. 110. - -[32] This fountain is called El Tarmid. Nub. Geog. p. 86. - -[33] Sal. Bell. § 94. - -[34] Itin. Anton, p. 4. - -[35] Shaw’s Travels, cap. v. p. 126. - -[36] Itin. Anton. p. 4. - -[37] Id. Ibid. - -[38] Shaw’s Travels, p. 117. cap. 5. - -[39] Boch. Chan. lib. i. cap. 25. Shaw’s Travels, cap. iv. p. 115. - -[40] Itin. Anton. p. 104. - -[41] Ptol. Geog. p. 4. - -[42] Shaw’s Travels, sect. vi. p. 156. - -[43] Jerboa, see a figure of it in the Appendix. - -[44] Itin. Anton. p. 4. - -[45] The north boundary of the Holy Land. - -[46] It is a post where a party of men are kept to receive a -contribution, for maintaining the security of the roads, from all -passengers. - -[47] Ezek. chap. xxvi. ver. 5. - -[48] Mrs Bruce died in 1784. - -[49] The nucta, or dew, that falls on St John’s night, is supposed -to have the virtue to stop the plague. I have considered this in the -sequel. - -[50] Strabo, lib. xiv. p. 781. - -[51] It is called Mamilho. - -[52] Newton’s Chronol. p. 183. - -[53] Strabo, lib. xiv. p. 684. - -[54] Strabo, lib. xiv. p. 780. - -[55] This is an old prejudice. See Herodotus, lib. ii. p. 90. sect. 5. - -[56] Berytus. - -[57] Laodicea ad mare. - -[58] Herod. lib. ii. p. 90. - -[59] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 922. - -[60] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 922. - -[61] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 920. Q. Curt. lib. iv. cap. 8. - -[62] Plin. lib. v. cap. 10. p. 273. - -[63] We see many examples of such leaves both at Palmyra and Baalbec. - -[64] Marmol, lib. xi. cap. 14. p. 276. tom. 3. - -[65] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 922. - -[66] A peasant Arab. - -[67] Means a narrow or shallow entrance of a river from the ocean. - -[68] Herod, p. 108. - -[69] Shaw’s Travels, p. 293. - -[70] See a figure of this animal in the Appendix. - -[71] See Appendix. - -[72] Shaw’s Travels, p. 294. - -[73] The Mamaluke Beys. - -[74] Vid. Introduction. - -[75] Ptol. Geograph. lib. 4 Cap. 5. - -[76] Shaw’s travels p. 294. - -[77] Herod. lib. 2. cap. 8. - -[78] This has been thought to mean the Convent of Figs, but it only -signifies the Two Convents. - -[79] See Mr Irvine’s Letters. - -[80] Herod. lib. ii. p. 99. - -[81] Herod. lib. ii. cap. 8. - -[82] See the Chart of the Nile. - -[83] Pococke, vol. I. cap. v. p. 39. - -[84] Plin. lib. 5. cap. 9. - -[85] Plin. lib. 36. cap. 12. - -[86] Diod. Sic. p. 45. § 50. - -[87] Shaw’s Travels, p. 296. in the latitude quoted. - -[88] Shaw’s Travels, cap. 4. p. 298. - -[89] Id. ibid. 299. - -[90] Id. ibid. - -[91] Id. ibid. - -[92] Ptol. Geograph. lib. iv. cap. 5. - -[93] Herod. lib. ii. p. 141. Ibid. p. 168. Ibid. p. 105. Ibid. p. 103. -Edit. Steph. - -[94] Herod. lib. ii. § 97. p. 123. - -[95] Shaw’s Travels, cap. 4. - -[96] Strabo. lib. vii. p. 914. - -[97] Id. ibid. - -[98] Id. ibid. - -[99] Strabo, ibid. - -[100] Id. ibid. - -[101] Named _Binny_. See Appendix. - -[102] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 936. - -[103] Norden’s travels, vol. ii. p. 19. - -[104] Herod. lib. ii, cap. 19. - -[105] Dagjour. - -[106] Norden’s Travels, vol. ii. p. 17. - -[107] I cannot here omit to rectify another small mistake of the -translator, which involves him in a difference with this Author which -he did not mean.-- - -Mr Norden, in the French, says, that the master of his vessel being -much frightened, “avoit perdu la tramontane;” the true meaning of which -is, That he had lost his judgment, not lost the north wind, as it is -translated, which is really nonsense. _Norden’s Travels_, vol. ii. p. -59. - -[108] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 936. - -[109] Signifies the Narrow Passage, and is meant what _Phylæ_ is in -Latin. - -[110] Messoudi - -[111] Itin. Anton. p. 14. - -[112] It is called Hamseen, because it is expected to blow all -Pentecost. - -[113] Theophrast. Hist. Plan. lib. iii. cap. 8--lib. iv. cap. 2. - -[114] Strabo lib. vii. p. 941. - -[115] A poor saint. - -[116] Diod. Sic. lib. I. - -[117] Plin. lib. 26. cap. 14. - -[118] See Norden’s views of the Temples at Esné and Edfu. Vol. ii. -plate 6. p. 80. - -[119] This inclined figure of the sides, is frequently found in the -small boxes within the mummy-chests. - -[120] Diod. Sic. lib. 1. - -[121] See the figure of this Insect in Paul Lucas. - -[122] Gen. xxxi. 27, Isa. chap. xxx. ver. 32. - -[123] Eccles. chap. i. ver. 10. - -[124] Ezek. chap. xxviii. ver. 13. - -[125] Nay, prior to this, the harp is mentioned as a common instrument -in Abraham’s time 1370 years before Christ, Gen. chap. xxxii. ver. 27. - -[126] Diod. Sic. Bib. lib. i. p. 42. § d. - -[127] Strabo, lib. 17. p. 943. - -[128] Nah. ch. 3. ver. 8, & 9. - -[129] A similar instrument, erected by Eratosthenes at Alexandria, cut -of copper, was used by Hipparchus and Ptolemy.--Alm. lib. I. cap. II. -3. cap. 2. Vide his remarks on Mr Greave’s Pyramidographia, p. 134. - -[130] Signior Donati. - -[131] Diod. Sic. Bib. lib. I. p. 45. § c. - -[132] Vide Norden’s map of the Nile. - -[133] Juven. Sat. 15. ver. 76. - -[134] Idris Welled Hamran, our guide through the great desert, dwelt in -this village. - -[135] The ancient Adei. - -[136] The Bishareen are the Arabs who live in the frontier between the -two nations. They are the nominal subjects of Sennaar, but, in fact, -indiscreet banditti, at least as to strangers. - -[137] They were _Shepherds_ Indigenæ, not Arabs. - -[138] _Qui Ludit in Hospite fixo_--Was a character long ago given to -the Moors. HORACE ODE. - -[139] This kind of oath was in use among the Arabs, or _Shepherds_, -early as the time of Abraham, Gen. xxi. 22, 23. xxvi. 28. - -[140] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 944. - -[141] This word, improperly used and spelled by M. de Volney, has -nothing to do with these Ansaris. - -[142] Cicero de Somnio Scipronis. - -[143] Pliny, lib. ii. cap. 73. - -[144] Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 944. - -[145] Strabo, lib. ii. p. 133. - -[146] Spectacle de la Nature. - -[147] Strabo, lib. 17. p. 944. - -[148] L’histoire d’astronomie, de M. de la Lande, vol. i. lib. 2. - -[149] Vide Mr Norden’s Voyage up the Nile. - -[150] It is no town, but some sand and a few bushes, so called. - -[151] Ptol. Almag. lib. 4. Geograph. pag. 104. - -[152] The Arabs call these narrow passes in the mountains Fum, as the -Hebrews did Pi, the mouth. Fum el Beder, is the mouth of Beder; Fum el -Terfowey, the mouth or passage of Terfowey; Piha Hhiroth, the mouth of -the valley cut through with ravines. - -[153] Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 4. p. 103. - -[154] That is, I am under your protection. - -[155] On the east coast of Arabia Felix, Syagrum Promontorium. - -[156] Itin. Anton. a Carth. p. 4. - -[157] So the next stage from Syené is called Hiera Sycaminos, a -sycamore-tree, Ptol. lib. 4. p. 108. - -[158] Plin. lib. xxxvii. cap. 5. - -[159] Ditto. - -[160] Tavernier vol. II. Voyag. - -[161] Theophrastus Περιλιθων. - -[162] Clamps. - -[163] It is a Keratophyte, growing at the bottom of the sea. - -[164] Vide the track of this Navigation laid down on the Chart. - -[165] Ezek. chap. xxvii. 6th and 29th verses. - -[166] Ajam, in the language of Shepherds, signifies _rain-water_. - -[167] Vide his Journal published by Abbé Vertot. - -[168] Gen. chap. xiii. ver. 17th. - -[169] Gen. chap. xiii. ver. 6th. Exod. chap. xiii. ver. 17th. - -[170] Exod. ch. xii. 33. - -[171] Such is the tradition among the Natives. - -[172] Diod. Sic. Lib. 3. p. 122. - -[173] Dionysii Periegesis, v. 38. et Comment. Eustathii in eundem. -Strabo, lib. xvi. p. 765. Agathemeri Geographia, lib. ii. cap. 11. - -[174] _Jerome Lobo_, the greatest liar of the Jesuits, ch. iv. p. 46. -English translation. - -[175] I saw one of these, which, from a root nearly central, threw out -ramifications in a nearly circular form, measuring twenty-six feet -diameter every way. - -[176] Anciently called Pharos. - -[177] The Koran is, therefore, called _El Farkan_, or the Divider, or -Distinguisher between true faith and heresy. - -[178] See the article Ashkoko in the Appendix. - -[179] 2 Chron. chap. xx. ver. 37th. - -[180] See the Map. - -[181] El Har signifies extreme heat. - -[182] Vide Irvine’s letters. - -[183] Levit. chap. xvi. ver. 5. - -[184] Native of Tripoli; it is Turkish. - -[185] See the article Balessan in the Appendix. - -[186] Cape Fever. - -[187] This is a common sailor’s phrase for the Straits of Babelmandeb. - -[188] Captain of the port. - -[189] Philosoph. Transact. Vol. 27. p. 186. - -[190] A late publication of Dr Madan’s, little understood, as it would -seem. - -[191] Sovereign of Arabia Felix, whose capital is _Sana_. - -[192] Gen. xv. 18. - -[193] Gen. xvi. 12. - -[194] The island of the Shepherds. - -[195] Or Porcupine. - -[196] Yemen, or the high land of Arabia Felix, where water freezes. - -[197] Arabia Deserta. - -[198] Deregé, from that word in Hebrew. - -[199] It signifies Pharaoh’s worm. - -[200] Ligustrum Ægyptiacum Latifolium. - -[201] Arabia Felix, or Yemen. - -[202] That is, the Peek of Arabia Felix, or Yemen. - -[203] Governor of the Province of Tigré in Abyssinia. - -[204] See the article Pearl in the Appendix. - -[205] Jibbel Teir, the Mountain of the Bird; corruptly, _Gibraltar_. - -[206] Millet, or Indian corn. - -[207] See the article Tortoise in the Appendix. - -[208] A Subaltern Governor. - -[209] Poncet’s Voyage, translated into English, printed for W. Lewis in -1709, in 12mo, page 121. - -[210] This must not be attributed wholly to the weather. We spent much -time in surveying the islands, and in observation. - -[211] Exod. xxxviii 39. - -[212] Lib. 21. cap. 6. - -[213] These are far from being synonymous terms, as we shall see -afterwards. - -[214] See the article papyrus in the Appendix. - -[215] Gen. xxxvii. 3 and 2 Sam. xiii. 18. - -[216] Prov. vii. 16. - -[217] Vide Appendix, where this tree is described. - -[218] The quantity of similar drugs brought from the New World. - -[219] Boch. lib. 4. cap. 3. - -[220] Herod. lib. 2. cap. 29. - -[221] Joseph. antiquit. Jud. - -[222] At Gerri in my return through the desert. - -[223] It is very probable, some of these words signified different -degrees among them, as we shall see in the sequel. - -[224] Diod. Sic. lib. 1. cap. - -[225] This was the name of the king of Amalek; he was an Arab shepherd, -slain by Samuel, 1 Sam. xv. 33. - -[226] Ludolf lib. 1 cap. 4. - -[227] That is, they shall cut off from the cattle their usual retreat -to the desert, by taking possession of those places, and meeting them -there where ordinarily they never come, and which therefore are the -refuge of the cattle. - -[228] Gen. chap. xxxvii. ver. 25. 28. - -[229] Ezek. chap. xxvii. ver. 13. - -[230] Rev. chap. xviii. ver. 13. - -[231] Gen. vi. 14. - -[232] Gen. xxxv. 4. - -[233] 2 Kings, xvii. 4. - -[234] Nahum, chap. iii. 8. - -[235] Misphragmuthosis. - -[236] Manethon, Apud. Josephum Apion. lib. 1. p. 460. - -[237] Eight years less than the Greeks and other followers of the -Septuagint. - -[238] Isaiah, chap. xviii. ver. 2. - -[239] Joshua, iii. 16. - -[240] Procop. de bello vind. lib. 2. cap. 10. - -A Moorish author, Ibn el Raquique, says, this inscription was on a -stone on a mountain at Carthage. Marmol. lib. 1. cap. 25. - -[241] Gen. ix. 25, 26, and 27. verses. - -[242] These people likewise call themselves Agaazi, or Agagi, they have -over-run the kingdom of Congo south of the Line, and on the Atlantic -Ocean, as the Galla have done that part of the kingdom of Adel and -Abyssinia, on the Eastern, or Indian Ocean. Purch. lib. ii. chap. 4. -Sect. 8. - -[243] Jerem. chap. xiii. ver. 23.--id. xxv. 24.--Ezek. chap. xxx. ver. -5. - -[244] Numb. chap. xii. ver. 1. - -[245] Exod. chap. iv. ver. 25. - -[246] 2 Chron. chap. xiv. ver. 9. - -[247] Gen. chap. 21. ver. 30. - -[248] Gen. chap. 13. ver. 6. and 9. - -[249] Isa. chap. xlv. ver. 14. - -[250] Ezek. chap. xxx. ver. 8. and 9. - -[251] Ezek. chap. xxix. ver. 10. - -[252] Ezek. chap. xxx. ver. 4. - -[253] Jerem. chap. xiii. ver. 23. - -[254] Jerem. chap. xxv. ver. 24. - -[255] Ezek. chap. xxx. ver. 5. - -[256] Isa. chap. xviii. ver. 2. - -[257] Uranologion. P. Petau. - -[258] Banbridge, Ann. canicul. - -[259] An astronomer greatly above my praise. - -[260] Jamblich. de Myst. sect. 8. cap. 5. - -[261] Sozomen, Eccles. Hist. lib. 7. cap. 15. - -[262] Herw. theolog. Ethnica, p. 11. - -[263] I apprehend this is owing to the circumstances of the climate, -in the four months, the time of the inundation, the heavens were so -covered as to afford no observations to be recorded. - -[264] Porpyhry Epist. ad Anebonem. - -[265] Exod. chap. xxviii. ver. 21. - -[266] Exod. chap. xxviii. ver. 36. - -[267] Deut. chap. xxxi. ver. 24. - -[268] Vide the hieroglyphics on the drawing of the stone. - -[269] Ezek. chap. xxix. ver. 11. - -[270] Psalm. chap. lx. ver. 9. and Psal. cviii. ver. 10. - -[271] 2 Sam. chap. viii. ver. 14. 1 Kings chap. xi. ver. 15, 16. - -[272] 1 Kings, chap. ix. ver. 26. 2 Chron. chap. viii. ver. 17. - -[273] 1 Chron. chap. xxii. ver. 14, 15, 16. Chap. xxix. ver. 3, 4, 5, -6, 7,--Three thousand Hebrew talents of gold, reduced to our money, -amount to twenty-one millions and six hundred thousand pounds Sterling. - -[274] The value of a Hebrew talent appears from Exodus, chap. xxxviii. -ver. 25, 26. For 603,550 persons being taxed at half a shekel each, -they must have paid in the whole 301,775; now that sum is said to -amount to 100 talents, 1775 shekels only; deduct the two latter sums, -and there will remain 300,000, which, divided by 108, will leave 3000 -shekels for each of these talents. - -[275] 2 Chron. chap. viii. ver. 17. - -[276] 1 Kings, chap. x. ver. 22. - -[277] 1 Kings, chap. x. ver. 22. 2 Chron. chap. ix. ver. 21. - -[278] Vid. Voyage of Dos Santos, published by Le Grande. - -[279] See the map of this voyage. - -[280] Apud Euseb. Prœp. Evang. lib. 9. - -[281] Dionysii Periegesis, ver. 38. and Comment. Eustathii in eundem. -Strabo, lib. 16. p. 765. Agathemeri Geographia, lib. 2. cap. 11. - -[282] Ezek. chap. xxvii. ver. 6. - -[283] Ezek. chap. xxvii. ver. 26. - -[284] Dr Douglas, Bishop of Carlisle. - -[285] Vide L’Esprit des Loix, liv. xxi. cap. 6. p. 476. - -[286] Plin. lib. vi. cap. 22. - -[287] Strabo, lib. xv. - -[288] I know there are contrary opinions, and the junks might have been -various. Vide Salm. - -[289] Pto. Geog. lib. 4. cap. 7. - -[290] id. ibid. - -[291] Agath. p. 60. - -[292] 1 Kings, chap. xxii. ver. 48. 2 Chron. chap. xx. ver. 36. - -[293] 2 Kings, chap. viii. ver. 22. 2 Chron. chap. xxi. ver. 10. - -[294] 2 Kings, chap. xiv. ver. 22. 2 Chron. chap. 26. ver. ii. - -[295] 2 Kings, chap. xvi. ver. 6. - -[296] 2 Kings, chap. xvi. ver. 6. - -[297] Ezek. chap. xxvi. ver. 7. - -[298] 2 Kings, chap. xxiv ver. 13. and 2 Chron. chap. xxxvi. ver. 7. - -[299] Dan. chap. vi. ver. 8. and Esther, chap. i. ver. 19. - -[300] Ezra, chap. v. ver. 14 and chap. vi. ver. 5. - -[301] Dan. chap. v. ver. 30. - -[302] Lucan lib. x. ver. 280. - -[303] Vide Montesq. liv. 21. chap 8. - -[304] Lucan, lib. 9. ver. 515. - -[305] Athen. lib. 5. - -[306] This is probably from Atbara, or the old name of the island of -Meroë, which had received that last name only as late as Cambyses. - -[307] Plin. lib. 6. cap. 23. - -[308] Strabo, lib. 17. p. 932. - -[309] Mon. Aduli. - -[310] Strabo, lib. ii. p. 98. - -[311] Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 67. - -[312] Dodwell’s Dissertat. vol. I. Scrip. Græc. Min. ld. Ox. 1698. 8vo. - -[313] Plut. Vita. Ant. p. 913. tom. 1. part 2. Lubec. 1624. fol. - -[314] Strabo, lib. 3. - -[315] Plin. lib. vi. cap. 23. - -[316] Strabo, lib. 2. p. 81. - -[317] Strabo, lib. ii. p. 98. - -[318] Ptol. lib. iv. cap. 9. p. 115. - -[319] Ptol. lib. vii. cap. 3. - -[320] It should properly be Saba, Azab, or Azaba, all signifying -_South_. - -[321] Such as Justin, Cyprian, Epiphanius, Cyril. - -[322] By this is meant the country between the tropic and mountains of -Abyssinia, the country of Shepherds, from _Berber_, Shepherd. - -[323] Matth. chap. xii. ver. 42. Luke xi. 31. - -[324] Pin. de reb. Solomon, lib. iv. cap. 14th.--Josephus thinks she -was an Ethiopian, so do Origen, Augustin, and St Anselmo. - -[325] 1 Kings, chap. x. ver 1. and 2 Chron. chap. ix. ver. 1. - -[326] Matt. chap. xii. ver. 43. and Luke, chap xi. ver. 31. - -[327] 1 Kings, chap. x. ver. 9. and 2 Chron. chap. ix. ver 8. - -[328] 2 Chron. chap. xxv. ver. 18. 19. - -[329] 1 Kings, chap. xi. ver. 1. - -[330] Acts, chap. viii. ver. 27 and 38. - -[331] This shews the falsehood of the remark Strabo makes, that it was -a custom in Meroë, if their sovereign was any way mutilated, for the -subjects to imitate the imperfection. In this case, Candace’s subjects -would have all lost an eye. Strabo, lib. 17. p. 777, 778. - -[332] 2 Sam. chap. xvi. ver. 22. 1 Kings, chap. ii. ver. 13. - -[333] What immediately follows will be hereafter explained in the -Narrative. - -[334] The temple which the Queen of Saba had seen built, and so richly -ornamented, was plundered the 5th year of Rehoboam, by Sesac, which is -13 years before Menilek died. So this could not but have disgusted him -with the trade of his ancient habitation at Saba. - -[335] Numb. chap. xv. ver. 38, 39. Deut. chap. 22. ver. 12. - -[336] We see this happened to them in a much shorter time during the -captivity, when they forgot their Hebrew, and spoke Chaldaec ever after. - -[337] I shall have occasion to speak much of this priest in the sequel. -He was a most inveterate and dangerous enemy to all Europeans, the -principal ecclesiastical officer in the king’s house. - -[338] Then Prime Minister, concerning whom much is to be said hereafter. - -[339] Vid. Origen contra Celsum, lib. 5. Tertull. de Idolol. c. 4. Drus -in suo Enoch. Bangius in Cœlo Orientis Exercit. 1. quæst. 5. and 6. - -[340] Gassend in vita Pierisc, lib. 5. - -[341] The length of these princes reigns are so great as to become -incredible; but, as we have nothing further of their history but their -names, we have no data upon which to reform them. - -[342] Caleb el Atsbeha, which has been made Elesbaas throwing away the -t. - -[343] Surius Tom. 5. d. 24. Oct. Card. Baronius. Tom. 7. Annal. A. C. -522. N. 23. - -[344] Ludolf, vol. 2 lib. iii. cap. 2. - -[345] Vid. Baron, tom. 4. p. 331. et alibi passim. - -[346] El Hameesy’s Siege of Mecca. - -[347] Fetaat el Yemen. - -[348] El Hameesy. - -[349] She is also called by Victor, _Tredda Gahez_. - -[350] See Alvarez, his relation of this Embassy. - - -[Transcriber’s Note: - -Inconsistent double quotes and capitalization are as in the original. - -Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.] - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Travels to Discover the Source of the -Nile, Volume I, by James Bruce - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS VOL. 1 OF 2 *** - -***** This file should be named 54180-0.txt or 54180-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/1/8/54180/ - -Produced by Chris Curnow, Wayne Hammond and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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