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diff --git a/old/54162-0.txt b/old/54162-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 21587b8..0000000 --- a/old/54162-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16297 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with -Introductory Matter and Notes, by Thomas Morton and Charles Francis Adams - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes - - -Author: Thomas Morton and Charles Francis Adams - - - -Release Date: February 14, 2017 [eBook #54162] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS -MORTON WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES*** - - -E-text prepared by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the original illustrations and illuminations. - See 54162-h.htm or 54162-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54162/54162-h/54162-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54162/54162-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/newenglishcanaan00mort - - -Transcriber's note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: Gov^r). - - This book is a 19th century edition of a 17th century - original, along with extensive commentary. The 19th - century edition used different page numbering. To - facilitate internal references to specific pages, the - original 17th century page numbers have been incorporated - into the text enclosed by curly braces, e.g. {123}. - References to these numbers in the text have been kept - as printed, e.g. *123. - - Sidenotes have been moved to the beginning of each - paragraph and enclosed by ~tilde characters~. - - - - - -Publications of the Prince Society. - - -[Illustration] - - -THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN. - - -The Publications of the Prince Society. -Established May 25th, 1858. - -THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN. - - -[Illustration] - - -Boston: -Printed for the Society, -By John Wilson and Son. -1883. - -Two Hundred and Fifty Copies. - - - -THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN -OF -THOMAS MORTON. - -WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES - -by - -CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, JR. - - - - - - -Boston: -Published by the Prince Society. -1883. - - -Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1883, by -The Prince Society, -In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. - - -Editor: -CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, JR. - - - - -[Illustration] - -TABLE OF CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - PREFACE v-vi - THOMAS MORTON OF MERRY-MOUNT 1-98 - BIBLIOGRAPHY OF NEW ENGLISH CANAAN 99-105 - NEW ENGLISH CANAAN 106-345 - Book I. The Origin of the Natives; their Manners and Customs 115-78 - Book II. A Description of the Beauty of the Country 179-242 - Book III. A Description of the People 243-345 - TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN 347-9 - - * * * * * - - OFFICERS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY 353 - THE PRINCE SOCIETY, 1883 354-8 - PUBLICATIONS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY 359 - VOLUMES IN PREPARATION BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY 360 - INDEX 361-81 - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - -PREFACE. - - -Before undertaking the present work I had no experience as an editor. -It is unnecessary for me to say, therefore, that, were I now to -undertake it, I should pursue a somewhat different course from that -which I have pursued. The _New English Canaan_ is, in many respects, -a singular book. One of its most singular features is the extent -of ground it covers. Not only is it full of obscure references to -incidents in early New England history, but it deals directly with the -aborigines, the trees, animals, fish, birds and geology of the region; -besides having constant incidental allusions to literature,--both -classic and of the author’s time,--to geography, and to then current -events. No one person can possess the knowledge necessary to thoroughly -cover so large a field. To edit properly he must have recourse to -specialists. - -It was only as the labor of investigation increased on my hands that -I realized what a wealth of scientific and special knowledge was to -be reached, in the neighborhood of Boston, by any one engaged in such -multifarious inquiry. Were I again to enter upon it I should confine my -own labors chiefly to correspondence; for on every point which comes up -there is some one now in this vicinity, if he can only be found out, -who has made a study of it, and has more information than the most -laborious and skilful of editors can acquire. - -In this edition of the _New Canaan_ I have not laid so many of these -specialists as I now wish, under requisition; and yet the list is a -tolerably extensive one. In every case, also, the assistance asked -for has been rendered as of course, in the true scientific spirit. -My correspondence has included Messrs. Deane, Winsor and Ellis on -events in early New England history; Professor Whitney on geographical -allusions; Professors Lane and Greenough, Dr. Everett and Mr. T. -W. Higginson, on references to the Greek and Latin classics, or -quotations from them; and the Rev. Mr. Norton on Scriptural allusions. -Mr. J. C. Gray has hunted up for me legal precedents five centuries -old, and Mr. Lindsay Swift has explained archaic expressions, to the -meaning of which I could get no clew. On the subject of trees and -herbs I called on Professors Gray and Sargent; in regard to birds, -Mr. William Brewster was indefatigable; Mr. Allen, though in very -poor health, took the chapter on animals; Professor Shaler disposed -of the geology; Messrs. Agassiz and Lyman instructed me as to fish, -and Professor Putnam as to shell-heaps. I met some allusions to early -French and other explorers, and naturally had recourse to Messrs. -Parkman and Slafter; while in regard to Indian words and names, I -have been in constant correspondence with the one authority, Mr. J. -Hammond Trumbull, who has recognized to the fullest extent the public -obligation which a mastery of a special subject imposes on him who -masters it. - -In closing a pleasant editorial task, my chief regret, therefore, is -that the notes in this volume contain so much matter of my own. They -should have been even more eclectic than they are, and each from the -highest possible authority on the subject to which it relates. - - C. F. A., JR. - - QUINCY, MASS., April 4, 1883. - - - - -[Illustration] - -MORTON OF MERRY-MOUNT. - - -In the second book of his history of Plymouth Plantation, Governor -Bradford, while dealing with the events of the year 1628 though writing -at a still later period, says:-- - - “Aboute some three or four years before this time, ther came - over one Captaine Wolastone (a man of pretie parts), and with - him three or four more of some eminencie, who brought with them - a great many servants, with provisions and other implaments for - to begine a plantation; and pitched themselves in a place within - the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains name, - Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton, who, it should - seeme, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) amongst - them.”[1] - -There is no other known record of Wollaston than that contained in this -passage of Bradford.[2] His given name even is not mentioned. It may -be surmised with tolerable certainty that he was one of the numerous -traders, generally from Bristol or the West of England, who frequented -the fishing grounds and the adjacent American coast during the early -years of the seventeenth century. Nothing is actually known of him, -however, until in 1625 he appeared in Massachusetts Bay, as Boston -Harbor was then called, at the head of the expedition which Bradford -mentions. - -His purpose and that of his companions was to establish a plantation -and trading-post in the country of the Massachusetts tribe of Indians. -It was the third attempt of the kind which had been made since the -settlement at Plymouth, a little more than four years before. The -first of these attempts had been that of Thomas Weston at Wessagusset, -or Weymouth, in the summer of 1622. This had resulted in a complete -failure, the story of which is told by Bradford and Winslow, and forms -one of the more striking pages in the annals of early New England. -The second attempt, and that which next preceded Wollaston’s, had -closely followed the first, being made in the summer of 1623, under -the immediate direction of the Council for New England. At the head -of it was Captain Robert Gorges, a younger son of Sir Ferdinando -Gorges. Weston’s expedition was a mere trading venture, having little -connection with anything which went before or which came after. That of -Gorges, however, was something more. As will presently be seen, it had -a distinct political and religious significance. - -Robert Gorges and his party arrived in Boston Bay in 1623, during -what is now the latter part of September. They established themselves -in the buildings which had been occupied by Weston’s people during -the previous winter, and which had been deserted by them a few days -less than six months before. The site of those buildings cannot be -definitely fixed. It is supposed to have been on Phillips Creek, -a small tidal inlet of the Weymouth fore-river, a short distance -above the Quincy-Point bridge. The grant made to Robert Gorges by -the Council for New England, and upon which he probably intended to -place his party, was on the other side of the bay, covering ten miles -of sea-front and stretching thirty miles into the interior. It was -subsequently pronounced void by the lawyers on the ground of being -“loose and uncertain,” but as nearly as can now be fixed it covered the -shore between Nahant and the mouth of the Charles, and the region back -of that as far west as Concord and Sudbury, including Lynn and the most -thickly inhabited portions of the present county of Middlesex. - -Reaching New England, however, late in the season, Gorges’s first -anxiety was to secure shelter for his party against the impending -winter, for the frosts had already begun. Fortunately the few savages -thereabouts had been warned by Governor Bradford not to injure the -Wessagusset buildings, and thus they afforded a welcome shelter to the -newcomers. These were people of a very different class from those -who had preceded them. Among them were men of education, and some of -them were married and had brought their wives. Their settlement proved -a permanent one. Robert Gorges, it is true, the next spring returned -to England disgusted and discouraged, taking back with him a portion -of his followers. Others of them went on to Virginia in search of a -milder climate and a more fertile soil. A few, however, remained at -Wessagusset,[3] and are repeatedly referred to by Morton in the _New -Canaan_[4] as his neighbors at that place. - -When, therefore, Wollaston sailed into the bay in the early summer -of 1625, its shores were not wholly unoccupied. His party consisted -of himself and some three or four partners, with thirty or more -servants, as they were called, or men who had sold their time for a -period of years to an employer, and who stood in the relation to him -of apprentice to master. Rasdall, according to Bradford, was the name -of one of the partners, and Fitcher would seem to have been that of -another. Thomas Morton, the author of the _New English Canaan_, was a -third. - -Not much more is known of Morton’s life prior to his coming to America -than of Wollaston’s. He had certainly an education of that sort which -was imparted in the schools of the Elizabethan period, for he had a -smattering knowledge of the more familiar Latin authors at least, and -was fond of classic allusion. Governor Dudley, in his letter to the -Countess of Lincoln, says that while in England he was an attorney in -“the west countries.”[5] He further intimates that he had there been -implicated in some foul misdemeanor, on account of which warrants were -out against him. Nathaniel Morton in his _Memorial_[6] says that the -crime thus referred to was the killing of a partner concerned with -him, Thomas Morton, in his first New England venture. Thomas Wiggin, -however, writing in 1632 to Sir John Cooke, one of King Charles’s -secretaries for foreign affairs and a member of the Privy Council, -states, upon the authority of Morton’s “wife’s sonne and others,” that -he had fled to New England “upon a foule suspition of murther.”[7] -While, therefore, it would seem that grave charges were in general -circulation against Morton, connecting him with some deed of violence, -it is necessary to bear in mind that considerable allowance must be -made before any accusation against him can be accepted on the word -of either the Massachusetts or the Plymouth authorities, or those in -sympathy with them. Yet Morton was a reckless man, and he lived in -a time when no great degree of sanctity attached to human life; so -that in itself there is nothing very improbable in this charge. It is -possible that before coming to America he may have put some one out -of the way. Nevertheless, as will presently be seen, though he was -subsequently arrested and in jail in England, the accusation never took -any formal shape. That he was at some time married would appear from -the letter of Wiggin already referred to, and the allusions in the _New -Canaan_ show that he had been a man passionately fond of field sports, -and a good deal of a traveller as well. He speaks, for instance, of -having been “bred in so genious a way” that in England he had the -common use of hawks in fowling; and, in another place, he alludes to -his having been so near the equator that “I have had the sun for my -zenith.”[8] On the titlepage of his book he describes himself as “of -Cliffords Inne gent.,” which of course he would not have ventured to do -had he not really been what he there claimed to be; for at the time the -_New Canaan_ was published he was living in London and apparently one -of the attorneys of the Council for New England.[9] Bradford, speaking -from memory, fell into an error, therefore, when he described him as a -“kind of petie-fogger of Furnefells Inne.”[10] That in 1625 he was a -man of some means is evident from the fact that he owned an interest in -the Wollaston venture; though here again Bradford takes pains to say -that the share he represented (“of his owne or other mens”) was small, -and that he himself had so little respect amongst the rest that he was -slighted by even the meanest servants. - -In all probability this was not Morton’s first visit to Massachusetts -Bay. Indeed, he was comparatively familiar with it, having already -passed one season on its shores. His own statement, at the beginning -of the first chapter of the second book of the _Canaan_, seems to be -conclusive on this point. He there says: “In the month of June, Anno -Salutis 1622, it was my chance to arrive in the parts of New England -with thirty servants, and provision of all sorts fit for a plantation; -and, while our houses were building, I did endeavor to take a survey of -the country.”[11] There was but one ship which arrived in New England -in June, 1622, and that was the _Charity_;[12] and the _Charity_ -brought out Weston’s party, which settled at Wessagusset, answering in -every respect to Morton’s description of the party he came with. Andrew -Weston, a younger brother of the chief promoter of the enterprise, -had then come in charge of it, and is described as having been “a -heady yong man and violente.”[13] After leaving Weston’s company at -Plymouth, the _Charity_ went on to Virginia, but returned from there -early in October, going it would seem directly to Boston Bay and -Wessagusset.[14] One part of the colonists had then been there three -months, and it was during those three months that Morton apparently -took the survey of the country to which he refers. As the Wessagusset -plantation was now left under the charge of Richard Greene, it would -seem that young Weston went back to England in the _Charity_, and the -inference is that Morton, who had come out as his companion, went back -with him. - -In any event, the impression produced on Morton by this first visit -to New England was a strong and favorable one. It looked to him a -land of plenty, a veritable New Canaan. Accordingly, he gave vent -to his enthusiasm in the warm language of the first chapter of his -second book.[15] With the subsequent fate of Weston’s party he seems -to have had no connection. He must at the time have heard of it, and -was doubtless aware of the evil reputation that company left behind. -This would perfectly account for the fact that he never mentions his -having himself had anything to do with it. Yet it may be surmised -that he returned to England possessed with the idea of connecting -himself with some enterprise, either Weston’s or another, organized -to make a settlement on the shores of Boston Bay and there to open a -trade in furs. He had then had no experience of a New England winter; -though, for that matter, when he afterwards had repeated experiences -of it, they in no way changed his views of the country. To the last, -apparently, he thought of it as he first saw it during the summer and -early autumn of 1622, when it was a green fresh wilderness, nearly -devoid of inhabitants and literally alive with game. - -News of the utter failure of Weston’s enterprise must have reached -London in the early summer of 1623. Whether Morton was in any way -personally affected thereby does not appear, though from his allusions -to Weston’s treatment by Robert Gorges at Plymouth, during the winter -of 1623-4, it is not at all improbable that he was.[16] During the -following year (1624) he is not heard of; but early in 1625 he had -evidently succeeded in effecting some sort of a combination which -resulted in the Wollaston expedition. - -The partners in this enterprise would seem to have been the merest -adventurers. So far as can be ascertained, they did not even trouble -themselves to take out a patent for the land on which they proposed -to settle,[17] in this respect showing themselves even more careless -than Weston.[18] With the exception of Morton, they apparently had no -practical knowledge of the country, and their design clearly was to -establish themselves wherever they might think good, and to trade in -such way as they saw fit. - -When the party reached its destination in Massachusetts Bay, they -found Wessagusset still occupied by such as were left of Robert -Gorges’s company, who had then been there nearly two years. They had -necessarily, therefore, to establish themselves elsewhere. A couple of -miles or so north of Wessagusset, on the other side of the Monatoquit, -and within the limits of what is now the town of Quincy, was a place -called by the Indians Passonagessit. The two localities were separated -from each other not only by the river, which here widens out into a -tidal estuary, but by a broad basin which filled and emptied with every -tide, while around it were extensive salt marshes intersected by many -creeks. The upland, too, was interspersed with tangled swamps lying -between gravel ridges. At Passonagessit the new-comers established -themselves, and the place is still known as Mount Wollaston. - -In almost all respects Passonagessit was for their purpose a better -locality than Wessagusset. They had come there to trade. However it -may have been with the others, in Morton’s calculations at least the -plantation must have been a mere incident to the more profitable -dealing in peltry. A prominent position on the shore, in plain view of -the entrance to the bay, would be with him an important consideration. -This was found at Passonagessit. It was a spacious upland rising -gently from the beach and, a quarter of a mile or so from it, swelling -into a low hill.[19] It was not connected with the interior by any -navigable stream, but Indians coming from thence would easily find -their way to it; and, while a portion of the company could always be -there ready to trade, others of them might make excursions to all -points on the neighboring coast where furs were to be had. Looking -seaward, on the left of the hill was a considerable tidal creek; in -front of it, across a clear expanse of water a couple of miles or -so in width, lay the islands of the harbor in apparently connected -succession. Though the anchoring grounds among these islands afforded -perfect places of refuge for vessels, Passonagessit itself, as the -settlers there must soon have realized, labored, as a trading-point, -under one serious disadvantage. There was no deep water near it. Except -when the tide was at least half full, the shore could be approached -only in boats. On the other hand, so far as planting was concerned, -the conditions were favorable. The soil, though light, was very good; -and the spot, lying as it did close to “the Massachusetts fields,” had -some years before been cleared of trees by the Sachem Chickatawbut, -who had made his home there.[20] He had, however, abandoned it at the -time when the great pestilence swept away his tribe, and tradition -still points out a small savin-covered hummock, near Squantum, on the -south side of the Neponset, as his subsequent dwelling-place. Morton -says that Chickatawbut’s mother was buried at Passonagessit, and that -the Plymouth people, on one of their visits, incurred his enmity by -despoiling her grave of its bear skins.[21] So far as the natives were -concerned, however, any settlers on the shores of Boston Bay, after the -year 1623, had little cause for disquietude. They were a thoroughly -crushed and broken-spirited race. The pestilence had left only a few -hundred of the whole Massachusetts tribe, and in 1631 Chickatawbut had -but some fifty or sixty followers.[22] It was a dying race; and what -little courage the pestilence had left them was effectually and forever -crushed out by Miles Standish, when at Wessagusset, in April, 1623, he -put to death seven of the strongest and boldest of their few remaining -men. - -Having selected a site, Wollaston and his party built their house -nearly in the centre of the summit of the hill, on a gentle westerly -slope. It commanded towards the north and east an unbroken view of the -bay and all the entrances to it; while on the opposite or landward -side, some four or five miles away, rose the heavily-wooded Blue -Hills. Across the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond the intervening -peninsulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Wessagusset was to the south, -across the marshes and creeks, and hidden from view by forest and -uplands. - -[Illustration: MOUNT WOLLASTON.[23]] - -During their first season, the summer of 1625, Wollaston’s party must -have been fully occupied in the work of building their houses and -laying out their plantation. The winter followed. A single experience -of a winter on that shore seems to have sufficed for Captain Wollaston, -as it had before sufficed for Captain Gorges. He apparently came to -the conclusion that there was little profit and no satisfaction for -him in that region. Accordingly, during the early months of 1626, he -determined to go elsewhere. The only account of what now ensued is that -contained in Bradford; for Morton nowhere makes a single allusion to -Wollaston or any of his associates, nor does he give any account of -the origin, composition or purposes of the Wollaston enterprise. His -silence on all these points is, indeed, one of the singular features -in the _New Canaan_. Such references as he does make are always to -Weston and Weston’s attempt;[24] and he seems to take pains to confound -that attempt with Wollaston’s. Once only he mentions the number of the -party with which he landed,[25] and the fact that it was subsequently -dissolved;[26] but how it came to be dissolved he does not explain. The -inference from this is unavoidable. Morton was free enough in talking -of what he did and saw at Passonagessit, of his revels there, of how -he was arrested, and persecuted out of the country. That he says not a -word of Wollaston or his other partners must be due to the fact that -the subject was one about which he did not care to commit himself. -Nevertheless Bradford could not but have known the facts, for not only -at a later day was Morton himself for long periods of time at Plymouth, -but when the events of which he speaks occurred Bradford must have been -informed of them by the Wessagusset people, as well as by Fitcher. As -we only know what Bradford tells us, it can best be given in his own -words:-- - - “Having continued there some time, and not finding things to answer - their expectations, nor profit to arise as they looked for, Captain - Wollaston takes a great part of the servants and transports them - to Virginia, where he puts them off at good rates, selling their - time to other men; and writes back to one Mr. Rasdall, one of his - chief partners and accounted their merchant, to bring another part - of them to Virginia likewise; intending to put them off there, as - he had done the rest. And he, with the consent of the said Rasdall, - appointed one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern the remains - of the plantation till he, or Rasdall, returned to take further - order thereabout. But this Morton, abovesaid, having more craft than - honesty, in the others’ absence watches an opportunity, (commons - being but hard amongst them,) and got some strong drink and other - junkets, and made them a feast; and after they were merry, he began - to tell them he would give them good counsel. ‘You see,’ saith he, - ‘that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay - till this Rasdall returns, you will also be carried away and sold - for slaves with the rest. Therefore, I would advise you to thrust - out this Lieutenant Fitcher; and I, having a part in the plantation, - will receive you as my partners and consociates. So may you be free - from service; and we will converse, trade, plant and live together - as equals, and support and protect one another:’ or to like effect. - This counsel was easily received, so they took opportunity and thrust - Lieutenant Fitcher out a-doors, and would suffer him to come no more - amongst them; but forced him to seek bread to eat, and other relief, - from his neighbors, till he could get passage for England.”[27] - -Wollaston’s process of depletion to Virginia had reduced the number -of servants at Passonagessit from thirty or thirty-five, as Morton -variously states it,[28] to six at most.[29] It was as the head of -these that Morton established himself in control at Merry-Mount, as he -called the place,[30] sometime, it would seem, in the summer of 1626. -He had now two distinct objects in view: one was enjoyment, the other -was profit; and apparently he was quite reckless as to the methods he -pursued in securing either the one or the other. If he was troubled by -his former partners appearing to assert their rights, as he probably -was, no mention is made of it. There were no courts to appeal to in -America, and those of Europe were far away; nor would it have been easy -or inexpensive to enforce their process in New England. Accordingly -nothing more is heard of Wollaston or Rasdall, though Bradford does say -that Morton was “vehemently suspected for the murder of a man that had -adventured moneys with him when he first came.”[31] There is a vague -tradition, referred to John Adams, that Wollaston was subsequently -lost at sea;[32] but as a full century must have elapsed between the -occurrence of the event and the birth of John Adams, this tradition is -quite as unreliable as traditions usually are. - -Passionately fond of field sports, Morton found ample opportunity for -the indulgence of his tastes in New England. He loved to ramble through -the woods with his dog and gun, or sail in his boat on the bay. The -Indians, too, were his allies, and naturally enough; for not only did -he offer them an open and easy-going market for their furs, but he was -companionable with them. They shared in his revels. He denies that he -was in the habit of selling them spirits,[33] but where spirits were -as freely used as Morton’s account shows they were at Merry-Mount, the -Indians undoubtedly had their share. Nor were his relations confined -to the Indian men. The period of Elizabeth and James I. was one of -probably as much sexual incontinency as any in English history. Some -of the earlier writers on the New England Indians have spoken of the -modesty of the women,--Wood, in his _Prospect_, for instance, and -Josselyn, in the second of his _Two Voyages_.[34] Morton, however, is -significantly silent on this point, and the idea of female chastity -in the Indian mind, in the rare cases where it existed at all, seems -to have been of the vaguest possible description.[35] Morton was not -a man likely to be fastidious, and his reference to the “lasses in -beaver coats”[36] is suggestive. Merry-Mount was unquestionably, so far -as temperance and morality were concerned, by no means a commendable -place.[37] - -Morton’s inclination to boisterous revelry culminated at last in that -proceeding which scandalized the Plymouth elders and has passed into -history. In the spring of 1627 he erected the May-pole of Merry-Mount. -To erect these poles seems at that time to have been a regular English -observance, which even the fishermen on the coast did not neglect. -When, for instance, the forerunners of Weston’s colony at Wessagusset -reached the Damariscove Islands, in the spring of 1622, the first thing -they saw was a May-pole, which the men belonging to the ships there had -newly set up, “and weare very mery.”[38] There is no room for question -that in England, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, -May-day festivities were associated with a great deal of license. They -were so associated in the minds of Governor Bradford and his fellows. -Christmas was at least a Christian festivity. Not so May-day. That -was distinctly Pagan in its origin. It represented all there was left -of the Saturnalia and the worship of the Roman courtesan. May-day -and May-day festivities, accordingly, were things to be altogether -reformed. They were by no means the innocent, grateful welcoming of -spring which modern admirers of the so-called good old times--which, in -point of fact, were very gross and brutal times--are wont to picture to -themselves. “I have heard it credibly reported,” wrote Stubbes in his -_Anatomy of Abuses_, “(and that _viva voce_) by men of great gravitie, -credite and reputation, that of fourtie, three score, or a hundred -maides goyng to the woode over night [a-Maying], there have scarcely -the thirde parte of them returned home againe undefiled.”[39] All this -it is necessary to now bear in mind, lest what Bradford wrote down in -his history of Morton’s doings should seem grotesque. He was speaking -of what represented in his memory a period of uncleanness, a sort of -carnival of the sexes. - -Morton’s own account of the festivities at Merry-Mount on the May-day -of 1627, which came on what would now be the 11th of the month, will be -found in the fourteenth chapter of the third book of the _Canaan_.[40] -It does not need to be repeated here. Bradford’s account was very -different: - - “They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many - days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts, - dancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or furies - rather,) and worse practises. As if they had anew revived and - celebrated the feasts of the Roman Goddes Flora, or the beasly - practieses of the madd Bacchinalians. Morton likwise (to shew - his poetrie,) composed sundry rimes and verses, some tending to - lasciviousnes, and others to the detraction and scandall of some - persons, which he affixed to this idle or idoll May-polle.”[41] - -Morton’s verses can be found in their proper place in the _New -Canaan_, but the principal charge now to be made against them is their -incomprehensibility. Judged even by the standard of the present day, -much more by that of the day when they were written, they are not open -to criticism because of their “lasciviousnes.” They are decent enough, -though very bad and very dull. As to the “detraction and scandall of -some persons,” alleged against them,--if indeed they contained anything -of the sort,--it was so very carefully concealed that no one could -easily have understood it then, and Morton’s own efforts at explanation -fail to make it intelligible now. - -The festivities around the May-pole were, however, but Morton’s -amusements. Had he confined himself to these he might, so far as the -people at Plymouth at least were concerned, to the end of his life have -lived on the shores of Boston Bay, and erected a new pole with each -recurring spring. The only resistance he would have had to overcome -would have been a remonstrance now and then, hardly less comical than -it was earnest. The business methods he pursued were a more serious -matter. He had come to New England to make money, as well as to enjoy -the license of a frontier life. He was fully alive to the profits of -the peltry trade, and in carrying on that trade he was restrained -by no scruples. The furs of course came from the interior, brought -by Indians. In his dealings with the Indians Morton adopted a policy -natural enough for one of his reckless nature, but which imperilled the -existence of every European on the coast. The two things the savages -most coveted were spirits and guns,--fire-water and fire-arms. Beads -and knives and hatchets and colored cloth served very well to truck -with at first. But these very soon lost their attraction. Guns and -rum never did. For these the Indians would at any time give whatever -they possessed. The trade in fire-arms had already attained some -proportions when, in 1622, it was strictly forbidden by a proclamation -of King James, issued at the instance of the Council for New England. -The companion trade in spirits, less dangerous to the whites but more -destructive to the savages, was looked upon as scandalous, but it was -not prohibited. Morton cared equally little for either law or morals. -He had come to New England for furs, and he meant to get them. - - “Hearing what gain the French and fishermen made by trading of - pieces, powder and shot to the Indians, he, as the head of this - consortship, began the practice of the same in these parts. And - first he taught them how to use them, to charge and discharge, and - what proportion of powder to give the piece, according to the size - and bigness of the same; and what shot to use for fowl and what for - deer. And having thus instructed them, he employed some of them to - hunt and fowl for him, so as they became far more active in that - employment than any of the English, by reason of their swiftness - of foot and nimbleness of body; being also quick sighted, and by - continual exercise well knowing the haunts of all sorts of game. So - as when they saw the execution that a piece would do, and the benefit - that might come by the same, they became mad, as it were, after them, - and would not stick to give any price they could attain to for - them; accounting their bows and arrows but bawbles in comparison of - them.”[42] - -This was Bradford’s story, nor does Morton deny it. That he would -have denied it if he could is apparent. The practices complained of -were forbidden by a royal proclamation, issued at the instance of Sir -Ferdinando Gorges. In his speech in defence of the great patent, before -the House of Commons in Committee of the Whole, in 1621, Gorges had -emphatically dwelt on the sale of arms and ammunition to the savages -as an abuse then practised, which threatened the extinction of the New -England settlements.[43] Fifteen years later, when he wrote the _New -Canaan_, Morton was a dependent of Gorges. The fact that he had dealt -in fire-arms, in contemptuous defiance of the proclamation, was openly -charged against him. He did deny that he had sold the savages spirits. -These, he said, were the life of trade; the Indians would “pawn their -wits” for them, but these he would never let them have. In the matter -of fire-arms, however, he preserved a discreet and significant silence. -He made no more allusion to them than he did to Wollaston or his -partners at Merry-Mount. - -In the whole record of the early Plymouth settlement, from the -first skirmish with the Cape Cod savages, in December, 1620, to the -Wessagusset killing, there is no mention of a gun being seen in an -Indian’s hands. On the contrary, the savages stood in mortal terror of -fire-arms. But now at last it seemed as if Morton was about not only to -put guns in their hands, but to instruct them in their use. - - “This Morton,” says Bradford, “having thus taught them the use of - pieces, he sold them all he could spare; and he and his consorts - determined to send for many out of England, and had by some of - the ships sent for above a score. The which being known, and his - neighbors meeting the Indians in the woods armed with guns in this - sort, it was a terror unto them, who lived straglingly, and were - of no strength in any place. And other places (though more remote) - saw this mischief would quickly spread over all, if not prevented. - Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would - entertain any, how vile soever, and all the scum of the country, or - any discontents, would flock to him from all places, if this nest was - not broken; and they should stand in more fear of their lives and - goods (in short time) from this wicked and debauched crew than from - the savages themselves.”[44] - -Thus, in the only branches of trade the country then afforded, Morton -was not only pressing all the other settlers hard, but he was pressing -them in an unfair way. If the savages could exchange their furs for -guns, they would not exchange them for anything else. Those not -prepared to give guns might withdraw from the market. The business, -too, conducted in this way, was a most profitable one. Morton says that -in the course of five years one of his servants was thought to have -accumulated, in the trade in beaver skins, no less than a thousand -pounds;[45] and a thousand pounds in 1635 was more than the equivalent -of ten thousand now. This statement was undoubtedly an exaggeration; -yet it is evident that at even ten shillings a pound in England, which -Morton gives as the current price, though Bradford says he never knew -it less than fourteen, beaver skins, which cost little or nothing in -America, yielded a large profit. As Morton expressed it, his plantation -“beganne to come forward.”[46] When, in 1625, the Plymouth people -found their way up into Maine,[47] and first opened a trade with the -savages there, Morton was not slow in following them. In 1628 they -established a permanent station on the Kennebec,[48] yet apparently as -early at least as 1627, if not in 1626, Morton had forestalled them -there, and hindered them of a season’s furs.[49] - -The injury done to the other settlers in a trading point of view, -however, serious as it unquestionably was, became insignificant in -comparison with the consequences which must result to them from the -presence on the coast of such a resort as Merry-Mount. The region -was vast, and in it there was no pretence of any government. It was -the yearly rendezvous of a rough and lawless class of men, only one -step removed from freebooters, who cared for nothing except immediate -gain. Once let such a gathering-place as that of which Morton was now -head become fixed and known, and soon it would develop into a nest of -pirates. Of this there could be no doubt; the Plymouth people had good -cause for the alarm which Bradford expressed. It mattered not whether -Morton realized the consequences of what he was doing, or failed to -realize them; the result would be the same. - -It gradually, therefore, became apparent to all those dwelling along -the coast, from the borders of Maine to Cape Cod, that either the -growing nuisance at Merry-Mount must be abated, or they would have -to leave the country. The course to be pursued in regard to it was, -however, not equally clear. The number of the settlements along the -coast had considerably increased since Wollaston’s arrival.[50] The -Hiltons and David Thomson had established themselves at Dover Neck and -Piscataqua as early as 1623; and sometime in 1625 apparently, Thomson, -bringing with him his young wife and a servant or two, had moved down -into Boston Bay, and established himself, only a mile or two away from -Mount Wollaston, on the island which still bears his name. He had died -a little while after, and in 1628 his widow was living there alone, -with one child and some servants. In 1625 or 1626 the Wessagusset -settlement had divided. Those of Gorges’s following who remained there -had never been wholly satisfied. It was no place for trade. Accordingly -Blackstone, Maverick and Walford, the two last being married and taking -their wives with them, had moved across the bay, and established -themselves respectively at Shawmut or Boston, at Noddle’s Island or -East Boston, and at Mishawum or Charlestown. Jeffreys, Bursley and -some others had remained at Wessagusset, and were Morton’s neighbors -at that place, whom he says he was in the custom of visiting from time -to time, “to have the benefit of company.”[51] At Hull, already known -by that name,[52] there were the Grays and a few other settlers. These -had been joined by Lyford and Oldham and their friends, when the latter -were expelled from Plymouth in the spring of 1625; but the next year, -finding the place probably an uninviting one, Lyford had crossed over -to Cape Ann, and thence a year later passed on to Virginia. Oldham -still remained at Nantasket. - -Such were those neighbors of Morton, the chiefs of the straggling -plantations, referred to by Bradford as being of “no strength in any -place.” Together they may possibly have numbered from fifty to an -hundred souls. The Plymouth settlement was, comparatively speaking, -organized and numerous, consisting as it did of some two hundred -persons, dwelling in about forty houses, which were protected by a -stockade of nearly half a mile in length. Nevertheless even there, by -the summer of 1627, the alarm at the increase of fire-arms in the hands -of the savages began to be very great. They had spread “both north and -south all the land over,”[53] and it was computed that the savages now -possessed at least sixty pieces. One trader alone, it was reported, had -sold them a score of guns and an hundred weight of ammunition. Bradford -thus takes up the story:-- - - “So sundry of the chiefs of the straggling plantations, meeting - together, agreed by mutual consent, to solicit those of Plymouth, - (who were then of more strength than them all,) to join with them to - prevent the further growth of this mischief, and suppress Morton and - his consorts before they grew to further head and strength. Those - that joined in this action, (and after contributed to the charge of - sending him to England,) were from Piscataqua, Naumkeag, Winnisimmet, - Wessagusset, Nantasket, and other places where any English were - seated. Those of Plymouth being thus sought to by their messengers - and letters, and weighing both their reasons and the common danger, - were willing to afford them their help, though themselves had least - cause of fear or hurt. So, to be short, they first resolved jointly - to write to him, and, in a friendly and neighborly way, to admonish - him to forbear these courses; and sent a messenger with their letters - to bring his answer. But he was so high as he scorned all advice, and - asked--Who had to do with him?--he had and would trade pieces with - the Indians in despite of all: with many other scurrilous terms full - of disdain. - - “They sent to him a second time, and bade him be better advised, - and more temperate in his terms, for the country could not bear the - injury he did; it was against their common safety, and against the - King’s proclamation. He answered in high terms, as before; and that - the King’s proclamation was no law: demanding, what penalty was - upon it? It was answered, more than he could bear, his Majesty’s - displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said the King was - dead, and his displeasure with him; and many the like things; and - threatened, withal, that if any came to molest him, let them look to - themselves; for he would prepare for them.”[54] - -However it may have been with the position he took as a matter of -public policy, Morton at least showed himself in this dispute better -versed in the law of England than those who admonished him. On the -first of the two points made by him he was clearly right. King James’s -proclamation was not law. This had been definitely decided more than -fifteen years before, when in 1610, in a case referred to all the -judges, Lord Coke, in reporting their decision, had stated on his own -authority that “the King cannot create any offence, by his prohibition -or proclamation, which was not an offence before, for that was to -change the law, and to make an offence, which was not; for _ubi non est -lex, ibi non est transgressio_; _ergo_, that which cannot be punished -without proclamation cannot be punished with it.”[55] - -In regard to the second point made by Morton, that the King’s -proclamation died with him, the same distinction between statutes and -proclamations, that the former were of perpetual obligation until -repealed and that the latter lost their force on the demise of the -crown,--this distinction was, a century and a half later, stated by -Hume[56] to have existed in James’s time. Lord Chief Justice Campbell -has, however, exclaimed against the statement as a display of ignorant -“audacity,” and declares that he was unable to find in the authorities -a trace of any such doctrine.[57] On this point, therefore, the law of -Thomas Morton was probably as bad as that of David Hume. Nevertheless -the passage in Bradford affords a curious bit of evidence that some -such distinction as that drawn by Hume, though it may not have got into -the books, did exist in both the legal and the public mind of the first -half of the seventeenth century. - -Whether Morton’s law on the subject of proclamations was or was not -found mattered little however. It was not then to be debated, as the -question with the settlers was one of self-preservation. The Plymouth -magistrates had gone too far to stop. If they even hesitated, now, -there was an end to all order in New England. Morton would not be slow -to realize that he had faced them down, and his insolence would in -future know no bounds. - - “So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of the Governor - of Plymouth to send Captain Standish, and some other aid with him, to - take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they found - him to stand stiffly in his defence, having made fast his doors, - armed his consorts, set divers dishes of powder and bullets ready - on the table; and, if they had not been over armed with drink, more - hurt might have been done. They summoned him to yield, but he kept - his house, and they could get nothing but scoffs and scorns from him; - but at length, fearing they would do some violence to the house, he - and some of his crew came out, but not to yield, but to shoot. But - they were so steeled with drink as their pieces were too heavy for - them; himself, with a carbine (overcharged and almost half filled - with powder and shot, as was after found) had thought to have shot - Captain Standish; but he stept to him, and put by his piece and took - him. Neither was there any hurt done to any of either side, save that - one was so drunk that he ran his own nose upon the point of a sword - that one held before him as he entered the house; but he lost but a - little of his hot blood.”[58] - -Morton’s own account of “this outragious riot,” as he calls it, is -contained in the fifteenth chapter of the third book of the _New -Canaan_.[59] It differs considerably from Bradford’s, but not in -essentials. He says that the occurrence took place in June; and as -Bradford’s letters of explanation, sent with the prisoner to England, -are dated the 9th of June,[60] it must have been quite early in the -month. He further says that he was captured in the first place at -Wessagusset, “where by accident they found him;” but escaping thence -during the night, through the carelessness of those set on guard over -him, he made his way in the midst of a heavy thunder-storm to Mount -Wollaston, going up the Monatoquit until he could cross it. The whole -distance from point to point was, for a person familiar with the -country, perhaps eight miles. Getting home early the next morning he -made his preparations for resistance in the way described by Bradford. -Of the whole party at Merry-Mount more than half, four apparently, -were then absent in the interior getting furs. This fact, indeed, -was probably well known to his neighbors, who had planned the arrest -accordingly. Standish, having eight men with him, followed Morton round -to Mount Wollaston, probably by water, the morning succeeding his -escape; and what ensued seems to have been sufficiently well described -by Bradford. One at least of the Merry-Mount garrison got extremely -tipsy before the attacking party appeared, and Morton, seeing that -resistance was hopeless, surrendered, after in vain trying to make some -terms for himself. - -Having been arrested he was at once carried to Plymouth, and a council -was held there to decide upon the disposition to be made of him. -According to his own account certain of the magistrates, among whom -he specially names Standish, advocated putting him to death at once, -and so ending the matter. They were not in favor of sending him to -England. Such a course as this was, however, wholly out of keeping -with the character of the Plymouth colony, and it is tolerably safe -to say that it was never really proposed. Morton imagined it; but he -also circumstantially asserts that when milder councils prevailed, and -it was decided to send him to England, Standish was so enraged that -he threatened to shoot him with his own hand, as he was put into the -boat.[61] - -Either because they did not care to keep him at Plymouth until he -could be sent away, or because an outward-bound fishing-vessel was -more likely at that season to be found at the fishing-stations, Morton -was almost immediately sent to the Isles of Shoals. He remained there -a month; and of his experiences during that time he gives a wholly -unintelligible account in the _New Canaan_.[62] At last a chance -offered of sending him out in a fishing-vessel bound to old Plymouth, -England. He went under charge of John Oldham, who was chosen to -represent the associated planters in this matter, and who carried two -letters, in the nature of credentials, prepared by Governor Bradford, -the one addressed to the Council for New England and the other to -Sir Ferdinando Gorges personally.[63] In these letters Bradford set -forth in detail the nature of the offences charged against Morton, and -asked that he might be brought “to his answer before those whom it -may concern.” These letters were signed by the chiefs of the several -plantations, at whose common charge the expenses of Oldham’s mission, -as well as Standish’s arrest, were defrayed, and towards this charge -they contributed as follows, though Bradford says the total cost was -much more:-- - - £ s - From Plymouth, 2 10 - „ Naumkeag, 1 10 - „ Piscataqua, 2 10 - „ Wessagusset, 2 - „ Nantasket, 1 10 - „ David Thomson’s widow, 15 - „ William Blackstone, 12 - „ Edward Hilton,[64] 1 - -------- - £12 7 - -Oldham and Morton reached Plymouth during the later summer or early -autumn of 1628. They must, therefore, have passed the outward-bound -expedition of Endicott, the forerunners of the great Puritan migration -of 1630-7, in mid-ocean, as on the 6th of September the latter reached -Naumkeag. The grant of the Massachusetts Company, which Endicott -represented, had been regularly obtained from the Council for New -England, and bore date the 19th of March, 1628. It covered the -sea-front within the space of three English miles to the northward of -the Merrimack and to the southward of the Charles, “or of any and every -part of either of these streams;” while it extended “from the Atlantick -and Western Sea and Ocean on the East Parte, to the South Sea on the -West Parte.” It also included everything lying within the space of -three miles to the southward of the southernmost part of Massachusetts, -by which was meant Boston Bay.[65] It was clear, therefore, that Mount -Wollaston was included in this grant. - -Morton’s establishment was thus brought within Endicott’s government. -Its existence and character must already have been well known in -England, and it is not at all improbable that its suppression had been -there decided upon. Whether this was so or not, however, Endicott -certainly learned, as soon as he landed at Naumkeag, of the action -which had been taken three months before. It commended itself to him; -though he doubtless regretted that more condign punishment had not -been administered to Morton and his crew on the spot, and did not delay -to take such steps as were still in his power, to make good what in -this respect had been lacking. As Bradford says, “visiting those parts -[he] caused that May-polle to be cutt downe, and rebuked them for their -profannes, and admonished them to looke ther should be better walking; -so they now, or others, changed the name of their place againe, and -called it Mounte-Dagon.”[66] - -Morton and Oldham, meanwhile, were in England. As Oldham bore letters -to Gorges and landed at Plymouth, of which place the latter then was -and for many years had been the royal governor, there can be no doubt -that Morton was at once brought before him. As respects New England -Gorges’s curiosity was insatiable. Any one who came from there, -whether a savage or a sea-captain, was eagerly questioned by him; and -his collection of charts, memoirs, letters, journals and memorials, -relating to the discovery of those parts, is said to have been -unequalled.[67] Oldham and Morton had lived there for years. They knew -all that was then known about the country and its resources. They both -of them had unlimited faith in its possibilities, and talked about an -hundred per cent profit within the year, as if it were a thing easily -compassed.[68] Talk of this kind Gorges liked to hear. It suited his -temperament; and it would seem not improbable that Morton soon found -this out, and bore himself accordingly. - -Meanwhile it was not possible for the Council for New England and -the Massachusetts Company to long move in harmony. The former was -an association of courtiers, and the latter one of Puritans. The -Council planned to create in the New World a score or two of great -feudal domains for English noblemen; the Company proposed to itself a -commonwealth there. Accordingly difficulties between the two at once -began to crop out. The original grant to the Company of March 19, 1628, -had been made by the Council, with the assent of Gorges. The tract -already conceded to Robert Gorges, in 1622, was included in it; but -Sir Ferdinando insisted that the subsequent and larger grant was made -with a distinct saving of all rights vested under the prior one.[69] -This the Company was not prepared to admit; and, as the business of the -Council was habitually done in a careless slipshod way, the record was -by no means clear. A question of title, involving some three hundred -square miles of territory in the heart of the Company’s grant, was -therefore raised at once. - -Captain Robert Gorges meanwhile had died, and the title to his grant -had passed to his brother John. It would seem that Oldham, who was a -pushing man, had come out to England with some scheme of his own for -obtaining a patent from the Council, and organizing a strong trading -company to operate under it. The result was that John Gorges now deeded -to him a portion of the Robert Gorges grant, being the whole region -lying between the Charles and the Saugus rivers, for a distance of -five miles from the coast on the former and three miles on the latter. -This deed may and probably did bear a date, January 10, 1629, similar -to that of another deed of a yet larger tract out of the same grant, -which John Gorges executed to Sir William Brereton. The lands thus -conveyed were distinctly within the limits covered by the grant to the -Massachusetts Company, and a serious question of title was raised. The -course now pursued by the Company could not but have been singularly -offensive to Gorges. They outgeneralled him in his own field of -action. They too had friends at court. Accordingly they went directly -to the throne. A royal confirmation of their grant from the Council -was solicited and obtained. On the 4th of March, 1629, King Charles’s -charter of the Massachusetts Company passed the seals. - -It now became a race, for the actual possession of the disputed -territory, between the representatives of the Company on the one -side and the Gorges grantees on the other. The former, under advice -of counsel, denied the validity of the Robert Gorges grant of 1622. -It was, they claimed, void in law, being “loose and uncertain.”[70] -They instructed Endicott to hurry a party forward to effect an actual -occupation. This he at once did; and the settlement of Charlestown, in -the summer of 1629, was the result. Meanwhile Oldham, having in vain -tried to coax or browbeat the Company into an arrangement satisfactory -to himself, was endeavoring to fit out an expedition of his own.[71] He -had not the means at his disposal; and, convinced of this at last, he -gave up the contest. - -At an early stage in these proceedings he would seem to have wholly -lost sight of so much of the business he had in hand as related to -Thomas Morton. Bradford’s expression, in referring to what took place, -is that Morton “foold” Oldham.[72] Morton himself, however, says[73] -that Oldham did the best he could, and tried to set the officers of -the law at work, but was advised that Morton had committed no crime of -which the English courts could take cognizance. He had at most only -disregarded a proclamation. All this seems very probable. Nevertheless, -for violating a proclamation, he could at that time have been proceeded -against in the Star Chamber. It is true that in their decision in 1610, -already referred to,[74] the twelve judges had said, “Lastly, if the -offence be not punishable in the Star Chamber, the prohibition of it -by proclamation cannot make it punishable there.”[75] This, however, -was the language of the bench in the days of James, when Coke was -Chief Justice. In 1629 the current of opinion was running strongly in -the opposite direction. Sir Nicholas Hyde, as Chief Justice, was then -“setting law and decency at defiance” in support of prerogative,[76] -and a few years later Sir John Finch was to announce “that while he -was Keeper no man should be so saucy as to dispute these orders” of -the Lords of the Council.[77] Law or no law, therefore, Morton could -easily have been held to a severe account in the Star Chamber, had -Gorges been disposed to press matters against him there. He clearly -was not so disposed. The inference, therefore, is that Morton had -succeeded in thoroughly ingratiating himself with Gorges; and Oldham, -as he was now a grantee of Gorges’s son, did not see his account in -pressing matters. Accordingly Bradford’s letters and complaints were -quietly ignored; and his “lord of misrule,” and head of New England’s -first “schoole of Athisme,”[78] escaped without, so far as could be -discovered, even a rebuke for his misdeeds. - -Nor was this all. Isaac Allerton was at that time in London, as the -agent of the Plymouth colony. The most important business he had in -hand was to procure a new patent for the Plymouth people, covering by -correct bounds a grant on the Kennebec, with which region they were now -opening a promising trade. They also wanted to secure, if possible, -a royal charter for themselves like that which had just been issued -to the Massachusetts Company. In the matter of the patent, Allerton -had to deal with the Council for New England; the granting of the -charter lay at Whitehall. Altogether it was a troublesome and vexatious -business, and the agent soon found that he could make no headway except -through favor. The influence of Gorges became necessary. In the light -of subsequent events it would seem altogether probable that Morton -now made himself useful. At any rate, when Allerton returned to New -England, in 1629, with the patent but without a charter, he astonished -and scandalized the Plymouth community by bringing Morton back with -him. They apparently landed sometime in August,[79] and we have two -accounts of Morton’s reception at Plymouth; one his own, and the other -Governor Bradford’s. Both are characteristic. Morton says that - - “Being ship’d againe for the parts of New Canaan, [he] was put in - at Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible amazement - to see him at liberty; and [they] told him hee had not yet fully - answered the matter they could object against him. Hee onely made - this modest reply, that he did perceave they were willfull people, - that would never be answered: and he derided them for their practises - and losse of laboure.”[80] - -Bradford, looking at the transaction from the other point of view, -says:-- - - “Mr. Allerton gave them great and just ofence in bringing over - this year, for base gaine, that unworthy man, and instrumente of - mischeefe, Morton, who was sent home but the year before for his - misdemenors. He not only brought him over, but to the towne, (as it - were to nose them,) and lodged him at his owne house, and for a while - used him as a scribe to doe his bussines.”[81] - -In view of Morton’s escape from all punishment in England, and his -return a little later to Mount Wollaston, Bradford speaks of the -trouble and charge of his arrest as having been incurred “to little -effect.”[82] This, however, was not so. On the contrary, it is not -often that an act of government repression produces effects equally -decisive. The nuisance was abated and the danger dispelled; the fact -that there was a power on the coast, ready to assert itself in the work -of maintaining order, was established and had to be recognized; and, -finally, a wholly unscrupulous competitor was driven out of trade. -These results were well worth all that Morton’s arrest cost, and much -more. - -It does not appear how long Morton now remained at Plymouth. It could -not, however, have been more than a few weeks before Allerton, who -himself went back to England the same season, was, as Bradford puts it, -“caused to pack him away.” He then returned to Mount Wollaston, where -he seems to have found a remnant of his old company,--apparently the -more modest of them and such as had looked to their better walking. -Hardly, however, had he well gotten back when he was in trouble with -Endicott. The first difficulty arose out of the jealousy which existed -between the “old planters,” as they were called, and those who belonged -to the Massachusetts Company. The old planters were the very men who -had associated themselves, eighteen months before, to bring about the -suppression of the establishment at Mount Wollaston. Now they also were -beginning to feel the pressure of authority, and they did not like -it. In their helpless anger they even spoke of themselves as “slaves” -of the new Company.[83] They could no longer plant what they chose or -trade with whom they pleased. - -On these points Endicott had explicit instructions. They were contained -in the letters of Cradock of April 17 and May 28, 1629, which are to be -found in Young’s _Chronicles of Massachusetts_, and contain the policy -of the company, set forth in clear vigorous English. In pursuance -of those instructions, Endicott seems to have summoned all the old -planters dwelling within the limits of the patent to meet in a General -Court at Salem, sometime in the latter part of 1629. There he doubtless -advised them as to the policy which the Company intended to pursue; and -Morton says that he then tendered all present for signature certain -articles which he and the Rev. Samuel Skelton had drawn up together. -The essence of those articles was that in all causes, ecclesiastical as -well as political, the tenor of God’s word should be followed.[84] The -alternative was banishment. - -Morton claims that he alone of those present refused to put his hand -to this paper, insisting that a proviso should first be added in these -words, “So as nothing be done contrary or repugnant to the laws of -the Kingdom of England.” These are almost the exact words of King -Charles’s charter;[85] and it would seem as though Morton, in proposing -them, sought an opportunity to display his legal acumen. Whether his -suggestion was adopted, and the articles modified accordingly, does not -appear. It probably was, though the change was not one which Endicott -would have looked upon with favor. If he assented to it he certainly -did so grimly. The matter of regulating the trade in beaver skins was -next brought up. This was intended to be a Company monopoly, to meet -the charge of providing churches and forts.[86] It was accordingly -proposed that a sort of general partnership for the term of one year -should be effected to carry it on. Morton says that on this matter -also he stood out, and it seems altogether probable that he did. It -is safe to say that he was there to make whatever trouble he could. -On the other hand it was not possible for Endicott to mistake his -instructions. They were as plain as words could make them. He was -to see to it that “none be partakers of [the Company’s] privileges -and profits, but such as be peaceable men, and of honest life and -conversation, and desirous to live amongst us, and conform themselves -to good order and government.” And further, if any factious spirit -developed itself he was enjoined “to suppress a mischief before it take -too great a head ... which, if it may be done by a temperate course, we -much desire it, though with some inconvenience, so as our government -and privileges be not brought in contempt.... But if necessity require -a more severe course, when fair means will not prevail, we pray you to -deal as in your discretions you shall think fittest.” Such instructions -as these, in Endicott’s hands to execute, boded ill for Morton. - -Matters soon came to a crisis. Morton paid no regard to the Company’s -trade regulations. The presumption is that he was emboldened to take -the course he now did by the belief that he would find support in -England. He unquestionably was informed as to all the details of the -trouble between the Massachusetts Company and the Council for New -England, and knew that Oldham, whom he by the way speaks of as “a mad -Jack in his mood,”[87] held a grant from John Gorges, and was straining -every nerve to come out and take adverse possession of the territory -covered by it. He probably hoped, day by day, to see Oldham appear at -the head of a Gorges expedition. There is reason to suppose that he was -himself at this time an agent of Gorges,--that, indeed, he had come -back to New England as such, and was playing a part very much like that -of a spy. He was certainly in such correspondence with Sir Ferdinando -as the means of communication permitted, and the confidant of his -plans.[88] - -When, therefore, he offered all the opposition to Endicott which he -dared, and thwarted him so far as he could, he was not acting for -himself alone. He represented, in a degree at least, what in England -was a powerful combination. Accordingly, with an over-confidence in the -result born of his sanguine faith in the power and influence of his -patron, he now seems to have gone back to the less objectionable of his -old courses. He did not renew the trade in fire-arms and ammunition, -for he probably had none to spare, and experience had taught him how -dangerous it was. He did, however, deal with the savages as he saw fit, -and on his own account, openly expressing his contempt for Endicott’s -authority, and doing all he could to excite the jealousy and discontent -of the “old planters.”[89] His own profits at this time were, he says, -six and seven fold. - -This state of things could not continue. Accordingly, as the year drew -to a close, Endicott made an effort to arrest him. Morton, however, -was now on his guard. Getting wind of what was intended, he concealed -his ammunition and most necessary goods in the forest; and, when the -messengers, sent across the bay to seize him, landed on the beach at -the foot of Mount Wollaston, he was nowhere to be found. He says that -they ransacked his house, and took from it all the provender they -could find; but when they were gone he replenished his supplies with -the aid of his gun, and “did but deride Captain Littleworth, that made -his servants snap shorte in a country so much abounding with plenty of -foode for an industrious man.” This happened about Christmas, 1629.[90] - -Could Endicott now have laid hands upon him there can be little room -for doubt that Morton would have been summarily dealt with; but for the -present the deputy-governor’s attention was otherwise occupied. This -was that winter of 1629-30, the famine and sickness of which came so -near to bringing the Salem settlement to a premature end. During that -struggle for existence the magistrate had no time to attend to Morton’s -case. But he was not the man to forget it. - -With the following summer the great migration, which was to fix the -character of New England, began. Instead of a vessel fitted out for -Oldham under the patronage of Gorges, the _Mary & John_, chartered by -the Massachusetts Company and having on board 140 passengers from the -West of England, anchored off Hull on the 30th of May. A fortnight -later Governor Winthrop reached Salem, and on the 17th of June he also -came into Boston Harbor; and Morton, from Mount Wollaston, must have -watched his vessel with anxious eyes as, in full view from his house, -it made its way up the channel to the mouth of the Mystic. He must also -have realized that its appearance in those waters boded him no good. - -In a few days more the whole fleet, numbering twelve sail in all, was -at anchor off Charlestown, and the work of discharging passengers was -going actively on. Of these there were nearly a thousand;[91] and now -the busy and fatal summer experience of 1630 was fairly entered upon. - -For a few weeks longer Morton continued to live undisturbed at Mount -Wollaston. The confusion and bustle of landing, and afterwards the -terror and sense of bereavement which followed hard on pestilence, -protected him. It was not until the 23d of August, or the present -2d of September, that the magistrates held any formal session. They -then met at the great house at Charlestown,[92] as it would seem, -Winthrop, Dudley, Saltonstall, Pynchon, Bradstreet and others being -present. After some more important business had been disposed of, “It -was ordered, that Morton, of Mount Woolison, should presently be sent -for by processe.”[93] Of the circumstances of his arrest under the -warrant thus issued Morton has given no account. Apparently he felt -it was useless to try to evade the messengers, and resistance was -wholly out of the question. At the next session of the magistrates, -held two weeks later, on what would now be the 17th of September, he -was formally arraigned. In addition to those already named as being -at the earlier meeting, Endicott was now present. He had probably -come down from Salem to give his personal attention to Morton’s case. -It must from the outset have been apparent to the prisoner that the -tribunal before which he stood was one from which he had nothing to -hope. The proceedings were in fact summary. It would seem, from his -own account of them,[94] that he endeavored to humble himself, and, -that failing, he made a sort of plea to the jurisdiction of the Court. -Neither submission nor plea produced any effect. On the contrary he -was apparently cut short in his defence and his protest by impatient -exclamations, and even bidden to hold his peace and hearken to his -sentence. It appears in the records as follows:-- - - “It is ordered by this present Court, that Thomas Morton, of Mount - Walliston, shall presently be sett into the bilbowes, and after - sent prisoner into England, by the shipp called the _Gifte_, nowe - returning thither; that all his goods shalbe seazed upon to defray - the charge of his transportation, payment of his debts, and to - give satisfaction to the Indians for a cannoe hee unjustly tooke - away from them; and that his howse, after the goods are taken out, - shalbe burnt downe to the ground in the sight of the Indians, for - their satisfaction, for many wrongs hee hath done them from tyme to - tyme.”[95] - -Unfortunately, Winthrop’s admonitory remarks in imposing this sentence -have not been preserved. There is, however, in the _New Canaan_, an -expression which apparently formed a part of them.[96] It is that in -which it is assigned as a reason for the destruction of the house at -Mount Wollaston, that “the habitation of the wicked should no more -appear in Israel.” In compliance with the terms of this sentence, -Morton was set in the stocks; and while there, he tells us, the savages -came and looked at him, and wondered what it all meant. He was not, -however, sent back to England in the _Gift_, as the master of that -vessel declined to carry him; for what reason does not appear. It was -not in fact until nearly four months after his arrest that a passage -was secured for him in the _Handmaid_. Even then, Maverick afterwards -stated that Morton, obdurate to the last, refused to go on board the -vessel, upon the ground that he had no call to go there, and so had to -be hoisted over her side by a tackle.[97] His house also was burned -down; but the execution of this part of his sentence, he asserts,--and -his assertion is confirmed by Maverick,--was vindictively delayed until -he was on his way into banishment, when it was executed rather in his -sight, it would seem, than in that of the savages. Of the voyage to -England there is an account in the _New Canaan_ that is rather more -rambling and incoherent than is usual even with Morton.[98] - -The _Handmaid_ appears to have been unseaworthy, and insufficiently -supplied. She had a long and tempestuous passage, in the course of -which Morton came very near starving, no provision having been made for -his subsistence except a very inadequate one out of his own supplies. - -The second arrest of Morton was equally defensible with the first. -According to his own account he had systematically made himself a -thorn in Endicott’s side. He had refused to enter into any covenants, -whether for trade or government, and he had openly derided the -magistrate and eluded his messengers. This could not be permitted. He -dwelt within the limits of the Massachusetts charter, and the Company -was right when it instructed Endicott that all living there “must -live under government and a like law.” It was necessary, therefore, -that Morton should either give in his adhesion, or that he should -be compelled to take himself off. This, however, was not the ground -which the magistrates took. Nothing was said in the sentence of any -disregard of authority or disobedience to regulation. No reference -was made to any illicit dealings with the Indians, or to the trade -in fire-arms. Offences of this kind would have justified the extreme -severity of a sentence which went to the length of ignominious physical -punishment, complete confiscation of property and banishment; leaving -only whipping, mutilation or death uninflicted. No such offences were -alleged. Those which were alleged, on the contrary, were of the most -trivial character. They were manifestly trumped up for the occasion. -The accused had unjustly taken away a canoe from some Indians; he had -fired a charge of shot among a troop of them who would not ferry him -across a river, wounding one and injuring the garments of another; he -was “a proud, insolent man” against whom a “multitude of complaints -were received, for injuries done by him both to the English and the -Indians.”[99] Those specified, it may be presumed, were examples of the -rest. They amount to nothing at all, and were afterwards very fitly -characterized by Maverick as mere pretences. Apparently conscious of -this, Dudley, the deputy-governor, in referring to the matter a few -months later in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, says that Morton -was sent to England “for that my Lord Chief Justice there so required, -that he might punish him capitally for fouler misdemeanors there -perpetrated.” Bradford also, in referring to the matter, states that -Morton was “vehemently suspected” of a murder, and that “a warrant was -sent from the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend him.”[100] - -There can be no doubt that there was a warrant from the King’s Bench -against Morton in Winthrop’s hands,[101] but in all probability it -was nothing more nor less than a sort of English _lettre de cachet_. -Morton’s record in New England was perfectly well known in London -at the time Winthrop was making his preparations to cross. His -relations with Oldham and Gorges must often have been discussed at -the assistants’ meetings, and they were not ignorant of the fact that -he had gone back to Plymouth with Allerton. They must have suspected -that he went back as an agent or emissary of Gorges, and they may have -known that he so went back. In any event, they did not propose to have -him live within the limits of their patent. He was an undesirable -character. The warrant, therefore, was probably obtained in advance, -on some vague report or suspicion of a criminal act, to be at hand -and ready for use when needed.[102] It could not legally run into New -England, any more than it could into Scotland or Ireland.[103] Then, -and at no later time, would Winthrop have recognized it in any other -case; and, even in this case, no reference is made to it in the colony -records. Had it been so referred to, it might have been cited as a -precedent. - -Moreover such a requisition, though it might have warranted the return -of Morton to England, certainly did not warrant the confiscation of -all his property and the burning of his house in advance of trial -and conviction there. In point of fact the requisition was a mere -pretext and cover. The Massachusetts magistrates, so far as Morton was -concerned, had made up their minds before he stood at their bar. He -was not only a “libertine,” as they termed it, but he was suspected -of being a spy. His presence at Mount Wollaston they did not consider -desirable, and so they proposed to purge the country of him; and if not -in one way, then in another. His case is not singular in Massachusetts -annals; it is merely the first of its kind. It established a precedent -much too often followed thereafter. Morton was one of those who, as -it was expressed in a tract of the time printed in London, “must -have elbow-roome, and cannot abide to be so pinioned with the strict -government in the Commonwealth, or discipline in the church. Now why -should such live there? As Ireland will not brooke venomous beasts, so -will not that land [New England] vile persons and loose livers.”[104] - -Many times, in the years which followed, the country was purged of -other of these “vile persons and loose livers,” in much the same way -that it was now purged of Morton. It may, however, well be questioned -whether it ever derived benefit from the process. Certainly Morton’s -case was as strong as any case well could be. There was absolutely -nothing to be said in his favor. He was a lawless, reckless, immoral -adventurer. And yet, as the result will show, in sending Morton back -to England, the victim of high-handed justice, the Massachusetts -magistrates committed a serious blunder. They had much better have -left him alone under the harrow of their authority. At Mount Wollaston -he was at worst but a nuisance. They drove him away from there and sent -him back to London; and at Whitehall he became a real danger. This part -of history is now to be told. - -Bradford says, and he is generally correct in his statements, that -when at last Morton reached England “he lay a good while in Exeter -jail.”[105] There is no allusion to anything of the sort in the _New -Canaan_; and it would not seem that he could have been very long a -prisoner, as the next assizes and jail-delivery must have set him free. -There could have been nothing on which to make him stand a trial. -Accordingly the following year he was at liberty and busily concerned -in Gorges’s intrigues for the overthrow of the Massachusetts charter. - -The house in which Gorges lived--as formerly it had been the point -of gathering of all who had visited the American coast, or could -add anything to the stock of information concerning it--was now the -headquarters for those who had any complaint to make or charges to -prefer against the magistracy of Massachusetts. Acting in concert with -Captain John Mason, the patentee of New Hampshire, he was exerting -himself to the utmost to secure a revocation of King Charles’s -charter. The attack was made on the 19th of December, 1632, and it -was a formidable one. It assumed the shape of a petition to the Privy -Council, asking the Lords to inquire into the methods through which the -royal charter for the Massachusetts Bay had been procured, and into -the abuses which had been practised under it. Besides many injuries -inflicted on individuals in their property and persons, the Company -was also charged with seditious and rebellious designs, subversive -alike of church and of state. The various allegations were based on -the affidavits of three witnesses,--Thomas Morton, Philip Ratcliff and -Sir Christopher Gardiner. Behind these was the active and energetic -influence of Gorges and Mason.[106] - -It is not necessary in this connection to go into any detailed -statement of the wrongs complained of by Ratcliff and Gardiner. They -were of the same nature, though even more pronounced than those of -Morton. The country had in fact been purged of all three of these -individuals. The original document in which they set forth their cases, -and made accusation against the magistrates, has unfortunately been -lost. In referring to it afterwards Winthrop said that it contained -“some truths misrepeated.”[107] Apart from severe judgments on alleged -wrong-doers, including whipping, branding, mutilating, banishment and -confiscation of property, the burden of the accusation lay in the -disposition to throw off allegiance to the mother country, which was -distinctly charged against the colony. - -A harsh coloring was doubtless given in the petition to whatever -could be alleged. So far as casting off their allegiance to the -mother country was concerned, nothing can be more certain than that -neither the leaders nor the common people of New England entertained -at that time any thought of it; but it is quite equally certain that -the leaders at least were deeply dissatisfied with the course public -affairs were then taking in England. They were Puritans, and this was -the period of the Star Chamber and the High Commission. No parliament -had been called since 1629, and it was then publicly announced at -Court that no more parliaments were to be called. There is no reason -to suppose that the early settlers of Massachusetts were a peculiarly -reticent race. On the contrary it is well known that they were much -given to delivering themselves and bearing evidence on all occasions; -and in doing so they unquestionably railed and declaimed quite freely -against those then prominent in the council-chamber and among the -bishops. That there was a latent spirit in New England ripe for -rebellion was also, probably, asserted in the lost document. However -Winthrop might deny it, and deny it honestly, this also was true; and -subsequent events, both in Massachusetts and in England, showed it to -be so. In the light of their sympathies and sufferings, Morton and -Gardiner probably realized the drift of what they had heard said and -seen done in New England a good deal better than Winthrop. - -The result of the Morton-Gardiner petition was the appointment of a -committee of twelve Lords of the Council, to whom the whole matter was -referred for investigation and report. The committee was empowered to -send for persons and papers and a long and apparently warm hearing -ensued. The friends of the Company found it necessary to at once bestir -themselves. Cradock, Saltonstall and Humfrey filed a written answer -to the complaint, and subsequently, at the hearing, they received -efficient aid from Emanuel Downing, Winthrop’s brother-in-law, and -Thomas Wiggin, who lived at Piscataqua, but now most opportunely -chanced to be in London. - -At the Court of Charles I. everything was matter of influence or -purchase. The founders of Massachusetts were men just abreast of -their time, and not in advance of it. There is good ground on which -to suspect that they did not hesitate to have recourse to the means -then and there necessary to the attainment of their ends. It has never -been explained, for instance, how the charter of 1629 was originally -secured.[108] When Allerton, at the same time, tried to obtain a -similar charter for the Plymouth colony, he found that he had to buy -his way at every step, and Bradford complained bitterly of the “deale -of money veainly and lavishly cast away.”[109] That the original -patentees of Massachusetts bribed some courtier near the King, and -through him bought their charter, is wholly probable. Every one bribed, -and almost every one about the King took bribes. That the patentees -had powerful influence at Court is certain; exactly where it lay is -not apparent. The Earl of Warwick interested himself actively in their -behalf. It was he who secured for them their patent from the Council -for New England. But Warwick, though a powerful nobleman, was “a man -in no grace at Court;” on the contrary, he was one of those “whom his -Majesty had no esteem of, or ever purposed to trust.”[110] Winthrop -says that in the Morton-Gardiner hearing his brother-in-law, Emanuel -Downing, was especially serviceable.[111] Downing was a lawyer of the -Inner Temple.[112] There is reason to suppose that he had access to -influential persons,--possibly Lord Dorchester may have been amongst -them.[113] However this may be, whether by means of influence or -bribery, the hearing before the Committee of the Privy Council was made -to result disastrously for the complainants. Gorges took nothing by his -motion. In due time the Committee reported against any interference -with the Company at that time. Such grounds of complaint as did not -admit of explanation they laid to the “faults or fancies of particular -men,” and these, they declared, were “in due time to be inquired into.” -King Charles himself also had evidently been labored with through the -proper channels, and not without effect. Not only did he give his -approval to the report of the Committee, but he went out of his way -to further threaten with condign punishment those “who did abuse his -governor and the plantation.” - -Gorges’s carefully prepared attack had thus ended in complete -failure. The danger, however, had been great, nor was its importance -underestimated in Massachusetts. This clearly appears in Winthrop’s -subsequent action; for when, four months later, in May, 1633, -information of the final action of the Council reached him, he wrote -a letter of grave jubilation to Governor Bradford, giving him the -glad news, and inviting him to join “in a day of thanksgiving to our -mercifull God, who, as he hath humbled us by his late correction, so he -hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing in our deliverance out of -so desperate a danger.”[114] - -Though badly defeated, and for the time being no doubt discouraged, -Gorges and Morton were not disposed to desist from their efforts. As -the latter expressed it, they had been too eager, and had “effected -the business but superficially.”[115] They had also committed the -serious mistake of underestimating the strength and influence of -their antagonists. If Gorges, however, was at home anywhere, he was -at home just where he had now received his crushing defeat,--in the -antechambers of the palace. All his life he had been working through -Court influences. Through them, after the Essex insurrection, he had -saved his neck from the block. If Court influence would have availed -to secure it, in 1623 he would have pre-empted the whole territory -about Boston Bay as the private domain of himself and his descendants. -At Whitehall he was an enemy not lightly to be disregarded; and this -Winthrop and his colleagues soon had cause to realize. - -Thwarted by strong influences in one direction, Gorges went to work to -secure stronger influences in another direction. He knew the ground, -and his plan of operations was well conceived. To follow it out in -detail is not possible. Here and there a fact appears; the rest is -inference and surmise. The King was the objective point. Of him it -is not necessary here to speak at length, for his character is too -well understood. Dignified in his bearing, and in personal character -purer than his times,--a devout, well-intentioned man,--Charles was a -shallow, narrow-minded bigot, with a diseased belief in that divinity -which doth hedge a king. He would have made an ideal, average English -country gentleman. After the manner of small, obstinate men, he -believed intensely in a few things. One was his own royal supremacy -and his responsibility, not to his people but to his kingship. He -was nothing of a statesman, and as a politician he was his own worst -enemy. His idea of government was the Spanish one: the king had a -prime-minister, and that prime-minister was the king’s other and second -self. In Charles’s case Buckingham was at first prime-minister; and, -when Buckingham was assassinated, he was in due time succeeded by Laud. -Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, had not died until August 4, 1633, -and a few days later Laud was appointed to succeed him. He thus became -primate almost exactly eight months after the first attack on the -charter. It was through him that Gorges now went to work to influence -the King and to control the course of events in New England. His method -can be explained in four words: Laud hated a Puritan. - -At first the secret connection of Gorges and Morton with the events -which now ensued is matter of pure surmise. There is no direct evidence -of it in the records or narratives. At a later period it becomes more -apparent. As a matter of surmise, however, based on the subsequent -development of events, it seems probable that in February, 1634, the -attention of the Archbishop, and through him that of the Privy Council, -was called to the large emigration then going on to New England of -“persons known to be ill-affected and discontented, as well with the -civil as ecclesiastical government.”[116] As Gorges himself expressed -it, “numbers of people of all sorts flocked thither in heaps.”[117] -Several vessels, already loaded with passengers and stores, were then -lying in the Thames. An Order in Council was forthwith issued staying -these vessels, and calling upon Cradock to produce the Company’s -charter. So far as the vessels were concerned it soon appeared that the -Company was still not without friends in the Council; and, “for reasons -best known to their Lordships,” they were permitted to sail.[118] -Doubtless this detention, as the subsequent more rigid restraint, was -“grounded upon the several complaints that came out of those parts of -the divers sects and schisms that were amongst them, all contemning -the public government of the ecclesiastical state.” Ratcliff was now -looked upon as a lunatic,[119] and Gardiner had disappeared. Morton -alone remained; and it is safe to surmise that he was the fountain-head -of these complaints, as Gorges was the channel which conveyed them to -Laud. As respects the charter, Cradock made reply to the order for its -production that it was not in his hands,--that Winthrop, four years -before, had taken it to New England. He was directed to send for it at -once. Here the matter rested, and to all appearances Gorges had met -with one more check. The release of the vessels was ordered on the last -day of February, 1634. - -A new move on the chess-board was now made by some one. Who that -some-one was is again matter of surmise. Hitherto the few matters -which from time to time came up, relating to the colonies, had been -considered in the full Privy Council. There the Massachusetts Company -had shown itself a power. Special tribunals, however, were at this -juncture greatly in vogue at Whitehall. The Council of the North, the -Star Chamber, the Court of High Commission, were in full operation. To -them all political work was consigned, and in the two last Laud was -supreme. Up to this time, however, the need of any special tribunal -to look after the affairs of the colonies had not made itself felt. -The historians of New England have philosophized a great deal over the -considerations of state which, during the reign of Charles, dictated -the royal policy towards New England;[120] but it is more than doubtful -whether considerations of state had anything to do with that policy. -The remoteness and insignificance of early New England, so far as the -English Court was concerned, is a thing not easy now to realize. It may -be taken for certain that King and Primate rarely gave a thought to it, -much less matured a definite or rational policy. Their minds were full -of more important matters. They were intent on questions of tonnage and -poundage, on monopolies, and all possible ways and means of raising -money; they were thinking of the war with Spain, of Wentworth’s Irish -policy, of the English opposition, and the Scotch church system. So far -as New England was concerned they were mere puppets to be jerked to and -fro by the strings of Court influence,--now granting a charter at the -instance of one man, and then restraining vessels at the instance of -another,--defending “our governor” one day, and threatening to have his -ears cropped the next. - -In certain quarters it seems now, however, to have been decided that -this condition of affairs was to continue no longer. A special tribunal -should be created, to take charge of all colonial matters. This move -seems to have grown out of the Order in Council of February 21, and to -have been directed almost exclusively to the management of affairs in -New England, whence complaint mainly came. Accordingly, on the 10th of -April, a commission passed the great seal establishing a board with -almost unlimited power of regulating plantations. Laud was at the head -of it. There would seem to be every reason to assume that this tribunal -was created at the suggestion of Laud, and in consequence of the -undecided course pursued by the Council as a whole, two months before, -in the matter of the detained vessels. A further inference, from what -went before and what followed, is that Laud’s action was stimulated -and shaped by Gorges. He was the active promoter of complaints and -scandals from New England. In other words, the organization of this -colonial board, through Laud’s influence and with Laud supreme in it, -was Gorges’s first move in the next and most formidable attack on the -charter of the Massachusetts Bay. - -The plan now matured by Gorges was a large one. He had no idea of being -balked of the prize which it had been the dream and the effort of his -life to secure. He meant yet to grasp a government for himself, and an -inheritance for his children, in New England. So far as the settlement -of that country was concerned, what he for thirty years had been vainly -ruining himself to bring about was now accomplishing itself; but it -was accomplishing itself not only without his aid, but in a way which -gravely threatened his interests. The people who were swarming to New -England refused to recognize his title, and abused and expelled his -agents. It was clear that the Council for New England was not equal to -dealing with such a crisis. It was necessary to proceed through some -other agency. The following scheme was, therefore, step by step devised. - -The territory held under the great patent of the Council for New -England extended from Maine to New Jersey. This whole region was, -by the action of the Council, to be divided in severalty among its -remaining members, and the patent was then to be surrendered to the -King, who thereupon was to confirm the division just made.[121] The -Council being thus gotten out of the way, the King was to assume -the direct government of the whole territory, and was to appoint -a governor-general for it. Sir Ferdinando Gorges was to be that -governor-general.[122] He would thus go out to his province clothed -with full royal authority; and the issue would then be, not between -the settlers of Massachusetts, acting under the King’s charter, and -that “carcass in a manner breathless,” the Council for New England, -but between a small body of disobedient subjects and the King’s own -representative. The scheme was a well-devised one. It was nothing -more nor less than the colonial or New England branch of Strafford’s -“Thorough.” It was a part, though a small part, of a great system. - -The first step in carrying out the programme was to secure the -appointment of the Commission of April 10. The influence of the -Archbishop being assured, there was no difficulty in this. The board -was composed of twelve members of the Privy Council. Laud himself was -at the head of it, and with him were the Archbishop of York, the Earls -of Portland, Manchester, Arundel and Dorset, Lord Cottington, Sir -Thomas Edmunds, Sir Henry Vane, and Secretaries Cooke and Windebank. -Any five or more of these Commissioners were to constitute a _quorum_, -and their powers were of the largest description. They could revoke all -charters previously granted, remove governors and appoint others in the -places of those removed, and even break up settlements if they deemed -it best so to do. They could inflict punishment upon all offenders, -either by imprisonment, “or by loss of life or member.” It was in fact -a commission of “right divine.” It embodied the whole royal policy of -King Charles, as formulated by Wentworth and enforced by Laud. The -new Commission was not slow in proceeding to its appointed work, and -the potency of Gorges’s influence in it was shown by his immediate -designation as governor-general.[123] How close Morton then stood to -him may be inferred from the following letter, which shows also that -he was well informed as to all that was going on.[124] It was written -exactly three weeks after the appointment of the Commission, and was -addressed to William Jeffreys at Wessagusset:-- - - MY VERY GOOD GOSSIP,--If I should commend myself to you, you reply - with this proverb,--_Propria laus fordet in ore_: but to leave - impertinent salute, and really to proceed.--You shall hereby - understand, that, although, when I was first sent to England to make - complaint against Ananias and the brethren, I effected the business - but superficially, (through the brevity of time,) I have at this time - taken more deliberation and brought the matter to a better pass. And - it is thus brought about, that the King hath taken the business into - his own hands. The Massachusetts Patent, by order of the council, was - brought in view; the privileges there granted well scanned upon, and - at the council board in public, and in the presence of Sir Richard - Saltonstall and the rest, it was declared, for manifest abuses there - discovered, to be void. The King hath reassumed the whole business - into his own hands, appointed a committee of the board, and given - order for a general governor of the whole territory to be sent over. - The commission is passed the privy seal, I did see it, and the same - was 1 mo. Maii sent to the Lord Keeper to have it pass the great seal - for confirmation; and I now stay to return with the governor, by whom - all complainants shall have relief:[125] So that now Jonas being - set ashore may safely cry, repent you cruel separatists, repent, - there are as yet but forty days. If Jove vouchsafe to thunder, the - charter and kingdom of the separatists will fall asunder. Repent you - cruel schismatics, repent.[126] These things have happened, and I - shall see, (notwithstanding their boasting and false alarms in the - Massachusetts, with feigned cause of thanksgiving,) their merciless - cruelty rewarded, according to the merit of the fact, with condign - punishment for coming into these parts, like Sampson’s foxes with - fire-brands at their tails.[127] The King and Council are really - possessed of their preposterous loyalty and irregular proceedings, - and are incensed against them: and although they be so opposite to - the catholic axioms, yet they will be compelled to perform them, or - at leastwise, suffer them to be put in practice to their sorrow. In - matter of restitution and satisfaction, more than mystically, it - must be performed visibly, and in such sort as may be subject to the - senses in a very lively image. My Lord Canterbury having, with my - Lord Privy Seal, caused all Mr. Cradock’s letters to be viewed, and - his apology in particular for the brethren here, protested against - him and Mr. Humfrey, that they were a couple of imposterous knaves; - so that, for all their great friends, they departed the council - chamber in our view with a pair of cold shoulders. I have staid long, - yet have not lost my labor, although the brethren have found their - hopes frustrated; so that it follows by consequence, I shall see my - desire upon mine enemies: and if John Grant had not betaken him to - flight, I had taught him to sing clamavi in the Fleet before this - time, and if he return before I depart, he will pay dear for his - presumption. For here he finds me a second Perseus: I have uncased - Medusa’s head, and struck the brethren into astonishment. They find, - and will yet more to their shame, that they abuse the word and are - to blame to presume so much,--that they are but a word and a blow to - them that are without. Of these particulars I thought good, by so - convenient a messenger, to give you notice, lest you should think I - had died in obscurity, as the brethren vainly intended I should, and - basely practised, abusing justice by their sinister practices, as by - the whole body of the committee, _una voce_, it was concluded to be - done, to the dishonor of his majesty. And as for Ratcliffe, he was - comforted by their lordships with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop’s - ears: which shows what opinion is held amongst them of King Winthrop - with all his inventions and his Amsterdam fantastical ordinances, - his preachings, marriages, and other abusive ceremonies, which do - exemplify his detestation to the Church of England, and the contempt - of his majesty’s authority and wholesome laws, which are and will be - established in these parts, _invitâ Minervâ_. With these I thought - fit to salute you, as a friend, by an epistle, because I am bound to - love you, as a brother, by the gospel, resting your loving friend. - - THOMAS MORTON.[128] - - DATED 1 MO. MAII, 1634. - -Morton is always confused and inaccurate in his statements, and this -letter afforded no exception to the rule. It is impossible to be quite -sure of what particular occasions he refers to in it. He may in the -same breath be speaking of different things. Whether, for instance, -the hearing to which he alludes, at which the patent “was brought in -view,” was the same or another meeting from that in which Cradock’s -letters were produced, is not clear. It would seem as though he -were speaking of the February hearing before the whole Council, and -yet he may be describing a subsequent hearing in April before the -Lords Commissioners. He speaks of the “council chamber” and of “the -whole body of the Committee,” and then alludes to the presence of -Saltonstall, Humfrey and Cradock. Now these persons were before the -Council in the hearing of 1632, and they may all of them, as Cradock -certainly was, have been before it in February 1634; but Humfrey could -hardly have appeared before the Lords Commissioners, as he seems to -have sailed for New England early in the month during which they -were appointed. The meeting which Morton describes, therefore, was -probably that of February 28, 1634; and it would seem to have savored -strongly of the Star Chamber and High Commission. Cradock and Humfrey -were apparently scolded and abused by Laud in the style for which he -was famous, and the admission by the former, that the charter had gone -to America, had led to his being called “an imposterous knave,” and -sharply told to send for it back at once. The well-known foibles of -the Primate had been skilfully played upon by accounts of Winthrop’s -“Amsterdam fantastical ordinances, his preachings, marriages, and other -abusive ceremonies;” and they had much the effect that a red flag is -known to have on a bull. Nothing was now heard of the King’s intention -of severely punishing those who abused “his governor;” but, on the -contrary, Ratcliffe was “comforted with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop’s -ears.” Gorges was governor-general, and with him Morton expected soon -to depart. - -Cradock’s letter, enclosing the order of the Council for the return -of the charter, reached Boston in July. Winthrop was then no longer -governor, having been displaced by Dudley at the previous May election. -As is well known to all students of New England history, the famous -parchment, still in the office of the secretary of the Puritan -Commonwealth, was not sent back.[129] It is unnecessary, however, to -here repeat the story of the struggle over it. Presently Governor -Edward Winslow of Plymouth was despatched to England, as the joint -agent of the two colonies, to look after their endangered interests. -He reached London in the autumn of 1634, bringing with him an evasive -reply to the demand contained in Cradock’s letter. - -Winslow sailed in the middle or latter part of July, and a few days -later, on the 4th of August,[130] Jeffreys came over from Wessagusset -to Boston, bringing to Winthrop the letter which he had shortly before -received from Morton. It was the first intimation the magistrates -had of the Commission and of the appointment of a governor-general. -Winthrop communicated the news to Dudley and the other members of the -Council, and to some of the ministers; and, doubtless, for a time they -all nursed an anxious hope that the exaggerations in the letter were -even greater than they really were. The General Court met on the 25th -of August. While it was still in session, vessels arrived bringing -tidings which dispelled all doubt, and confirmed everything material -that Morton had said. He whom the magistrates had so ignominiously -punished, and so contemptuously driven away, was evidently in a -position to know what those in authority intended. It began to be -evident that the Massachusetts magistrates had underestimated an -opponent. - -A full copy of the Order in Council establishing the board of Lords -Commissioners of Plantations, was now received, and the colonists were -further advised, through their private letters, that ships were being -furnished, and soldiers gotten ready for embarkation in them. It was -given out that these troops and vessels were intended for Virginia, -whither a new governor was about to be sent; but Winthrop wrote that -in Massachusetts the preparation was “suspected to be against us, to -compel us by force to receive a new governor, and the discipline of the -church of England, and the laws of the commissioners.[131]” - -The answer which best expressed the spirit of the colony, in reply to -Laud’s threats, was now found, not in the missive which Winslow had in -charge, but in the act of Morton’s old oppressor, Endicott, when a few -weeks later at Salem he cut the red cross from the standard. It was -an act, however, which seemed to indicate that there was more truth -than Winthrop was disposed to admit in Gardiner and Morton’s charge -that “the ministers and people did continually rail against the state, -church and bishops.”[132] Six months of great alarm and strenuous -preparation now ensued. Steps were taken to get together arms and -ammunition, and defences were ordered at Dorchester and Charlestown, -as well as at Castle Island. The magistrates were even empowered to -impress laborers for the work. In January the ministers were summoned -to Bolton, and the question formally submitted to them: “What ought we -to do if a general governor should be sent out of England?” The reply -was that “we ought not to accept him, but defend our lawful possessions -if we are able.” In April a rumor of strange vessels hovering off -Cape Ann threw the whole province into a tumult. It was supposed that -Governor-general Gorges, with Morton in his train, was at the harbor’s -mouth. It proved to be a false alarm, and after that the excitement -seems gradually to have subsided. - -This was in the spring of 1635. Meanwhile Winslow had reached England -sometime early in the previous autumn. Though he had not brought the -charter with him, its production does not seem to have been again -immediately called for. He probably held out confident assurances -that it would be sent over in the next vessel, as soon as the General -Court met; but it is also probable that, in view of the course which -had now been decided upon, an examination of it was no longer deemed -necessary. The ensuing spring, that of 1635, had been fixed upon by -Gorges and Mason as the time for decisive action. The charter was then -to be vacated, and Gorges was to go out to New England with a force -sufficient to compel obedience. All this, however, implied considerable -preparation. Shipping had to be provided in the first place. A large -vessel was accordingly put upon the stocks. Rumor said, also, that the -new governor-general was to take out with him a force of no less than -one thousand soldiers.[133] Whether this was true or not, there can be -little doubt that all through the winter of 1634-5 active preparations -were on foot in England intended against the Massachusetts colony. - -Besides watching these proceedings Winslow had other business in -London which required his appearance before the Lords Commissioners. -He had presented to them a petition on behalf of the two colonies -for authority to resist certain Dutch and French encroachments. This -proceeding Winthrop had not thought well advised,[134] as he very -shrewdly argued that it implied an absence of authority without such -special authorization, and might thus be drawn into a precedent. -Winslow, however, had none the less submitted the petition, and several -hearings were given upon it. Fully advised as to everything that was -going on before the Lords Commissioners, Gorges did not favor this -move. It authorized military or diplomatic action, the conduct of which -by right belonged to him as governor-general of the region within which -the action was to be taken. He accordingly went to work to circumvent -Winslow. What ensued throws a great deal of light on Morton’s standing -at the time, and the use that was made of him; and it also explains the -significance of certain things in the _New Canaan_. - -Laud, it will be remembered, was the head and moving spirit of the -Lords Commissioners. His word was final in the Board. Upon him Gorges -depended to work all his results; which included not only his own -appointment as governor-general, with full power and authority as -such, but also the necessary supply of men and money to enable him to -establish his supremacy. To secure these ends it was necessary to play -continually on the Primate’s dislike of the Puritans, and his intense -zeal in behalf of all Church forms and ceremonies, including the use -of the Book of Common Prayer. The whole political and historical -significance of the _New Canaan_ lies in this fact. It was a pamphlet -designed to work a given effect in a particular quarter, and came very -near being productive of lasting results. Dedicated in form to the -Lords Commissioners, it was charged with attacks on the Separatists, -and statements of the contempt shown by them to the Book of Common -Prayer. Finally it contained one chapter on the church practices in -New England, which was clearly designed for the special enlightenment -of the Archbishop.[135] In this chapter it is set down as the first -and fundamental tenet of the New England church “that it is the -magistrate’s office absolutely, and not the minister’s, to join the -people in lawful matrimony;” next, that to make use of a ring in -marriage is a relic of popery; and then again “that the Book of Common -Prayer is an idol; and all that use it idolaters.” It now remains to -show how cunningly, when it came to questions of state, Laud was worked -upon by these statements, and what a puppet he became in the hands of -Gorges and Morton. - -Winslow’s suit had prospered. He had submitted to the Lords -Commissioners a plan for accomplishing the end desired without any -charge being imposed on the royal exchequer, and he was on the point of -receiving, as he supposed, a favorable decision. Suddenly the secret -strings were pulled. Bradford best tells the story of what ensued. - - “When Mr. Winslow should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon - the point it was,) and should have been confirmed, the Archbishop - put a stop upon it, and Mr. Winslow, thinking to get it freed, went - to the Board again. But the Bishop, Sir Ferdinando and Captain Mason - had, as it seems, procured Morton to complain. To whose complaints - Mr. Winslow made answer to the good satisfaction of the Board, - who checked Morton, and rebuked him sharply, and also blamed Sir - Ferdinando Gorges and Mason for countenancing him. But the Bishop had - a further end and use of his presence, for he now began to question - Mr. Winslow of many things, as of teaching in the church publicly, of - which Morton accused him and gave evidence that he had seen and heard - him do it; to which Mr. Winslow answered that sometimes (wanting a - minister) he did exercise his gift to help the edification of his - brethren, when they wanted better means, which was not often. Then - about marriage, the which he also confessed, that, having been called - to place of magistracy, he had sometimes married some. And further - told their lordships that marriage was a civil thing, and he found - nowhere in the word of God that it was tied to ministry. Again they - were necessitated so to do, having for a long time together at first - no minister; besides, it was no new thing, for he had been so married - himself in Holland, by the magistrates in their Stadt-House. But - in the end, to be short, for these things the Bishop, by vehement - importunity, got the Board at last to consent to his commitment. So - he was committed to the Fleet, and lay there seventeen weeks, or - thereabout, before he could get to be released. And this was the end - of this petition and this business; only the others’ design was also - frustrated hereby, with other things concurring, which was no small - blessing to people here.”[136] - -For the time being, however, “the others’ design,” as Bradford -describes Gorges’s scheme, so far from being frustrated, moved on -most prosperously. All the friends and agents of the colony were now -driven from the field. Cradock, Saltonstall and Humfrey had departed -the council-chamber with “a pair of cold shoulders.” Winslow was a -prisoner. Morton had demonstrated that his boast in the letter to -Jeffreys, that he would make his opponents “sing _clamavi_ in the -Fleet,” was not an idle one. He had not exaggerated his power. Gorges’s -course was now clear, and his plan developed rapidly. At a meeting -of those still members of the Council for New England, held at Lord -Gorges’s house on the 3d of February, 1635, the next step was taken. -The redivision of the seacoast was agreed upon. It was now divided into -eight parcels, instead of twenty as at the original abortive division -of 1623; and these parcels were assigned to eight several persons, -among whom were the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, and the -Earls of Arundel, Carlisle and Sterling. Arundel alone of these was -one of the Lords Commissioners. Gorges received Maine as his portion; -and Mason got New Hampshire and Cape Ann. Massachusetts, south of -Salem, was assigned to Lord Gorges. - -The division thus agreed on was to take effect simultaneously with the -formal surrender by the Council of its great patent. Ten weeks later, -on the 18th of April, at another meeting at Lord Gorges’s house, a -paper was read and entered upon the records, in which the reasons for -surrendering the patent were set forth. At a subsequent meeting on -the 26th a petition to the King was approved, in which it was prayed -that separate patents might be issued securing to the associates in -severalty the domains they had assigned to each other. A declaration -from the King was also then read, in which the royal intention of -appointing Sir Ferdinando Gorges governor-general of New England was -formally announced. Speaking by the mouth of the King, the Primate did -not propose “to suffer such numbers of people to run to ruin, and to -religious intents to languish, for want of timely remedy and sovereign -assistance.” Curiously enough, also, this typically Laudian sentiment -was enunciated at Whitehall the very day, the 26th of April, 1635, upon -which, on the other side of the Atlantic, the Marblehead fishermen -had brought in word of strange vessels hovering mysteriously upon the -coast, causing the Governor and assistants to hurry to Boston and an -alarm to be spread through all the towns.[137] - -Before proceeding to eject the present occupants of the New England -soil, or to force them to some compromise as an alternative thereto, it -remained for the grantees of the now defunct Council to perfect their -new titles. Proceedings to this end were not delayed. The division had -been agreed upon on the 3d of February, and on the 26th of April the -new patents had been petitioned for. Ten days later Thomas Morton was -“entertained to be solicitor for confirmation of the said deeds under -the great seal, as also to prosecute suit at law for the repealing -of the patent belonging to the Massachusetts Company. And is to have -for fee twenty shillings a term, and such further reward as those who -are interested in the affairs of New England shall think him fit to -deserve, upon the judgment given in the cause.” A month later, on the -7th of June, 1635, the formal surrender of its patent by the Council -took place.[138] - -Morton, however, was not destined to land at Boston in the train of -Governor-general Gorges. The effort of 1634-5 was a mere repetition, -on a larger and more impressive scale, of the effort of 1623. The -latter had resulted in the abortive Robert Gorges expedition, and -the former now set all the courts at Westminster in solemn action. -Neither of them, however, came to anything. They both failed, also, -from the same cause,--want of money. The machinery in each case was -imposing, and there was a great deal of it. Seen from New England -it must have appeared simply overpowering. The King, the Primate, -the Lords Commissioners, the Attorney General, the Court of King’s -Bench, the Great Seal, and a governor-general representing the Duke -of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton and the Earls of Arundel, Carlisle -and Sterling, royal proprietors, were all at work together to bring -about the destruction of an infant colony. When, however, it came to -accomplishing anything in a practical way, it grew apparent by degrees -that behind all this tremendous display of machinery there was nothing -but Sir Ferdinando Gorges,--an active-minded, adventurous soldier, -skilled in Court ways, persistent and full of resource, but with small -means of his own, and no faculty of obtaining means from others. When -it became therefore a question of real action, calling for the sinews -of war, the movement flopped dead in 1635, just as it had stopped in -1623. In 1635 it is true, Gorges had the assistance of Captain John -Mason, who was an energetic man with means at his command, and it was -through him that a ship was to be provided.[139] The building of this -ship, however, without doubt strained to the utmost the resources of -all concerned; and when, in launching, it suffered a mishap, again -probably from insufficient means, they could not make the damage good. -The royal exchequer was then as empty as Gorges’s own purse. The King -was living on benevolences, and on fines levied upon the great nobles -for encroachments on the royal forests. The writs to collect ship-money -were issued in this very year. The next year public offices were sold. -Under these circumstances no assistance could for the present be looked -for from Charles or Laud. As for the noble associates, among whom the -New England coast had just been parcelled out, while perfectly willing -to accept great domains in America, they would venture nothing more to -take actual possession of them in 1635 than they had ventured in 1623. -Nothing at all was to be obtained from that quarter. Speaking of Gorges -and Mason, and the failure of their plans at this time, Winthrop wrote, -“The Lord frustrated their design.” This was the pious way of putting -it. In point of fact, however, the real safety of Massachusetts now -depended on more homely and every-day considerations. Gorges and Mason -could not raise the money absolutely necessary to carry their design -out. - -Nevertheless, though this delay was disappointing, there was no -occasion for despair. Things moved slowly; that was all. Gorges -represented the New England part of that royal system which was to -stand or fall as a whole. In the spring and summer of 1635 it looked -very much as if it was destined to stand. There was then no thought of -a parliament at Court, or expectation of one among the patriots. The -crown lawyers were hunting up precedents which would enable the King to -levy taxes to suit himself. Wentworth had brought Ireland into a state -of perfect subjection. Laud was supreme in England. The prospects for -“Thorough” were never so good. If “Thorough” prevailed in England it -would in Massachusetts. There could be no doubt of that. Meanwhile, -though lack of ready means had put it out of Gorges’s power to go to -New England at once, there was no break or delay in legal proceedings. -In June, 1635, the attorney-general filed in the King’s Bench a writ of -_quo warranto_ against the Massachusetts Bay Company. This was the work -which Thomas Morton had a month before been “entertained to prosecute,” -and the promptness of the attorney-general would seem to indicate -that on Morton’s part at least there was no failure in activity. The -plan was to set the charter aside, not because of any abuse of the -powers lawfully conferred in it, but on the ground that it was void -_ab initio_. Every title to land held under it would thus be vitiated. -In answer to the summons some of the original associates came in and -pleaded, while others made default. Cradock made default. In his case, -therefore, judgment was given at the Michaelmas, or September term, -1635, and the charter was declared void, all the franchises conveyed -in it being resumed by the King.[140] This portion of the legal work -in hand, therefore, that more particularly entrusted to Morton, seems -to have been promptly and efficiently done. As respects the patents -for the domains granted under the last partition, things do not seem -to have moved so rapidly, for towards the close of November a meeting -of the associates of the now dissolved Council was held at the house -of Lord Sterling, and a vote passed that steps should be taken to -get patents to the individual patentees passed the seals as soon as -possible. Morton was in fact reminded of his duties. - -A heavy blow was however impending over Gorges. He himself was now an -elderly man, verging close upon seventy years.[141] He could not have -been as active and as energetic as he once had been, and even his -sanguine disposition must have felt the usual depressing influence -of hope long deferred. Mason had of late been the mainstay of his -enterprise. Only a year before, that resolute man had sent out a large -expedition, numbering some seventy men, to Piscataqua, and he was -contemplating extensive explorations towards Lake Champlain. Morton -eulogized him as a “very good Commonwealth’s man, a true foster-father -and lover of virtue,”[142] and Winthrop referred to him as “the chief -mover in all the attempts against us.”[143] In December, 1635, Mason -died,[144] and not improbably it was the anticipation of his death -which led to that meeting of the Council at which the speedy issuing -of the individual patents was urged. However this may be, the loss of -Mason seems to have been fatal to Gorges’s hopes; it was the lopping -off of the right arm of his undertakings. From that time forward there -was obviously no source from which he could hope to get the money -necessary to enable him to effect anything, except the royal treasury. -Of this, for two or three years yet, until the Scotch troubles -destroyed the last chance of the success of the ship-money scheme, -there seemed a very good prospect. Gorges, however, could not afford to -wait. His remaining time was short. Accordingly, after Mason’s death, -little is heard of him or of the Lords Commissioners. - -During the next seven years, consequently, the traces of Morton are -few. There is a passing glimpse obtained of him in March, 1636, through -a letter from Cradock to Winthrop,[145] from which it appears he was -then in London and actively scheming against the Massachusetts Company. -He would seem at this time to have been in the pay of one George -Cleaves, a man of some importance and subsequently quite prominent in -the early history of Maine. Cleaves apparently had proposed some scheme -to Cradock touching the Massachusetts Company, and Morton came to see -him about it. Thereupon Cradock says, “I having no desire to speak -with Morton alone put him off a turn or two on the exchange, till I -found Mr. Pierce,” etc. Further on in the same letter he speaks of his -“greyffe and disdayne” at the abuse heaped on the Company, and of the -“heavey burdens, there lode on me by T. M.;” and adds, “God forgive him -that is the cause of it.” - -Early in 1637, and in consequence probably of the _quo warranto_ -proceedings, a commission of some sort would appear to have been -granted to certain persons in New England for the government of that -country.[146] How or under what circumstances this was obtained is -nowhere told. There is a mystery about it. Gorges afterwards assured -Winthrop that he knew nothing of it,[147] and only a copy ever reached -America, the original, Winthrop says, being “staid at the seal for -want of paying the fees.” He further says that Cleaves procured this -commission, as also a sort of patent, or, as he calls it, “a protection -under the privy signet for searching out the great lake of Iracoyce.” -From all this it would appear that the whole thing was some impotent -and inconsequential move on the part of Morton; for not only does -Winthrop say that the document was “staid at the seal,” but Cradock -wrote that the matter in reference to which Morton wanted to see him, -on behalf of Cleaves, related to paying the charge “in taking out -somewhat under the seale.” Gorges speaks of Morton as being at that -time Cleaves’s agent; and in the _New Canaan_, which either had just -been published or was then in the press, there is a glowing account of -the “great lake Erocoise,” and its boundless wealth of beaver,[148] -to which apparently the imaginative author had directed Cleaves’s -attention sufficiently to induce him to take out the “protection” which -Winthrop alludes to. - -The year 1637 was the turning-period in the fortunes of King Charles -and of Archbishop Laud, and consequently of Gorges and Morton. -Up to that time everything had gone sufficiently well, if not in -Massachusetts, at least in England, Ireland, and even Scotland. Now, -however, the system began to break down; giving way first, as would -naturally enough be the case, at its weakest point. This was in -Scotland, where the attempt to force Episcopacy on the people resulted -in the famous “stony Sabbath” on the 23d of July. The _New Canaan_ -was probably going through the press during the deceitful period of -profound calm which preceded that eventful day. Though now published, -there is strong internal evidence that the book was written in 1634. -Not only does this appear from the extract from its last page in the -letter to Jeffreys, already referred to,[149] but in another place[150] -there is reference to the expedition of Henry Josselyn for the more -complete discovery of Lake Champlain, which is mentioned as then in -preparation. Henry Josselyn left England about the time Morton was -writing to Jeffreys, or a little earlier, and reached Piscataqua in -June, 1634.[151] Mason, on the other hand, is mentioned as then living, -and as having fitted out the expedition of Josselyn. Mason, however, -it has already been seen, died in December, 1635. Written consequently -after May, 1634, the _New Canaan_, it would seem, received no revision -later than 1635. It represented Morton’s feelings during the time when -he was most confident of an early and triumphant return to New England. -It was published just when the affairs of Charles and Laud were at -their full flood, and before the tide had begun to ebb. - -No mention is found of the _New Canaan_ at the time of its publication. -It is not known, indeed, that a single copy was sent out to New -England. Though it must have caused no little comment and scandal among -the friends and correspondents of the colonists, there is no allusion -to it in their published letters or in the documents of the time, and -in 1644 Winthrop apparently had never seen it. Bradford energetically -refers to it as “an infamouse and scurillous booke against many godly -and cheefe men of the cuntrie; full of lyes and slanders, and fraight -with profane callumnies against their names and persons, and the ways -of God.”[152] A copy of it may, therefore, have been brought over to -Plymouth by one of the agents of the colony, and there passed from hand -to hand. It does not appear, however, that at the time it attracted -any general or considerable notice in America; while in England, of -course, it would have interested only a small class of persons. - -There is one significant reference which would seem to indicate that -the publication of the _New Canaan_ was not agreeable to Gorges. -However much he might attack the charter of the Massachusetts Company, -Sir Ferdinando always showed himself anxious to keep on friendly -terms with the leading men of the colony. In the _Briefe Narration_ -he takes pains to speak of “the patience and wisdom of Mr. Winthrop, -Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others their assistants;”[153] and with -Winthrop he was in correspondence, even authorizing him and others -to act for him in Maine. He deceived no one by this, for Winthrop -afterwards described him as “pretending by his letters and speeches to -seek our welfare;”[154] but he evidently had always in mind that he -was to go out some day to New England as a governor-general, and that -it would not do for him to be too openly hostile to those over whom he -proposed to rule. He regarded them as his people. When, therefore, he -had occasion to write to Winthrop in August, 1637, though he made no -reference to the _New Canaan_, which had probably been published early -in the year, he took pains to say that Morton was “wholely casheered -from intermedlinge with anie our affaires hereafter.”[155] - -It is however open to question whether, in making this statement, -Gorges was not practising a little of that king-craft for which his -master, James I., had been so famous. In 1637 Morton may have been -in disgrace with him; but if so it was a passing disgrace. Four years -later, in 1641, Sir Ferdinando, as “Lord of the Province of Maine,” -indulged his passion for feudal regulation by granting a municipal -charter to the town of Acomenticus, now York. A formidable document of -great import, this momentous state paper was signed and delivered by -the Lord Paramount, much as an English sovereign might have granted -a franchise to his faithful city of London; and accordingly it was -countersigned by three witnesses, one of them a member of his own -family. First of the three witnesses to sign was Thomas Morton.[156] He -evidently was in no disgrace then. - -With the exception of this signature to the Acomenticus charter, there -is no trace to be found of Morton between August 1637, when Gorges -wrote that he had “casheered” him, and the summer of 1643, when he -reappeared once more at Plymouth. During the whole of that time things -evidently went with him, as they did with Charles and Laud, from bad -to worse. Once only had the Lords Commissioners given any signs of -life. This was in the spring of 1638, when on the 4th of April the -Board met at Whitehall. The record of the meeting states that petitions -and complaints from Massachusetts, for want of a settled and orderly -government, were growing more frequent. This is very possible, for -the Antinomian Controversy was then at its height, and indeed, the -very day the Lords Commissioners met, Mrs. Hutchinson, having left -Boston in obedience to Governor Winthrop’s mandate a week before, was -on her way to join her husband and friends in Rhode Island. Under -these circumstances, calling to mind the futile order for the return -of the charter, sent to Winthrop in 1634 through Cradock, and taking -official notice of the result of the _quo warranto_ proceedings, the -Board resolved upon a more decided tone. The clerk in attendance was -instructed to send out to Massachusetts a peremptory demand for the -immediate surrender of the charter. It was to be sent back to London by -the return voyage of the vessel which carried out the missive of the -Board; “it being resolved,” so that missive ran, “that in case of any -further neglect or contempt by them shewed therein, their Lordships -will cause a strict course to be taken against them, and will move his -Majesty to reassume into his own hands the whole plantation.”[157] - -If, as was probably the case, Morton was the secret mover of this -action, it proved to be his last effort. It was completely fruitless -also. When the order reached Boston, sometime in the early summer of -1638, it naturally caused no little alarm, for the apprehension of a -general governor had not yet disappeared. Indeed, on the 12th of April, -“a general fast [had been] kept through all the churches, by advice -from the Court, for seeking the Lord to prevent evil that we feared to -be intended against us from England by a general governor.”[158] With -the missive of the Lords Commissioners, however, came also tidings -of “the troubles which arose in Scotland about the Book of Common -Prayer and the canons which the King would have forced upon the Scotch -churches.”[159] The result was that in August, instead of sending out -the charter, Governor Winthrop, at the direction of the General Court, -wrote “to excuse our not sending of it; for it was resolved to be best -not to send it.”[160] - -Archbishop Laud molested the colony no further. Doubtless Morton yet -endeavored more than once to stir him up to action, and the next year -he received from New England other and bitter complaints of the same -character as those which had come to him before. This time it was the -Rev. George Burdet--a disreputable clergyman, subsequently a thorn -in Gorges’s side as now in that of Winthrop--who wrote to him. The -harassed and anxious Primate could, however, only reply that “by reason -of the much business now lay upon them, [the Lords Commissioners] could -not at present ... redress such disorders as he had informed them -of.”[161] Events in England and Scotland were then moving on rapidly as -well as steadily to their outcome, and Massachusetts was bidden to take -care of itself. - -Nothing more is heard of Morton until the summer of 1643. The Civil -War was then dragging along in its earlier stages, before Fairfax and -Cromwell put their hands to it. It was the summer during which Prince -Rupert took Bristol and the first battle of Newbury was fought,--the -summer made memorable by the deaths of Hampden and Falkland. Gorges had -identified himself with the Royalist side, and now Morton seems to have -been fairly starved out of England. When or how he came to Plymouth we -do not know; but, on the 11th of September, Edward Winslow, whom he -had eight years before “clapte up in the Fleete,”[162] thus wrote to -Winthrop:-- - - “Concerning Morton, our Governor gave way that he should winter - here, but begone as soon as winter breaks up. Captain Standish takes - great offence thereat, especially that he is so near him as Duxbury, - and goeth sometimes a fowling in his ground. He cannot procure the - least respect amongst our people, liveth meanly at four shillings - per week, and content to drink water, so he may diet at that price. - But admit he hath a protection, yet it were worth the while to deal - with him till we see it. The truth is I much question his pretended - employment; for he hath here only showed the frame of a Common-weale - and some old sealed commissions, but no inside known. As for Mr. - Rigby if he be so honest, good and hopefull an instrument as report - passeth on him, he hath good hap to light on two of the arrantest - known knaves that ever trod on New English shore to be his agents - east and west, as Cleaves and Morton: but I shall be jealous on him - till I know him better, and hope others will take heed how they - trust him who investeth such with power who have devoted themselves - to the ruin of the country, as Morton hath. And for my part, (who - if my heart deceive me not can pass by all the evil instrumentally - he brought on me,) would not have this serpent stay amongst us, who - out of doubt in time will get strength to him if he be suffered, who - promiseth large portions of land about New Haven, Narragansett, &c., - to all that will go with him, but hath a promise but of one person - who is old, weak and decrepid, a very atheist and fit companion for - him. But, indeed, Morton is the odium of our people at present, and - if he be suffered, (for we are diversely minded,) it will be just - with God, who hath put him in our hands and we will foster such an - one, that afterward we shall suffer for it.”[163] - -The Rigby referred to in this letter was Mr. Alexander Rigby, an -English gentleman of wealth who, besides being a strong Puritan, was -a member of the Long Parliament, and at one time held a commission -as colonel in the army. Cleaves was the George Cleaves already -mentioned as having come out in 1637, with a protection under the -privy signet.[164] He had then appeared as an agent of Gorges, but -subsequently he had got possession in Maine of the “Plough patent,” -so called, under which the title to a large part of the province was -claimed adversely to Gorges.[165] This patent Cleaves induced Rigby to -buy, and the latter was now endeavoring to get his title recognized, -and ultimately succeeded in so doing. Cleaves, as well as Morton, -enjoyed the reputation of being “a firebrand of dissension,”[166] and -the two had long acted together. As Gorges had joined his fortunes to -the Royalist side, Morton clearly had nothing to gain by pretending -at Plymouth to be his agent or under his protection. So he seems to -have tried to pass himself off as a Commonwealth’s man, commissioned -by Rigby to act in his behalf. Winslow was probably quite right -in suspecting that this was all a pretence. Rigby’s claim was for -territory in Maine. It is not known that he ever had any interests in -Rhode Island or Connecticut. There can, in short, be little doubt that -Morton was now nothing more than a poor, broken-down, disreputable, old -impostor, with some empty envelopes and manufactured credentials in his -pocket. - -At Plymouth, as would naturally be supposed, Morton made no headway. -But the province of Maine was then in an uneasy, troubled condition, -and there was reported to be a strong party for the king in the -neighborhood of Casco Bay. Thither accordingly Morton seems to have -gone in June, 1644.[167] His movements were closely watched, and -Endicott was notified that he would go by sea to Gloucester, hoping to -get a passage from thence to the eastward. A warrant for his arrest was -at once despatched, but apparently he eluded it; nor if he went there, -which, indeed, is doubtful, did Morton long remain in Maine. In August -he was in Rhode Island, and on the 5th of that month he is thus alluded -to in a letter from Coddington to Winthrop:-- - - “For Morton he was [insinuating] who was for the King at his first - coming to Portsmouth, and would report to such as he judged to be of - his mind he was glad [to meet with] so many cavaliers; ... and he had - lands to dispose of to his followers in each Province, and from Cape - Ann to Cape Cod was one.... And that he had wrong in the Bay [to the] - value of two hundred pounds, and made bitter complaints thereof. But - Morton would let it rest till the Governor came over to right him; - and did intimate he knew whose roast his spits and jacks turned.”[168] - -Prospering in Rhode Island no more than at Plymouth, Morton is next -heard of as a prisoner in Boston. How he came within the clutches of -the Massachusetts magistrates is not known; his necessities or his -assurance may have carried him to Boston, or he may have been pounced -upon by Endicott’s officers as he was furtively passing through the -province. In whatever way it came about, he was in custody on the 9th -of September, just five weeks from the time of Coddington’s letter -to Winthrop, and the latter then made the following entry in his -Journal:[169]-- - - “At the court of assistants Thomas Morton was called forth presently - after the lecture, that the country might be satisfied of the justice - of our proceeding against him. There was laid to his charge his - complaint against us at the council board, which he denied. Then we - produced the copy of the bill exhibited by Sir Christopher Gardiner, - etc., wherein we were charged with treason, rebellion, etc., wherein - he was named as a party or witness. He denied that he had any hand - in the information, only was called as a witness. To convince him - to be the principal party, it was showed: 1. That Gardiner had no - occasion to complain against us, for he was kindly used and dismissed - in peace, professing much engagement for the great courtesy he found - here. 2. Morton had set forth a book against us, and had threatened - us, and had prosecuted a _quo warranto_ against us, which he did not - deny. 3. His letter was produced,[170] written soon after to Mr. - Jeffreys, his old acquaintance and intimate friend.” - -This passage is characteristic both of the man and of the time. The -prisoner now arraigned before the magistrates had been set in the -stocks, all his property had been confiscated, and his house had been -burned down before his eyes. He had been sent back to England, under a -warrant, to stand his trial for crimes it was alleged he had committed. -In England he had been released from imprisonment in due course of -law. Having now returned to Massachusetts, he was brought before the -magistrates, “that the country might be satisfied of the justice -of our proceeding against him.” As the result of this proceeding, -which broke down for want of proof, the alleged offender is again -imprisoned, heavily fined, and narrowly escapes a whipping. Under all -these circumstances, it becomes interesting to inquire what the exact -offence alleged against him was. It was stated by Winthrop. He had made -a “complaint against us at the council board.” - -“The council board” thus referred to was the royal Privy Council. It -represented the king, the supreme power in the state, the source from -whence the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company was derived. The -complaint, therefore, charged to have been made, was made to the common -superior, and it alleged the abuse, by an inferior, of certain powers -and privileges which that superior had granted. It would seem to have -been no easy task for the magistrates to point out, either to the -prisoner or to the country it was proposed to satisfy, any prescriptive -law, much less any penal statute, which made a criminal offence out of -a petition to the acknowledged supreme power in the state, even though -that petition set forth the alleged abuse of charter privileges. - -But it is not probable that this view of the matter ever even suggested -itself to Winthrop and his associates. It does not seem even to have -been urged upon them by the prisoner. On the contrary he appears -to have accepted the inevitable, and practically admitted that a -complaint to the king was in Massachusetts, as Burdet had some years -before asserted, “accounted a perjury and treason in our general -courts,”[171] punishable at the discretion of the magistrates. Morton, -therefore, denied having made the complaint, and the magistrates were -unable to prove it against him. The most singular and unaccountable -feature in the proceedings is that the _New Canaan_ was not put in -evidence. Apparently there was no copy of it to be had. Could one -have been produced, it is scarcely possible that the avowed author of -the libellous strictures on Endicott, then himself governor, should -have escaped condign punishment of some sort from a bench of Puritan -magistrates. But Winthrop merely mentions that he had “set forth a book -against us,” and Maverick says that this was denied and could not be -proved.[172] Had a copy of the _New Canaan_ then been at hand, either -in Boston or at Plymouth, a glance at the titlepage would have proved -who “set [it] forth” beyond possibility of denial. - -The only entry in the Massachusetts records relating to this proceeding -is as follows:-- - - “For answer to Thomas Morton petition, the magistrates have called - him publicly, and have laid divers things to his charge, which he - denies; and therefore they think fit that further evidence be sent - for into England, and that Mr Downing may have instructions to search - out evidence against him, and he to lie in prison in the mean time, - unless he find sufficient bail.”[173] - -This entry is from the records of the General Court, held in November -1644. Among the unpublished documents in the Massachusetts archives -is yet another petition from Morton, bearing no date, but, from the -endorsement upon it, evidently submitted to the General Court of May, -1645, six months later, when Dudley was governor. This petition is as -follows:-- - - _To the honored Court at Boston assembled:_ - - The humble petition of Thomas Morton, prisoner. - - Your petitioner craveth the favour of this honored Court to cast back - your eies and behould what your poore petitioner hath suffered in - these parts. - - First, the petitioner’s house was burnt, and his goodes taken away. - - Secondly, his body clapt into Irons, and sent home in a desperat - ship, unvittled, as if he had been a man worthy of death, which - appeared contrary when he came there. - - Now the petitioner craves this further that you would be pleased to - consider what is laid against him: (taking it for granted to be true) - which is not proved: whether such a poore worme as I had not some - cause to crawle out of this condition above mentioned. - - Thirdly, the petitioner craves this favoure of you, as to view his - actions lately towards New England, whether they have not been - serviceable to some gentlemen in the country; but I will not praise - my selfe. - - Fourthly, the petitioner coming into these parts, which he loveth, - on godly gentlemen’s imployments, and your worshipps having a former - jelosy of him, and a late untrue intelligence of him, your petitioner - has been imprisoned manie Moneths and laid in Irons to the decaying - of his Limbs; Let your petitioner finde soe much favoure, as to see - that you can passe by former offence, which finding the petitioner - hopes he shall stand on his watch to doe you service as God shall - enable him. - -Upon this document, certainly humble enough in tone, appear the -following endorsements:-- - - The house of Deputies desire the honored magistrates to return them - a reason, wherefore the petitioner came not to his triall the last - quarter Courte according to graunte (as they conceave) of a former - petition presented to the Courte by him. - - ROBT. BRIDGES. - - The reason why he came not to his tryall was the not cominge of - evidence out of England against him which we expect by the next ship. - - THO: DUDLEY _Gov^r_ - - The house of Deputies have made choyce of Major Gibbons, and Captain - Jennison to treate with the honored magistrates about this petition - of Morton. - - ROBT. BRIDGES. - -Singularly enough the Major Gibbons to whom Morton’s petition was -thus referred had, in former years, been one of his followers at -Merry-Mount. He was a man of ability and energy, the whole of whose -singular career, as traced in an interesting note of Palfrey’s, will -not bear a too close scrutiny.[174] At the time of Morton’s arrest by -Miles Standish, in 1629, Gibbons was probably one of those belonging -to the Merry-Mount company who had then “gone up into the inlands -to trade with the savages.”[175] During that summer he experienced -religion in a quite unexpected way, and now, in 1645, while his old -master was rotting in the Boston jail, Gibbons was a prosperous -merchant, a deputy to the General Court, and “chief military officer of -the train-band of the town.” Higher military honors and severe business -vicissitudes were in store for him. It nowhere appears whether under -these circumstances Major Gibbons had either the will or the ability to -be of service to his former chief, and Winthrop is the only authority -for what remains of Morton’s story. It is soon told. - - “Having been kept in prison about a year in expectation of further - evidence out of England, he was again called before the court, and - after some debate what to do with him, he was fined 100 pounds, and - set at liberty. He was a charge to the country, for he had nothing, - and we thought not fit to inflict corporal punishment upon him, - being old and crazy, but thought better to fine him and give him his - liberty, as if it had been to procure his fine, but indeed to leave - him opportunity to go out of the jurisdiction, as he did soon after, - and he went to Acomenticus, and living there poor and despised, he - died within two years after.”[176] - -Morton himself asserted that the harsh treatment he underwent in -prison, while waiting for that evidence from England which was to -convict him of some crime, broke down his health and hastened his end. -If he was indeed, as Maverick subsequently stated,[177] kept in jail -and, as he himself says, in irons, through an entire New England -winter, on the prison fare of those days, and without either fire or -bedding, this seems wholly probable. - - * * * * * - -There was about Thomas Morton nothing that was remarkable. On the -contrary he was one of a class of men common enough in the days of -Elizabeth and the Stuarts to have found their way into the literature -of the period, as well as into that more modern romance which -undertakes to deal with it. It is the Alsatian Squire and Wildrake -type. Morton chanced to get out of place. He was a vulgar Royalist -libertine, thrown by accident into the midst of a Puritan community. -He was unable or unwilling to accept the situation, or to take himself -off; and hence followed his misfortunes and his notoriety. Had he in -1625, or even in 1629, gone to Virginia or to New York, he would have -lived in quiet and probably died in poverty, leaving nothing behind to -indicate that he had ever been. As it is, he will receive a mention in -every history of America. - -More recently also certain investigators, who have approached the -subject from a Church of England point of view, have shown some -disposition to adopt Morton’s cause as their own, and to attribute -his persecution, not to his immoral life or illicit trade, but to his -devotion to the Book of Common Prayer.[178] It is another article in -the long impeachment of the founders of New England, and it has even -been alleged that “it still remains for Massachusetts to do justice to -Morton, who had his faults, though he was not the man his enemies, and -notably Bradford, declared him to be.”[179] - -The _New English Canaan_ is the best and only conclusive evidence on -this point. In its pages Morton very clearly shows what he was, and the -nature of “his faults.” He was a born Bohemian, and as he passed on in -life he became an extremely reckless but highly amusing old debauchee -and tippler. When he was writing his book, Archbishop Laud was the -head of the board of Lords Commissioners. On the action of that board -depended all the author’s hopes. In view of this fact, there are, in -the _New Canaan_, few more delightful or characteristic passages than -that in which, describing his arrest by Standish, Morton announces that -it was “because mine host was a man that endeavored to advance the -dignity of the Church of England; which they, on the contrary part, -would labor to vilify with uncivil terms; envying against the sacred -Book of Common Prayer, and mine host that used it in a laudable manner -amongst his family as a practice of piety.”[180] - -The part he was endeavoring to play when he wrote this passage was -one not very congenial to him, and he makes an awkward piece of work -of it. The sudden tone of sanctimony which he infuses into the words -quoted, hardly covers up the leer and gusto with which he had just -been describing the drunkenness and debauchery of Merry-Mount,--how -“the good liquor” had flowed to all comers, while “the lasses in -beaver-coats” had been welcome “night and day;” how “he that played -Proteus, with the help of Priapus, put their noses out of joint;” and -how that “barren doe” became fruitful, who is mysteriously alluded to -as a “goodly creature of incontinency” who had “tried a camp royal in -other parts.” Though, from the point of view before alluded to, it -has been asserted that the Massachusetts magistrates “invented ... -insinuations respecting [Morton’s] treatment of [the Indian] women, -whom, in reality, he had fought to instruct in the principles of -religion,”[181]--though this and other similar assertions have been -made with apparent gravity, yet it is impossible to read the third book -of the _New Canaan_, saturated as it is with drunkenness, ribaldry -and scoffing, without coming to the conclusion that _Don Quixote_, -_Rabelais_ and the _Decameron_ are far more likely to have been in -request at Merry-Mount than the Bible or the Book of Common Prayer. - -Not that the _New Canaan_ is in itself an obscene or even a coarse -book. On the contrary, judged by the standard of its time, it is -singularly the reverse. Indeed it is almost wholly free from either -word or allusion which would offend the taste of the present day. Yet -the writer of the _New Canaan_ was none the less a scoffer, a man of -undevout mind. As to the allegation that his devotion to the Church -of England and its ritual was the cause of his arrest by the Plymouth -authorities, the answer is obvious and decisive. Blackstone was an -Episcopalian, and a devout one, retaining even in his wilderness home -the canonical coat which told of his calling.[182] Maverick and -Walford were Episcopalians; they lived and died such. The settlers -at Wessagusset were Episcopalians. In the dwellings of all these the -religious services of the times, customary among Episcopalians, were -doubtless observed, for they were all religious men. Yet not one of -them was ever in any way molested by the Plymouth people; but, on -the contrary, they one and all received aid and encouragement from -Plymouth. Episcopalians as they were, they all joined in dealing -with Morton as a common enemy and a public danger; and such he -unquestionably was. It was not, then, because he made use of the Common -Prayer that he was first driven from the Massachusetts Bay; it was -because he was a nuisance and a source of danger. That subsequently, -and by the Massachusetts authorities, he was dealt with in a way at -once high-handed and oppressive, has been sufficiently shown in these -pages. Yet it is by no means clear that, under similar circumstances, -he would not have been far more severely and summarily dealt with at a -later period, when the dangers of a frontier life had brought into use -an unwritten code, which evinced even a less regard for life than, in -Morton’s case, the Puritans evinced for property.[183] - -As a literary performance the _New Canaan_, it is unnecessary to say, -has survived through no merits of its own. While it is, on the whole, -a better written book than the _Wonder-Working Providence_, it is not -so well written as Wood’s _Prospect_; and it cannot compare with what -we have from the pens of Smith or Gorges,--much less from those of -Winslow, Winthrop and, above all, Bradford. Indeed, it is amazing how -a man who knew as much as Morton knew of events and places now full of -interest, could have sat down to write about them at all, and then, -after writing so much, have told so little. Rarely stating anything -quite correctly,--the most careless and slipshod of authors,--he took a -positive pleasure in concealing what he meant to say under a cloud of -metaphor. Accordingly, when printed, the _New Canaan_ fell still-born -from the press, the only contemporaneous trace of it which can be -found in English literature being Butler’s often quoted passage in -_Hudibras_, in which the Wessagusset hanging is alluded to.[184] It -is even open to question whether this reference was due to Butler’s -having read the book. The passage referred to is in the second part -of _Hudibras_, which was not published until 1664, twenty-seven years -after the publication of the _New Canaan_. It is perfectly possible -that Butler may have known Morton; for in 1637 the future author of -_Hudibras_ was already twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about -London for six or seven years after that. There are indications that -he knew Ben Jonson;[185] and, indeed, it is scarcely possible that -with his sense of humor and convivial tastes Morton should not often -have met the poets and playwrights of the day at the Mermaid. If he -and the author of _Hudibras_ ever did chance to meet, they must have -proved congenial spirits, for there is much that is Hudibrastic in the -_New Canaan_. Not impossibly, therefore, the idea of a vicarious New -England hanging dwelt for years in the brain of Butler, not as the -reminiscence of a passage he had read in some forgotten book, but as a -vague recollection of an amusing story which he had once heard Morton -tell. - -It is, indeed, the author’s sense of humor, just alluded to, which -gives to the _New Canaan_ its only real distinction among the early -works relating to New England. In this respect it stands by itself. -In all the rest of those works, one often meets with passages of -simplicity, of pathos and of great descriptive power,--never with -anything which was both meant to raise a smile, and does it. The -writers seemed to have no sense of humor, no perception of the -ludicrous. Bradford, for instance, as a passage “rather of mirth -than of weight,” describes how he put a stop to the Christmas games -at Plymouth in 1621. There is a grim solemnity in his very chuckle. -Winthrop gives a long account of the penance of Captain John -Underhill, as he stood upon a stool in the church, “without a band, -in a foul linen cap pulled close to his eyes,” and “blubbering,” -confessed his adultery with the cooper’s wife.[186] Yet he evidently -recorded it with unbroken gravity. Then, in 1644, he mentions that -“two of our ministers’ sons, being students in the college, robbed -two dwelling-houses, in the night, of some 15 pounds. Being found -out, they were ordered by the governors of the college to be there -whipped, which was performed by the president himself--yet they were -about twenty years of age.”[187] If Morton had recorded this incident, -he could not have helped seeing a ludicrous side to it, and he would -have expressed it in some humorous, or at least in some grotesque way. -Winthrop saw the serious side of everything, and the serious side only. -In this he was like all the rest. Such solemnity, such everlasting -consciousness of responsibility to God and man, is grand and perhaps -impressive; but it grows wearisome. It is pleasant to have it broken -at last, even though that which breaks it is in some respects not to -be commended. A touch of ribaldry becomes bearable. Among what are -called _Americana_, therefore, the _New Canaan_ is and will always -remain a refreshing book. It is a connecting link. Poor as it may be, -it is yet all we have to remind us that in literature, also, Bradford -and Winthrop and Cotton were Englishmen of the time of Shakespeare and -Jonson and Butler. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -It remains only to speak of the bibliography of the _New Canaan_, -which at one time excited some discussion, and of the present edition. -Written before the close of 1635, the _New Canaan_ was printed at -Amsterdam in 1637. It has been reprinted but once,--by Force, in the -second volume of his _American Tracts_. The present is, therefore, -the second reprint, and the first annotated edition. For a number of -years it was supposed that copies of the book were in existence with -an alternative titlepage, bearing the imprint of Charles Greene, and -the date of 1632.[188] This supposition was, however, very carefully -examined into by Mr. Winsor in the _Harvard University Literary -Bulletins_ (Nos. 9 and 10, 1878-9, pp. 196, 244), and found to be -partially, at least, groundless. It was due to the fact that Force -made his reprint from a copy of the book in his collection, now in the -Library of Congress. That copy lacked a portion or the whole of the -titlepage; and the missing parts seem to have been supplied, without -mention of the fact being made, from the entry of the book under 1632 -in White Kennet’s _Bibliothecæ Americanæ Primordia_. Apparently the -error originated in the following way. The _New Canaan_ was entered -for copyright in the Stationers’ Registers in London, November 18, -1633, in behalf of Charles Greene, the printer. There is no reason to -suppose that it was then completed, as it may have been entered by -its title alone. If it was, however, completed in part in 1633, the -internal evidence is conclusive that it was both revised[189] and added -to[190] as late as 1634; and, indeed, the Board of Lords Commissioners -for regulating Plantations, to which it is formally dedicated, was not -created until April 10th of that year. Greene did not print the book; -though, as will presently be seen, a certain number of copies may -possibly have been struck off for him with titlepages of their own. The -entry in the Stationers’ Registers was, however, afterwards discovered, -and seems then to have supplied by inference the date of publication, -which could not be learned from certain copies, the titlepages to which -were defective or wanting. The dates given in Lowndes’s _Manual_ would -seem to be simply incorrect.[191] Meanwhile, for reasons probably of -economy, though notice of publication had been given in London, the -book was actually printed in Holland, and the regular titlepage reads: -“Printed at Amsterdam by Jacob Frederick Stam, in the year 1637.” There -are copies, however, the titlepages of which read: “Printed for Charles -Greene, and are sold in Pauls Churchyard,” no date being given.[192] It -is not known that these copies differ in any other respect from those -bearing the usual imprint. The conclusion, therefore, would seem to -be that, as already stated, a number of copies may have been struck -off for Greene with a distinct titlepage. Properly speaking, however, -there seems to have been but one edition of the book. With the -exception of the Force titlepage, which has been shown to be erroneous, -there is no evidence of any copy being in existence bearing an earlier -date than the usual one of Amsterdam, 1637. - -Copies of the _New Canaan_ are extremely rare. Savage, in his notes to -Winthrop (vol. i. p. *34), said that he had then, before 1825, never -heard of but one copy, “which was owned by his Excellency John Q. -Adams.” It is from that copy that the present edition is printed. Mr. -Adams purchased it while in Europe prior to the year 1801. It was that -copy also which was temporarily deposited in the Boston Athenæum in -1810, as mentioned in the _Monthly Anthology_ of that date (vol. viii. -p. 420), referred to in the _Harvard University Library Bulletin_, -(No. 9, p. 196). The Rev. George Whitney, in his _History of Quincy_ -written in 1826, says (p. 11) that another “copy was lately presented -to the Adams Library of the town of Quincy by the Rev. Thaddeus Mason -Harris.”[193] In addition to these, some dozen or twenty other copies -in all are known to exist in various public and private collections in -America and Europe, several of which are enumerated in the _Literary -Bulletin_ just referred to. - -Very many of the errors both in typography and punctuation, with -which the _New Canaan_ abounds, are obviously due to the fact that -it was printed in Amsterdam. The original manuscript it would seem -was no more legible than the manuscript of that period, as it has -come down to us, is usually found to be. At best it was not easy to -decipher. The copy of the _New Canaan_ was then put in the hands of a -compositor imperfectly, if at all, acquainted with English; and, if -the proof-sheets were ever corrected by any one, they certainly were -not corrected by the author or by a proof-reader really familiar with -his writing, or even with the tongue in which he wrote. Accordingly -pen flourishes were mistaken for punctuation marks, and these were -inserted without any regard to the context; familiar words appeared in -unintelligible shapes;[194] small letters were mistaken for capitals, -and capitals for small letters, and one letter was confounded with -another. In addition to these numerous mistakes in deciphering and -following the manuscript, ordinary typographical errors are not -uncommon; though in this respect the _New Canaan_ is less marked by -blemishes than under the circumstances would naturally be supposed. - -Neither is this explanation of the curiously bad press-work of the -_New Canaan_ a mere conjecture. One other composition of Morton’s has -come down to us in the letter to Jeffreys, preserved by Winthrop.[195] -Let any one compare this letter with a chapter from the _New -Canaan_, and he will see at once that, while both are manifestly -productions from the same pen, they have been preserved under wholly -different circumstances. Take, for instance, the following identical -passages,--the one from the _New Canaan_ and the other from the letter -to Jeffreys, and they will sufficiently illustrate this point. - - NEW CANAAN. - - BOOK III. CHAPTER 31. - - And now mine Host being merrily disposed, haveing past many - perillous adventures in that desperat Whales belly, beganne in a - posture like Ionas, and cryed Repent you cruell Seperatists repent, - there are as yet but 40. dayes if Iove vouchsafe to thunder, - Charter and the Kingdome of the Seperatists will fall a sunder: - Repent you cruell Schismaticks repent. - - - LETTER TO JEFFREYS. - - SAVAGE’S WINTHROP, VOL. II. p. *190. - - So that now Jonas being set ashore may safely cry, repent you cruel - separatists, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If Jove - vouchsafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the separatists - will fall asunder. Repent you cruel schismatics, repent. - -The letter to Jeffreys is curiously characteristic of Morton. It -is written in the same inflated, metaphorical, enigmatic style as -the _New Canaan_. It is, however, perfectly intelligible and even -energetic. The reason is obvious. It was correctly copied by a man who -understood what the writer was saying. Accordingly it is as clear as -Winthrop’s own text. The _New Canaan_ would have been equally clear had -it been deciphered at the compositor’s form by a man with Winthrop’s -familiarity with English. - - * * * * * - -There is some reason to think that the fancy for exact reproduction in -typography has of late years been carried to an extreme. Not only have -peculiarities of spelling, capitalization and type, which were really -characteristic of the past, been carefully followed, but abbreviations -and figures have been reproduced in type, which formerly were confined -to manuscripts, and are certainly never found in the better printed -books of the same period. It is certainly desirable in reprinting -quaint works, which it is not supposed will ever pass into the hands of -general readers, to have them appear in the dress of the time to which -they belong. Indeed they cannot be modernized in spelling, the use of -capitals, or even, altogether, in punctuation, without losing something -of their flavor. Yet, this notwithstanding, there is no good reason why -gross and manifest blunders, due to the ignorance of compositors and -the carelessness of proof-readers, should be jealously perpetuated as -if they were sacred things. This assuredly is carrying the spirit of -faithful reproduction to fanaticism. It is Chinese. - -The rule followed, therefore, in the present edition has been to -reproduce the _New Canaan_ as it appeared in the Amsterdam edition of -1637, correcting only the punctuation, and such errors of the press as -are manifest and unmistakable. Very few changes have been made in the -use of capitals, and those only where it is obvious that a letter of -one kind in the copy was mistaken by the compositor for a letter of -another kind. An example of this is found at the top of page *14, where -“Captaine Davis’ fate,” in the author’s manuscript, is made to appear -as “Captain Davis Fate,” in the original text. The compositor evidently -mistook the small _f_, written with the old-fashioned flourish, for -an initial capital. The spelling has in no case been changed except -where the error, as in the case already cited of “muit” for “mint,” is -manifestly due to printers’ blunders. Mistakes of the press, such as -“legg” for “logg” (p. *77) and “vies” for “eies” (p. *152), have been -made right wherever they could be certainly detected. - -No conjectural readings whatever have been inserted in the text. The -few passages, not more than four or five in number, in which, owing -probably to the failure of the compositor to decipher manuscript, -the meaning of the original is not clear, are reproduced exactly. -No liberties whatever have been taken with the original edition in -these cases, and all guesses which are indulged in as to the author’s -meaning, whether by the editor or others, are confined to the notes. In -a few places the text is obviously deficient. Words necessary to the -meaning are omitted in printing. Wherever these have been conjecturally -inserted, the inserted words are in brackets. In a very few cases, -words, which could clearly have found their way into the original only -through inadvertence, have been omitted. Attention is called in the -notes to every such omission. - -The effort in the present edition has, in short, been to make it a -reproduction of the _New Canaan_; but the reproduction was to be an -intelligent, and not a servile one. - -[Illustration] - - - - - NEW ENGLISH CANAAN - _OR_ - NEW CANAAN. - -Containing an Abstract of New England, - -_Composed in three Bookes_. - -The first Booke setting forth the originall of the Natives, their -Manners and Customes, together with their tractable Nature and Love -towards the English. - -The second Booke setting forth the naturall Indowments of the Country, -and what staple Commodities it yealdeth. - -The third Booke setting forth, what people are planted there, their -prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first -planting of it, together with their Tenents and practise of their -Church. - -_Written by_ Thomas Morton of Cliffords Inne gent, _upon tenne yeares -knowledge and experiment of the Country_. - - -[Illustration] - - - Printed at AMSTERDAM, - _By JACOB FREDERICK STAM. - In the Yeare 1637_. - - - - -To the right honorable, the Lords and others of his Majesties most -honorable privy Councell, Commissioners, for the Government of all his -Majesties forraigne Provinces.[196] - - -_Right honorable_, - -The zeale which I beare to the advauncement of the glory of God, the -honor of his Majesty, and the good of the weale publike hath incouraged -mee to compose this abstract, being the modell of a Rich, hopefull and -very beautifull Country worthy the Title of Natures Masterpeece, and -may be lost by too much sufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet {4} -all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring from thence, where I -have indevoured my best, bound by my allegeance, to doe his Majesty -service. This in all humility I present as an offering, wherewith I -prostrate my selfe at your honorable footstoole. If you please to -vouchsafe it may receave a blessing from the Luster of your gracious -Beames, you shall make your vassaile happy, in that hee yet doth live -to shew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to sacrifice his -dearest blood, as becometh a loyall subject, for the honor of his -native Country. Being - - _your humors humble vassaile_ - THOMAS MORTON. - - - - -The Epistle to the Reader. - - -_GENTLE READER_, - -I present to the publike view an abstract of New England, which I have -undertaken to compose by the incouragment of such genious spirits as -have been studious of the inlargment of his Majesties Territories; -being not formerly satisfied by the relations of such as, through -haste, have taken but a superficiall survey thereof: which thing time -hath enabled mee to performe more punctually to the life, and to give a -more exact accompt of what hath been required. I have therefore beene -willing to doe my indevoure to communicat the knowledge which I have -gained and collected together, by mine owne observation in the time of -my many yeares residence in those parts, to my loving Country men: For -the better information of all such as are desirous to be made partakers -of the blessings of God in that fertile Soyle, as well as those {8} -that, out of Curiosity onely, have bin inquisitive after nouelties. -And the rather for that I have observed how divers persons (not so -well affected to the weale publike in mine opinion), out of respect to -their owne private ends, have laboured to keepe both the practise of -the people there, and the Reall worth of that eminent Country concealed -from publike knowledge; both which I have abundantly in this discourse -layd open: yet if it be well accepted, I shall esteeme my selfe -sufficiently rewardded for my undertaking, and rest, - - _Your Wellwisher_. - - THOMAS MORTON. - - - - -In laudem Authoris. - - - T’ Excuse the Author ere the worke be shewne - Is accusation in it selfe alone; - And to commend him might seeme oversight; - So divers are th’ opinions of this age, - So quick and apt, to taxe the moderne stage, - That hard his taske is that must please in all: - Example have wee from great Cæsars fall. - But is the sonne to be dislik’d and blam’d, - Because the mole is of his face asham’d? - The fault is in the beast, not in the sonne; - Give sicke mouthes sweete meates, fy! they relish none. - But to the sound in censure, he commends - His love unto his Country; his true ends, - To modell out a Land of so much worth - As untill now noe traveller setteth[197] forth; - Faire Canaans second selfe, second to none, - Natures rich Magazine till now unknowne. - Then here survay what nature hath in store, - And graunt him love for this. He craves no more. - - R. O. Gen. - - - - -Sir Christoffer Gardiner, Knight.[198] - -In laudem Authoris. - - - _This worke a matchles mirror is, that shewes - The Humors of the seperatiste, and those - So truely personated by thy pen. - I was amaz’d to see’t; herein all men - May plainely see, as in an inter-lude, - Each actor figure; and the scæne well view’d - In Comick,[199] Tragick, and in a pastorall strife,[200] - For tyth of mint[201] and Cummin, shewes their life - Nothing but opposition gainst the right - Of sacred Majestie: men full of spight, - Goodnes abuseing, turning vertue out - Of Dores, to whipping, stocking, and full bent - To plotting mischeife gainst the innocent, - Burning their houses, as if ordained by fate, - In spight of Lawe, to be made ruinate. - This taske is well perform’d, and patience be - Thy present comfort, and thy constancy - Thine honor; and this glasse, where it shall come, - Shall sing thy praises till the day of doome._ - - Sir C. G. - - - - -In laudem Authoris. - - - _Bvt that I rather pitty, I confesse, - The practise of their Church, I could expresse - Myselfe a Satyrist, whose smarting fanges - Should strike it with a palsy, and the panges - Beget a feare to tempt the Majesty - Of those, or mortall Gods. Will they defie - The Thundring Jove? Like children they desire, - Such is their zeale, to sport themselves with fire: - So have I seene an angry Fly presume - To strike a burning taper, and consume - His feeble wings. Why, in an aire so milde, - Are they so monstrous growne up, and so vilde, - That Salvages can of themselves espy - Their errors, brand their names with infamy? - What! is their zeale for blood like Cyrus thirst? - Will they be over head and eares a curst? - A cruell way to found a Church on! noe, - T’is not their zeale but fury blinds them soe, - And pricks their malice on like fier to joyne, - And offer up the sacrifice of Kain. - Jonas, thou hast done well to call these men - Home to repentance, with thy painefull pen._ - - F. C. Armiger. - - - - - NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, - _OR_ - NEW CANAAN. - - - - -_The Author’s Prologue._ - - - If art and industry should doe as much - As Nature hath for Canaan, not such - Another place, for benefit and rest, - In all the universe can be possest. - The more we proove it by discovery, - The more delight each object to the eye - Procures; as if the elements had here - Bin reconcil’d, and pleas’d it should appeare - Like a faire virgin, longing to be sped - And meete her lover in a Nuptiall bed, - Deck’d in rich ornaments t’ advaunce her state - And excellence, being most fortunate - When most enjoy’d: so would our Canaan be - If well imploy’d by art and industry; - Whose offspring now, shewes that her fruitfull wombe, - Not being enjoy’d, is like a glorious tombe, - Admired things producing which there dye, - And ly fast bound in darck obscurity: - The worth of which, in each particuler, - Who list to know, this abstract will declare. - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - - NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, - OR - NEW CANAAN. - - - - -_The first Booke._ - - Containing the originall of the Natives, their manners & Customes, - with their tractable nature and love towards the English. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - _Prooving New England the principall part of all America, and most - commodious and fitt for habitation._ - - -~_Vse of vegetatives._~ - -~_Fish poysonous about the Isle of Sall._~ - -The wise Creator of the universall Globe hath placed a golden meane -betwixt two extreames; I meane the temperate Zones, betwixt the hote -and cold; and every Creature, that participates of Heavens blessings -with in the Compasse of that golden meane, is made most {12} apt and -fit for man to use, who likewise by that wisedome is ordained to be -the Lord of all. This globe may be his glasse, to teach him how to use -moderation and discretion, both in his actions and intentions. The -wise man sayes, give mee neither riches nor poverty; why? Riches might -make him proud like Nebuchadnezar, and poverty despaire like Iobs wife; -but a meane betweene both. So it is likewise in the use of Vegetatives, -that which hath too much Heate or too much Colde, is said to be -venenum: so in the use of sensitives, all those Animals, of what genus -or species soever they be, if they participate of heate or cold in the -superlative are said to be _Inimica naturæ_, as in some Fishes about -the Isle of Sall, and those Ilandes adjoyninge between the Tropickes; -their participatinge of heate and cold, in the superlative, is made -most manifest, one of which poysoned a whole Ships company that eate of -it.[202] And so it is in Vipers, Toades, and Snakes, that have heate or -cold in the superlative degree. - -~_Zona temperata, the Golden meane._~ - -~_Salt aboundeth under the Tropicks._~ - -~_Raine 40. dayes about August betweene Cancer and the Line._~ - -Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold in a -meane, are best and holsomest: And so it is in the choyse of love, -the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is best, and it is -therefore called _Zona temperata_, and is in the golden meane; and -all those landes lying under that Zone, most requisite and fitt for -habitation. In Cosmography, the two extreames are called, the one -_Torrida Zona_, lying betweene the Tropickes, the other _Frigida -Zona_, lying neare the poles: all the landes lying under either of -these Zones, by reason they doe participate too {13} much of heate or -cold, are very inconvenient, and are accompanied with many evils. And -allthough I am not of opinion with Aristotle,[203] that the landes -under _Torrida Zona_ are alltogether uninhabited, I my selfe having -beene so neare the equinoctiall line that I have had the Sunn for my -Zenith and seene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that -it is accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fish and Flesh -both will taint in those partes, notwithstanding the use of Salt which -cannot be wanting there, ordained by natures hande-worke; And that is -a great hinderance to the settinge forth and supply of navigation, the -very Sinewes of a florishing Commonwealth. Then barrennesse, caused -through want of raines, for in most of those partes of the world it -is seldome accustomed to raine untill the time of the Tornathees (as -the Portingals[204] phrase is, who lived there) and then it will raine -about 40. dayes together, which moisture serveth to fructify the earth -for all the yeare after, duringe which time is seene no raine at all: -the heate and cold, and length of day and night, being much alike, -with little difference. And these raines are caused by the turning of -the windes, which else betweene the Tropickes doe blow Trade, that -is allwayes one way. For next the Tropicke of Cancer it is constantly -North-East, and next the Tropicke of Capricorne it is Southwest; so -that the windes comming from the Poles, do keepe the aire in those -partes coole, and make it temperate and the partes habitable, were it -not for those and other inconveniences. - -~_Capt. Davis froze to death._~ - -~_Groene Land too cold for habitation._~ - -{14} This _Torrida Zona_ is good for Grashoppers: and _Zona Temperata_ -for the Ant and Bee. But _Frigida Zona_ [is] good for neither, as by -lamentable experience of Captaine Davis fate is manifest, who in his -inquest of the Northwest passage for the East India trade was frozen to -death.[205] And therefore, for _Frigida Zona_, I agree with Aristotle -that it is unfit for habitation:[206] and I know by the Course of -the cælestiall globe that in Groeneland, many Degrees short of the -Pole Articke, the place is too cold, by reason of the Sunns absence -almost six monethes, and the land under the continuall power of the -frost; which thinge many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull -experience of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the history. I -thinke they will not venture to winter there againe for an India mine. - -~_Sir Ferdinando Gorges the originall cause of plantinge New -England._~ - -And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Articke, so it is -likewise to be found under the Antarticke Pole; yet what hazard will -not an industrious minde and couragious spirit undergoe, according to -that of the Poet: _Impiger extremos currit Mercator ad Indos per mare -pauperiem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes._[207] And all to gett and hord -up like the Ant and the Bee; and yet, as Salomon saith,[208] he cannot -tell whether a foole or a wise man shall enjoy it. Therefore let us -leave these two extreames, with their inconveniences, and indeavour to -finde out this golden meane, so free from any one of them. Behold the -secret wisedome of allmighty God, and love unto our Salomon, to raise -a man of a lardge hart, full of worthy abilities, to be the Index or -Loadstarre, that doth point out {15} unto the English Nation with ease -and comfort how to finde it out. And this the noble minded Gentleman, -Sir Ferdinando Gorges,[209] Knight, zealous for the glory of God, the -honor of his Majesty and the benefit of the weale publicke, hath done -a great worke for the good of his Country. - -~_The Salvages dyed of the plague._~ - -And herein this, the wondrous wisedome and love of God, is shewne, -by sending to the place his Minister, to sweepe away by heapes the -Salvages; and also giving him length of dayes to see the same performed -after his enterprise was begunne, for the propagation of the Church of -Christ. - -This judicious Gentleman hath found this goulden meane to be scituated -about the middle of those two extreames, and for directions you may -proove it thus: Counting the space betweene the Line and either of -the Poles, in true proportion, you shall finde it to be 90. Degrees: -then must we finde the meane to be neare unto the Center of 90. and -that is about 45. Degrees, and then incline unto the Sotherne side of -that Center, properly for the benefit of heate, remembringe that _Sol -& Homo generàt hominem_; and then keepe us on that same side, and see -what Land is to be found there, and we shall easily discerne that new -England is on the South side of that Center. - -~_New Engl. is placed in the golden meane._~ - -~_New England 10. Degrees neerer the line then old England._~ - -~_The Massachussets in the middel of New England._~ - -~_The Windes not so violent in New England._~ - -For that Country doth beginne her boundes at 40. Degrees of Northerne -latitude, and endes at 45. Degrees of the same latitude, and doth -participate of heate and cold indifferently, but is oppressed with -neither: and therefore may be truly sayd to be within the compasse of -that golden meane, most apt and fit {16} for habitation and generation, -being placed by Allmighty God, the great Creator, under that Zone -called _Zona temperata_; and is therefore most fitt for the generation -and habitation of our English nation, of all other, who are more neere -neighbours to the Northerne Pole, whose Land lyeth betweene 50. and -54. Degrees of the selfesame latitude: now this new England, though -it be nearer to the line then that old England by 10. Degrees of -latitude, yet doth not this exceede that other in heate or cold, by -reason of the cituation of it; for as the Coast lyeth, being circularly -Northeast and Southwest, opposite towards the Sunnes risinge, which -makes his course over the Ocean, it can have litle or no reflecting -heat of the Sun-beames, by reason of the continuall motion of the -waters makinge the aire there the cooler and the constanter; so that -for the temperature of the Climent, sweetnesse of the aire, fertility -of the Soile, and small number of the Salvages (which might seeme a -rubb in the way off an effeminate minde,) this Country of new England -is by all judicious men accounted the principall part of all America -for habitation and the commodiousnesse of the Sea, Ships there not -being subject to wormes as in Virginea and other places, and not to be -paraleld in all Christendome. The Massachussets, being the middell -part thereof, is a very beautifull Land, not mountany nor inclininge to -mountany, lyeth in 42. Degrees, and 30. minutes, and hath as yet[210] -the greatest number of inhabitants; and hath a very large bay to it -divided by Islands into 4 great bayes,[211] where shippinge may safely -ride, {17} all windes and weathers, the windes in those partes being -not so violent as in England by many Degrees: for there are no shrubbs -seene to leane from the windes, as by the Sea Coast of England I have -seene them leane, and the groundage is a sandy sleech,[212] free from -rockes to gaule Cables, but is good for anchorage: the rest of the -Planters are disperst among the Coasts betweene 41. and 44. Degrees of -Latitude, and as yet, have [made] very little way into the inland.[213] -The riches of which Country I have set forth in this abstract as in a -Landskipp, for the better information of the Travellers; which hee may -peruse and plainely perceave by the demonstration of it, that it is -nothing inferior to Canaan of Israel, but a kind of paralell to it in -all points. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - _Of the originall of the Natives._ - - -~_The Natives have a mixed language._~ - -~_Pasco Pan greedy gutt._~ - -~_Mona an Island._~ - -In the yeare since the incarnation of Christ, 1622, it was my chance to -be landed in the parts of New England,[214] where I found two sortes -of people, the one Christians, the other Infidels; these I found -most full of humanity, and more friendly then the other: as shall -hereafter be made apparant in Dew-Course by their severall actions -from time to time, whilest I lived among them. After my arrivall in -those partes, I endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes that I could to -find out from what people, or nation, the Natives of {18} New England -might be conjectured originlly to proceede; and by continuance and -conversation amongst them, I attaned to so much of their language, as -by all probable conjecture may make the same manifest: for it hath -been found by divers, and those of good judgement, that the Natives -of this Country doe use very many wordes, both of Greeke and Latine, -to the same signification that the Latins and Greekes have done; as -_en animia_,[215] when an Indian expresseth that hee doth anything -with a good will; and _Pascopan_[216] signifieth gredy gut, this -being the name of an Indian that was so called of a Child, through -the greedinesse of his minde and much eating, for _Pasco_ in Latine -signifieth to feede, and _Pan_ in Greeke signifieth all; and _Pasco -nantum,[217] quasi pasco nondum_, halfe starved, or not eating, as yet; -_Equa coge_,[218] set it upright; _Mona_[219] is an Island in their -language, _quasi Monon_, that is alone, for an Island is a peece or -plott of ground standing alone, and devided from the mane Land by force -of water. - -~_Cos a Whetstone._~ - -~_Pan the Shepheards God._~ - -_Cos_[220] is a Whetstone with them. _Hame_[221] an instrument to take -fish. Many places doe retaine the name of _Pan_, as Pantneket[222] -and _Matta pan_,[223] so that it may be thought that these people -heretofore have had the name of _Pan_ in great reverence and -estimation, and it may bee have worshipped _Pan_ the great God of the -Heathens: Howsoever they doe use no manner of worship at all now: and -it is most likely that the Natives of this Country are descended from -people bred upon that part of the world which is towardes {19} the -Tropicke of Cancer, for they doe still retaine the memory of some of -the Starres one that part of the Cælestiall Globe, as the North-starre, -which with them is called Maske,[224] for Maske in their Language -signifieth a Beare: and they doe divide the windes into eight partes, -and it seemes originally have had some litterature amongst them, which -time hath Cancelled and worne out of use. - -~_Not to proceede from the Tartars._~ - -~_No part of America knowne to be neare Tartary._~ - -~_Why Brutus left Latium._~ - -~_Two nations meetinge make a mixt language._~ - -And whereas it hath beene the opinion of some men, which shall be -nameles, that the Natives of New-England may proceede from the race -of the Tartars, and come from Tartaria into those partes,[225] over -the frozen Sea, I see no probality for any such Conjecture; for as -much as a people once setled must be remooved by compulsion, or else -tempted thereunto in hope of better fortunes, upon commendations of the -place unto which they should be drawne to remoove: and if it may be -thought that these people came over the frozen Sea, then would it be by -compulsion? if so, then by whome, or when? or what part of this mane -continent may be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, -it is yet unknowne: and it is not like, that a people well enough at -ease will of their one accord undertake to travayle over a Sea of -Ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with; as -first, whether there be any Land at the end of their unknowne way, no -Land beinge in view; then want of Food to sustane life in the meane -time upon that Sea of Ice; or {20} how should they doe for Fuell, to -keepe them at night from freezing to death, which will not bee had in -such a place. But it may perhaps be granted that the Natives of this -Country might originally come of the scattred Trojans: For after that -Brutus, who was the forth from Aneas, left Latium upon the conflict -had with the Latines, (where although hee gave them a great overthrow, -to the Slaughter of their grand Captaine and many other of the Heroes -of Latium, yet hee held it more safety to depart unto some other place -and people, then by staying to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or -doubtfull Conquest, which as history maketh mention hee performed,) -this people were dispersed: there is no question but the people that -lived with him, by reason of their conversation with the Græcians and -Latines, had a mixed language that participated of both, whatsoever was -that which was proper to their owne nation at first I know not: for -this is commonly seene where 2. nations traffique together, the one -indevouring to understand the others meaning makes them both many times -speak a mixed language, as is approoved by the Natives of New England, -through the coveteous desire they have to commerce with our nation and -wee with them. - -~_Dædalus the first that used Sayles._~ - -~_Icarus the second that used Sayles._~ - -~_Troy destroyed about Sauls time._~ - -~_The Loadstone in Salomons time._~ - -And when Brutus did depart from Latium, we doe not finde that his whole -number went with him at once, or arrived at one place; and being put to -Sea might encounter with a storme that would carry them out of sight -of Land, and then they might sayle God knoweth whether, and so might -be put upon this {21} Coast, as well as any other. Compasse I beleeve -they had none in those dayes; Sayles they might have, (which Dædalus -the first inventor thereof left to after ages, having taught his Sonne -Icarus the use of it, who to this Cost found how dangerous it is for a -Sonne not to observe the precepts of a wise Father, so that the Icarian -Sea now retaines the memory of it to this day,) and Victuals they might -have good store, and many other things fittinge; oares without all -question they would store themselves with, in such a case; but for the -use of Compasse, there is no mention made of it at that time (which -was much about Sauls time, the first that was made King of Israell.) -Yet it is thought (and that not without good reason for it) that the -use of the Loadstone and Compasse was knowne in Salomons time, for as -much as hee sent Shippes to fetch of the gould of Ophir, to adorne and -bewtify that magnificent Temple of Hierusalem by him built for the -glory of Almighty God, and by his speciall appointment: and it is held -by Cosmographers to be 3. yeares voyage from Hierusalem to Ophir, and -it is conceaved that such a voyage could not have beene performed, -without the helpe of the Loadstone and Compasse. - -And why should any man thinke the Natives of New England to be the -gleanings of all Nations, onely because by the pronunciation and -termination their words seeme to trench upon severall languages, -when time hath not furnished him with the interpretation thereof. -The thinge that must induce a man of reasonable capacity to any -maner of conjecture of {22} their originall, must be the sence and -signification of the words, principally to frame this argument by, -when hee shall drawe to any conclusion thereupon: otherwise hee shall -but runne rounde about a maze (as some of the fantasticall tribe use -to do about the tythe of mint[226] and comin.) Therefore, since I have -had the approbation of Sir Christopher Gardiner,[227] Knight, an able -gentl. that lived amongst them, and of David Tompson,[228] a Scottish -gentl. that likewise was conversant with those people, both Scollers -and Travellers that were diligent in taking notice of these things, -as men of good judgement, and that have bin in those parts any time, -besides others of lesse, now I am bold to conclude that the originall -of the Natives of New England may be well conjectured to be from the -scattered Trojans, after such time as Brutus departed from Latium.[229] - - - - -CHAP. III. - - _Of a great mortality that happened amongst the Natives of New - England, neere about the time that the English came there to plant._ - - -~_Five Frenchmen kept by the Salvages._~ - -It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to inhabit at -new Plimmouth, in New England, that upon some distast given in the -Massachussets bay by Frenchmen, then trading there with the Natives -for beaver, they set upon the men at such advantage that they killed -manie of them, burned their shipp, {23} then riding at Anchor by an -Island there, now called Peddocks Island,[230] in memory of Leonard -Peddock[231] that landed there, (where many wilde Anckies[232] haunted -that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) distributing them unto 5. -Sachems, which were Lords of the severall territories adjoyninge: they -did keepe them so longe as they lived, onely to sport themselves at -them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is -the generall worke that they require of a servant.[233] One of these -five men, out livinge the rest, had learned so much of their language -as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede, saying that God would be -angry with them for it, and that hee would in his displeasure destroy -them; but the Salvages (it seemes boasting of their strenght,) replyed -and sayd, that they were so many that God could not kill them.[234] - -~_The Plague fell on the Indians._~ - -~_The livinge not able to bury the dead._~ - -But contrary wise, in short time after the hand of God fell heavily -upon them, with such a mortall stroake that they died on heapes as -they lay in their houses; and the living, that were able to shift for -themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let there Carkases ly -above the ground without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, -there hath been but one left a live to tell what became of the rest; -the livinge being (as it seemes) not able to bury the dead, they -were left for Crowes, Kites and vermin to pray upon. And the bones -and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations made such a -spectacle after my comming into those partes, that, as I travailed in -that Forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to mee a new found -Golgatha. - -~_2 Sam. 24._~ - -{24} But otherwise, it is the custome of those Indian people to bury -their dead ceremoniously and carefully, and then to abandon that -place, because they have no desire the place should put them in minde -of mortality: and this mortality was not ended when the Brownists -of new Plimmouth were setled at Patuxet in New England: and by all -likelyhood the sicknesse that these Indians died of was the Plague, -as by conference with them since my arrivall and habitation in those -partes, I have learned.[235] And by this meanes there is as yet but -a small number of Salvages in New England, to that which hath beene -in former time, and the place is made so much the more fitt for the -English Nation to inhabit in, and erect in it Temples to the glory of -God. - - - - -CHAP. IV. - - _Of their Houses and Habitations._ - - -The Natives of New England are accustomed to build them houses much -like the wild Irish; they gather Poles in the woodes and put the -great end of them in the ground, placinge them in forme of a circle -or circumference, and, bendinge the topps of them in forme of an -Arch, they bind them together with the Barke of Walnut trees, which -is wondrous tuffe, so that they make the same round on the Topp {25} -for the smooke of their fire to assend and passe through; these they -cover with matts, some made of reeds and some of longe flagges, or -sedge, finely sowed together with needles made of the splinter bones -of a Cranes legge, with threeds made of their Indian hempe, which -their groueth naturally, leaving severall places for dores, which are -covered with mats, which may be rowled up and let downe againe at their -pleasures, making use of the severall dores, according as the winde -sitts.[236] The fire is alwayes made in the middest of the house, with -winde fals commonly: yet some times they fell a tree that groweth neere -the house, and, by drawing in the end thereof, maintaine the fire on -both sids, burning the tree by Degrees shorter and shorter, untill it -be all consumed; for it burneth night and day. Their lodging is made -in three places of the house about the fire; they lye upon plankes, -commonly about a foote or 18. inches aboue the ground, raised upon -railes that are borne up upon forks; they lay mats under them, and -Coats of Deares skinnes, otters, beavers, Racownes, and of Beares -hides, all which they have dressed and converted into good lether, -with the haire on, for their coverings: and in this manner they lye -as warme as they desire.[237] In the night they take their rest; in -the day time, either the kettle is on with fish or flesh, by no -allowance, or else the fire is imployed in roasting of fishes, which -they delight in.[238] The aire doeth beget good stomacks, and they -feede continually, and are no niggards of their vittels; for they are -willing that any one shall eate with them. Nay, if any one that shall -come into their {26} houses and there fall a sleepe, when they see him -disposed to lye downe, they will spreade a matt for him of their owne -accord, and lay a roule of skinnes for a boulster, and let him lye. -If hee sleepe untill their meate be dished up, they will set a wooden -boule of meate by him that sleepeth, and wake him saying, Cattup keene -Meckin[239]: That is, If you be hungry, there is meat for you, where if -you will eate you may. Such is their Humanity.[240] - -Likewise, when they are minded to remoove, they carry away the mats -with them; other materiales the place adjoyning will yeald. They use -not to winter and summer in one place, for that would be a reason to -make fuell scarse; but, after the manner of the gentry of Civilized -natives, remoove for their pleasures; some times to their hunting -places, where they remaine keeping good hospitality for that season; -and sometimes to their fishing places, where they abide for that season -likewise: and at the spring, when fish comes in plentifully, they have -meetinges from severall places, where they exercise themselves in -gaminge and playing of juglinge trickes and all manner of Revelles, -which they are deligted in; [so] that it is admirable to behould what -pastime they use of severall kindes, every one striving to surpasse -each other.[241] After this manner they spend their time. - - - - -{27} CHAP. V. - - _Of their Religion._ - - -It has bin a common receaved opinion from Cicero,[242] that there -is no people so barbarous but have some worshipp or other. In this -particular, I am not of opinion therein with Tully; and, surely, if -hee had bin amongst those people so longe as I have bin, and conversed -so much with them touching this matter of Religion, hee would have -changed his opinion. Neither should we have found this error, amongst -the rest, by the helpe of that wodden prospect,[243] if it had not -been so unadvisedly built upon such highe land as that Coast (all -mens judgements in generall,) doth not yeeld, had hee but taken the -judiciall councell of Sir William Alexander, that setts this thing -forth in an exact and conclusive sentence; if hee be not too obstinate? -hee would graunt that worthy writer, that these people are _sine fide, -sine lege, & sine rege_,[244] and hee hath exemplified this thinge by -a familiar demonstration, which I have by longe experience observed to -be true. - -And, me thinks, it is absurd to say they have a kinde of worship, and -not able to demonstrate whome or what it is they are accustomed to -worship. For my part I am more willing to beleeve that the Elephants -(which are reported to be the most intelligible of all beasts) doe -worship the moone, for the reasons {28} given by the author of this -report, as M^r. Thomas May, the minion of the Muses dos recite it in -his continuation of Lucans historicall poem,[245] rather then this man: -to that I must bee constrained, to conclude against him, and Cicero, -that the Natives of New England have no worship nor religion at all; -and I am sure it has been so observed by those that neede not the helpe -of a wodden prospect for the matter. - - - - -CHAP. VI. - - _Of the Indians apparrell._ - - -The Indians in these parts do make their apparrell of the skinnes of -severall sortes of beastes, and commonly of those that doe frequent -those partes where they doe live; yet some of them, for variety, will -have the skinnes of such beasts that frequent the partes of their -neighbors, which they purchase of them by Commerce and Trade. - -~_The Indians make good lether._~ - -~_Indians ingenious workemen for their garments._~ - -~_The modesty of the Indian men._~ - -~_Indians travaile with materials to strike fire at all -times._~ - -These skinnes they convert into very good lether, making the same -plume and soft. Some of these skinnes they dresse with the haire on, -and some with the haire off; the hairy side in winter time they weare -next their bodies, and in warme weather they weare the haire outwardes: -they make likewise some Coates of the Feathers of Turkies, which they -weave together with twine of their owne makinge, very prittily: these -garments they weare like mantels knit over {29} their shoulders, and -put under their arme: they have likewise another sort of mantels, made -of Mose skinnes, which beast is a great large Deere so bigge as a -horse; these skinnes they commonly dresse bare, and make them wondrous -white, and stripe them with size round about the borders, in forme like -lace set on by a Taylor, and some they stripe with size in workes of -severall fashions very curious, according to the severall fantasies of -the workemen, wherein they strive to excell one another: And Mantels -made of Beares skinnes is an usuall wearinge, among the Natives that -live where the Beares doe haunt: they make shooes of Mose skinnes, -which is the principall leather used to that purpose; and for want -of such lether (which is the strongest) they make shooes of Deeres -skinnes, very handsomly and commodious; and, of such deeres skinnes as -they dresse bare, they make stockinges that comes within their shooes, -like a stirrop stockinge, and is fastned above at their belt, which is -about their middell; Every male, after hee attaines unto the age which -they call Pubes, wereth a belt about his middell, and a broad peece of -lether that goeth betweene his leggs and is tuckt up both before and -behinde under that belt; and this they weare to hide their secreats -of nature, which by no meanes they will suffer to be seene, so much -modesty they use in that particular; those garments they allwayes put -on, when they goe a huntinge, to keepe their skinnes from the brush of -the Shrubbs: and when they have their Apparrell one they looke like -Irish in {30} their trouses, the Stockinges joyne so to their breeches. -A good well growne deere skin is of great account with them, and it -must have the tale on, or else they account it defaced; the tale being -three times as long as the tales of our English Deere, yea foure times -so longe, this when they travell is raped round about their body, and, -with a girdle of their making, bound round about their middles, to -which girdle is fastned a bagg, in which his instruments be with which -hee can strike fire upon any occasion.[246] - -Thus with their bow in their left hand, and their quiuer of Arrowes at -their back, hanging one their left shoulder with the lower end of it in -their right hand, they will runne away a dogg trot untill they come to -their journey end; and, in this kinde of ornament, they doe seeme to me -to be hansomer then when they are in English apparrell, their gesture -being answerable to their one habit and not unto ours. - -~_The Indians ashamed of their nakednesse._~ - -Their women have shooes and stockinges to weare likewise when they -please, such as the men have, but the mantle they use to cover their -nakednesse with is much longer then that which the men use; for, as the -men have one Deeres skinn, the women have two soed together at the full -lenght, and it is so lardge that it trailes after them like a great -Ladies trane; and in time I thinke they may have their Pages to beare -them up; and where the men use but one Beares skinn for a Mantle, the -women have two soed together; and if any of their women would at any -time shift one, they take that which they intend to make use of, and -{31} cast it over them round, before they shifte away the other, for -modesty, being unwilling to be seene to discover their nakednesse; and -the one being so cast over, they slip the other from under them in a -decent manner, which is to be noted in people uncivilized; therein they -seeme to have as much modesty as civilized people, and deserve to be -applauded for it.[247] - - - - -CHAP. VII. - - _Of their Child-bearing, and delivery, and what manner of persons - they are._ - - -~_The women big with child very laborious._~ - -~_Children bathed to staine the skinne._~ - -The women of this Country are not suffered to be used for procreation -untill the ripenesse of their age, at which time they weare a redd -cap made of lether, in forme like to our flat caps, and this they -weare for the space of 12 moneths, for all men to take notice of them -that have any minde to a wife; and then it is the custome of some of -their Sachems or Lords of the territories, to have the first say or -maidenhead of the females.[248] Very apt they are to be with childe, -and very laborious when they beare children; yea, when they are as -great as they can be: yet in that case they neither forbeare laboure, -nor travaile; I have seene them in that plight with burthens at their -backs enough to load a horse; yet doe they not miscarry, but have a -faire delivery, and a quick: their women are very good midwifes, and -the women very lusty after {32} delivery, and in a day or two will -travell or trudge about.[249] Their infants are borne with haire on -their heads, and are of complexion white as our nation; but their -mothers in their infancy make a bath of Wallnut leaves, huskes of -Walnuts, and such things as will staine their skinne for ever, wherein -they dip and washe them to make them tawny[250]; the coloure of their -haire is black, and their eyes black. These infants are carried at -their mothers backs by the help of a cradle made of a board forket at -both ends, whereon the childe is fast bound and wrapped in furres; -his knees thrust up towards his bellie, because they may be the more -usefull for them when he sitteth, which is as a dogge does on his -bumme: and this cradle surely preserues them better then the cradles -of our nation, for as much as we finde them well proportioned, not any -of them crooked backed or wry legged: and to give their charracter in -a worde, they are as proper men and women for feature and limbes as -can be found, for flesh and bloud as active: longe handed they are, (I -never sawe a clunchfisted Salvadg amongst them all in my time.)[251] -The colour of their eies being so generally black made a Salvage, that -had a younge infant whose eies were gray, shewed him to us, and said -they were English mens eies; I tould the Father that his sonne was _nan -weeteo_, which is a bastard; hee replied _titta Cheshetue squaa_,[252] -which is, hee could not tell, his wife might play the whore; and this -childe the father desired might have an English name, because of the -litenesse[253] of his eies, which his father had in admiration because -of novelty amongst their nation. - - - - -{33} CHAP. VIII. - - _Of their Reverence, and respect to age._ - - -~_Age honoured among the Indians._~ - -It is a thing to be admired, and indeede made a president, that a -Nation yet uncivilizied should more respect age then some nations -civilized, since there are so many precepts both of divine and -humane writers extant to instruct more Civill Nations: in that -particular, wherein they excell, the younger are allwayes obedient -unto the elder people, and at their commaunds in every respect without -grummbling;[254] in all councels, (as therein they are circumspect -to do their acciones by advise and councell, and not rashly or -inconsiderately,) the younger mens opinion shall be heard, but the old -mens opinion and councell imbraced and followed: besides, as the elder -feede and provide for the younger in infancy, so doe the younger, after -being growne to yeares of manhood, provide for those that be aged: -and in distribution of Acctes the elder men are first served by their -dispensator; and their counsels (especially if they be powahs) are -esteemed as oracles amongst the younger Natives. - -The consideration of these things, mee thinkes, should reduce some of -our irregular young people of civilized Nations, when this story shall -come to their knowledge, to better manners, and make them ashamed of -their former error in this kinde, and to {34} become hereafter more -duetyfull; which I, as a friend, (by observation having found,) have -herein recorded for that purpose. - - - - -CHAP. IX. - - _Of their pretty conjuring tricks._ - - -If we doe not judge amisse of these Salvages in accounting them -witches, yet out of all question we may be bould to conclude them -to be but weake witches, such of them as wee call by the names of -Powahs: some correspondency they have with the Devil out of al doubt, -as by some of their accions, in which they glory, is manifested. -Papasiquineo,[255] that Sachem or Sagamore, is a Powah of greate -estimation amongst all kinde of Salvages there: hee is at their Revels -(which is the time when a great company of Salvages meete from -severall parts of the Country, in amity with their neighbours) hath -advaunced his honor in his feats or jugling tricks (as I may right -tearme them) to the admiration of the spectators, whome hee endevoured -to perswade that he would goe under water to the further side of a -river, to broade for any man to undertake with a breath, which thing -hee performed by swimming over, and deluding the company with casting a -mist before their eies that see him enter in and come out, but no part -of the way hee has bin seene: likewise by our English, in the heat of -all summer to make Ice appeare in a bowle of faire water; first, having -the water set before him, hee hath begunne his incantation according -to their usuall accustome, and before the same has bin ended a thick -Clowde has darkned the {35} aire and, on a sodane, a thunder clap hath -bin heard that has amazed the natives; in an instant hee hath shewed a -firme peece of Ice to flote in the middest of the bowle in the presence -of the vulgar people, which doubtles was done by the agility of Satan, -his consort. - -And by meanes of these sleights, and such like trivial things as these, -they gaine such estimation amongst the rest of the Salvages that it is -thought a very impious matter for any man to derogate from the words -of these Powahs. In so much as hee that should slight them, is thought -to commit a crime no lesse hainous amongst them as sacriledge is with -us, as may appeare by this one passage, which I wil set forth for an -instance. - -~_A Salvage entertained a factor._~ - -~_An Englishman cured of a swelling._~ - -A neighbour of mine that had entertain’d a Salvage into his service, to -be his factor for the beaver trade amongst his countrymen, delivered -unto him divers parcells of commodities fit for them to trade with; -amongst the rest there was one coate of more esteeme then any of the -other, and with this his new entertained marchant man travels amongst -his countrymen to truck them away for beaver: as our custome hath bin, -the Salvage went up into the Country amongst his neighbours for beaver, -and returned with some, but not enough answerable to his Masteers -expectation, but being called to an accompt, and especially for that -one Coate of speciall note, made answer that he had given that coate -to Tantoquineo, a Powah: to which his master in a rage cryed, what -have I to doe with Tantoquineo? The Salvage, very angry at the matter, -cryed, what you speake? you are not a very good man; wil you not give -Tantoq. a coat? whats this? as if he had offered {36} _Tantoquineo_ the -greatest indignity that could be devised: so great is the estimation -and reverence that these people have of these Iugling[256] Powahs, -who are usually sent for when any person is sicke and ill at ease to -recover them, for which they receive rewards as doe our Chirgeons -and Phisitions; and they doe make a trade of it, and boast of their -skill where they come:[257] One amongst the rest did undertake to cure -an Englishman of a swelling of his hand for a parcell of biskett, -which being delivered him hee tooke the party greived into the woods -aside from company, and with the helpe of the devill, (as may be -conjectured,) quickly recovered him of that swelling, and sent him -about his worke againe. - - - - -CHAP. X. - - _Of their duels, and the honourable estimation of victory obtained - thereby._ - - -~_How the Salvages performe theire duells._~ - -These Salvages are not apt to quarrell one with another: yet such hath -bin the occasion that a difference hath happened which hath growne to -that height that it has not bin reconciled otherwise then by combat, -which hath bin performed in this manner: the two champions prepared -for the fight, with their bowes in hand and a quiver full of arrowes -at their backs, they have entered into the field; the Challenger -and challenged have chosen two trees, standing within {37} a little -distance of each other; they have cast lotts for the cheife of the -trees, then either champion setting himselfe behinde his tree watches -an advantage to let fly his shafts, and to gall his enemy; there they -continue shooting at each other; if by chaunce they espie any part -open, they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part, and use much -agility in the performance of the taske they have in hand. Resolute -they are in the execution of their vengeance, when once they have -begunne; and will in no wise be daunted, or seeme to shrinck though -they doe catch a clap with an arrow, but fight it out in this manner -untill one or both be slaine. - -~_Trees marked where they performe a duell._~ - -I have bin shewed the places where such duels have bin performed, -and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall of the Combat, where -that champion hath stood that had the hap to be slaine in the duell: -and they count it the greatest honor that can be to the serviving -Cumbatant, to shew the scares of the wounds received in this kinde of -Conflict, and if it happen to be on the arme, as those parts are most -in danger in these cases, they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon that -place of the arme, as a trophy of honor to their dying day. - - - - -{38} CHAP. XI. - - _Of the maintaining of their Reputation._ - - -Reputation is such a thing that it keepes many men in awe, even amongst -Civilized nations, and is very much stood upon: it is (as one hath -very well noted) the awe of great men and of Kings. And, since I have -observed it to be maintained amongst Salvage people, I cannot chuse -but give an instance thereof in this treatise, to confirme the common -receaved opinion thereof. - -~_A marriage._~ - -The Sachem or Sagamore of Sagus made choise, when hee came to mans -estate, of a Lady of noble discent, Daughter to Papasiquineo, the -Sachem or Sagamore of the territories neare Merrimack River, a man of -the best note and estimation in all those parts, and (as my Countryman -M^r. Wood declares in his prospect) a great Nigromancer; this Lady the -younge Sachem with the consent and good liking of her father marries, -and takes for his wife.[258] Great entertainement hee and his receaved -in those parts at her fathers hands, where they weare fested in the -best manner that might be expected, according to the Custome of their -nation, with reveling and such other solemnities as is usuall amongst -them. The solemnity being ended, Papasiquineo causes a selected number -of his men to waite upon his Daughter home into those parts that did -properly belong to her Lord and husband; where the attendants had -entertainment by the Sachem of Sagus and his Countrymen: the solemnity -being ended, the attendants were gratified. - -~_An ambassage sent from Papasiquineo to his sonne in law, a -Sachem._~ - -Not long after the new married Lady had a great {39} desire to see her -father and her native country, from whence shee came; her Lord willing -to pleasure her and not deny her request, amongst them thought to be -reasonable, commanded a selected number of his owne men to conduct his -Lady to her Father, wher, with great respect, they brought her; and, -having feasted there a while, returned to their owne country againe, -leaving the Lady to continue there at her owne pleasure, amongst her -friends and old acquaintance; where shee passed away the time for -a while, and in the end desired to returne to her Lord againe. Her -father, the old Papasiquineo, having notice of her intent, sent some of -his men on ambassage to the younge Sachem, his sonne in law, to let him -understand that his daughter was not willing to absent her selfe from -his company any longer, and therfore, as the messengers had in charge, -desired the younge Lord to send a convoy for her; but hee, standing -upon tearmes of honor, and the maintaining of his reputation, returned -to his father in law this answere, that, when she departed from him, -hee caused his men to waite upon her to her fathers territories, as -it did become him; but, now shee had an intent to returne, it did -become her father to send her back with a convoy of his own people; and -that it stood not with his reputation to make himself or his men so -servile, to fetch her againe. The old Sachem Papasiquineo, having this -message returned, was inraged to think that his young son in law did -not esteeme him at a higher rate then to capitulate with him about the -matter, and returne[d] him this sharpe reply; that his daughters bloud -and birth deserved more respect then to be so slighted; and, therefore, -if he would have her company, hee were best to send or come for her. - -{40} The younge Sachem, not willing to under value himselfe and being a -man of a stout spirit, did not stick to say that hee should either send -her by his owne Convey, or keepe her; for hee was determined not[259] -to stoope so lowe. - -So much these two Sachems stood upon tearmes of reputation with each -other, the one would not send her, and the other would not send for -her, least it should be any diminishing of honor on his part that -should seeme to comply, that the Lady (when I came out of the Country) -remained still with her father; which is a thinge worth the noting, -that Salvage people should seeke to maintaine their reputation so much -as they doe. - - - - -CHAP. XII. - - _Of their trafficke and trade one with another._ - - -~_Beads instead of Money._~ - -Although these people have not the use of navigation, whereby they -may trafficke as other nations, that are civilized, use to doe, yet -doe they barter for such commodities as they have, and have a kinde -of beads, insteede of money, to buy withall such things as they -want, which they call Wampampeak: and it is of two sorts, the one is -white, the other is of a violet coloure. These are made of the shells -of fishe. The white with them is as silver with us; the other as -our gould: and for these beads they buy and sell, not onely amongst -themselves, but even with us. - -~_The name of their beads Wampampeak._~ - -{41} We have used to sell them any of our commodities for this -Wampampeak, because we know we can have beaver againe of them for it: -and these beads are currant in all the parts of New England, from one -end of the Coast to the other. - -And although some have indevoured by example to have the like made of -the same kinde of shels, yet none hath ever, as yet, attained to any -perfection in the composure of them, but that the Salvages have found -a great difference to be in the one and the other; and have knowne the -counterfett beads from those of their owne making; and have, and doe -slight them.[260] - -The skinnes of beasts are sould and bartered, to such people as have -none of the same kinde in the parts where they live.[261] - -Likewise they have earthen potts of divers sizes, from a quarte to a -gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their vitels in; very stronge, though they be -thin like our Iron potts. - -They have dainty wooden bowles of maple, of highe price amongst them; -and these are dispersed by bartering one with the other, and are but -in certaine parts of the Country made, where the severall trades are -appropriated to the inhabitants of those parts onely. - -So likewise (at the season of the yeare) the Salvages that live by the -Sea side for trade with the inlanders for fresh water, reles curious -silver reles,[262] which are bought up of such as have them not -frequent in other places: chestnuts, and such like usefull {42} things -as one place affordeth, are sould to the inhabitants of another, where -they are a novelty accompted amongst the natives of the land.[263] And -there is no such thing to barter withall, as is their Whampampeake. - - - - -CHAP. XIII. - - _Of their Magazines or Storehowses._ - - -~_What care they take to lay up corne for winter._~ - -These people are not without providence, though they be uncivilized, -but are carefull to preserve foede in store against winter; which is -the corne that they laboure and dresse in the summer. And, although -they eate freely of it, whiles it is growinge, yet have they a care -to keepe a convenient portion thereof to releeve them in the dead of -winter, (like to the Ant and the Bee,) which they put under ground. - -Their barnes are holes made in the earth, that will hold a Hogshead of -corne a peece in them. In these (when their corne is out of the huske -and well dried) they lay their store in greate baskets (which they make -of Sparke[264]) with matts under, about the sides, and on the top; and -putting it into the place made for it, they cover it with earth: and -in this manner it is preserved from destruction or putrifaction; to be -used in case of necessity, and not else.[265] - -{43} And I am perswaded, that if they knew the benefit of Salte[266] -(as they may in time,) and the meanes to make salte meate fresh againe, -they would endeaver to preserve fishe for winter, as well as corne; -and that if any thinge bring them to civility, it will be the use of -Salte, to have foode in store, which is a cheife benefit in a civilized -Commonwealth. - -~_They begg Salte of the English._~ - -These people have begunne already to incline to the use of Salte. Many -of them would begge Salte of mee for to carry home with them, that had -frequented our howses and had been acquainted with our Salte meats: and -Salte I willingly gave them, although I sould them all things else, -onely because they should be delighted with the use there of, and -thinke it a commodity of no value in it selfe, allthough the benefit -was great that might be had by the use of it. - - - - -CHAP. XIV. - - _Of theire Subtilety._ - - -These people are not, as some have thought, a dull, or slender witted -people, but very ingenious, and very subtile. I could give maine -instances to maintaine mine opinion of them in this; but I will onely -relate one, which is a passage worthy to be observed. - -{44} In the Massachussets bay lived Cheecatawback,[267] the Sachem or -Sagamore of those territories, who had large dominions which hee did -appropriate to himselfe. - -Into those parts came a greate company of Salvages from the territories -of Narohiganset, to the number of 100. persons; and in this Sachems -Dominions they intended to winter. - -~_They trade away beavers skinnes for corne._~ - -~_A beaver skinne with his tayle on of great estimacion._~ - -When they went a hunting for turkies they spreade over such a greate -scope of ground that a Turkie could hardily escape them: Deare -they killed up in greate abundance, and feasted their bodies very -plentifully: Beavers they killed by no allowance; the skinnes of those -they traded away at Wassaguscus with my neighboures[268] for corne, and -such other commodities as they had neede of; and my neighboures had a -wonderfull great benefit by their being in those parts. Yea, sometimes -(like genious fellowes) they would present their Marchant with a fatt -beaver skinne, alwayes the tayle was not diminished, but presented full -and whole; although the tayle is a present for a Sachem,[269] and is -of such masculaine vertue that if some of our Ladies knew the benefit -thereof they would desire to have ships sent of purpose to trade for -the tayle alone: it is such a rarity, as is not more esteemed of then -reason doth require. - -~_A subtile plot of a Sachem._~ - -But the Sachem Cheecatawbak, (on whose possessions they usurped, and -converted the commodities thereof to their owne use, contrary to his -likeing,) not being of power to resist them, practised to doe it by a -subtile stratagem. And to that end {45} gave it out amongst us, that -the cause why these other Salvages of the Narohigansets came into these -parts, was to see what strength we were of, and to watch an opportunity -to cut us off, and take that which they found in our custody usefull -for them; And added further, they would burne our howses, and that -they had caught one of his men, named Meshebro, and compelled him -to discover to them where their barnes, Magazines, or storehowses -were, and had taken away his corne; and seemed to be in a pittifull -perplexity about the matter. - -And, the more to adde reputation to this tale, desires that his wifes -and children might be harbered in one of our howses. This was graunted; -and my neighbours put on corslets, headpeeces, and weapons defensive -and offensive. - -This thing being knowne to Cheecatawback, hee caused some of his men to -bring the Narohigansets to trade, that they might see the preparation. -The Salvage, that was a stranger to the plott, simply comming to trade, -and findding his merchants lookes like lobsters, all cladd in harnesse, -was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it. Haste hee made to -trade away his furres, and tooke anything for them, wishing himselfe -well rid of them and of the company in the howse. - -~_A Salvage scared._~ - -But (as the manner has bin) hee must eate some furmety[270] before hee -goe: downe hee sits and eats, and withall had an eie on every side; -and now and then saw a sword or a dagger layd a thwart a head peece, -which hee wondered at, and asked his {46} giude whether the company -were not angry. The guide, (that was privy to his Lords plot) answered -in his language that hee could not tell. But the harmelesse Salvage, -before hee had halfe filled his belly, started up on a sodayne, and -ranne out of the howse in such hast that hee left his furmety there, -and stayed not to looke behinde him who came after: Glad hee was that -he had escaped so. - -The subtile Sachem, hee playd the tragedian, and fained a feare of -being surprised; and sent to see whether the enemies (as the Messenger -termed them) were not in the howse; and comes in a by way with his -wifes and children, and stopps the chinkes of the out howse, for feare -the fire might be seene in the night, and be a meanes to direct his -enemies where to finde them. - -~_A Salvage that had lived 12. Moneths in England sent for an -Ambassador._~ - -And, in the meane time, hee prepared for his Ambassador to his enemies -a Salvage,[271] that had lived 12. moneths in England, to the end it -might adde reputation to his ambassage. This man hee sends to those -intruding Narohigansets, to tell them that they did very great injury -to his Lord, to trench upon his prerogatives: and advised them to put -up their pipes, and begon in time: if they would not, that his Lord -would come upon them, and in his ayd his freinds the English, who were -up in armes already to take his part, and compell them by force to be -gone, if they refused to depart by faire meanes. - -~_A good opportunity of traffick lost by the subtility of a -Sachem._~ - -This message, comming on the neck of that which {47} doubtlesse the -fearefull Salvage had before related of his escape, and what hee had -observed, caused all those hundred Narohigansets (that meant us no -hurt) to be gone with bagg, and baggage. And my neighboures were gulled -by the subtilety of this Sachem, and lost the best trade of beaver that -ever they had for the time; and in the end found theire error in this -kinde of credulity when it was too late. - - - - -CHAP. XV. - - _Of their admirable perfection, in the use of the sences._ - - -This is a thinge not onely observed by mee and diverse of the Salvages -of New England, but, also, by the French men in Nova Francia, and -therefore I am the more incouraged to publish in this Treatice my -observation of them in the use of theire sences: which is a thinge that -I should not easily have bin induced to beleeve, if I my selfe had not -bin an eie witnesse of what I shall relate. - -~_The Salvages have the sence of seeinge better then the -English._~ - -I have observed that the Salvages have the sence of seeing so farre -beyond any of our Nation, that one would allmost beleeve they had -intelligence of the Devill sometimes, when they have tould us of a -shipp at Sea, which they have seene {48} soener by one hower, yea, two -howers sayle, then any English man that stood by of purpose to looke -out, their sight is so excellent. - -Their eies indeede are black as iett; and that coler is accounted the -strongest for sight. And as they excell us in this particular so much -noted, so I thinke they excell us in all the rest. - -~_Salvages that will distinguish a Spaniard from a frenchman -by the smell of the hand._~ - -This I am sure I have well observed, that in the sence of smelling they -have very great perfection; which is confirmed by the opinion of the -French that are planted about Canada, who have made relation that they -are so perfect in the use of that sence, that they will distinguish -between a Spaniard and a Frenchman by the sent of the hand onely.[272] -And I am perswaded that the Author of this Relation has seene very -probable reasons that have induced him to be of that opinion; and I am -the more willing to give credit thereunto, because I have observed in -them so much as that comes to. - -~_A Deare pursued by the view of the foote, hee was found and -killed._~ - -I have seene a Deare passe by me upon a neck of Land, and a Salvage -that has pursued him by the view. I have accompanied him in this -pursuite; and the Salvage, pricking the Deare, comes where hee findes -the view of two deares together, leading several wayes. One, hee was -sure, was fresh, but which (by the sence of seeing) hee could not -judge; therefore, with his knife, hee diggs up the earth of one; and, -by smelling, sayes, that was not of the fresh Deare: then diggs hee up -the other; and viewing and smelling to that, concludes it to be the -view of the fresh Deare, which hee had pursued; and thereby followes -the chase, and killes that {49} Deare, and I did eate part of it with -him: such is their perfection in these two sences. - - - - -CHAP. XVI. - - _Of their acknowledgment of the Creation, and immortality of the - Soule._ - - -~_The beleefe of the Salvages._~ - -Although these Salvages are found to be without Religion, Law, and King -(as Sir William Alexander hath well observed,[273]) yet are they not -altogether without the knowledge of God (historically); for they have -it amongst them by tradition that God made one man and one woman, and -bad them live together and get children, kill deare, beasts, birds, -fish and fowle, and what they would at their pleasure; and that their -posterity was full of evill, and made God so angry that hee let in the -Sea upon them, and drowned the greatest part of them, that were naughty -men, (the Lord destroyed so;) and they went to Sanaconquam, who feeds -upon them (pointing to the Center of the Earth, where they imagine is -the habitation of the Devill:) the other, (which were not destroyed,) -increased the world, and when they died (because they were good) went -to the howse of Kytan, pointing to the setting of the sonne;[274] where -they eate all manner of dainties, and never take paines (as now) to -provide it. - -~_The Sonne called Kytan._~ - -Kytan makes provision (they say) and saves them that laboure; and there -they shall live with him forever, {50} voyd of care.[275] And they are -perswaded that Kytan is hee that makes corne growe, trees growe, and -all manner of fruits. - -~_A Salvage desired to have his sonn brought up to learne the -booke of common prayer._~ - -And that wee that use the booke of Common prayer doo it to declare to -them, that cannot reade, what Kytan has commaunded us, and that wee doe -pray to him with the helpe of that booke;[276] and doe make so much -accompt of it, that a Salvage (who had lived in my howse before hee -had taken a wife, by whome hee had children) made this request to mee, -(knowing that I allwayes used him with much more respect than others,) -that I would let his sonne be brought up in my howse, that hee might be -taught to reade in that booke: which request of his I granted; and hee -was a very joyfull man to thinke that his sonne should thereby (as hee -said) become an Englishman; and then hee would be a good man. - -I asked him who was a good man; his answere was, hee that would not -lye, nor steale. - -These, with them, are all the capitall crimes that can be imagined; all -other are nothing in respect of those;[277] and hee that is free from -these must live with Kytan for ever, in all manner of pleasure. - - - - -{51} CHAP. XVII. - - _Of their Annals and funerals._ - - -~_Their custom in burryinge._~ - -~_Their manner of Monuments._~ - -~_At burrials, they black their faces._~ - -These people, that have by tradition some touch of the immortality of -the soule, have likewise a custome to make some monuments over the -place where the corps is interred: But they put a greate difference -betwene persons of noble, and of ignoble, or obscure, or inferior -discent. For, indeed, in the grave of the more noble they put a planck -in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon, and on each side a -plancke, and a plancke upon the top in forme of a chest, before they -cover the place with earth. This done, they erect some thing over -the grave in forme of a hearse cloath, as was that of Cheekatawbacks -mother, which the Plimmouth planters defaced because they accounted -it an act of superstition; which did breede a brawle as hath bin -before related;[278] for they hold impious and inhumane to deface the -monuments of the dead. They themselves esteeme of it as piaculum; and -have a custome amongst them to keepe their annals and come at certaine -times to lament and bewaile the losse of their freind; and use to black -their faces, which they so weare, instead of a mourning ornament, for -a longer or a shorter time according to the dignity of the person: so -is their annals kept and observed with their accustomed solemnity. -Afterwards they absolutely abandon the place, because they suppose the -sight thereof will but renew their sorrow.[279] - -{52} It was a thing very offensive to them, at our first comming -into those parts, to aske of them for any one that had bin dead; but -of later times it is not so offensively taken to renew the memory of -any deseased person, because by our example (which they are apt to -followe) it is made more familiare unto them; and they marvell to see -no monuments over our dead, and therefore thinke no great Sachem is yet -come into those parts, or not as yet deade; because they see the graves -all alike. - - - - -CHAP. XVIII. - - _Of their Custome in burning the Country, and the reason thereof._ - - -~_The Salvages fire the Country twice a yeare._~ - -The Salvages are accustomed to set fire of the Country in all places -where they come, and to burne it twize a yeare, viz: at the Spring, -and the fall of the leafe. The reason that mooves them to doe so, is -because it would other wise be so overgrowne with underweedes that it -would be all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able in any -wise to passe through the Country out of a beaten path. - -The meanes that they do it with, is with certaine minerall stones, that -they carry about them in baggs made for that purpose of the skinnes -of little beastes, which they convert into good lether, carrying in -the same a peece of touch wood, very excellent {53} for that purpose, -of their owne making.[280] These minerall stones they have from the -Piquenteenes, (which is to the Southward of all the plantations in New -England,) by trade and trafficke with those people. - -The burning of the grasse destroyes the underwoods, and so scorcheth -the elder trees that it shrinkes them, and hinders their grouth very -much: so that hee that will looke to finde large trees and good tymber, -must not depend upon the help of a woodden prospect to finde them on -the upland ground;[281] but must seeke for them, (as I and others -have done,) in the lower grounds, where the grounds are wett, when the -Country is fired, by reason of the snow water that remaines there for a -time, untill the Sunne by continuance of that hath exhaled the vapoures -of the earth, and dried up those places where the fire, (by reason of -the moisture,) can have no power to doe them any hurt: and if he would -endevoure to finde out any goodly Cedars, hee must not seeke for them -on the higher grounds, but make his inquest for them in the vallies, -for the Salvages, by this custome of theirs, have spoiled all the rest: -for this custome hath bin continued from the beginninge. - -And least their firing of the Country in this manner should be an -occasion of damnifying us, and indaingering our habitations, wee our -selves have used carefully about the same times to observe the winds, -and fire the grounds about our owne habitations; to prevent the Dammage -that might happen by any neglect thereof, if the fire should come neere -those howses in our absence. - -{54} For, when the fire is once kindled, it dilates and spreads it -selfe as well against, as with the winde; burning continually night and -day, untill a shower of raine falls to quench it. - -And this custome of firing the Country is the meanes to make it -passable; and by that meanes the trees growe here and there as in our -parks: and makes the Country very beautifull and commodious. - - - - -CHAP. XIX. - - _Of their inclination to Drunkennesse._ - - -Although Drunkennesse be justly termed a vice which the Salvages are -ignorant of, yet the benefit is very great that comes to the planters -by the sale of strong liquor to the Salvages, who are much taken -with the delight of it; for they will pawne their wits, to purchase -the acquaintance of it. Yet in al the commerce that I had with them, -I never proffered them any such thing; nay, I would hardly let any -of them have a drame, unles hee were a Sachem, or a Winnaytue, that -is a rich man, or a man of estimation next in degree to a Sachem or -Sagamore. I alwayes tould them it was amongst us the Sachems drinke. -But they say if I come to the Northerne parts of the Country I shall -have no trade, if I will not supply them with lusty liquors: it is the -life of the trade in all those parts: for it so happened that thus a -Salvage desperately killed himselfe; when hee was drunke, a gunne being -charged and the cock up, hee sets the mouth to his brest, and, putting -back the tricker with his foote, shot himselfe dead.[282] - - - - -CHAP. XX. {55} - - _That the Salvages live a contended life._ - - -A Gentleman and a traveller, that had bin in the parts of New England -for a time, when hee retorned againe, in his discourse of the Country, -wondered, (as hee said,) that the natives of the land lived so poorely -in so rich a Country, like to our Beggers in England. Surely that -Gentleman had not time or leasure whiles hee was there truely to -informe himselfe of the state of that Country, and the happy life the -Salvages would leade weare they once brought to Christianity. - -~_The Salvages want the art of navigation._~ - -I must confesse they want the use and benefit of Navigation, (which is -the very sinnus of a flourishing Commonwealth,) yet are they supplied -with all manner of needefull things for the maintenance of life and -lifelyhood. Foode and rayment are the cheife of all that we make true -use of; and of these they finde no want, but have, and may have, them -in a most plentifull manner.[283] - -If our beggers of England should, with so much ease as they, furnish -themselves with foode at all seasons, there would not be so many -starved in the streets, neither would so many gaoles be stuffed, or -gallouses furnished with poore wretches, as I have seene them. - -{56} But they of this sort of our owne nation, that are fitt to goe to -this Canaan, are not able to transport themselves; and most of them -unwilling to goe from the good ale tap, which is the very loadstone of -the lande by which our English beggers steere theire Course; it is the -Northpole to which the flowre-de-luce of their compasse points. The -more is the pitty that the Commonalty of oure Land are of such leaden -capacities as to neglect so brave a Country, that doth so plentifully -feede maine lusty and a brave, able men, women and children, that have -not the meanes that a Civilized Nation hath to purchase foode and -rayment; which that Country with a little industry will yeeld a man in -a very comfortable measure, without overmuch carking. - -I cannot deny but a civilized Nation hath the preheminence of an -uncivilized, by meanes of those instruments that are found to be common -amongst civile people, and the uncivile want the use of, to make -themselves masters of those ornaments that make such a glorious shew, -that will give a man occasion to cry, _sic transit gloria Mundi_. - -Now since it is but foode and rayment that men that live needeth, -(though not all alike,) why should not the Natives of New England be -sayd to live richly, having no want of either? Cloaths are the badge -of sinne; and the more variety of fashions is but the greater abuse -of the Creature: the beasts of the forrest there doe serve to furnish -them at any time when they please: fish and flesh they have in greate -abundance, which they both roast and boyle. - -{57} They are indeed not served in dishes of plate with variety of -Sauces to procure appetite; that needs not there. The rarity of the -aire, begot by the medicinable quality of the sweete herbes of the -Country, alwayes procures good stomakes to the inhabitants. - -I must needs commend them in this particular, that, though they buy -many commodities of our Nation, yet they keepe but fewe, and those of -speciall use. - -They love not to bee cumbered with many utensilles, and although every -proprietor knowes his owne, yet all things, (so long as they will -last), are used in common amongst them: A bisket cake given to one, -that one breakes it equally into so many parts as there be persons -in his company, and distributes it. Platoes Commonwealth is so much -practised by these people. - -~_They leade a happy life, being voyd of care._~ - -According to humane reason, guided onely by the light of nature, these -people leades the more happy and freer life, being voyde of care, which -torments the mindes of so many Christians: They are not delighted in -baubles, but in usefull things. - -Their naturall drinke is of the Cristall fountaine, and this they take -up in their hands, by joyning them close together. They take up a great -quantity at a time, and drinke at the wrists. It was the sight of such -a feate which made Diogenes hurle away his dishe, and, like one that -would have this principall confirmed, _Natura paucis contentat_, used -a dish no more. - -~_They make use of ordinary things, one of anothers as -common._~ - -{58} I have observed that they will not be troubled with superfluous -commodities. Such things as they finde they are taught by necessity -to make use of, they will make choise of, and seeke to purchase with -industry. So that, in respect that their life is so voyd of care, -and they are so loving also that they make use of those things they -enjoy, (the wife onely excepted,) as common goods, and are therein so -compassionate that, rather than one should starve through want, they -would starve all. Thus doe they passe awaye the time merrily, not -regarding our pompe, (which they see dayly before their faces,) but are -better content with their owne, which some men esteeme so meanely of. - -They may be rather accompted to live richly, wanting nothing that -is needefull; and to be commended for leading a contented life, the -younger being ruled by the Elder, and the Elder ruled by the Powahs, -and the Powahs are ruled by the Devill;[284] and then you may imagin -what good rule is like to be amongst them. - - -_FINIS._ - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, {59} - -OR - -NEW CANAAN. - -_The second Booke._ - - Containing a description of the bewty of the Country with her - naturall indowements, both in the Land and Sea; with the great Lake - of Erocoise. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - _The generall Survey of the Country._ - - -~_A famous Country._~ - -~_Their fountaines are as cleare as Cristall._~ - -~_Greate store of fowles, fish and turtledoves._~ - -In the Moneth of Iune, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my chaunce to arrive -in the parts of New England with 30. Servants, and provision of all -sorts fit for a plantation: and whiles our howses were building, I did -indeavour to take a survey of the {60} Country: The more I looked, the -more I liked it. And when I had more seriously considered of the bewty -of the place, with all her faire indowments, I did not thinke that in -all the knowne world it could be paralel’d, for so many goodly groues -of trees, dainty fine round rising hillucks, delicate faire large -plaines, sweete cristall fountaines, and cleare running streames that -twine in fine meanders through the meads, making so sweete a murmering -noise to heare as would even lull the sences with delight a sleepe, so -pleasantly doe they glide upon the pebble stones, jetting most jocundly -where they doe meete and hand in hand runne downe to Neptunes Court, -to pay the yearely tribute which they owe to him as soveraigne Lord of -all the springs. Contained within the volume of the Land, [are] Fowles -in abundance, Fish in multitude; and [I] discovered, besides, Millions -of Turtledoves one the greene boughes, which sate pecking of the full -ripe pleasant grapes that were supported by the lusty trees, whose -fruitfull loade did cause the armes to bend: [among] which here and -there dispersed, you might see Lillies and of the Daphnean-tree: which -made the Land to mee seeme paradice: for in mine eie t’was Natures -Masterpeece; Her cheifest Magazine of all where lives her store: if -this Land be not rich, then is the whole world poore. - -What I had resolved on, I have really performed; and I have endeavoured -to use this abstract as an instrument, to bee the meanes to communicate -the knowledge which I have gathered, by my many yeares residence in -those parts, unto my Countrymen: {61} to the end that they may the -better perceive their error, who cannot imagine that there is any -Country in the universall world which may be compared unto our native -soyle. I will now discover unto them a Country whose indowments are -by learned men allowed to stand in a paralell with the Israelites -Canaan, which none will deny to be a land farre more excellent then Old -England, in her proper nature. - -This I consider I am bound in duety (as becommeth a Christian man) to -performe for the glory of God, in the first place; next, (according to -Cicero,) to acknowledge that, _Non nobis solum nati sumus, sed partim -patria, partim parentes, partim amici vindicant_.[285] - -For which cause I must approove of the indeavoures of my Country men, -that have bin studious to inlarge the territories of his Majesties -empire by planting Colonies in America. - -And of all other, I must applaude the judgement of those that have -made choise of this part, (whereof I now treat,) being of all other -most absolute, as I will make it appeare hereafter by way of paralell. -Among those that have setled themselvs in new England, some have gone -for their conscience sake, (as they professe,) and I wish that they -may plant the Gospel of Iesus Christ, as becommeth them, sincerely -and without satisme or faction, whatsoever their former or present -practises are, which I intend not to justifie: howsoever, they have -deserved (in mine opinion) some commendationes, in that they have -furnished the Country so commodiously in so short a time; although -it hath bin but for their owne profit, yet posterity will taste the -sweetnes of it, and that very sodainly. - -{62} And since my taske, in this part of mine abstract, is to intreat -of the naturall indowments of the Country, I will make a breife -demonstration of them in order, severally, according to their severall -qualities: and shew you what they are, and what profitable use may be -made of them by industry. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - _What trees are there and how commodious._[286] - - -~_1. Oake._~ - -Oakes are there of two sorts, white and redd;[287] excellent tymber for -the building both of howses and shipping: and they are found to be a -tymber that is more tough then the oak of England. They are excellent -for pipe-staves, and such like vessels; and pipe-staves at the Canary -Ilands are a prime commodity. I have knowne them there at 35. p. the -1000,[288] and will purchase a fraight of wines there before any -commodity in England, their onely wood being pine, of which they are -enforced also to build shippinge; of oackes there is great abundance -in the parts of New England, and they may have a prime place in the -Catalogue of commodities. - -~_2. Ashe._~ - -Ashe[289] there is store, and very good for staves, oares or pikes; and -may have a place in the same Catalogue. - -~_3. Elme._~ - -Elme: of this sort of trees there are some; but there hath not as yet -bin found any quantity to speake of. - -~_4. Beech._~ - -{63} Beech there is of two sorts, redd and white;[290] very excellent -for trenchers or chaires, and also for oares; and may be accompted for -a commodity. - -~_5. Walnutt._~ - -Wallnutt: of this sorte of wood there is infinite store, and there -are 4 sorts:[291] it is an excellent wood, for many uses approoved; -the younger trees are imployed for hoopes, and are the best for that -imployement of all other stuffe whatsoever. The Nutts serve when they -fall to feede our swine, which make them the delicatest bacon of all -other foode: and is therein a cheife commodity. - -~_6. Chestnuts._~ - -Chestnutt: of this sorte there is very greate plenty, the tymber -whereof is excellent for building; and is a very good commodity, -especially in respect of the fruit, both for man and beast. - -~_7. Pine._~ - -Pine: of this sorte there is infinite store in some parts of the -Country.[292] I have travelled 10. miles together where is little or -no other wood growing.[293] And of these may be made rosin, pitch and -tarre, which are such usefull commodities that if wee had them not from -other Countries in Amity with England, our Navigation would decline. -Then how great the commodity of it will be to our Nation, to have it of -our owne, let any man judge. - -~_8. Cedar._~ - -Cedar:[294] of this sorte there is abundaunce; and this wood was such -as Salomon used for the building of that glorious Temple at Hierusalem; -and there are of these Cedars, firre trees and other materialls -necessary for the building of many faire Temples,[295] if there were -any Salomons to be at the Cost of them: and if any man be desirous to -finde out in what part of the {64} Country the best Cedars are, he -must get into the bottom grounds, and in vallies that are wet at the -spring of the yeare, where the moisture preserves them from the fire in -spring time, and not in a woodden prospect.[296] This wood cutts red, -and is good for bedsteads, tables and chests; and may be placed in the -Catalogue of Commodities. - -~_9. Cypres._~ - -Cypres:[297] of this there is great plenty; and vulgarly this tree hath -bin taken for another sort of Cedar; but workemen put a difference -betweene this Cypres, and the Cedar, especially in the colour; for this -is white and that redd white: and likewise in the finenes of the leafe -and the smoothnes of the barque. This wood is also sweeter then Cedar, -and, (as it is in Garrets[298] herball,) a more bewtifull tree; it is -of all other, to my minde, most bewtifull, and cannot be denied to -passe for a commodity. - -~_10. Spruce._~ - -Spruce[299]: of these there are infinite store, especially in the -Northerne parts of the Country; and they have bin approoved by workemen -in England to be more tough then those that they have out of the east -country: from whence wee have them for masts and yards of shippes. - -~_The Spruce of this Country are found to be 3. & 4. fadum -aboute._~ - -The Spruce of this country are found to be 3. and 4. fadum about: and -are reputed able, single, to make masts for the biggest ship that -sayles on the maine Ocean, without peesing; which is more than the East -country can afford.[300] And seeing that Navigation is the very sinneus -of a flourishing Commonwealth, it is fitting to allow the Spruce tree -a principall place in the Catalogue of commodities. - -~_11. Alder._~ - -{65} Alder: of this sorte there is plenty by rivers sides, good for -turners. - -~_12. Birch._~ - -Birch: of this there is plenty in divers parts of the Country. Of the -barck of these the Salvages of the Northerne parts make them delicate -Canowes, so light that two men will transport one of them over Land -whither[301] they list; and yet one of them will transporte tenne or -twelffe Salvages by water at a time. - -~_13. Maple._~ - -Mayple:[302] of those trees there is greate abundance; and these are -very excellent for bowles. The Indians use of it to that purpose; and -is to be accompted a good commodity. - -~_14. Elderne._~ - -Elderne:[303] there is plenty in that Country; of this the Salvages -make their Arrowes, and it hath no strong unsavery sent like our Eldern -in England. - -~_15. Hawthorne._~ - -Hawthorne: of this there is two sorts, one of which beares a well -tasting berry as bigg as ones thumbe, and lookes like little Queene -apples. - -~_16. Vines._~ - -Vines: of this kinde of trees there are that beare grapes of three -colours: that is to say, white, black and red.[304] - -The Country is so apt for vines, that, but for the fire at the spring -of the yeare, the vines would so over spreade the land that one should -not be able to passe for them;[305] the fruit is as bigg, of some, as -a musket bullet, and is excellent in taste. - -~_17. Plummes._~ - -Plumtrees:[306] of this kinde there are many; some that beare fruit as -bigg as our ordinary bullis: others there be that doe beare fruite much -bigger than peare plummes; their colour redd, and their stones flat; -very delitious in taste. - -~_18. Cherries._~ - -{66} Cheritrees there are abundance; but the fruit is as small as our -sloes; but if any of them were replanted and grafted, in an orchard, -they would soone be raised by meanes of such; and the like fruits. - -~_19. Roses._~ - -There is greate abundance of Muske Roses in divers places: the water -distilled excelleth our Rosewater of England. - -~_20. Sassafras and 21. Sarsaperilla._~ - -There is abundance of Sassafras[307] and Sarsaperilla,[308] growing in -divers places of the land; whose budds at the spring doe perfume the -aire. - -Other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited in this -abstract, as goose berries, rasberies, and other beries. - -There is Hempe[309] that naturally groweth, finer then our Hempe of -England. - - - - -CHAP. III. - - _Potthearbes and other herbes for Sallets._ - - -~_Potmarioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, Pursland, Violets, -and Anniseeds._~ - -The Country there naturally affordeth very good pot-herbes and sallet -herbes, and those of a more maskuline vertue then any of the same -species in England; as Potmarioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, -Pursland, Violets, and Anniseeds, in very great abundance: and for the -pott I gathered in summer, dried and crumbled into a bagg to preserve -for winter store. - -~_Hunnisuckles and Balme._~ - -{67} Hunnisuckles, balme, and divers other good herbes are there, that -grow without the industry of man, that are used when occasion serveth -very commodiously.[310] - - - - -CHAP. IV. - - _Of Birds, and fethered fowles._[311] - - -Now that I have breifly shewed the Commodity of the trees, herbes, and -fruits, I will shew you a description of the fowles of the aire; as -most proper in ordinary course. - -~_Swannes._~ - -And first of the Swanne,[312] because shee is the biggest of all the -fowles of that Country. There are of them in Merrimack River, and in -other parts of the country, greate store at the seasons of the yeare. - -The flesh is not much desired of the inhabitants, but the skinnes may -be accompted a commodity fitt for divers uses, both for fethers and -quiles. - -~_Geese, pide, white, and gray._~ - -~_Fethers pay for powther and shott._~ - -There are Geese of three sorts, vize: brant Geese[313] which are pide, -and white Geese[314] which are bigger, and gray Geese[315] which are -as bigg and bigger then the tame Geese of England, with black legges, -black bills, heads and necks black; the flesh farre more excellent then -the Geese of England, wild or tame; yet the purity of the aire is such -that the biggest is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple of -men. There is of them great abundance. I have had often 1000. before -the mouth of my gunne. I never saw any in {68} England, for my part, so -fatt as I have killed there in those parts; the fethers of them makes -a bedd softer then any down bed that I have lyen on, and is there a -very good commodity; the fethers of the Geese, that I have killed in a -short time, have paid for all the powther and shott I have spent in a -yeare, and I have fed my doggs with as fatt Geese there as I have euer -fed upon my selfe in England. - -~_Ducks pide, gray, & black._~ - -Ducks there are of three kindes, pide Ducks, gray Ducks, and black -Ducks in greate abundance: the most about my habitation were black -Ducks:[316] and it was a noted Custome at my howse, to have every mans -Duck upon a trencher; and then you will thinke a man was not hardly -used: they are bigger boddied then the tame Ducks of England: very fatt -and dainty flesh. - -The common doggs fees were the gibletts, unlesse they were boyled now -and than for to make broath. - -~_Teales, greene and blew._~ - -Teales there are of two sorts, greene winged, and blew winged:[317] but -a dainty bird. I have bin much delighted with a rost of these for a -second course. I had plenty in the rivers and ponds about my howse. - -~_Widggens._~ - -Widggens[318] there are, and abundance of other water foule, some such -as I have seene, and [some] such as I have not seene else where before -I came into those parts, which are little regarded. - -~_Simpes._~ - -Simpes[319] there are like our Simpes in all respects, with very litle -difference. I have shot at them onely to see what difference I could -finde betweene them and those of my native Country, and more I did not -regard them. - -~_Sanderlings._~ - -{69} Sanderlings[320] are a dainty bird, more full boddied than a -Snipe; and I was much delighted to feede on them because they were fatt -and easie to come by, because I went but a stepp or to for them: and I -have killed betweene foure and five dozen at a shoot, which would loade -me home. - -Their foode is at ebbing water on the sands, of small seeds that grows -on weeds there, and are very good pastime in August. - -~_Cranes._~ - -Cranes[321] there are greate store, that ever more came there at S. -Davids day, and not before: that day they never would misse. - -These sometimes eate our corne, and doe pay for their presumption -well enough; and serveth there in powther, with turnips, to supply -the place of powthered beefe, and is a goodly bird in a dishe, and no -discommodity. - -~_Turkies._~ - -Turkies[322] there are, which divers times in great flocks have sallied -by our doores; and then a gunne, being commonly in a redinesse, salutes -them with such a courtesie, as makes them take a turne in the Cooke -roome. They daunce by the doore so well. - -Of these there hath bin killed that have weighed forty eight pound a -peece.[323] - -They are by mainy degrees sweeter then the tame Turkies of England, -feede them how you can. - -I had a Salvage who hath taken out his boy in a morning, and they have -brought home their loades about noone. - -{70} I have asked them what number they found in the woods, who have -answered Neent Metawna,[324] which is a thosand that day; the plenty of -them is such in those parts. They are easily killed at rooste, because, -the one being killed, the other sit fast neverthelesse; and this is no -bad commodity. - -~_Pheisants._~ - -There are a kinde of fowles which are commonly called Pheisants,[325] -but whether they be pheysants or no, I will not take upon mee to -determine. They are in forme like our pheisant henne of England. Both -the male and the female are alike; but they are rough footed, and have -stareing fethers about the head and neck; the body is as bigg as the -pheysant henne of England; and are excellent white flesh, and delicate -white meate, yet we seldome bestowe a shoote at them. - -~_Partridges bigger in body as those of England._~ - -Partridges[326] there are, much like our Partridges of England; they -are of the same plumes, but bigger in body. They have not the signe -of the horseshoe on the brest, as the Partridges of England; nor are -they coloured about the heads as those are. They sit on the trees, for -I have seene 40. in one tree at a time: yet at night they fall on the -ground, and sit untill morning so together; and are dainty flesh. - -~_Quailes bigger in body as those in England._~ - -There are quailes[327] also, but bigger then the quailes in England. -They take trees also: for I have numbered 60. upon a tree at a time. -The cocks doe call at the time of the yeare, but with a different note -from the cock quailes of England. - -~_The Larkes sing not._~ - -The Larkes[328] there are like our Larkes of England in all respects: -sauing that they do not use to sing at all. - -~_Owles._~ - -{71} There are Owles of divers kindes: but I did never heare any of -them whop as ours doe. - -~_The Crowes smell & tast of Muske in summer, but not in -winter._~ - -There are Crowes,[329] kights and rooks that doe differ in some -respects from those of England. The Crowes, which I have much admired -what should be the cause, both smell and taste of Muske in summer, but -not in winter. - -~_Hawkes of five sorts._~ - -~_A Lannaret._~ - -There are Hawkes in New England of 5. sorts;[330] and these of all -other fether fowles I must not omitt to speake of, nor neede I to make -any Apology for my selfe concerning any trespasse that I am like to -make upon my judgement, concerning the nature of them, having bin bred -in so genious a way that I had the common use of them in England: and -at my first arrivall in those parts practised to take a Lannaret,[331] -which I reclaimed, trained and made flying in a fortnight, the same -being a passenger at Michuelmas. I found that these are most excellent -Mettell, rank winged, well conditioned, and not tickleish footed; and, -having whoods, bels, luers, and all things fitting, was desirous to -make experiment of that kinde of Hawke before any other. - -And I am perswaded that Nature hath ordained them to be of a farre -better kinde then any that have bin used in England.[332] They have -neither dorre[333] nor worm to feed upon, (as in other parts of the -world,) the Country affording none; the use whereof in other parts -makes the Lannars there more bussardly[334] then they be in New England. - -~_Fawcons._~ - -There are likewise Fawcons[335] and tassell gentles,[336] admirable -well shaped birds; and they will tower up {72} when they purpose to -pray, and, on a sodaine when they esspie their game, they will make -such a cancellere that one would admire to behold them. Some there are -more black then any that have bin used in England. - -The Tassell gent, (but of the least size,[337]) is an ornament for -a person of estimation among the Indians to weare in the knot of his -lock, with the traine upright, the body dried and stretched out. They -take a great pride in the wearing of such an ornament, and give to one -of us, that shall kill them one for that purpose, so much beaver as is -worth three pounds sterling, very willingly. - -These doe us but little trespas, because they pray on such birds as -are by the Sea side, and not on our Chickens. Goshawkes there are, and -Tassels. - -~_Goshawkes well shaped._~ - -The Tassels are short trussed bussards;[338] but the Goshawkes[339] -are well shaped, but they are small; some of white male, and some redd -male, I have seene one with 8. barres in the traine. These fall on our -bigger poultry: the lesser chicken, I thinke they scorne to make their -pray of; for commonly the Cocke goes to wrack. Of these I have seene -many; and if they come to trespasse me, I lay the law to them with the -gunne, and take them dammage fesant. - -~_Marlins small and greate._~ - -There are very many Marlins;[340] some very small, and some so large as -is the Barbary Tassell. - -I have often beheld these pretty birds, how they have scoured after the -black bird, which is a small sized Choffe[341] that eateth the Indian -maisze. - -~_Sparhawkes._~ - -Sparhawkes[342] there are also, the fairest and {73} best shaped -birds that I have ever beheld of that kinde those that are litle, no -use is made of any of them, neither are they regarded. I onely tried -conclusions with a Lannaret at first comming; and, when I found what -was in that bird, I turned him going; but, for so much as I have -observed of those birds, they may be a fitt present for a prince, and -for goodnesse too be preferred before the Barbary, or any other used in -Christendome; and especially the Lannars and Lannarets. - -~_A Hunning bird, is as small as a Beetle. His bill as sharp -as a needle point, and his fethers like silke._~ - -There is a curious bird to see to, called a hunning bird,[343] no -bigger then a great Beetle; that out of question lives upon the Bee, -which hee eateth and catcheth amongst Flowers: For it is his Custome to -frequent those places. Flowers hee cannot feed upon by reason of his -sharp bill, which is like the poynt of a Spannish needle, but shorte. -His fethers have a glosse like silke, and, as hee stirres, they shew -to be of a chaingable coloure: and has bin, and is, admired for shape, -coloure and size. - - - - -CHAP. V. - - _Of the Beasts of the forrest._[344] - - -Now that I have made a rehearsall of the birds and fethered Fowles, -which participate most of aire, I will give you a description of the -beasts; and shew you what beasts are bred in those parts, and what my -experience hath gathered by observation of {74} their kinde and nature. -I begin with the most usefull and most beneficiall beast which is bredd -in those parts, which is the Deare. - -~_Deare of 3. kindes._~ - -There are in this Country three kindes of Deare, of which there are -greate plenty, and those are very usefull. - -~_Mose or red deare._~ - -First, therefore, I will speake of the Elke, which the Salvages call -a Mose:[345] it is a very large Deare, with a very faire head, and a -broade palme, like the palme of a fallow Deares horne, but much bigger, -and is 6. footewide betweene the tipps, which grow curbing downwards: -Hee is of the bignesse of a great horse. - -~_Mose or deare greater than a horse, the height of them 18. -hand fulles._~ - -There have bin of them seene that has bin 18. handfulls highe: hee hath -a bunch of haire under his jawes: hee is not swifte, but stronge and -large in body, and longe legged; in somuch that hee doth use to kneele, -when hee feedeth on grasse. - -~_They bringe forth three faunes at one time._~ - -Hee bringeth forth three faunes, or younge ones, at a time; and, being -made tame, would be good for draught, and more usefull (by reason of -their strength) then the Elke of Raushea.[346] These are found very -frequent in the northerne parts of New England: their flesh is very -good foode, and much better then our redd Deare of England. - -~_They make good lether of the hides of Deare._~ - -Their hids are by the Salvages converted into very good lether, and -dressed as white as milke. - -Of this lether the Salvages make the best shooes; and use to barter -away the skinnes to other Salvages that have none of that kinde of -bests in the parts where they live. Very good buffe may be made of the -{75} hids. I have seene a hide as large as any horse hide that can be -found. There is such abundance of them that the Salvages, at hunting -time, have killed of them so many, that they have bestowed six or -seaven at a time upon one English man whome they have borne affection -to. - -~_The midling Deare or fallow Deare._~ - -There is a second sort of Deare[347] (lesse then the redd Deare of -England, but much bigger then the English fallow Deare) swift of foote, -but of a more darke coloure; with some griseld heares, when his coate -is full growne in the summer season; his hornes grow curving, with a -croked beame, resembling our redd Deare, not with a palme like the -fallow Deare. - -These bringe 3. fawnes at a time,[348] spotted like our fallow Deares -fawnes; the Salvages say, foure; I speake of what I know to be true, -for I have killed in February a doe with three fawnes in her belly, all -heared, and ready to fall; for these Deare fall their fawnes 2. moneths -sooner then the fallow Deare of England. There is such abundance of -them that an hundred have bin found at the spring of the yeare, within -the compasse of a mile. - -~_Trappes to catch the Deare._~ - -The Salvages take these in trappes made of their naturall Hempe, which -they place in the earth where they fell a tree for browse; and when -hee rounds the tree for the browse, if hee tread on the trapp hee is -horsed up by the legg, by meanes of a pole that starts up and catcheth -him.[349] - -Their hides the Saluages use for cloathing, and will give for one hide -killed in season, 2. 3. or 4. beaver skinnes, which will yeild pounds a -peece in that Coun{76}try: so much is the Deares hide prised with them -above the beaver. I have made good merchandize of these. The flesh is -farre sweeter then the venison of England: and hee feedeth fatt and -leane together, as a swine or mutton, where as our Deare of England -feede fatt on the out side: they doe not croake at rutting time, nor -spendle shafte, nor is their flesh discoloured at rutting. Hee, that -will impale ground fitting, may be brought once in the yeare where -with bats and men hee may take so many to put into that parke, as the -hides will pay the chardge of impaleinge. If all these things be well -considered, the Deare, as well as the Mose, may have a principall place -in the catalogue of commodities. - -~_The Humbles was the doggs fee._~ - -I for my part may be bould to tell you, that my howse was not without -the flesh of this sort of Deare winter nor summer: the humbles was ever -my dogges fee, which by the wesell[350] was hanged on the barre in the -chimney, for his diet only: for hee has brought to my stand a brace in -a morning, one after the other before sunne rising, which I have killed. - -~_Roe bucks or Rayne Deare._~ - -There is likewise a third sorte of deare,[351] lesse then the other, -(which are a kinde of rayne deare,) to the southward of all the English -plantations: they are excellent good flesh. And these also bring three -fawnes at a time; and in this particular the Deare of those parts -excell all the knowne Deare of the whole world. - -~_Wolfes pray upon Deare._~ - -On all these the Wolfes doe pray continually. The best meanes they -have to escape the wolfes is by swimming to Islands,[352] or necks -of land, whereby {77} they escape: for the wolfe will not presume to -follow them untill they see them over a river; then, being landed, -(they wayting on the shore,) undertake the water, and so follow with -fresh suite. - -~_Beaver._~ - -The next in mine opinion fit to be spoaken of, is the Beaver;[353] -which is a Beast ordained for land and water both, and hath fore feete -like a cunny, her hinder feete like a goese, mouthed like a cunny, but -short eared like a Serat. [He feeds on] fishe in summer, and wood in -winter; which hee conveyes to his howse built on the water, wherein hee -sitts with his tayle hanging in the water, which else would over heate -and rot off. - -~_The Beavers cut downe trees, with his fore teeth._~ - -Hee cuts the bodies of trees downe with his fore-teeth, which are so -long as a boares tuskes, and with the help of other beavers, (which -hold by each others tayles like a teeme of horses, the hindmost with -the logg on his shoulder stayed by one of his fore feete against his -head,) they draw the logg to the habitation appoynted, placing the -loggs in a square; and so, by pyling one uppon another, they build up -a howse, which with boghes is covered very strongly, and placed in -some pond, to which they make a damme of brush wood, like a hedge, -so stronge that I have gone on the top of it crosse the current of -that pond. The flesh of this beast is excellent foode. The fleece is -a very choise furre, which, (before the Salvages had commerce with -Christians,) they burned of the tayle: this beast is of a masculine -vertue for the advancement of Priapus,[354] and is preserved for a dish -for the Sachems, or Sagamores; who are the princes of the people, but -not Kings, (as is fondly supposed.) - -~_Beaver at 10. shil. a pound._~ - -{78} The skinnes are the best marchantable commodity that can be found, -to cause ready money to be brought into the land, now that they are -raised to 10. shillings a pound.[355] - -~_In 5 yeares one man gott together 1000 p. in good gold._~ - -A servant of mine in 5. yeares was thought to have a 1000. p. in ready -gold gotten by beaver when hee dyed;[356] whatsoever became of it. And -this beast may challenge preheminence in the Catalogue. - -~_The Otter in winter hath a furre as black as Iett._~ - -The Otter[357] of those parts, in winter season, hath a furre so black -as jett; and is a furre of very highe price: a good black skinne is -worth 3. or 4. Angels of gold. The Flesh is eaten by the Salvages: but -how good it is I cannot shew, because it is not eaten by our Nation. -Yet is this a beast that ought to be placed in the number amongst the -Commodities of the Country. - -~_The Luseran as bigg as a hound._~ - -The Luseran, or Luseret,[358] is a beast like a Catt, but so bigg -as a great hound: with a tayle shorter then a Catt. His clawes are -like a Catts. Hee will make a pray of the Deare. His Flesh is dainty -meat, like a lambe: his hide is a choise furre, and accompted a good -commodity. - -~_The Martin is about the bignesse of a Fox._~ - -The Martin[359] is a beast about the bignes of a Foxe. His furre is -chestnutt coloure: and of those there are greate store in the Northerne -parts of the Country, and is a good commodity. - -~_Racowne._~ - -The Racowne[360] is a beast as bigg, full out, as a Foxe, with a -Bushtayle. His Flesh excellent foode: his oyle precious for the -Syattica:[361] his furre course, but the skinnes serve the Salvages -for coats, and is with those people of more esteeme then a coate of -beaver, {79} because of the tayles that (hanging round in their order) -doe adorne the garment, and is therefore so much esteemed of them. His -fore feete are like the feete of an ape; and by the print thereof, in -the time of snow, he is followed to his hole, which is commonly in a -hollow tree; from whence hee is fiered out, and so taken. - -~_The Foxes red and gray._~ - -The Foxes are of two coloures; the one redd, the other gray:[362] these -feede on fish, and are good furre:[363] they doe not stinke, as the -Foxes of England, but their condition for their pray is as the Foxes of -England. - -~_The Wolfes of diverse coloures._~ - -The Wolfes are of divers coloures;[364] some sandy coloured, some -griselled, and some black: their foode is fish, which they catch when -they passe up the rivers into the ponds to spawne, at the spring time. -The Deare are also their pray, and at summer, when they have whelpes, -the bitch will fetch a puppy dogg from our dores to feede their whelpes -with. They are fearefull Curres, and will runne away from a man, (that -meeteth them by chaunce at a banke end,) as fast as any fearefull -dogge.[365] These pray upon the Deare very much. The skinnes are used -by the Salvages, especially the skinne of the black wolfe, which is -esteemed a present for a prince there. - -~_The skin of a black wolfe a present for a prince._~ - -When there ariseth any difference betweene prince and prince, the -prince that desires to be reconciled to his neighboring prince does -endeavour to purchase it by sending him a black wolfes skinne for -a present, and the acceptance of such a present is an assurance of -reconciliation betweene them; and the {80} Salvages will willingly -give 40. beaver skinnes for the purchase of one of these black Wolfes -skinnes:[366] and allthough the beast himselfe be a discommodity, which -other Countries of Christendome are subject unto, yet is the skinne of -the black wolfe worthy the title of a commodity, in that respect that -hath bin declared. - -~_The Beares afraid of a man._~ - -If I should not speake something of the beare,[367] I might happily -leave a scruple in the mindes of some effeminate persone who conceaved -of more dainger in them then there is cause. Therefore, to incourage -them against all Feare and Fortifie their mindes against needles -danger, I will relate what experience hath taught mee concerning them: -they are beasts that doe no harme in those parts; they feede upon -Hurtleburies, Nuts and Fish, especially shell-fish. - -The Beare is a tyrant at a Lobster, and at low water will downe to the -Rocks and groape after them with great diligence. - -~_The Salvages seeing a beare chase him like a dogg and kill -him._~ - -Hee will runne away from a man as fast as a litle dogge. If a couple of -Salvages chaunce to espie him at his banquet, his running away will -not serve his turne, for they will coate him, and chase him betweene -them home to theire howses, where they kill him, to save a laboure in -carrying him farre. His Flesh is esteemed venison, and of a better -taste then beefe.[368] - -His hide is used by the Salvages for garments, and is more commodious -then discommodious; and may passe, (with some allowance,) with the rest. - -~_Muskewashe._~ - -The Muskewashe[369] is a beast that frequenteth the ponds. What hee -eats I cannot finde. Hee is {81} but a small beast, lesse then a Cunny, -and is indeede in those parts no other then a water Ratte; for I have -seene the suckers of them digged out of a banke, and at that age they -neither differed in shape, coloure, nor size, from one of our greate -Ratts. When hee is ould, hee is of the Beavers coloure; and hath passed -in waite with our Chapmen for Beaver. - -The Male of them have stones, which the Salvages, in uncaseing of -them, leave to the skinne, which is a most delicate perfume, and may -compare with any perfume that I know for goodnesse: Then may not this -be excluded the Catalogue. - -~_Porcupines._~ - -This Country, in the North parts thereof, hath many Porcupines,[370] -but I doe not finde the beast any way usefull or hurtfull. - -~_Hedghoggs._~ - -There are in those Northerne parts many Hedgehoggs, of the like nature -to our English Hedghoggs.[371] - -~_Conyes of severall sorts._~ - -Here are greate store of Conyes[372] in those parts, of divers -coloures; some white, some black, and some gray. Those towards the -Southerne parts are very small, but those to the North are as bigg -as the English Cony: their eares are very short. For meate the small -rabbit is as good as any that I have eaten of else where. - -~_Squirils of three sorts._~ - -There are Squirils of three sorts,[373] very different in shape and -condition; one[374] is gray, and hee is as bigg as the lesser Cony, and -keepeth the woods, feeding upon nutts. - -Another is red, and hee haunts our howses and will rob us of our Corne; -but the Catt many times payes him the price of his presumption. - -~_A Flying Squirill._~ - -{82} The third is a little flying Squirill, with batlike winges, which -hee spreads when hee jumpes from tree to tree, and does no harme. - -~_Snakes._~ - -Now because I am upon a treaty of the beasts, I will place this -creature, the snake, amongst the beasts, having my warrant from the -holy Bible; who, (though his posture in his passage be so different -from all other, being of a more subtile and aidry nature, that hee can -make his way without feete, and lifte himselfe above the superficies -of the earth, as hee glids along,) yet may hee not bee ranked with any -but the beasts, notwithstanding hee frequents the water, as well as the -land. - -There are of Snakes divers and of severall kindes, as be with us in -England; but that Country hath not so many as in England have bin -knowne.[375] - -The generall Salvage name of them is Ascowke.[376] - -~_The rattle Snakes._~ - -There is one creeping beast or longe creeple, (as the name is in -Devonshire,) that hath a rattle at his tayle that does discover his -age; for so many yeares as hee hath lived, so many joynts are in that -rattle, which soundeth (when it is in motion,) like pease in a bladder; -and this beast is called a rattle Snake; but the Salvages give him the -name of Sesick,[377] which some take to be the Adder; and it may well -be so, for the Salvages are significiant in their denomination of any -thing, and [it] is no lesse hurtfull than the Adder of England, nor no -more. I have had my dogge venomed with troubling one of these, and so -swelled that I had thought it would have bin his death: but with one -Saucer of Salet oyle powred downe his throate he {83} has recovered, -and the swelling asswaged by the next day. The like experiment hath bin -made upon a boy that hath by chaunce troad upon one of these, and the -boy never the worse. Therefore it is simplicity in any one that shall -tell a bugbeare tale of horrible, or terrible Serpents, that are in -that land.[378] - -~_Mise._~ - -Mise there are good store, and my Lady Woodbees black gray-malkin may -have pastime enough there: but for Rats, the Country by Nature is -troubled with none.[379] - -~_Lyons alwaies in hot Clymats, not in cold._~ - -Lyons there are none in New England:[380] it is contrary to the Nature -of the beast to frequent places accustomed to snow; being like the -Catt, that will hazard the burning of her tayle rather than abide from -the fire. - - - - -CHAP. VI. - - _Of Stones and Minerals._[381] - - -Now, (for as much as I have in a breife abstract shewed you the -Creatures whose specificall Natures doe simpathise with the elements of -fire and aire,) I will come to speake of the Creatures that participate -of earth more then the other two, which is stones. - -~_Marble._~ - -And first of the Marble for building; whereof there is much in those -parts, in so much there is one bay in the land that beareth the name of -Marble harber, because of the plenty of Marble there:[382] and these -{84} are usefull for building of Sumpteous Pallaces. - -~_Limestone._~ - -And because no good building can be made permanent, or durable, without -Lime, I will let you understand that there is good Limestone neere to -the river of Monatoquinte,[383] at Uttaquatock,[384] to my knowledge; -and we hope other places too, (that I have not taken so much notice -of,) may have the like, or better: and those stones are very convenient -for building. - -~_Chalk._~ - -Chalke stones there are neere Squantos Chappell,[385] shewed me by a -Salvage. - -~_Slate._~ - -There is abundance of excellent Slate[386] in divers places of the -Country; and the best that ever I beheld for covering of howses: and -the inhabitants have made good use of these materials for building. - -~_Whetstones._~ - -There is a very usefull Stone in the Land, and as yet there is found -out but one place where they may be had, in the whole Country: Ould -Woodman, (that was choaked at Plimmouth after hee had played the -unhappy Markes man when hee was pursued by a carelesse fellow that was -new come into the Land,) they say laboured to get a patent of it to -himselfe. Hee was beloved of many, and had many sonnes that had a minde -to engrosse that commodity. And I cannot spie any mention made of it -in the woodden prospect.[387] - -Therefore I begin to suspect his aime, that it was for himselfe; and -therefore will I not discover it: it is the Stone so much commended by -_Ovid_, because love delighteth to make his habitation in a building of -those materials, where hee advises those that seeke for love to doe it, -_Duris in Cotibus illum_.[388] - -This stone the Salvages doe call _Cos_;[389] {85} and of these, (on the -North end of Richmond Iland,) are store, and those are very excellent -good for edg’d tooles.[390] I envy not his happinesse. I have bin -there:[391] viewed the place: liked the commodity: but will not plant -so Northerly for that, nor any other commodity that is there to be had. - -~_Loadstones._~ - -There are Loadestones[392] also in the Northerne parts of the land: and -those which were found are very good, and are a commodity worth the -noteing. - -~_Ironstones._~ - -Iron stones[393] there are abundance: and severall sorts of them knowne. - -~_Lead._~ - -Lead ore[394] is there likewise, and hath bin found by the breaking of -the earth, which the Frost hath made mellow. - -~_Blacklead._~ - -Black Leade[395] I have likewise found very good, which the Salvages -use to paint their faces with. - -~_Read lead._~ - -Red Leade[396] is there likewise in great abundance. - -~_Boll._~ - -There is very excellent Boll Armoniack.[397] - -~_Vermilion._~ - -There is most excellent Vermilion.[398] All these things the Salvages -make some litle use of, and doe finde them on the circumference of the -Earth. - -~_Brimstone._~ - -Brimstone[399] mines there are likewise. - -~_Tinne._~ - -Mines of Tinne[400] are likewise knowne to be in those parts: which -will in short time be made use of: and this cannot be accompted a meane -commodity. - -~_Copper._~ - -Copper mines[401] are there found likewise, that will enrich the -Inhabitants. But untill theire younge Cattell be growne hardy labourers -in the yoake, that the Plough and the Wheate may be seene more -plentifully, it is a worke must be forborne. - -~_Silver._~ - -{86} They say there is a Silver, and a gold mine[402] found by Captaine -Littleworth:[403] if hee get a patent of it to himselfe hee will surely -change his name. - - - - -CHAP. VII. - - _Of the Fishes, and what commodity they proove._[404] - - -Among Fishes, first I will begin with the Codd, because it is the most -commodious of all fish, as may appeare by the use which is made of them -in forraigne parts. - -~_Codd._~ - -The Codd fishing is much used in America, (whereof New England is a -part,) in so much as 300. Sayle of shipps, from divers parts, have used -to be imployed yearely in that trade. - -~_15. Shipps at one time for Codd._~ - -I have seene in one Harboure,[405] next Richmond Iland, 15. Sayle of -shipps at one time, that have taken in them driyed Codds for Spaine and -the Straights, and it has bin found that the Saylers have made 15. 18. -20. 22. p. share for a common man. - -~_Oyle mayd of the livers of the Codd._~ - -The Coast aboundeth with such multitudes of Codd[406] that the -inhabitants of New England doe dunge their grounds with Codd; and it -is a commodity better than the golden mines of the Spanish Indies; for -without dried Codd the Spaniard, Portingal and Italian would not be -able to vittel of a shipp for the Sea; and I am sure at the Canaries it -is the principall commodity: which place lyeth neere New Eng{87}land, -very convenient for the vending of this commodity, one hundred of these -being at the price of 300. of New found land Codds: greate store of -traine oyle[407] is mayd of the livers of the Codd, and is a commodity -that without question will enrich the inhabitants of New England -quicly; and is therefore a principall commodity. - -~_A 100 Basse sould for 5. p._~ - -The Basse[408] is an excellent Fish, both fresh and Salte; one hundred -whereof salted, (at a market,) have yeilded 5. p. They are so large, -the head of one will give a good eater a dinner; and for daintinesse of -diet they excell the Mary-bones of Beefe. There are such multitudes, -that I have seene stopped into the river close adjoyning to my howse, -with a sand at one tide, so many as will loade a ship of a 100. Tonnes. - -Other places have greater quantities, in so much as wagers have bin -layed that one should not throw a stone in the water but that hee -should hit a fish. - -I my selfe, at the turning of the tyde, have seene such multitudes -passe out of a pound, that it seemed to mee that one might goe over -their backs drishod. - -These follow the bayte up the rivers, and sometimes are followed for -bayte and chased into the bayes, and shallow waters, by the grand -pise:[409] and these may have also a prime place in the Catalogue of -Commodities. - -~_Mackarell are baite for Basse._~ - -The Mackarels are the baite for the Basse, and these have bin chased -into the shallow waters where so many thousands have shott themselves -a shore with the surfe of the Sea, that whole hogges-heads have bin -taken up on the Sands; and for length, they excell {88} any of other -parts: they have bin measured 18. and 19. inches in length and seaven -in breadth: and are taken with a drayle,[410] (as boats use to passe to -and froe at Sea on businesse,) in very greate quantities all alonge the -Coaste. - -The Fish is good, salted, for store against the winter, as well as -fresh; and to be accounted a good Commodity. - -~_Sturgeon._~ - -This Sturgeon in England is _regalis piscis_;[411] every man in New -England may catch what hee will: there are multitudes of them, and they -are much fatter then those that are brought into England from other -parts, in so much as by reason of their fatnesse they doe not looke -white, but yellow, which made a Cooke presume they were not so good as -them of Roushea: silly fellow that could not understand that it is the -nature of fish salted, or pickelled, the fatter the yellower being best -to preserve.[412] - -For the taste, I have warrant of Ladies of worth, with choise pallats -for the commendations, who liked the taste so well that they esteemed -it beyond the Sturgeon of other parts, and sayd they were deceaved in -the lookes: therefore let the Sturgeon passe for a Commodity. - -~_Salmon._~ - -Of Salmons there is greate abundance: and these may be allowed for a -Commodity, and placed in the Catallogue. - -~_Herrings._~ - -Of Herrings there is greate store, fat and faire: and, (to my minde,) -as good as any I have seene; and these may be preserved, and made a -good commodity at the Canaries. - -~_Great plenty of Eeles._~ - -{89} Of Eeles there is abundance, both in the Salt-waters and in the -fresh: and the fresh water Eele there, (if I may take the judgement -of a London Fishmonger,) is the best that hee hath found in his life -time. I have with 2.[413] eele potts found my howsehold, (being nine -persons, besides doggs,) with them, taking them every tide, (for 4. -moneths space,) and preserving of them for Winter store:[414] and these -may proove a good commodity. - -~_Smelts._~ - -Of Smelts there is such abundance that the Salvages doe take them up in -the rivers with baskets, like sives. - -~_Shadds or Allizes taken to dunge ground._~ - -There is a Fish, (by some called shadds, by some allizes,)[415] that -at the spring of the yeare passe up the rivers to spaune in the ponds; -and are taken in such multitudes in every river, that hath a pond at -the end, that the Inhabitants doung their ground with them. You may see -in one towneship a hundred acres together set with these Fish, every -acre taking 1000. of them: and an acre thus dressed will produce and -yeald so much corne as 3. acres without fish: and, least any Virginea -man would inferre hereupon that the ground of New England is barren, -because they use no fish in setting their corne, I desire them to be -remembred the cause is plaine, in Virginea they have it not to sett. -But this practise is onely for the Indian Maize, (which must be set by -hands,) not for English graine: and this is therefore a commodity there. - -~_Turbut or Hallibut._~ - -There is a large sized fish called Hallibut, or Turbut:[416] some are -taken so bigg that two men have much a doe to hale them into the boate; -but there is {90} such plenty, that the fisher men onely eate the heads -and finnes, and throw away the bodies: such in Paris would yeeld 5. or -6. crownes a peece: and this is no discommodity. - -~_Plaice._~ - -There are excellent Plaice,[417] and easily taken. They, (at flowing -water,) do almost come ashore, so that one may stepp but halfe a foote -deepe and prick them up on the sands and this may passe with some -allowance. - -~_Hake._~ - -Hake[418] is a dainty white fish, and excellent vittell fresh; and may -passe with other commodities, because there are multitudes. - -~_Pilchers._~ - -There are greate store of Pilchers:[419] at Michelmas, in many places, -I have seene the Cormorants[420] in length 3. miles feedinge upon the -Sent. - -~_Lobsters._~ - -Lobsters are there infinite in store in all the parts of the land, and -very excellent. The most use that I made of them, in 5. yeares after I -came there, was but to baite my Hooke for to catch Basse; I had bin so -cloyed with them the first day I went a shore. - -This being knowne, they shall passe for a commodity to the inhabitants; -for the Salvages will meete 500, or 1000. at a place where Lobsters -come in with the tyde, to eate, and save dried for store; abiding in -that place, feasting and sporting, a moneth or 6. weekes together.[421] - -~_Oysters._~ - -There are greate store of Oysters in the entrance of all Rivers: they -are not round as those of England, but excellent fat, and all good. I -have seene an Oyster banke a mile at length. - -~_Mustles._~ - -Mustles there are infinite store; I have often gon {91} to Wassaguscus, -where were excellent Mustles, to eate for variety, the fish is so fat -and large.[422] - -~_Clames._~ - -Clames is a shellfish, which I have seene sold in Westminster for -12. pe. the skore. These our swine feede upon, and of them there is -no want; every shore is full; it makes the swine proove exceedingly, -they will not faile at low water to be with them. The Salvages are -much taken with the delight of this fishe, and are not cloyed, -notwithstanding the plenty: for our swine we finde it a good commodity. - -~_Rarer fish._~ - -Rarer fishes there are. - -~_Freele._~ - -Freeles there are, Cockles and Scallopes;[423] and divers other sorts -of Shellfishe, very good foode. - -Now that I have shewed you what commodities are there to be had in -the Sea, for a Market; I will shew what is in the Land, also, for the -comfort of the inhabitants, wherein it doth abound. And because my -taske is an abstract, I will discover to them the commodity thereof. - -~_Fresh fish, Trouts, Carpes, Breames, Pikes, Roches, -Perches, Tenches, and Eeles._~ - -There are in the rivers, and ponds, very excellent Trouts, Carpes, -Breames, Pikes, Roches, Perches, Tenches, Eeles, and other fishes such -as England doth afford, and as good for variety; yea, many of them much -better; and the Natives of the inland parts doe buy hookes of us, to -catch them with: and I have knowne the time that a Trouts hooke hath -yeelded a beaver skinne, which hath bin a good commodity to those that -have bartered them away. - -These things I offer to your consideration, (curteous Reader,) and -require you to shew mee the like in any part of the knowne world, if -you can. - - - - -{92} CHAP. VIII. - - _Of the goodnes of the Country and the Waters._ - - -~_Foode and Fire._~ - -Now since it is a Country so infinitely blest with foode, and fire, to -roast or boyle our Flesh and Fish, why should any man feare for cold -there, in a Country warmer in the winter than some parts of France, and -neerer the Sunne: unles hee be one of those that Salomon bids goe to -the Ant and the Bee. - -~_Noe Boggs._~ - -~_Perfumed aire with sweet herbes._~ - -There is no boggy ground knowne in all the Country, from whence the -Sunne may exhale unwholsom vapors: But there are divers arematicall -herbes and plants, as Sassafras, Muske Roses, Violets, Balme, Lawrell, -Hunnisuckles, and the like, that with their vapors perfume the aire; -and it has bin a thing much observed that shipps have come from -Virginea where there have bin scarce five men able to hale a rope, -untill they have come within 40. Degrees of latitude and smell the -sweet aire of the shore, where they have suddainly recovered.[424] - -~_Of Waters._~ - -And for the water, therein it excelleth Canaan by much; for the Land -is so apt for Fountaines, a man cannot digg amisse: therefore if -the Abrahams and Lots of our times come thether, there needs be no -contention for wells. - -Besides there are waters of most excellent vertues, worthy admiration. - -~_The Cure of mellancolly at Maremount._~ - -{93} At Ma-re-Mount there was a water,[425] (by mee discovered,) that -is most excellent for the cure of Melancolly probatum. - -~_The cure of Barrennesse._~ - -At Weenasemute is a water, the vertue whereof is to cure barrennesse. -The place taketh his name of that Fountaine which signifieth quick -spring, or quickning spring probatum.[426] - -~_Water procuring a dead sleepe._~ - -~_New Engl. excels Canaan in fountaines._~ - -Neere Squantos Chappell,[427] (a place so by us called,) is a Fountaine -that causeth a dead sleepe for 48. howres to those that drinke 24. -ounces at a draught, and so proportionably. The Salvages, that are -Powahs, at set times use it, and reveale strang things to the vulgar -people by meanes of it. So that in the delicacy of waters, and the -conveniency of them, Canaan came not neere this Country. - -~_Milke and Hony supplied._~ - -As for the Milke and Hony, which that Canaan flowed with, it is -supplyed by the plenty of birds, beasts and Fish; whereof Canaan could -not boast her selfe. - -~_A plain paralell to Canaan._~ - -Yet never the lesse, (since the Milke came by the industry of the first -Inhabitants,) let the cattell be chereshed that are at this time in -New England, and forborne but a litle, I will aske no long time, no -more but untill the Brethren have converted one Salvage and made him -a good Christian, and I may be bold to say Butter and cheese will be -cheaper there then ever it was in Canaan. It is cheaper there then in -old England at this present; for there are store of Cowes, considering -the people, which, (as my intelligence gives,) is 12000.[428] persons: -and in gods name let the people have their desire, who write to their -freinds to come out of Sodome to the land of Canaan, a land that flowes -with Milke and Hony. - -~_The Request for the Nomination of New Canaan._~ - -{94} And I appeale to any man of judgement, whether it be not a Land -that for her excellent indowments of Nature may passe for a plaine -paralell to Canaan of Israell, being in a more temporat Climat, this -being in 40. Degrees and that in 30. - - - - -CHAP. IX. - - _A Perspective to view the Country by._ - - -~_The Soyle._~ - -As for the Soyle, I may be bould to commend the fertility thereof, and -preferre it before the Soyle of England, (our Native Country); and I -neede not to produce more then one argument for proffe thereof, because -it is so infallible. - -~_The grouth of Hempe._~ - -Hempe is a thing by Husband men in generall ageed upon to prosper best -in the most fertile Soyle: and experience hath taught this rule, that -Hempe seede prospers so well in New England that it shewteth up to be -tenne foote high and tenne foote and a halfe, which is twice so high as -the ground in old England produceth it; which argues New England the -more fertile of the two.[429] - -~_The aire._~ - -As for the aire, I will produce but one proffe for the maintenance of -the excellency thereof; which is so generall, as I assure myselfe it -will suffice. - -~_No cold cough or murre._~ - -No man living there was ever knowne to be troubled with a cold, a -cough, or a murre; but many men, comming sick out of Virginea to New -Canaan have instantly recovered with the helpe of the purity {95} of -that aire;[430] no man ever surfeited himselfe either by eating or -drinking. - -~_The plenty of the Land._~ - -As for the plenty of that Land, it is well knowne that no part of Asia, -Affrica or Europe affordeth deare that doe bring forth any more then -one single faune; and in New Canaan the Deare are accustomed to bring -forth 2. and 3. faunes at a time.[431] - -Besides, there are such infinite flocks of Fowle and Multitudes of -fish, both in the fresh waters and also on the Coast, that the like -hath not else where bin discovered by any traveller. - -~_Windes._~ - -The windes there are not so violent as in England; which is prooved -by the trees that grow in the face of the winde by the Sea Coast; for -there they doe not leane from the winde as they doe in England: as we -have heard before.[432] - -~_Raine._~ - -The Raine is there more moderate then in England; which thing I have -noted in all the time of my residence to be so. - -~_The Coast._~ - -The Coast is low Land, and not high Land: and hee is of a weake -capacity that conceaveth otherwise of it, because it cannot be denied -but that boats may come a ground in all places along the Coast, and -especially within the Compas of the Massachusets patent, where the -prospect is fixed.[433] - -~_Harboures._~ - -The Harboures are not to be bettered for safety and goodnesse of -ground, for ancorage, and, (which is worthy observation,) shipping will -not there be furred; neither are they subject to wormes, as in Virginea -and other places. - -~_Scituation._~ - -{96} Let the Scituation also of the Country be considered, (together -with the rest which is discovered in the front of this abstract,) and -then I hope no man will hold this land unworthy to be intituled by the -name of the second Canaan. - -~_The Nomination._~ - -And, since the Seperatists are desirous to have the denomination -thereof, I am become an humble Suter on their behalfe for your -consents, (courteous Readers,) to it, before I doe shew you what Revels -they have kept in New Canaan.[434] - - - - -CHAP. X. - - _Of the Great Lake of Erocoise in New England, and the commodities - thereof._ - - -~_Fowle innumerable._~ - -Westwards from the Massachusetts bay, (which lyeth in 42. Degrees and -30. Minutes of Northerne latitude,) is scituated a very spacious Lake, -(called of the Natives the Lake of Erocoise[435]) which is farre more -excellent then the Lake of Genezereth, in the Country of Palestina, -both in respect of the greatnes and properties thereof, and likewise of -the manifould commodities it yealdeth: the circumference of which Lake -is reputed to be 240. miles at the least: and it is distant from the -Massachussetts bay 300. miles, or there abouts:[436] wherein are very -many faire Islands, where innumerable flocks of severall sorts of Fowle -doe breede, Swannes, Geese, Ducks, Widgines, Teales, and other water -Fowle. - -~_Multitudes of Fish._~ - -~_The prime place of New Canaan._~ - -{97} There are also more abundance of Beavers, Deare and Turkies breed -about the parts of that lake then in any place in all the Country of -New England; and also such multitudes of fish, (which is a great part -of the foode that the Beavers live upon,) that it is a thing to be -admired at: So that about this Lake is the principallst place for a -plantation in all New Canaan, both for pleasure and proffit. - -~_Canada, so named of Monsier de Cane._~ - -Here may very many brave Townes and Citties be erected, which may -have intercourse one with another by water, very commodiously: and it -is of many men of good judgement accounted the prime seate for the -Metropolis of New Canaan.[437] From this Lake, Northwards, is derived -the famous River of Canada, (so named of Monsier de Cane,[438] a French -Lord that first planted a Colony of French in America, there called -Nova Francia,) from whence Captaine Kerke[439] of late, by taking that -plantation, brought home in one shipp, (as a Seaman of his Company -reported in my hearing,) 25000. Beaver skinnes.[440] - -~_Patomack._~ - -And from this Lake, Southwards, trends that goodly River, called of the -Natives Patomack, which dischardgeth herselfe in the parts of Virginea; -from whence it is navigable by shipping of great Burthen up to the -Falls, (which lieth in 41. Degrees and a halfe of North latitude,) and -from the Lake downe to the Falls by a faire current. This River is -navigable for vessels of good Burthen; and thus much hath often bin -related by the Natives, and is of late found to be certaine.[441] - -~_Great heards of Beasts as bigg as Cowes._~ - -{98} They have also made description of great heards of well growne -beasts, that live about the parts of this Lake, such as the Christian -world, (untill this discovery,) hath not bin made acquainted with. -These beasts are of the bignesse of a Cowe; their Flesh being very -good foode, their hides good lether, their fleeces very usefull, being -a kinde of wolle as fine almost as the wolle of the Beaver; and the -Salvages doe make garments thereof. - -It is tenne yeares since first the relation of these things came to the -eares of the English: at which time wee were but slender proficients in -the language of the Natives, and they, (which now have attained to more -perfection of English,) could not then make us rightly apprehend their -meaninge.[442] - -Wee supposed, when they spake of Beasts thereabouts as high as men, -they have made report of men all over hairy like Beavers, in so much -as we questioned them whether they eate of the Beavers, to which they -replyed Matta,[443] (noe) saying they were almost Beavers Brothers. -This relation at that time wee concluded to be fruitles, which, since, -time hath made more apparent. - -~_Henry Ioseline imployed for discovery._~ - -About the parts of this Lake may be made a very greate Commodity by -the trade of furres, to inrich those that shall plant there; a more -compleat discovery of those parts is, (to my knowleadge,) undertaken by -Henry Ioseline,[444] Esquier, sonne of Sir Thomas Ioseline of Kent, -Knight, by the approbation and appointement of that Heroick and very -good Common wealths man, Captaine Iohn Mason,[445] Esquier, a {99} true -foster Father and lover of vertue, (who at his owne chardge,) hath -fitted Master Ioseline and imployed him to that purpose; who no doubt -will performe as much as is expected, if the Dutch, (by gettinge into -those parts before him,) doe not frustrate his so hopefull and laudable -designes. - -It is well knowne they aime at that place, and have a possibility to -attaine unto the end of their desires therein, by meanes of the River -of Mohegan, which of the English is named Hudsons River, where the -Dutch have setled two well fortified plantations already. If that River -be derived from the Lake, as our Country man in his prospect[446] -affirmes it to be, and if they get and fortifie this place also, -they will gleane away the best of the Beaver both from the French and -the English, who have hitherto lived wholely by it; and very many old -planters have gained good estates out of small beginnings by meanes -thereof. - -~_The Dutch have a great trade of Beaver in Hudsons River._~ - -And it is well knowne to some of our Nation that have lived in the -Dutch plantation that the Dutch have gained by Beaver 20000. pound a -yeare.[447] - -The Salvages make report of 3. great Rivers that issue out of this -Lake, 2. of which are to us knowne, the one to be Patomack, the other -Canada: and why may not the third be found there likewise, which they -describe to trend westward, which is conceaved to discharge herselfe -into the South Sea? The Salvages affirme that they have seene shipps in -this Lake with 4. Masts, which have taken from thence for their ladinge -earth, that is conjectured to be some minerall stuffe. - -~_The passage to the East-Indies._~ - -~_The Country of Erocois as fertile as Delta in Ægypt._~ - -{100} There is probability enough for this; and it may well be thought -that so great a confluxe of waters as are there gathered together, must -be vented by some great Rivers; and that if the third River, (which -they have made mention of,) proove to be true, as the other two have -done, there is no doubt but that the passage to the East India may be -obtained without any such daingerous and fruitlesse inquest by the -Norwest, as hetherto hath bin endeavoured: And there is no Traveller of -any resonable capacity but will graunt that about this Lake must be -innumerable springes, and by that meanes many fruitfull and pleasant -pastures all about it. It hath bin observed that the inland part, -(witnes Neepnet,[448]) are more pleasant and fertile then the borders -of the Sea coaste. And the Country about Erocoise is, (not without -good cause,) compared to Delta, the most fertile parte in all Ægypt, -that aboundeth with Rivers and Rivalets derived from Nilus fruitfull -channell, like vaines from the liver; so in each respect is this famous -Lake of Erocoise. - -And, therefore, it would be adjudged an irreparable oversight to -protract time, and suffer the Dutch, (who are but intruders upon his -Majesties most hopefull Country of New England,) to possesse themselves -of that so plesant and commodious Country of Erocoise before us: being, -(as appeareth,) the principall part of all New Canaan for plantation, -and not elsewhere to be paralelld in all the knowne world. - -[Illustration] - - - - -{101} - -NEW CANAANS GENIVS. - -EPILOGVS. - - - _Thou that art by Fates degree, - Or Providence, ordain’d to see - Natures wonder, her rich store - Ne’-r discovered before, - Th’ admired Lake of Erocoise - And fertile Borders, now rejoyce. - See what multitudes of fish - Shee presents to fitt thy dish. - If rich furres thou dost adore, - And of Beaver Fleeces store, - See the Lake where they abound, - And what pleasures els are found. - There chast Leda, free from fire, - Does enjoy her hearts desire; - Mongst the flowry bancks at ease - Live the sporting Najades, - Bigg lim’d Druides, whose browes - Bewtified with greenebowes. - See the Nimphes, how they doe make - Fine Meanders from the Lake, - Twining in and out, as they - Through the pleasant groves make way, - Weaving by the shady trees - Curious Anastomases, - {102} Where the harmeles Turtles breede, - And such usefull Beasts doe feede - As no Traveller can tell - Els where how to paralell. - Colcos golden Fleece reject; - This deserveth best respect. - In sweete Peans let thy voyce, - Sing the praise of Erocoise, - Peans to advaunce her name, - New Canaans everlasting fame._ - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -{103} - -NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, - -OR NEW CANAAN. - -_The Third Booke._ - - Containing a description of the People that are planted there, what - remarkable Accidents have happened there since they were setled, what - Tenents they hould, together with the practise of their Church. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - _Of a great League made with the Plimmouth Planters after their - arrivall, by the Sachem of those Territories._[449] - - -~_A Salvage sent an Ambassador to the English at their -first-comminge._~ - -~_The Sachem feared the Plague._~ - -The Sachem of the Territories where the Planters of New England are -setled, that are the first of the now Inhabitants of New Canaan, not -knowing what they were, or whether they would be freindes or foes, and -{104} being desirous to purchase their freindship that hee might have -the better Assurance of quiet tradinge with them, (which hee conceived -would be very advantagious to him,) was desirous to prepare an -ambassador, with commission to treat on his behalfe, to that purpose; -and having one that had beene in England (taken by a worthlesse -man[450] out of other partes, and after left there by accident,) this -Salvage[451] hee instructed how to behave himselfe in the treaty of -peace; and the more to give him incouragement to adventure his person -amongst these new come inhabitants, which was a thinge hee durst not -himselfe attempt without security or hostage, promised that Salvage -freedome, who had beene detained there as theire Captive: which offer -hee accepted, and accordingly came to the Planters, salutinge them -with wellcome in the English phrase, which was of them admired to -heare a Salvage there speake in their owne language, and used him -great courtesie: to whome hee declared the cause of his comminge, -and contrived the businesse so that hee brought the Sachem and the -English together, betweene whome was a firme league concluded, which -yet continueth. After which league the Sachem, being in company with -the other whome hee had freed and suffered to live with the English, -espijnge a place where a hole had been made in the grounde, where -was their store of powder layed to be preserved from danger of fire, -(under ground,) demaunded of the Salvage what the English had hid there -under ground; who answered the plague;[452] at which hee starteled, -because of the great mortality lately {105} happened by meanes of -the plague,[453] (as it is conceaved,) and the Salvage, the more to -encrease his feare, told the Sachem if he should give offence to the -English party they would let out the plague to destroy them all, which -kept him in great awe. Not longe after, being at varience with another -Sachem borderinge upon his Territories, he came in solemne manner and -intreated the governour that he would let out the plague to destroy the -Sachem and his men who were his enemies, promising that he himselfe -and all his posterity would be their everlasting freindes, so great an -opinion he had of the English. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - _Of the entertainement of Mr. Westons people sent to settle a - plantation there._ - - -~_Court holy bread at Plimmouth._~ - -Master Thomas Weston,[454] a Merchant of London that had been at some -cost to further the Brethren of new Plimmouth in their designes for -these partes, shipped a company of Servants, fitted with provision of -all sorts, for the undertaking of a Plantation to be setled there; -with an intent to follow after them in person. These servants at first -arived at new Plimmouth, where they were entertained with court holy -bread by the Brethren: they were made very wellcome, in shew at least: -there these servants goodes were landed, with promises to be assisted -in the choise of a convenient place; and still the good cheare went -forward, and the strong liquors walked. In the meane time the Brethren -were in consultation what was best for their advantage, singing the -songe, _Frustra sapit, qui sibi non sapit_. - -{106} This plantation would hinder the present practice and future -profit; and Master Weston, an able man, would want for no supplies -upon the returne of Beaver, and so might be a plantation that might -keepe them under, who had a Hope to be the greatest: besides his -people were no chosen Seperatists, but men made choice of at all -adventures, fit to have served for the furtherance of Master Westons -undertakinges: and that was as much as hee neede to care for: ayminge -at Beaver principally for the better effecting of his purpose. Now when -the Plimmouth men began to finde that Master Westons mens store of -provition grew short with feasting, then they hasted them to a place -called Wessaguscus, in a weake case, and there left them fasting. - - - - -CHAP. III. - - _Of a Battle fought at the Massachussets, between the English and the - French._[455] - - -~_The Sachems Oration._~ - -~_A spirit mooving the Sachem to Warre._~ - -~_The grand Captaine makes a speech._~ - -~_The maine Battaile._~ - -~_The feild wonne by the English._~ - -The Planters of Plimmouth, at their last being in those parts, -having defaced the monument of the ded at Pasonagessit, (by taking -away the herse Cloath, which was two greate Beares skinnes sowed -together at full length, and propped up over the grave of Chuatawbacks -mother,[456]) the Sachem of those territories, being inraged at the -same, stirred up his men in his bee halfe to take revenge: and, -having gathered his men together, hee begins to make an oration in -this manner. When last the glorious light of all the {107} skey was -underneath this globe, and Birds grew silent, I began to settle, (as -my custome is,) to take repose; before mine eies were fast closed, -mee thought I saw a vision, (at which my spirit was much troubled,) -and, trembling at that dolefull sight, a spirit cried aloude behold, -my sonne, whom I have cherisht, see the papps that gave thee suck, -the hands that lappd thee warme and fed thee oft, canst thou forget -to take revenge of those uild people that hath my monument defaced in -despitefull manner, disdaining our ancient antiquities and honourable -Customes? See now the Sachems grave lies like unto the common people -of ignoble race, defaced; thy mother doth complaine, implores thy aide -against this theevish people new come hether; if this be suffered I -shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation. This said, -the spirit vanished; and I, all in a sweat, not able scarce to speake, -began to gett some strength, and recollect my spirits that were fled: -all which I thought to let you understand, to have your Councell, and -your aide likewise; this being spoken, straight way arose the grand -Captaine and cried aloud, come, let us to Armes, it doth concerne us -all, let us bid them Battaile; so to Armes they went, and laid weight -for the Plimmouth boate; and, forceinge them to forsake their landinge -place, they seeke another best for their convenience; thither the -Salvages repaire, in hope to have the like successe; but all in vaine, -for the English Captaine warily foresaw, and, perceavinge their plot, -knew the better how to order his men fit for Battaile in that place; -hee, bouldly leading his men on, rainged about the feild to and fro, -{108} and, taking his best advantage, lets fly, and makes the Salvages -give ground: the English followed them fiercely on, and made them take -trees for their shelter, (as their custome is,) from whence their -Captaine let flie a maine; yet no man was hurt; at last, lifting up -his right arm to draw a fatall shaft, (as hee then thought to end this -difference), received a shott upon his elbow,[457] and straight way -fled; by whose example all the army followed the same way, and yealded -up the honor of the day to the English party; who were such a terror to -them after that the Salvages durst never make to a head against them -any more. - - - - -CHAP. IV. - - _Of a Parliament held at Wessaguscus, and the Actes._ - - -~_Some lazy people._~ - -Master Westons Plantation beinge setled at Wessaguscus, his Servants, -many of them lazy persons that would use no endeavour to take the -benefit of the Country, some of them fell sicke and died. - -~_A lusty fellow._~ - -One amongst the rest, an able bodied man that ranged the woodes to see -what it would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian barne, and from -thence did take a capp full of corne; the Salvage owner of it, finding -by the foote some English had bin there, came to the Plantation, and -made complaint after this manner. - -~_A poore complaint. Edward Iohnson a cheife Iudge. Maide a -hainous fact._~ - -~_A fine device._~ - -~_A wise Sentence._~ - -~_To hange a sick man in the others steede._~ - -{109} The cheife Commander of the Company one this occation called a -Parliament of all his people, but those that were sicke and ill at -ease. And wisely now they must consult upon this huge complaint, that -a privy knife or stringe of beades would well enough have qualified; -and Edward Iohnson was a spetiall judge of this businesse; the fact was -there in repetition; construction made that it was fellony, and by the -Lawes of England punished with death; and this in execution must be -put for an example, and likewise to appease the Salvage: when straight -wayes one arose, mooved as it were with some compassion, and said hee -could not well gaine say the former sentence, yet hee had conceaved -within the compasse of his braine an Embrion that was of spetiall -consequence to be delivered and cherished; hee said that it would most -aptly serve to pacifie the Salvages complaint, and save the life of -one that might, (if neede should be,) stand them in some good steede, -being younge and stronge, fit for resistance against an enemy, which -might come unexspected for any thinge they knew. The Oration made was -liked of every one, and hee intreated to proceede to shew the meanes -how this may be performed: sayes hee, you all agree that one must die, -and one shall die; this younge mans cloathes we will take of, and put -upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape -death, such is the disease one him confirmed that die hee must; put the -younge mans cloathes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in -the others steede: Amen sayes one; and so sayes many more. - -~_Very fit Iustice._~ - -~_A dangerous Attempt._~ - -~_Iesting turned to earnest._~ - -{110} And this had like to have prooved their finall sentence, and, -being there confirmed by Act of Parliament, to after ages for a -President: But that one with a ravenus voyce begunne to croake and -bellow for revenge; and put by that conclusive motion, alledging such -deceipts might be a meanes hereafter to exasperate the mindes of -the complaininge Salvages, and that by his death the Salvages should -see their zeale to Iustice; and therefore hee should die: this was -concluded; yet neverthelesse a scruple was made; now to countermaund -this act, did represent itselfe unto their mindes, which was, how -they should doe to get the mans good wil? this was indeede a spetiall -obstacle: for without that, they all agreed it would be dangerous for -any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mischeife should befall -them every man; hee was a person that in his wrath did seeme to be a -second Sampson, able to beate out their branes with the jawbone of an -Asse: therefore they called the man, and by perswation got him fast -bound in jest; and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest,[458] who -with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all those wise judges of -this Parliament to a pittifull _non plus_, (as it hath beene credibly -reported,) and made the cheife Iudge of them all buckell to him. - - - - -{111} CHAP. V. - - _Of a Massacre made upon the Salvages at Wessaguscus._ - - -~_Good quarters with the Salvages._~ - -~_A plott from Plimmouth._~ - -~_Salvages killed with their one weapons._~ - -After the end of that Parliament, some of the plantation there, about -three persons,[459] went to live with Checatawback and his company; -and had very good quarter, for all the former quarrell with the -Plimmouth planters: they are not like Will Sommers,[460] to take -one for another. There they purposed to stay untill Master Westons -arrivall: but the Plimmouth men, intendinge no good to him, (as appered -by the consequence,) came in the meane time to Wessaguscus, and there -pretended to feast the Salvages of those partes, bringing with them -Porke and thinges for the purpose, which they sett before the Salvages. -They eate thereof without suspition of any mischeife, who were taken -upon a watchword given, and with their owne knives, (hanging about -their neckes,) were by the Plimmouth planters stabd and slaine: one of -which were hanged up there, after the slaughter.[461] - -~_News carried._~ - -~_A revenge._~ - -In the meane time the Sachem had knowledge of this accident, by one -that ranne to his Countrymen, at the Massachussets, and gave them -intelligence of the newes; after which time the Salvages there, -consultinge of the matter, in the night, (when the other English -feareles of danger were a sleepe,) knockt them all in the head, in -revenge of the death of their {112} Countrymen: but if the Plimmouth -Planters had really intended good to Master Weston, or those men, -why had they not kept the Salvages alive in Custody, untill they had -secured the other English? Who, by meanes of this evill mannaginge of -the businesse, lost their lives, and the whole plantation was dissolved -thereupon; as was likely, for feare of a revenge to follow, as a -relatione to this cruell antecedent; and when Master Weston came over -hee found thinges at an evill exigent, by meanes thereof: But could not -tell how it was brought about. - -~_The Salvages call the English cutthroats._~ - -The Salvages of the Massachussets, that could not imagine from -whence these men should come, or to what end, seeing them performe -such unexpected actions; neither could tell by what name properly -to distinguish them; did from that time afterwards call the English -Planters Wotawquenange,[462] which in their language signifieth -stabbers, or Cutthroates: and this name was received by those that came -there after for good, being then unacquainted with the signification -of it, for many yeares following; untill, from a Southerly Indian -that understood English well, I was by demonstration made to conceave -the interpretation of it, and rebucked these other that it was not -forborne: The other callinge us by the name of Wotoquansawge, what that -doth signifie, hee said, hee was not able by any demonstration to -expresse; and my neighbours durst no more, in my hearinge, call us by -the name formerly used, for feare of my displeasure. - - - - -{113} CHAP. VI. - - _Of the surprizinge of a Merchants Shipp in Plimmouth harbour._ - - -~_The Merchant with Supply._~ - -~_A glosse upon the false text._~ - -~_Where two nations meet one must rule the other must be -ruled or no quietnes._~ - -~_A Machivell plot._~ - -~_The Vaile._~ - -~_Shipp and goodes confiscated._~ - -~_When every Conspirator had his share the shipp delivered -againe._~ - -~_Bonds taken not to prosecute._~ - -~_Report Mr. Weston was mad in New England._~ - -~_Honest men in particular._~ - -This Merchant, a man of worth, arrivinge in the parts of New Canaan and -findinge that his Plantation was dissolved, some of his men slaine, -some dead with sicknes, and the rest at Plimmouth, hee was perplexed -in his minde about the matter; comminge as hee did with supply, and -meanes to have rased their fortunes and his one exceedingly: and -seeinge what had happened resolved to make some stay in the Plimmouth -harbour.[463] And this suted to their purpose; wherefore the Brethren -did congratulate with him at his safe arrivall, and their best of -entertainement for a swetning cast, deploring the disaster of his -Plantation, and glozing upon the text, alledging the mischeivous -intent of the Salvages there, which by freindly intelligence of -their neighbours was discovered before it came to be full summed: so -that they lost not all, allthough they saved not all: and this they -pretended to proceede from the Fountaine of love and zeale to him -and Christianity, and to chastise the insolency of the Salvages, of -which that part had some dangerous persons. And this, as an article -of the new creede of Canaan, would they have received of every new -commer there to inhabit, that the Salvages are a dangerous people, -subtill, secreat and mischeivous; and that it is dangerous to live -seperated, but {114} rather together: and so be under their Lee, that -none might trade for Beaver, but at their pleasure, as none doe or -shall doe there: nay they will not be reduced to any other song yet -of the Salvages to the southward of Plimmouth, because they would -have none come there, sayinge that hee that will sit downe there must -come stronge: but I have found the Massachussets Indian more full of -humanity then the Christians; and haue had much better quarter with -them; yet I observed not their humors, but they mine; althoug my great -number that I landed were dissolved, and my Company as few as might -be:[464] for I know that this falls out infallibly where two Nations -meete, one must rule and the other be ruled, before a peace can be -hoped for: and for a Christian to submit to the rule of a Salvage, -you will say, is both shame and dishonor: at least it is my opinion, -and my practice was accordingly, and I have the better quarter by -the meanes thereof. The more Salvages the better quarter, the more -Christians the worser quarter, I found; as all the indifferent minded -Planters can testifie. Now, whiles the Merchant was ruminatinge on this -mishapp, the Plimmouth Planters perceivinge that hee had furnished -himselfe with excellent Commodities, fit for the Merchandise of the -Country, (and holding it good to fish in trobled waters, and so get -a snatch unseene,) practised in secret with some other in the land, -whom they thought apt to imbrace the benefit of such a cheat, and it -was concluded and resolved upon that all this shipp and goodes should -be confiscated, for businesse done by him, the Lord knowes when, or -where:[465] {115} a letter must be framed to them, and handes unto -it, to be there warrant; this should shadow them. That is the first -practise; they will insane a man, and then pretend that Iustice must -be done. They cause the Merchant (secure) to come a shore, and then -take him in hold, shewing they are compelled unto it legally, and enter -strait abord, peruse the Cargazowne, and then deliver up the Charge -of her to their Confederates: and how much lesse this is then Piraty, -let any practise in the Admiralty be judge. The Merchant, his shipp -and goodes confiscated, himselfe a prisoner and threatned so to be -sent and conveyed to England, there to receave the somme of all that -did belonge to him a malefactor, (and a great one to); this hee, good -man, indured with patience longe time, untill the best of all his -goodes were quite dispersed, and every actor [had] his proportion; -the Merchant was [then] inlarged; his shipp, a burthen to the owner -now, his undertakinges in these partes beinge quite overthrowne, was -redelivered, and bondes of him were taken not to prosecute: hee, being -greived hereat, betakes him to drive a trade betweene that and Virginea -many yeares. The brethren, (sharpe witted,) had it spread by and by -amongst his freinds in England, that the man was mad. So thought his -wife, so thought his other freindes that had it from a Planter of the -Towne. So was it thought of those, that did not know the Brethren -could dissemble: why, thus they are all of them honest men in their -particular, and every man, beinge bound to seeke anothers good, shall -in the generall doe the best hee can to effect it, and so they may be -excused I thinke. - - - - -{116} CHAP. VII. - - _Of Thomas Mortons entertainment at Plimmouth, and castinge away upon - an Island._[466] - - -~_Brave entertainement in a wildernes._~ - -~_The meanes._~ - -This man arrived in those parts, and, hearing newes of a Towne that -was much praised, he was desirous to goe thither, and see how thinges -stood; where his entertainement was their best, I dare be bould to -say: for, although they had but 3. Cowes in all,[467] yet had they -fresh butter and a sallet of egges in dainty wise, a dish not common -in a wildernes. There hee bestowed some time in the survey of this -plantation. His new come servants, in the meane time, were tane to -taske, to have their zeale appeare, and questioned what preacher was -among their company; and finding none, did seeme to condole their -estate as if undone, because no man among them had the guift to be in -Ionas steade, nor they the meanes to keepe them in that path so hard to -keepe. - -~_Booke learning despised._~ - -Our Master, say they, reades the Bible and the word of God, and useth -the booke of common prayer: but this is not the meanes, the answere -is: the meanes, they crie, alas, poore Soules where is the meanes? you -seeme as if betrayed, to be without the meanes: how can you be stayed -from fallinge headlonge to perdition? _Facilis descensus averni_:[468] -the booke of common prayer, sayd they, what poore thinge is that, for a -man to reade in a booke? No, no, good sirs, I would you were neere us, -you might receave comfort by in{117}struction: give me a man hath the -guiftes of the spirit, not a booke in hand. I doe profess sayes one, -to live without the meanes is dangerous, the Lord doth know. - -~_Villanous plots of knaves._~ - -~_Prevented by discretion._~ - -~_And discovered in drinke._~ - -~_The Shallop billedged._~ - -~_Two men of the Company cast away swim to shore upon trees._~ - -By these insinuations, like the Serpent, they did creepe and winde -into the good opinion of the illiterate multitude, that were desirous -to be freed and gone to them, no doubdt, (which some of them after -confessed); and little good was to be done one them after this charme -was used: now plotts and factions how they might get loose: and here -was some 35. stout knaves; and some plotted how to steale Master -Westons barque, others, exasperated knavishly to worke, would practise -how to gett theire Master to an Island, and there leave him; which hee -had notice of, and fitted him to try what would be done; and steps -aborde his shallop bound for Cape Anne, to the Massachussets, with an -Hogshead of Wine; Sugar hee tooke along, the Sailes hoist up, and one -of the Conspirators aboard to steere; who in the mid way pretended -foule weather at the harboure mouth, and therefore, for a time, hee -would put in to an Island neere, and make some stay where hee thought -to tempt his Master to walke the woods, and so be gone: but their -Master to prevent them caused the sales and oares to be brought a -shore, to make a tilt if neede should be, and kindled fire, broched -that Hogshed, and caused them fill the can with lusty liqour, Claret -sparklinge neate; which was not suffered to grow pale and flatt, but -tipled of with quick dexterity: the Master makes a shew of keepinge -round, but with close lipps did seeme {118} to make longe draughts, -knowinge the wine would make them Protestants; and so the plot was -then at large disclosed and discovered, and they made drowsie; and the -inconstant windes shiftinge at night did force the kellecke home,[469] -and billedge the boat, that they were forced to leave her so, and cut -downe trees that grew by the shore, to make Caffes: two of them went -over by helpe of a fore saile almost a mile to the maine; the other -two stayed five dayes after, till the windes would serve to fill the -sailes. The first two went to cape Ann by land, and had fowle enough, -and fowle wether by the way; the Islanders had fish enough, shel-fish -and fire to roast, and they could not perish for lacke of foode, and -wine they had to be sure; and by this you see they were not then in -any want: the wine and goodes brought thence; the boat left there so -billedgd that it was not worth the labor to be mended. - - - - -CHAP. VIII. - - _Of the Banishment of Master Iohn Layford, and Iohn Oldam from - Plimmouth._[470] - - -~_A Minister required to renounce his callinge._~ - -Master Layford was at the Merchants chardge sent to Plimmouth -plantation to be their Pastor: But the Brethren, before they would -allow of it, would have him first renounce his calling to the office -of the Ministery, received in England, as hereticall and Papisticall, -(so hee confest,) and then to receive a new callinge from them, after -their fantasticall invention:[471] {119} which hee refused, alledging -and maintaining that his calling as it stood was lawfull, and that -hee would not renounce it; and so Iohn Oldam, his opinion was one the -affirmative; and both together did maintaine the Church of England to -be a true Church, although in some particulars, (they said,) defective; -concludinge so against the Tenents there: and by this meanes cancelled -theire good opinion amonst the number of the Seperatists, that stay -they must not, lest they should be spies: and to fall fowle on this -occation the Brethren thought it would betray their cause, and make it -fall under censure, therefore against Master Layford they had found out -some scandall to be laid on his former corse of life, to blemish that; -and so, to conclude, hee was a spotted beast, and not to be allowed -where they ordained to have the Passover kept so zealously: as for Iohn -Oldam, they could see hee would be passionate and moody, and proove -himselfe a mad Iack in his mood, and as soone mooved to be moody, and -this impatience would Minister advantage to them to be ridd of him. - -~_Impatience confuted by example._~ - -~_New Plimmouth presse money._~ - -~_The Solemnity of banishment._~ - -Hanniball when hee had to doe with Fabius was kept in awe more by the -patience of that one enemy, then by the resolution of the whole army: A -well tempered enemy is a terrible enemy to incounter. They injoyne him -to come to their needeles watch howse in person, and for refusinge give -him a cracked Crowne for presse money, and make the blood run downe -about his eares; a poore trick, yet a good vaile, though Luscus may -see thorough it; and, for his further behaviour in the Case, proceed -to sentence {120} him with banishment, which was performed after a -solemne invention in this manner: A lane of Musketiers was made, and -hee compelled in scorne to passe along betweene, and to receave a bob -upon the bumme be every musketier; and then a board a shallop, and so -convayed to Wessaguscus shoare, and staid at Massachussets: to whome -Iohn Layford and some few more did resort; where Master Layford freely -executed his office and preached every Lords day, and yet maintained -his wife and children foure or five upon his industry there, with the -blessing of God and the plenty of the Land, without the helpe of his -auditory, in an honest and laudable manner; till hee was wearied and -made to leave the Country.[472] - - - - -CHAP. IX. - - _Of a barren doe of Virginea growne fruithfull in New Canaan._[473] - - -Children, and the fruit of the Wombe, are said in holy writt to be an -inheritance that commeth of the Lord; then they must be coupled in Gods -name first, and not as this, and some other, have done. - -~_A great happines comes by propagation._~ - -They are as arrowes in the hand of a Gyant; and happy, saith David, is -the man that hath his quiver full of them; and by that rule, happy is -that Land, and blessed to, that is apt and fit for increase of children. - -I have shewed you before, in the second part of the discourse, how apt -it is for the increase of Minerals, Vegetables, and sensible Creatures. - -Now I will shew you how apt New Canaan is like{121}wise for the -increase of the reasonable Creatures; Children, of all riches, being -the principall: and I give you this for an instance. - -This Country of New Canaan in seaven yeares time could show more -Children livinge, that have beene borne there, then in 27. yeares -could be shewen in Virginea;[474] yet here are but a handful of weomen -landed, to that of Virginea. - -~_More Children in New Canaan in 7. yeares, then in Virginea -in 27._~ - -The Country doth afford such plenty of Lobsters and other delicate -shellfish, and Venus is said to be borne of the Sea; or else it -was some sallet herbe proper to the Climate, or the fountaine at -Weenaseemute[475] made her become teeming here that had tried a campe -royall in other partes where shee had been; and yet never the neere, -till shee came in to New Canaan. - -~_Delivered neare Bussards bay._~ - -~_Dead and buried._~ - -Shee was delivered, (in a voyage to Virginea,) about Bussardes bay, -to west of Cape Cod, where shee had a Sonne borne, but died without -baptisme and was buried; and being a thinge remarkable, had this -Epitaph followinge made of purpose to memorize the worth of the persons. - - -EPITAPH. - - _Time, that bringes all thinges to light, - Doth hide this thinge out of sight: - Yet fame hath left behinde a story, - A hopefull race to shew the glory: - For underneath this heape of stones - Lieth a percell of small bones; - What hope at last can such impes have, - That from the wombe goes to the grave._ - - - - -{122} CHAP. X.[476] - - _Of a man indued with many spetiall guifts sent over to be Master of - the Ceremonies._ - - -~_Stenography one guift._~ - -This was a man approoved of the Brethren, both for his zeale and -guiftes, yet but a Bubble, and at the publike Chardge conveyed to New -England, I thinke to be Master of the Ceremonies betweene the Natives, -and the Planters: for hee applied himselfe cheifly to pen the language -downe in Stenography: But there for want of use, which hee rightly -understood not, all was losse of labor; somethinge it was when next it -came to view, but what hee could not tell. - -~_Oratory another guift._~ - -~_A great Merchant a third guift._~ - -This man, Master Bubble, was in the time of Iohn Oldams absence made -the howse Chaplaine there, and every night hee made use of his guifts, -whose oratory luld his auditory fast a sleepe, as Mercuries pipes did -Argus eies: for, when hee was in, they sayd hee could not tell how to -get out; nay, hee would hardly out till hee were fired out, his zeale -was such: (one fire they say drives out another): hee would become a -great Merchant, and by any thinge that was to be sold so as hee might -have day and be trusted never so litle time: the price it seemed -hee stood not much upon, but the day: for to his freind hee shewed -commodities, so priced as caused him to blame the buyer, till the man -this Bubble did declare that it was tane up at day, {123} and did -rejoyce in the bargaine, insistinge on the day; the day, yea, marry, -quoth his friend, if you have doomesday for payment you are then well -to passe. But if he had not, it were as good hee had; they were payed -all alike. - -~_His day made a common prouerbe._~ - -~_Trophies of honor._~ - -And now this Bubbles day is become a common proverbe. Hee obtained -howse roome at Passonagessit and remooved thether, because it stood -convenient for the Beaver trade: and the rather because the owner of -Passonagessit had no Corne left, and this man seemed a bigg boned man, -and therefore thought to be a good laborer, and to have store of corne; -but, contrary wise, hee had none at all, and hoped upon this freind his -host: thithere were brought the trophies of this Master Bubbles honor, -his water tankard and his Porters basket, but no provision; so that one -gunne did serve to helpe them both to meat; and now the time for fowle -was almost past. - -~_His long grace made the meat cold._~ - -This man and his host at dinner, Bubble begins to say grace; yea, and -a long one to, till all the meate was cold; hee would not give his -host leave to say grace: belike, hee thought mine host past grace, -and further learned as many other Schollers are: but in the usage and -custome of this blinde oratory his host tooke himselfe abused, and the -whiles fell to and had halfe done before this man Bubble would open -his eies to see what stood afore him, which made him more cautius, and -learned that _brevis oratio penetrat Cælum_. Together Bubbles and hee -goes in the Canaw to Nut Island[477] for brants, and there his host -makes a shotte and breakes the winges of many: Bubble, {124} in hast -and single handed, paddels out like a Cow in a cage: his host cals back -to rowe two handed like to a pare of oares; and, before this could be -performed, the fowle had time to swimme to other flockes, and so to -escape: the best part of the pray being lost mayd his host to mutter at -him, and so to parte for that time discontended. - - - - -CHAP. XI. - - _Of a Composition made by the Sachem for a Theft committed by some of - his men, shewinge their honest meaninge._ - - -~_The Salvages betake the howse & take the Corne._~ - -~_A dishonest tricke._~ - -~_A consenting tricke. The Heathen more just, then the -Christians._~ - -The owner of Passonagessit, to have the benefit of company, left his -habitation in the Winter and reposed at Wessaguscus, (to his cost): -meane time, in the Depth of Winter, the neighbour Salvages, accustomed -to buy foode, came to the howse, (for that intent perhaps,) and -peepinge in all the windowes, (then unglased,) espied corne, but no -body to sell the same; and having company and helpe at hand did make a -shift to get into the howse, and, take out corne to serve but for the -present, left enough behinde: the Sachem having knowledge of the facte, -and being advertised likewise of the displeasure that had ben conceaved -by the Proprietor thereof at this offence, prepares a Messenger, the -Salvage that had lived in England, and sends him with commission for -the trespasse of his men, who had tenne skinnes perposed {125} for -it to bee payd by a day certaine: The Sachem, at the time appointed, -bringes the Beaver to Wessaguscus where the owner lived, but just then -was gone abroade: meane time the skinnes were by the Wessaguscus men -gelded, and the better halfe by them juggled away before the owner -came; and hee by the Actors perswaded to bee contended with the rest, -who not so pleased did draw the Sachem then to make a new agreement, -and so to pay his remnant left in hand, and tenne skinnes more by a -new day asigned, and then to bringe them to Passonagessit; but the -Wessaguscus men went the day before to the Salvages with this sayinge, -that they were sent to call upon him there for payement; and received -tenne skinnes, and tooke a Salvage there to justifie that at their -howse the owner stayed the while; hee verified this, because hee saw -the man before at Wessaguscus: the Sachem did beleive the tale, and -at that time delivered up tenne skinnes on that behalfe, in full -dischardge of all demandes against the trespasse and the trespassers, -to them; who consented to him, and them, to the owner, and kept -nine[478] to themselves, and made the Salvage take the tenth, and give -the owner all that yet was to bee had, themselves confessinge their -demaunds for him, and that there was but onely one as yet prepared: so -that by this you may easily perceive the uncivilized people are more -just than the civilized. - - - - -{126} CHAP. XII. - - _Of a voyadge made by the Master of the Ceremonies of New Canaan to - Neepenett, from whence hee came away; and of the manifold dangers hee - escaped._ - - -~_Two Salvage guides conduct Iohn, to Neepenett alone._~ - -~_They take a note of what was in the sack._~ - -~_Mr. Bubble must be found againe or else they shall be -destroyed._~ - -This woorthy member Master Bubble, a new Master of the Ceremonies, -having a conceipt in his head that hee had hatched a new device for -the purchase of Beaver, beyond Imagination, packes up a sacke full of -odde implements, and without any company but a couple of Indians for -guides, (and therefore you may, if you please, beeleive they are so -dangerous as the Brethren of Plimmouth give it out,) hee betakes him -to his progresse into the Inlande for Beaver, with his carriadge on -his shoulders like Milo: his guides and hee in processe of time come -to the place appointed, which was about Neepenett,[479] thereabouts -being more Beavers to be had then this Milo could carry, and both his -journey men: glad hee was good man, and his guides were willing to -pleasure him: there the Salvages stay: night came on, but, before they -were inclined to sleepe, this good man Master Bubble had an evation -crept into his head, by misapplying the Salvages actions, that hee must -needs be gone in all hast, yea and without his errand: hee purposed to -doe it so cunningely that his flight should not {127} be suspected: -hee leaves his shooes in the howse, with all his other implements, -and flies: as hee was on his way, to increase his feare, suggestinge -himselfe that hee was pressed[480] by a company of Indians and that -there shafts were let fly as thick as haile at him, hee puts of his -breeches and puts them one his head, for to save him from the shafts -that flew after him so thick that no man could perceave them, and -cryinge out, avoyd Satan, what have yee to doe with mee! thus running -one his way without his breeches hee was pittifully scratched with -the brush of the underwoods, as hee wandred up and downe in unknowne -wayes: The Salvages in the meane time put up all his implements in -the sack hee left behinde and brought them to Wessaguscus, where they -thought to have found him; but, understanding hee was not returned, -were ferefull what to doe, and what would be conceaved of the English -was become of this mazed man, the Master of the Ceremonies; and were -in consultation of the matter. One of the Salvages was of opinion the -English would suppose him to be made away; fearefull hee was to come -in sight. The other, better acquainted with the English, (having lived -some time in England,[481]) was more confident, and hee perswaded his -fellow that the English would be satisfied with relation of the truth, -as having had testimony of his fidelity. So they boldly adventured to -shew what they had brougt and how the matter stood. The English, (when -the sack was opened,) did take a note in writing of all the particulers -that were in the sack; and heard what was by the Salvages related of -the acci{128}dents: but, when his shoes were showne, it was thought -hee would not have departed without his shoes; and therefore they did -conceave that Master Bubble was made away by some sinister practise of -the Salvages, who unadvisedly had bin culpable of a crime which now -they sought to excuse; and straightly chardged the Salvages to finde -him out againe, and bring him dead, or alive, else their wifes and -children should be destroyed. The poore Salvages, being in a pittifull -perplexity, caused their Countrymen to seeke out for this maz’d man; -who, being in short time found, was brought to Wessaguscus; where hee -made a discourse of his travels, and of the perrillous passages, which -did seeme to be no lesse dangerous then these of that worthy Knight -Errant, Don Quixote,[482] and how miraculously hee had bin preserved; -and, in conclusion, lamented the greate losse of his goods, whereby hee -thought himselfe undone. - -~_Not any thing diminished._~ - -The perticuler whereof being demaunded, it appeared that the Salvages -had not diminished any part of them; no, not so much as one bit of -bread: the number being knowne, and the fragments laid together, it -appeared all the bisket was preserved, and not any diminished at all: -whereby the Master of the Ceremonies was overjoyed, and the whole -Company made themselves merry at his discourse of all his perrillous -adventures. - -And by this you may observe whether the Salvage people are not full of -humanity, or whether they are a dangerous people, as Master Bubble and -the rest of his tribe would perswade you. - - - - -{129} CHAP. XIII. - - _Of a lamentable fit of Mellancolly that the Barren doe fell into, - (after the death of her infant, seeing herselfe despised of her - Sweete hart,) whereof shee was cured._ - - -Whether this goodly creature of incontinency went to worke upon even -termes like Phillis, or noe, it does not appeare by any Indenture -of covenants then extant; whereby shee might legally challenge -the performance of any compleate Marriage at his hands that had -bin tradeing with her, as Demopheon here to fore had bin with his -ostis.[483] - -~_Shee cannot one the sodaine resolve which dore to goe in -att._~ - -Neverthelesse, (for his future advantage,) shee indeavoured, (like -Phillis,) to gaine this Demopheon all to herselfe; who, (as it -seemes,) did meane nothing lesse by leaving her for the next commer, -that had any minde to coole his courage by that meanes; the whipping -post, (as it seemes,) at that time not being in publike use for such -kinde of Cony katchers; but seeing herselfe rejected, shee grew into -such a passion of Mellancolly, on a sodaine, that it was thought shee -would exhibit a petition for redresse to grim Pluto, who had set her a -worke; and knowing that the howse of fate has many entrances, shee was -pusseld to finde the neerest way. Shee could not resolve on a sodaine -which doore would soonest bring her to his presence handsomely. - -{130} If shee should make way with a knife, shee thought shee might -spoyle her drinking in after ages; if by poyson, shee thought it might -prolonge her passage thether; if by drowning, shee thought Caron might -come the while with his boate, and waft her out of sight; if shee -should tie up her complaint in a halter, shee thought the Ropmakers -would take exceptions against her good speede. And in this manner shee -debated with herselfe, and demurred upon the matter: So that shee did -appeare willing enough, but a woman of small resolution. - -Which thing when it was publikely knowne, made many come to comfort -her. One amongst the rest was by hir requested, on her behalfe, to -write to her late unkinde Demopheon. The Gentleman, being merrily -disposed, in steed of writing an heroicall Epistle composed this Elegi, -for a memoriall of some mirth upon the Circumstance of the matter, to -be sent unto hir, as followeth: - - -_CARMEN ELEGIACVM._ - - _Melpomene, (at whose mischeifous love - The screech owles voyce is heard the mandraks grove,) - Commands my pen in an Iambick vaine - To tell a dismall tale, that may constraine - The hart of him to bleede, that shall discerne - How much this foule amisse does him concerne. - Alecto, (grim Alecto,) light thy tortch - To thy beloved sister next the porch - {131} That leads unto the mansion howse of fate, - Whose farewell makes her freind more fortunate. - A Great Squa Sachem can shee poynt to goe - Before grim Minos; and yet no man know - That knives and halters, ponds, and poysonous things - Are alwayes ready, when the Divell once brings - Such deadly sinners to a deepe remorse - Of conscience selfe accusing, that will force - Them to dispaire, like wicked Kain, whiles death - Stands ready with all these to stopp their breath. - The beare comes by that oft hath bayted ben - By many a Satyres whelpe; unlesse you can - Commaund your eies to drop huge milstones forth, - In lamentation of this losse on earth - Of her, of whome so much prayse wee may finde, - Goe when shee will, shee’l leave none like behinde; - Shee was too good for earth, too bad for heaven. - Why then for hell the match is somewhat even._ - -After this, the water of the fountaine at Ma-re Mount was thought fit -to be applyed unto her for a remedy, shee willingly used according to -the quality thereof. - -And when this Elegy came to be divulged, shee was so conscious of -her crime that shee put up her pipes, and with the next shipp shee -packt away to Virginea, (her former habitation,) quite cured of her -mellancolly, with the helpe of the water of the fountaine at Ma-re -Mount. - - - - -{132} CHAP. XIV. - - _Of the Revells of New Canaan._[484] - - -~_A Maypole._~ - -The Inhabitants of Pasonagessit, (having translated the name of their -habitation from that ancient Salvage name to Ma-re Mount,[485] and -being resolved to have the new name confirmed for a memorial to after -ages,) did devise amongst themselves to have it performed in a solemne -manner, with Revels and merriment after the old English custome; [they] -prepared to sett up a Maypole upon the festivall day of Philip and -Iacob, and therefore brewed a barrell of excellent beare and provided a -case of bottles, to be spent, with other good cheare, for all commers -of that day. And because they would have it in a compleat forme, they -had prepared a song fitting to the time and present occasion. And upon -Mayday they brought the Maypole to the place appointed, with drumes, -gunnes, pistols and other fitting instruments, for that purpose; -and there erected it with the help of Salvages, that came thether -of purpose to see the manner of our Revels. A goodly pine tree of -80. foote longe was reared up, with a peare of buckshorns nayled one -somewhat neare unto the top of it: where it stood, as a faire sea marke -for directions how to finde out the way to mine Hoste of Ma-re Mount. - -And because it should more fully appeare to what end it was placed -there, they had a poem in readines made, which was fixed to the -Maypole, to shew the new name confirmed upon that plantation; which, -allthough it were made according to the occurrents {133} of the time, -it, being Enigmattically composed, pusselled the Seperatists most -pittifully to expound it, which, (for the better information of the -reader,) I have here inserted. - - -THE POEM. - -~_The man who brought her over was named Samson Iob._~ - - _Rise Oedipeus, and, if thou canst, unfould - What meanes Caribdis underneath the mould, - When Scilla sollitary on the ground - (Sitting in forme of Niobe) was found, - Till Amphitrites Darling did acquaint - Grim Neptune with the Tenor of her plaint, - And causd him send forth Triton with the sound - Of Trumpet lowd, at which the Seas were found - So full of Protean formes that the bold shore - Presented Scilla a new parramore - So stronge as Sampson and so patient - As Job himselfe, directed thus, by fate, - To comfort Scilla so unfortunate. - I doe professe, by Cupids beautious mother, - Heres Scogans choise[486] for Scilla, and none other; - Though Scilla’s sick with greife, because no signe - Can there be found of vertue masculine. - Esculapius come; I know right well - His laboure’s lost when you may ring her Knell. - The fatall sisters doome none can withstand, - nor Cithareas powre, who poynts to land - With proclamation that the first of May - At Ma-re Mount shall be kept hollyday._ - -~_The Maypole called an Idoll the Calfe of Horeb._~ - -{134} The setting up of this Maypole was a lamentable spectacle to the -precise seperatists, that lived at new Plimmouth. They termed it an -Idoll; yea, they called it the Calfe of Horeb, and stood at defiance -with the place, naming it Mount Dagon; threatning to make it a woefull -mount and not a merry mount. - -The Riddle, for want of Oedipus, they could not expound; onely they -made some explication of part of it, and sayd it was meant by Sampson -Iob, the carpenter of the shipp that brought over a woman to her -husband, that had bin there longe before and thrived so well that hee -sent for her and her children to come to him; where shortly after hee -died: having no reason, but because of the sound of those two words; -when as, (the truth is,) the man they applyed it to was altogether -unknowne to the Author. - -There was likewise a merry song made, which, (to make their Revells -more fashionable,) was sung with a Corus, every man bearing his part; -which they performed in a daunce, hand in hand about the Maypole, -whiles one of the Company sung and filled out the good liquor, like -gammedes and Iupiter. - - -THE SONGE. - - _Cor. - Drinke and be merry, merry, merry boyes; - Let all your delight be in the Hymens ioyes; - Jô to Hymen, now the day is come, - About the merry Maypole take Roome. - Make greene garlons, bring bottles out - And fill sweet Nectar freely about. - {135} Vncover thy head and feare no harme - For hers good liquor to keepe it warme. - Then drinke and be merry, &c. - Iô to Hymen, &c. - Nectar is a thing assign’d - By the Deities owne minde - To cure the hart opprest with greife, - And of good liquors is the cheife. - Then drinke, &c. - Iô to Hymen, &c._ - - _Give to the Mellancolly man - A cup or two of ’t now and than; - This physick will soone revive his bloud, - And make him be of a merrier moode. - Then drinke, &c. - Iô to Hymen, &c. - Give to the Nymphe thats free from scorne - No Irish stuff nor Scotch over worne. - Lasses in beaver coast come away, - Yee shall be welcome to us night and day. - To drinke and be merry &c. - Jô to Hymen, &c._ - -This harmeles mirth made by younge men, (that lived in hope to have -wifes brought over to them, that would save them a laboure to make -a voyage to fetch any over,) was much distasted of the precise -Seperatists, that keepe much a doe about the tyth of Muit and Cummin, -troubling their braines more then reason would require about things -that are indifferent: and from that time sought occasion against my -{136} honest Host of Ma-re Mount, to overthrow his ondertakings and to -destroy his plantation quite and cleane. But because they presumed with -their imaginary gifts, (which they have out of Phaos box,[487]) they -could expound hidden misteries, to convince them of blindnes, as well -in this as in other matters of more consequence, I will illustrate the -poem, according to the true intent of the authors of these Revells, so -much distasted by those Moles. - -Oedipus is generally receaved for the absolute reader of riddles, who -is invoaked: Silla and Caribdis are two dangerous places for seamen to -incounter, neere unto Vennice; and have bin by poets formerly resembled -to man and wife. The like licence the author challenged for a paire of -his nomination, the one lamenting for the losse of the other as Niobe -for her children. Amphitrite is an arme of the Sea, by which the newes -was carried up and downe of a rich widow, now to be tane up or laid -downe. By Triton is the fame spread that caused the Suters to muster, -(as it had bin to Penellope of Greece;) and, the Coast lying circuler, -all our passage to and froe is made more convenient by Sea then Land. -Many aimed at this marke; but hee that played Proteus best and could -comply with her humor must be the man that would carry her; and hee -had need have Sampsons strenght to deale with a Dallila, and as much -patience as Iob that should come there, for a thing that I did observe -in the life-time of the former. - -But marriage and hanging, (they say,) comes by desteny and Scogans -choise[488] tis better [than] none at all. Hee that {137} playd -Proteus, (with the helpe of Priapus,) put their noses out of joynt, as -the Proverbe is. - -And this the whole company of the Revellers at Ma-re Mount knew to -be the true sence and exposition of the riddle that was fixed to -the Maypole, which the Seperatists were at defiance with. Some of -them affirmed that the first institution thereof was in memory of a -whore;[489] not knowing that it was a Trophe erected at first in honor -of Maja, the Lady of learning which they despise, vilifying the two -universities with uncivile termes, accounting what is there obtained by -studdy is but unnecessary learning; not considering that learninge does -inable mens mindes to converse with eliments of a higher nature then is -to be found within the habitation of the Mole. - - - - -CHAP. XV. - - _Of a great Monster supposed to be at Ma-re-Mount; and the - preparation made to destroy it._[490] - - -The Seperatists, envying the prosperity and hope of the Plantation at -Ma-re Mount, (which they perceaved beganne to come forward, and to -be in a good way for gaine in the Beaver trade,) conspired together -against mine Host especially, (who was the owner of that Plantation,) -and made up a party against him; and mustred up what aide they could, -accounting of him as of a great Monster. - -{138} Many threatening speeches were given out both against his person -and his Habitation, which they divulged should be consumed with fire: -And taking advantage of the time when his company, (which seemed little -to regard theire threats,) were gone up into the Inlands to trade with -the Salvages for Beaver, they set upon my honest host at a place called -Wessaguscus, where, by accident, they found him. The inhabitants there -were in good hope of the subvertion of the plantation at Mare Mount, -(which they principally aymed at;) and the rather because mine host -was a man that indeavoured to advaunce the dignity of the Church of -England; which they, (on the contrary part,) would laboure to vilifie -with uncivile termes: enveying against the sacred booke of common -prayer, and mine host that used it in a laudable manner amongst his -family, as a practise of piety. - -There hee would be a meanes to bringe sacks to their mill, (such is the -thirst after Beaver,) and helped the conspiratores to surprise mine -host, (who was there all alone;) and they chardged him, (because they -would seeme to have some reasonable cause against him to sett a glosse -upon their mallice,) with criminall things; which indeede had beene -done by such a person, but was of their conspiracy; mine host demaunded -of the conspirators who it was that was author of that information, -that seemed to be their ground for what they now intended. And because -they answered they would not tell him, hee as peremptorily replyed, -that hee would not say whether he had, or he had not done as they had -bin informed. - -{139} The answere made no matter, (as it seemed,) whether it had bin -negatively or affirmatively made; for they had resolved what hee should -suffer, because, (as they boasted,) they were now become the greater -number: they had shaked of their shackles of servitude, and were become -Masters, and masterles people. - -It appeares they were like beares whelpes in former time, when mine -hosts plantation was of as much strength as theirs, but now, (theirs -being stronger,) they, (like overgrowne beares,) seemed monsterous. In -breife, mine host must indure to be their prisoner untill they could -contrive it so that they might send him for England, (as they said,) -there to suffer according to the merrit of the fact which they intended -to father upon him; supposing, (belike,) it would proove a hainous -crime. - -Much rejoycing was made that they had gotten their cappitall enemy, (as -they concluded him;) whome they purposed to hamper in such sort that -hee should not be able to uphold his plantation at Ma-re Mount. - -The Conspirators sported themselves at my honest host, that meant them -no hurt, and were so joccund that they feasted their bodies, and fell -to tippeling as if they had obtained a great prize; like the Trojans -when they had the custody of Hippeus pinetree horse. - -~_Mine Host got out of prison._~ - -Mine host fained greefe, and could not be perswaded either to eate -or drinke; because hee knew emptines would be a meanes to make him -as watchfull as the Geese kept in the Roman Cappitall: whereon, the -contrary part, the conspirators would be so drowsy that hee might have -an opportunity to give them a {140} slip, insteade of a tester. Six -persons of the conspiracy were set to watch him at Wessaguscus: But -hee kept waking; and in the dead of night, (one lying on the bed for -further suerty,) up gets mine Host and got to the second dore that -hee was to passe, which, notwithstanding the lock, hee got open, and -shut it after him with such violence that it affrighted some of the -conspirators. - -The word, which was given with an alarme, was, ô he’s gon, he’s gon, -what shall wee doe, he’s gon! The rest, (halfe a sleepe,) start up in -a maze, and, like rames, ran theire heads one at another full butt in -the darke. - -~_The Captain tore his clothes._~ - -Theire grande leader, Captaine Shrimp, tooke on most furiously and tore -his clothes for anger, to see the empty nest, and their bird gone. - -The rest were eager to have torne theire haire from theire heads; but -it was so short that it would give them no hold. Now Captaine Shrimp -thought in the losse of this prize, (which hee accoumpted his Master -peece,) all his honor would be lost for ever. - -~_Mine host got home to ma-re mount._~ - -~_Hee provides for his enemies._~ - -In the meane time mine Host was got home to Ma-re Mount through the -woods, eight miles round about the head of the river Monatoquit that -parted the two Plantations, finding his way by the helpe of the -lightening, (for it thundred as hee went terribly;) and there hee -prepared powther, three pounds dried, for his present imployement, and -foure good gunnes for him and the two assistants left at his howse, -with bullets of severall sizes, three hounderd or thereabouts, to be -used if the conspirators should pursue {141} him thether: and these -two persons promised theire aides in the quarrell, and confirmed that -promise with health in good rosa solis. - -Now Captaine Shrimp, the first Captaine in the Land, (as hee supposed,) -must doe some new act to repaire this losse, and, to vindicate his -reputation, who had sustained blemish by this oversight, begins now to -study, how to repaire or survive his honor: in this manner, callinge of -Councell, they conclude. - -Hee takes eight persons more to him, and, (like the nine Worthies of -New Canaan,) they imbarque with preparation against Ma-re-Mount, where -this Monster of a man, as theire phrase was, had his denne; the whole -number, had the rest not bin from home, being but seaven, would have -given Captaine Shrimpe, (a quondam Drummer,) such a wellcome as would -have made him wish for a Drume as bigg as Diogenes tubb, that hee might -have crept into it out of sight. - -Now the nine Worthies are approached, and mine Host prepared: having -intelligence by a Salvage, that hastened in love from Wessaguscus to -give him notice of their intent. - -One of mine Hosts men prooved a craven: the other had prooved his wits -to purchase a little valoure, before mine Host had observed his posture. - -~_A Parly._~ - -{142} The nine worthies comming before the Denne of this supposed -Monster, (this seaven headed hydra, as they termed him,) and began, -like Don Quixote against the Windmill, to beate a parly, and to offer -quarter, if mine Host would yeald; for they resolved to send him for -England; and bad him lay by his armes. - -But hee, (who was the Sonne of a Souldier,) having taken up armes -in his just defence, replyed that hee would not lay by those armes, -because they were so needefull at Sea, if hee should be sent over. Yet, -to save the effusion of so much worty bloud, as would haue issued out -of the vaynes of these 9. worthies of New Canaan, if mine Host should -have played upon them out at his port holes, (for they came within -danger like a flocke of wild geese, as if they had bin tayled one to -another, as coults to be sold at a faier,) mine Host was content to -yeelde upon quarter; and did capitulate with them in what manner it -should be for more certainety, because hee knew what Captaine Shrimpe -was. - -~_Captaine Shrimpe promiseth that no violence should bee -offered to his person._~ - -Hee expressed that no violence should be offered to his person, none -to his goods, nor any of his Howsehold: but that hee should have his -armes, and what els was requisit for the voyage: which theire Herald -retornes, it was agreed upon, and should be performed. - -~_The Worthies rebuked for their unworthy practises._~ - -But mine Host no sooner had set open the dore, and issued out, but -instantly Captaine Shrimpe and the rest of the worties stepped to him, -layd hold of his armes, and had him downe: and so eagerly was every -{143} man bent against him, (not regarding any agreement made with such -a carnall man,) that they fell upon him as if they would have eaten -him: some of them were so violent that they would have a slice with -scabbert, and all for haste; untill an old Souldier, (of the Queenes, -as the Proverbe is,) that was there by accident, clapt his gunne under -the weapons, and sharply rebuked these worthies for their unworthy -practises. So the matter was taken into more deliberate consideration. - -Captaine Shrimpe, and the rest of the nine worthies, made themselves, -(by this outragious riot,) Masters of mine Hoste of Ma-re Mount, and -disposed of what hee had at his plantation. - -This they knew, (in the eye of the Salvages,) would add to their glory, -and diminish the reputation of mine honest Host; whome they practised -to be ridd of upon any termes, as willingly as if hee had bin the very -Hidra of the time. - - - - -CHAP. XVI. - - _How the 9. worthies put mine Host of Ma-re-Mount into the inchaunted - Castle at Plimmouth, and terrified him with the Monster Briareus._ - - -The nine worthies of New Canaan having now the Law in their owne hands, -(there being no generall {144} Governour in the Land; nor none of the -Seperation that regarded the duety they owe their Soveraigne, whose -naturall borne Subjects they were, though translated out of Holland, -from whence they had learned to worke all to their owne ends, and make -a great shewe of Religion, but no humanity,) for they were now to sit -in Counsell on the cause. - -And much it stood mine honest Host upon to be very circumspect, and to -take Eacus[491] to taske; for that his voyce was more allowed of then -both the other: and had not mine Host confounded all the arguments -that Eacus could make in their defence, and confuted him that swaied -the rest, they would have made him unable to drinke in such manner of -merriment any more. So that following this private counsell, given him -by one that knew who ruled the rost, the Hiracano ceased that els would -split his pinace. - -~_Mine host set upon an Island without anything, to shift for -himselfe._~ - -A conclusion was made and sentence given that mine Host should be sent -to England a prisoner. But when hee was brought to the shipps for -that purpose, no man durst be so foole hardy as to undertake carry -him.[492] So these Worthies set mine Host upon an Island, without -gunne, powther, or shot or dogge or so much as a knife to get any -thinge to feede upon, or any other cloathes to shelter him with at -winter then a thinne suite which hee had one at that time. Home hee -could not get to Ma-re-Mount. Upon this Island hee stayed a moneth at -least, and was releeved by Salvages that tooke notice that mine Host -was a Sachem of Passonagessit, and would bringe bottles of strong -liquor to him, and unite themselves {145} into a league of brother hood -with mine Host; so full of humanity are these infidels before those -Christians. - -From this place for England sailed mine Host in a Plimmouth shipp, -(that came into the Land to fish upon the Coast,) that landed him safe -in England at Plimmouth: and hee stayed in England untill the ordinary -time for shipping to set forth for these parts, and then retorned:[493] -Noe man being able to taxe him of any thinge. - -But the Worthies, (in the meane time,) hoped they had bin ridd of him. - - - - -CHAP. XVII. - - _Of the Baccanall Triumphe of the nine worthies of New Canaan._ - - -The Seperatists were not so contended, (when mine Host of Ma-re-Mount -was gone,) but they were as much discontended when hee was retorned -againe: and the rather because theire passages about him, and the -businesse, were so much derided and in songes exemplified: which, (for -better satisfaction of such as are in that kinde affected,) I have set -forth, as it was then in use by the name of the _Baccanall Triumphe_, -as followeth: - - -{146} THE POEM.[494] - -~_Master Ben: Iohnson._~ - - _I sing th’ adventures of nine worthy wights, - And pitty ’tis I cannot call them Knights, - Since they had brawne and braine, and were right able - To be installed of Prince Arthures table; - Yet all of them were Squires of low degree, - The Magi tould of a prodigeous birth - That shortly should be found upon the earth, - By Archimedes art, which they misconster - Vnto their Land would proove a hiddeous monster; - Seaven heades it had, and twice so many feete, - Arguing the body to be wondrous greate, - Besides a forked taile heav’d up on highe - As if it threaten’d battell to the skie. - The Rumor of this fearefull prodigy - Did cause th’ effeminate multitude to cry - For want of great Alcides aide, and stood - Like People that have seene Medusas head. - Great was the greife of hart, great was the mone, - And great the feare conceaved by every one - Of Hydras hiddeous forme and dreadfull powre, - Doubting in time this Monster would devoure - All their best flocks, whose dainty wolle consorts - It selfe with Scarlet in all Princes Courts. - Not Iason nor the adventerous youths of Greece - Did bring from Colcos any richer Fleece. - In Emulation of the Gretian force - These Worthies nine prepar’d a woodden horse, - {147} And, prick’d with pride of like successe, divise - How they may purchase glory by this prize; - And, if they give to Hidreas head the fall, - It will remaine a plat forme unto all - Theire brave atchivements, and in time to comme, - Per fas aut nefas, they’l erect a throne. - Cloubs are turn’d trumps: so now the lott is cast: - With fire and sword to Hidras den they haste, - Mars in th’ assendant, Soll in Cancer now, - And Lerna Lake to Plutos court must bow. - What though they [be] rebuk’d by thundring Iove, - Tis neither Gods nor men that can remove - Their mindes from making this a dismall day. - These nine will now be actors in this play - And Sumon Hidra to appeare anon - Before their witles Combination: - But his undaunted spirit, nursd with meate - Such as the Cecrops gave their babes to eate, - Scorn’d their base accons; for with Cecrops charme - Hee knew he could defend himselfe from harme - Of Minos, Eacus, and Radamand, - Princes of Limbo; who must out of hand - Consult bout Hidra, what must now be done: - Who, having sate in Counsell, one by one - Retorne this answere to the Stiggean feinds; - And first grim Minos spake: most loving freinds, - Hidra prognosticks ruine to our state - And that our Kingdome will grow desolate; - But if one head from thence be tane away - The Body and the members will decay. - {148} To take in hand, quoth[495] Eacus, this taske, - Is such as harebraind Phaeton did aske - Of Phebus, to begird the world about; - Which graunted put the Netherlands to rout; - Presumptious fooles learne wit at too much cost, - For life and laboure both at once hee lost. - Sterne Radamantus, being last to speake, - Made a great hum and thus did silence breake: - What if, with ratling chaines or Iron bands, - Hidra be bound either by feete or hands, - And after, being lashd with smarting rodds, - Hee be conveyd by Stix unto the godds - To be accused on the upper ground - Of Lesæ Majestatis, this crime found - T’will be unpossible from thence, I trowe, - Hidra shall come to trouble us belowe. - This sentence pleasd the friends exceedingly, - That up they tost their bonnets, and did cry, - Long live our Court in great prosperity. - The Sessions ended, some did straight devise - Court Revells, antiques and a world of joyes, - Brave Christmas gambols:[496] there was open hall - Kept to the full, and sport, the Divell and all: - Laboure’s despised, the loomes are laid away, - And this proclaim’d the Stigean Holliday. - In came grim Mino, with his motly beard, - And brought a distillation well prepar’d; - And Eacus, who is as suer as text, - Came in with his preparatives the next; - Then Radamantus, last and principall, - Feasted the Worthies in his sumptuous hall. - {149} There Charon Cerberous and the rout of feinds - Had lap enough: and so their pastims ends._ - - -THE ILLVSTRATIONS. - -Now to illustrate this Poem, and make the sence more plaine, it is to -be considered that the Persons at Ma-re-Mount were seaven, and they had -seaven heads and 14. feete; these were accounted Hidra with the seaven -heads: and the Maypole, with the Hornes nailed neere the topp, was the -forked tayle of this supposed Monster, which they (for want of skill) -imposed: yet feared in time, (if they hindred not mine Host), hee would -hinder the benefit of their Beaver trade, as hee had done, (by meanes -of this helpe,) in Kynyback river finely, ere they were awares; who, -comming too late, were much dismaide to finde that mine Host his boate -had gleaned away all before they came; which Beaver is a fitt companion -for Scarlett: and I beleeve that Iasons golden Fleece was either the -same, or some other Fleece not of so much value. - -This action bred a kinde of hart burning in the Plimmouth Planters, who -after sought occasion against mine Host to overthrowe his undertakings -and to destroy his Plantation; whome they accoumpted a maine enemy to -theire Church and State. - -{150} Now when they had begunne with him, they thought best to -proceede: forasmuch as they thought themselves farre enough from any -controule of Iustice, and therefore resolved to be their owne carvers: -(and the rather because they presumed upon some incouragement they had -from the favourites of their Sect in England:) and with fire and sword, -nine in number, pursued mine Host, who had escaped theire hands, in -scorne of what they intended, and betooke him to his habitation in a -night of great thunder and lightening, when they durst not follow him, -as hardy as these nine worthies seemed to be. - -It was in the Moneth of Iune that these Marshallists had appointed to -goe about this mischeifous project, and deale so crabbidly with mine -Host. - -After a parly, hee capitulated with them about the quarter they -proffered him, if hee would consent to goe for England, there to -answere, (as they pretended,) some thing they could object against him -principall to the generall: But what it would be hee cared not, neither -was it any thing materiall. - -Yet when quarter was agreed upon, they, contrary wise, abused him, and -carried him to theire towne of Plimmouth, where, (if they had thought -hee durst have gone to England,) rather then they would have bin any -more affronted by him they would have dispatched him, as Captaine -Shrimp in a rage profest that hee would doe with his Pistoll, as mine -Host should set his foote into the boate. Howsoever, the cheife Elders -voyce in that place was more powerfull than any of the rest, who -concluded {151} to send mine Host without any other thing to be done -to him. And this being the finall agreement, (contrary to Shrimpe and -others,) the nine Worthies had a great Feast made, and the furmity[497] -pott was provided for the boats gang by no allowance: and all manner of -pastime. - -Captaine Shrimpe was so overjoyed in the performance of this exployt, -that they had, at that time, extraordinary merriment, (a thing not -usuall amongst those presisians); and when the winde served they tooke -mine Host into their Shallop, hoysed Saile, and carried him to the -Northern parts; where they left him upon a Island. - - - - -CHAP. XVIII. - - _Of a Doctor made at a Commencement in New Canaan._[498] - - -~_A Councell called._~ - -The Church of Plimmouth, having due regard to the weale publike and -the Brethren that were to come over, and knowing that they would -be busily imployed to make provision for the cure of Soules, and -therefore might neglect the body for that time, did hold themselves -to be in duety bound to make search for a fitting man, that might be -able, (if so neede requir’d,) to take the chardge upon him in that -place of imployment: and therefore called a Counsell of the whole -Synagoge: amongst which company, they chose out a man that long time -had bin nurst up in the tender bosome of the Church: one that had {152} -speciall gifts: hee could wright and reade; nay, more: hee had tane -the oath of abjuration, which is a speciall stepp, yea, and a maine -degree unto perferment. Him they weane, and out of Phaos boxe[499] fitt -him with speciall guifts of no lesse worth: they stile him Doctor, and -forth they send him to gaine imployement and opinion. - -What luck is it I cannot hit on his name: but I will give you him by -a periphrasis, that you may know him when you meete him next. - -Hee was borne at Wrington, in the County of Somerset, where hee was -bred a Butcher. Hee weares a longe beard, and a Garment like the Greeke -that beggd in Pauls Church.[500] This new made Doctor, comes to Salem -to congratulate:[501] where hee findes some are newly come from Sea, -and ill at ease. - -He takes the patient, and the urinall: eies the State there; finds the -Crasis Syptomes, and the attomi natantes: and tells the patient that -his disease was winde, which hee had tane by gapeing feasting over -board[502] at Sea; but hee would quickly ease him of that greife, and -quite expell the winde. And this hee did performe, with his gifts hee -had: and then hee handled the patient so handsomely, that hee eased him -of all the winde hee had in an instant. - -And yet I hope this man may be forgiven, if hee were made a fitting -Plant for Heaven. - -How hee went to worke with his gifts is a question; yet hee did a great -cure for Captaine Littleworth, hee cured him of a disease called a -wife:[503] and yet I hope this man may be forgiven, if shee were made -a fitting plant for heaven. - -{153} By this meanes hee was allowed 4. p. a moneth, and the chirgeon’s -chest, and made Phisition generall of Salem: where hee exercised his -gifts so well, that of full 42. that there hee tooke to cure, there is -not one has more cause to complaine, or can say black’s his eie. This -saved Captaine Littleworths credit, that had truck’d away the vittels: -though it brought forth a scandall on the Country by it: and then I -hope this man may be forgiven, if they were all made fitting plants for -Heaven. - -But in mine opinion, hee deserves to be set upon a palfrey and lead -up and downe in triumph throw new Canaan, with a coller of Iurdans -about his neck, as was one of like desert in Richard the seconds time -through the streets of London, that men might know where to finde a -Quacksaluer.[504] - - - - -CHAP. XIX. - - _Of the silencing of a Minister in new Canaan._[505] - - -A silenced Minister, out of coveteousnesse,[506] came over into new -Canaan to play the spie: Hee pretended, out of a zealous intent to doe -the Salvages good, and to teach them. Hee brought a great Bundell of -Horne books with him, and carefull hee was, (good man,) to blott out -all the crosses of them, for feare least the people of the land should -become Idolaters. Hee was in hope, with his gifts, to prepare a great -auditory against greate Iosua should arive there. - -{154} Hee applyed himselfe on the weeke dayes to the trade of Beaver, -but it was, (as might seeme,) to purchase the principall benefite of -the Lande, when the time should come; for hee had a hope to be the -Caiphas of the Country: and well hee might, for hee was higher by the -head than any of his tribe that came after him. - -~_This Caiphas that condemneth Covetousnesse, and committeth -it himselfe._~ - -This man, it seemes, played the spie very handsomely; for in the -exercise of his guifts on the Lords day at Weenasimute,[507] hee espied -a Salvage come in with a good Beaver coate, and tooke occasion to -reproove the covetous desire of his auditory to trade for Beaver on -those dayes; which made them all use so much modesty about the matter -for the present, that hee found opportunity, the same day, to take the -Salvage a side into a corner, where (with the helpe of his Wampampeack -hee had in his pocket for that purpose in a readinesse,) hee made a -shifte to get that Beaver coate, which their mouthes watered at; and so -deceaved them all. - -But shortly after, when Iosua[508] came into the Land, hee had soone -spied out Caiphas practice, and put him to silence; and either hee -must put up his pipes and be packing, or forsake Ionas posture, and -play Demas part alltogether.[509] - - - - -{155} CHAP. XX. - - _Of the Practise of the Seperatists to gett a snare to hamper mine - Host of Ma-re-Mount._ - - -~_The generall collection made._~ - -Although the nine Worthies had left mine Hoste upon an Island,[510] in -such an inhumane manner as yee heard before; yet when they understood -that hee had got shipping and was gone to England of his owne accord, -they dispatched letters of advise to an Agent they had there: and by -the next shipp sent after to have a snare made, that might hamper -mine Host so as hee might not any more trouble theire conscience: -and to that end made a generall collection of Beaver to defray the -chardge,[511] and hee was not thought a good Christian that would not -lay much out for that imployment. - -Some contributed three pounds, some foure, some five pounds; and -procured a pretty quantity by that Devise, which should be given to a -cunning man that could make a snare to hamper him. - -~_Noe cost spared for the getting of a skillfull man._~ - -The Agent, (according to his directions,) does his endeavoure, (in -the best manner hee could,) to have this instrument made: and used -no little diligence to have it effected.[512] His reputation stood -upon the taske imposed upon him against mine Host, the onely enemy -(accounted) of their Church and State. - -Much inquiry was made in London, and about, for a skillfull man that -would worke the feate. Noe cost {156} was spared, for gold hee had -good store: first hee inquires of one, and then another: at the last -hee heard newes of a very famous man, one that was excellent at making -subtile instruments, such as that age had never bin acquainted with. - -Hee was well knowne to be the man, that had wit and wondrous skill to -make a cunning instrument where with to save himselfe and his whole -family, if all the world besides should be drown’d; and this the best; -yea, and the best cheap too, for, no good done, the man would nothing -take. - -To him this agent goes, and praies his aide: Declares his cause, and -tells the substance of his greivance, all at large, and laid before his -eies a heape of gold. - -~_The heape of gold._~ - -When all was shewd, that could be she’d, and said, what could be said, -and all too little for to have it done, the agent then did see his gold -refused, his cause despised, and thought himselfe disgraced to leave -the worke undone: so that hee was much dismaid, yet importun’d the -cunning [man], who found no reason to take the taske in hand. - -Hee thought, perhaps, mine Host, (that had the slight to escape from -the nine Worthies, to chaine Argus eies, and by inchauntment make -the doores of the watch tower fly open at an instant,) would not be -hampered, but with much a doe: and so hee was unwilling to be troubled -with that taske. - -~_Mine Host arrived againe in Plimmouth._~ - -The agent wondring to see that his gold would doe no good, did aske the -cunning man if hee could give him no advise? who said, hee would: and -what was that, thinke you? To let mine Host alone. Who, {157} being -ship’d againe for the parts of New Canaan, was put in at Plimmouth -in the very faces of them, to their terrible amazement to see him at -liberty: and told him hee had not yet fully answered the matter they -could object against him. Hee onely made this modest reply, that hee -did perceave they were willfull people, that would never be answered: -and derided them for their practises and losse of laboure.[513] - - - - -CHAP. XXI. - - _Of Captaine Littleworth his new devise for the purchase of Beaver._ - - -~_Charter party Treasorer._~ - -In the meane time, whiles these former passages were, there was a -great swelling fellow, of Littleworth, crept over to Salem, (by the -helpe of Master Charter party,[514] the Tresorer, and Master Ananias -Increase,[515] the Collector for the Company of Seperatists,) to take -upon him their imployments for a time. - -Hee, resolving to make hay whiles the Sonne did shine, first pretended -himselfe to be sent over as cheife Iustice of the Massachussets Bay -and Salem, forsoth, and tooke unto him a councell; and a worthy one no -doubt, for the Cowkeeper of Salem was a prime man in those imployments; -and to ad a Majesty, (as hee thought,) to his new assumed dignity, hee -caused the Patent of the Massachussets, (new brought into the Land,) to -be carried where hee went in his progresse to and froe, as an embleme -of his authority: which {158} the vulgar people, not acquainted with, -thought it to be some instrument of Musick locked up in that covered -case,[516] and thought, (for so some said,) this man of little-worth -had bin a fidler, and the rather because hee had put into the mouthes -of poore silly things, that were sent alonge with him, what skill hee -had in Engines, and in things of quaint devise: all which prooved in -conclusion to be but impostury. - -~_Warrants made by Capt. Littleworth in his name._~ - -This man, thinking none so worthy as himselfe, tooke upon him -infinitely: and made warrants in his owne name, (without relation -to his Majesties authority in that place,) and summoned a generall -apparance at the worshipfull towne of Salem:[517] there in open -assembly was tendered certaine Articles, devised betweene him and -theire new Pastor Master Eager,[518] (that had renounced his old -calling to the Ministry receaved in England, by warrant of Gods -word, and taken a new one there, by their fantasticall way imposed, -and conferred upon him with some speciall guifts had out of Phaos -boxe.)[519] - -To these Articles every Planter, old and new, must signe, or be -expelled from any manner of aboade within the Compas of the Land -contained within that graunt then shewed: which was so large it would -suffice for Elbow roome for more then were in all the Land by 700000. -such an army might have planted them a Colony with [in] that cirquit -which hee challenged, and not contend for roome for their Cattell. But -for all that, hee that should refuse to subscribe, must pack. - -The tenor of the _Articles_ were these: _That in all {159} causes, as -well Ecclesiasticall as Politicall, wee should follow the rule of Gods -word._ - -~_Mine Host subscribed not._~ - -This made a shew of a good intent, and all the assembly, (onely mine -Host replyed,) did subscribe: hee would not, unlesse they would ad -this Caution: _So as nothing be done contrary or repugnant to the -Lawes of the Kingdome of England._ These words hee knew, by former -experience, were necessary, and without these the same would proove a -very mousetrapp to catch some body by his owne consent, (which the rest -nothing suspected,) for the construction of the worde would be made -by them of the Seperation to serve their owne turnes: and if any man -should, in such a case, be accused of a crime, (though in it selfe it -were petty,) they might set it on the tenter hookes of their imaginary -gifts, and stretch it to make it seeme cappitall; which was the reason -why mine Host refused to subscribe. - -~_The Patent._~ - -It was then agreed upon that there should be one generall trade used -within that Patent, (as hee said,) and a generall stock: and every man -to put in a parte: and every man, for his person, to have shares alike: -and for their stock, according to the ratable proportion was put in: -and this to continue for 12. moneths, and then to call an accompt. - -~_All consented but mine Host._~ - -All were united, but mine Host refused: two truckmasters were chosen; -wages prefixed; onely mine Host put in a Caviat that the wages might -be paid out of the cleare proffit, which there in black and white was -plainely put downe. - -{160} But before the end of 6. moneths, the partners in this stock, -(handled by the Truckmasters,) would have an accoumpt: some of them had -perceaved that Wampambeacke could be pocketted up, and the underlings, -(that went in the boats alonge,) would bee neere the Wiser for any -thinge, but what was trucked for Beaver onely. - -~_Insteed of proffit dis-proffit._~ - -The accoumpt being made betweene Captaine Littleworth, and the two -Truckmasters, it was found that instead of increasing the proffit, they -had decreased it; for the principall stock, by this imployment, was -freetted so, that there was a great hole to be seene in the very middle -of it, which cost the partners afterwards one hundred markes to stopp -and make good to Captaine Littleworth. - -But mine Host, that sturred not his foote at all for the matter, did -not onely save his stock from such a Cancar, but gained sixe and seaven -for one: in the meane time hee derided the Contributers for being -catch’d in that snare. - - - - -CHAP. XXII. - - _Of a Sequestration made in New Canaan._[520] - - -Captaine Littleworth, (that had an akeing tooth at mine Host of -Ma-re-Mount,) devised how hee might put a trick upon him, by colour -of a Sequestration; and got some persons to pretend that hee had -corne and other goods of theirs in possession; and the {161} rather -because mine Host had store of corne and hee had improvidently truckt -his store for the present gaine of Beaver; in so much that his people -under his chardge were put to short allowance, which caused some of -them to sicken with conceipt of such useage, and some of them by -the practise of the new entertained Doctor Noddy, with his Imaginary -gifts. They sent therefore to exhibit a petition to grim Minos, Eacus -and Radamant, where they wished to have the author of their greife to -be convented:[521] and they had procured it quickly, if curses would -have caused it: for good prayers would be of no validity, (as they -supposed,) in this extremity. - -~_Commission for corne._~ - -~_Mine Hosts corne & goods carried away by violence._~ - -Now in this extremity Capt. Littleworth gave commission to such as -hee had found ready for such imployments to enter in the howse at -Ma-re-Mount, and, with a shallop, to bring from thence such corne and -other utensilles as in their commission hee had specified. But mine -Host, wary to prevent eminent mischeife, had conveyed his powther -and shott, (and such other things as stood him in most steed for his -present condition,) into the woods for safety: and, whiles this was put -in practise by him, the shallop was landed and the Commissioners entred -the howse, and willfully bent against mine honest Host, that loved good -hospitality. After they had feasted their bodies with that they found -there, they carried all his corne away, with some other of his goods, -contrary to the Lawes of hospitality: a smale parcell of refuse corne -onely excepted, which they left mine Host to keepe Christmas with. - -{162} But when they were gone, mine Host fell to make use of his -gunne, (as one that had a good faculty in the use of that instrument,) -and feasted his body neverthelesse with fowle and venison, which hee -purchased with the helpe of that instrument, the plenty of the Country -and the commodiousnes of the place affording meanes, by the blessing -of God; and hee did but deride Captaine Littleworth, that made his -servants snap shorte in a Country so much abounding with plenty of -foode for an industrious man, with greate variety. - - - - -CHAP. XXIII. - - _Of a great Bonfire made for ioy of the arrivall of great Iosua, - surnamed Temperwell, into the Land of Canaan._[522] - - -Seaven shipps set forth at once, and altogether arrived in the Land of -Canaan, to take a full possession thereof: What are all the 12. Tribes -of new Israell come? No, none but the tribe of Issacar, and some few -scattered Levites of the remnant of those that were descended of old -Elies howse. - -And here comes their Iosua too among them; and they make it a more -miraculous thing for these seaven shipps to set forth together, and -arrive at New Canaan together, then it was for the Israelites to goe -over Iordan drishod: perhaps it was, because they had a wall on the -right hand and a wall on the left hand. - -{163} These Seperatists suppose there was no more difficulty in the -matter then for a man to finde the way to the Counter at noone dayes, -betweene a Sergeant and his yeoman: Now you may thinke mine Host will -be hamperd or never. - -~_Men that come to ridd the land of pollution._~ - -These are the men that come prepared to ridd the Land of all pollution. -These are more subtile then the Cunning, that did refuse a goodly heap -of gold.[523] These men have brought a very snare indeed; and now mine -Host must suffer. The book of Common Prayer, which hee used, to be -despised: and hee must not be spared. - -Now they are come, his doome before hand was concluded on: they have a -warrant now: A cheife one too: and now mine Host must know hee is the -subject of their hatred: the Snare must now be used; this instrument -must not be brought by Iosua in vaine.[524] - -~_A Courte called about mine Host._~ - -A Court is called of purpose for mine host: hee there convented, and -must heare his doome before hee goe: nor will they admitt him to -capitulate, and know wherefore they are so violent to put such things -in practise against a man they never saw before: nor will they allow of -it, though hee decline their Iurisdiction. - -~_A divellish sentence against him._~ - -There they all with one assent put him to silence, crying out, heare -the Governour, heare the Govern: who gave this sentence against mine -Host at first sight: that he should be first put in the Billbowes, -his goods should be all confiscated, his Plantation should be burned -downe to the ground, because the habitation of the wicked should no -more appeare in Israell, and {164} his person banished from those -territories; and this put in execution with all speede.[525] - -~_The Salvages reproove them._~ - -The harmeles Salvages, (his neighboures,) came the while, (greived, -poore silly lambes, to see what they went about,) and did reproove -these Eliphants of witt for their inhumane deede: the Lord above did -open their mouthes like Balams Asse, and made them speake in his -behalfe sentences of unexpected divinity, besides morrallity; and tould -them that god would not love them that burned this good mans howse; and -plainely sayed that they who were new come would finde the want of such -a howses in the winter: so much themselves to him confest. - -~_Epictetus summa totius Philosophiæ._~ - -The smoake that did assend appeared to be the very Sacrifice of Kain. -Mine Host, (that a farre of abourd a ship did there behold this wofull -spectacle,) knew not what hee should doe in this extremity but beare -and forbeare, as Epictetus sayes[526]: it was bootelesse to exclaime. - -Hee did consider then these transitory things are but _ludibria -fortunæ_,[527] as Cicero calls them. All was burnt downe to the -ground, and nothing did remaine but the bare ashes as an embleme of -their cruelty: and unles it could, (like to the Phenix,) rise out of -these ashes and be new againe, (to the immortall glory and renowne of -this fertile Canaan the new,) the stumpes and postes in their black -liveries will mourne; and piety it selfe will add a voyce to the bare -remnant of that Monument, and make it cry for recompence, (or else -revenge,) against the Sect of cruell Schismaticks. - - - - -{165} CHAP. XXIV. - - _Of the digrading and creating gentry in New Canaan._[528] - - -There was a zealous Professor in the Land of Canaan, (growne a great -Merchant in the Beaver trade,) that came over for his conscience sake, -(as other men have done,) and the meanes, (as the phrase is,) who in -his minority had bin prentice to a tombe maker; who, comming to more -ripenes of yeares, (though lesse discretion,) found a kinde of scruple -in his conscience that the trade was in parte against the second -commandement:[529] and therefore left it off wholely, and betooke -himselfe to some other imployments. - -~_An Elder._~ - -In the end hee settled upon this course, where hee had hope of -preferrement, and become one of those things that any Iudas might hange -himselfe upon, that is an Elder. - -Hee had bin a man of some recconing in his time, (as himselfe -would boast,) for hee was an officer, just under the Exchequer at -Westminster, in a place called Phlegeton: there hee was comptroller, -and conversed with noe plebeians, I tell you, but such as have angels -or their attendance, (I meane some Lawyers with appertenances, that is, -Clarks,) with whome a Iugg of Beare and a crusty rolle in the terme is -as currant as a three penny scute at Hall time. - -{166} There is another place thereby, called sticks: these are two -daingerous places, by which the infernall gods doe sweare: but this of -Sticks is the more daingerous of the two, because there, (if a man be -once in,) hee cannot tell how to get out againe handsomely. - -I knew an under sheriff was in unawaires, and hee laboured to be free -of it: yet hee broake his back before he got so farre as quietus -est: There is no such danger in Phlegeton, where this man of so much -recconing was comptroller. - -~_Iosua displeased._~ - -Hee being here, waited an opportunity to be made a gentl. and now it -fell out that a gentl. newly come into the land of Canaan, (before hee -knew what ground hee stood upon,) had incurred the displeasure of great -Iosua so highly that hee must therefore be digraded. - -No reconciliation could be had for him: all hopes were past for that -matter: Where upon this man of much recconing (pretending a graunt of -the approach in avoydance,) helpes the lame dogge over the stile, and -was as jocund on the matter as a Magpie over a Mutton. - -~_Master Temperwell._~ - -Wherefore the Heralls, with Drums, and Trumpets, proclaiming in a very -solemne manner that it was the pleasure of great Iosua, (for divers -and sundry very good causes and considerations, Master Temperwell -thereunto especially mooving,) to take away the title, prerogative and -preheminence of the Delinquent, so unworthy of it, and to place the -same upon a Professor of more recconing: so that it was made {167} a -penall thing for any man after to lifte the same man againe on the top -of that stile, but that hee should stand perpetually digraded from that -prerogative. And the place by this meanes being voyde, this man, of so -much more reckoning, was receaved in like a Cypher to fill up a roome, -and was made a Gentleman of the first head; and his Coate of Armes, -blazon’d and tricked out fit for that purpose, in this Poem following. - - -THE POEM. - - _What ailes Pigmalion? Is it Lunacy; - Or Doteage on his owne Imagery? - Let him remember how hee came from Hell, - That after ages by record may tell - The compleate story to posterity. - Blazon his Coate in forme of Heraldry. - Hee beareth argent alwaies at commaund, ~_Put it this way._~ - A barre between three crusty rolls at hand, - And, for his crest, with froth, there does appeare - Dextra Paw Elevant a Iugg of beare._ - -Now, that it may the more easily be understood, I have here endeavoured -to set it forth in these illustrations following: Pigmalion was an -Image maker, who, doteing on his owne perfection in making the Image of -Venus, grew to be a mazed man, like our Gentleman here of the first -head: and by the figure Antonomasia[530] is hee herein exemplified. - -Hee was translated from a tombe maker to be the {168} tapster at hell, -(which is in Westminster, under the Ex-Chequer office,) for benefit -of the meanes hee translated himselfe into New England, where, by the -help of Beaver and the commaund of a servant or two, hee was advaunced -to the title of a gentleman; where I left him to the exercise of his -guifts. - - - - -CHAP. XXV. - - _Of the manner how the Seperatists doe pay debts to them that are - without._[531] - - -~_Goode Payement._~ - -There was an honest man, one M^r. Innocence Fairecloath,[532] by M^r. -Mathias Charterparty sent over into New Canaan, to raise a very good -marchantable commodity for his benefit; for, whiles the man was bound -by covenant to stay for a time, and to imploy such servants as did -there belong to M^r. Charterparty,[533] hee disdained the tenents of -the Seperatists: and they also, (finding him to be none,) disdained to -be imployed by a carnall man, (as they termed him,) and fought occasion -against him, to doe him a mischeife. Intelligence was conveyed to M^r. -Charterparty that this man was a member of the Church of England, and -therefore, (in their account,) an enemy to their Church and state. And, -(to the end they might have some coloure against him,) some of them -practised to get into his debte, which hee, not mistrusting, suffered, -and gave credit for such Commodity as hee had sold at a price. When the -day of payment came, insteede of monyes, hee, being at that time sick -and weake and stood in neede of the Beaver hee had contracted for, hee -had an Epistle full of zealous exhortations to provide for the soule; -and {169} not to minde these transitory things that perished with the -body, and to bethinke himselfe whether his conscience would be so -prompt to demaund so greate a somme of Beaver as had bin contracted -for. Hee was further exhorted therein to consider hee was but a steward -for a time, and by all likely hood was going to give up an accompt of -his stewardship: and therfore perswaded the creditor not to load his -conscience with such a burthen, which hee was bound by the Gospell to -ease him of (if it were possible;) and for that cause hee had framed -this Epistle in such a freindly maner to put him in minde of it. The -perusall of this, (lap’d in the paper,) was as bad as a potion to the -creditor, to see his debtor Master Subtilety (a zealous professor as -hee thought) to deride him in this extremity, that hee could not chuse, -(in admiration of the deceipt,) but cast out these words: - -Are these youre members? if they be all like these, I beleeve the -Divell was the setter of their Church. - -~_Blasphemy an example for carnall men._~ - -This was called in question when M^r. Fairecloath least thought of -it. Capt. Littleworth must be the man must presse it against him, for -blasphemy against the Church of Salem: and to greate Iosua Temperwell -hee goes with a bitter accusation, to have Master Innocence made an -example for all carnall men to presume to speake the least word that -might tend to the dishonor of the Church of Salem; yea, the mother -Church of all that holy Land. - -And hee convented was before their Synagoge, where no defence would -serve his turne; yet was there none to be seene to accuse him, save the -Court alone. - -{170} The time of his sicknes, nor the urgent cause, were not allowed -to be urg’d for him; but whatsoever could be thought upon against him -was urged, seeing hee was a carnall man, of them that are without. -So that it seemes, by those proceedings there, the matter was -adjudged before he came: Hee onely brought to heare his sentence -in publicke: which was, to have his tongue bored through; his nose -slit; his face branded; his eares cut; his body to be whip’d in -every severall plantation of their Iurisdiction; and a fine of forty -pounds impos’d, with perpetuall banishment: and, (to execute this -vengeance,) Shackles,[534] (the Deacon of Charles Towne,) was as ready -as Mephostophiles, when Doctor Faustus was bent upon mischeife. - -Hee is the purser generall of New Canaan, who, (with his whipp, with -knotts most terrible,) takes this man unto the Counting howse: there -capitulates with him why hee should be so hasty for payment, when -Gods deare children must pay as they are able: and hee weepes, and -sobbes, and his handkercher walkes as a signe of his sorrow for Master -Fairecloaths sinne, that hee should beare no better affection to the -Church and the Saints of New Canaan: and strips Innocence the while, -and comforts him. - -~_Notable Pay._~ - -Though hee be made to stay for payment, hee should not thinke it -longe; the payment would be sure when it did come, and hee should have -his due to a doite; hee should not wish for a token more; And then -tould it him downe in such manner that hee made Fairecloaths Innocent -back like the picture of Rawhead and blowdy bones, and his shirte -like a {171} pudding wifes aperon. In this imployment Shackles takes -a greate felicity, and glories in the practise of it. This cruell -sentence was stoped in part by Sir Christopher Gardiner, (then present -at the execution,) by expostulating with Master Temperwell: who was -content, (with that whipping and the cutting of parte of his eares,) to -send Innocence going, with the losse of all his goods, to pay the fine -imposed, and perpetuall banishment out of their Lands of New Canaan, in -terrorem populi. - -Loe this is the payment you shall get, if you be one of them they -terme, without. - - - - -CHAP. XXVI. - - _Of the Charity of the Seperatists._ - - -Charity is sayd to be the darling of Religion, and is indeed the Marke -of a good Christian: But where we doe finde a Commission for ministring -to the necessity of the Saints, we doe not finde any prohibition -against casting our bread upon the waters, where the unsanctified, as -well as the sanctified, are in possibility to make use of it. - -~_Lame charity._~ - -I cannot perceave that the Seperatists doe allowe of helping our poore, -though they magnify their practise in contributing to the nourishment -of their Saints; For as much as some that are of the number of those -whom they terme without, (though it were in case of sicknesse,) upon -theire landing, when a little fresh {172} victuals would have recovered -their healths, yet could they not finde any charitable assistance from -them. Nay, mine Host of Ma-re-Mount, (if hee might have had the use -of his gunne, powther and shott, and his dogg, which were denied,) -hee doubtles would have preserved such poore helples wretches as were -neglected by those that brought them over; which was so apparent, (as -it seemed,) that one of their owne tribe said, the death of them would -be required at some bodies hands one day, (meaning Master Temperwell.) - -But such good must not come from a carnall man: if it come from a -member, then it is a sanctified worke; if otherwise, it is rejected as -unsanctified. - -But when Shackles[535] wife, and such as had husbands, parents -or freinds, happened to bee sick, mine Hosts helpe was used, and -instruments provided for him to kill fresh vittell with, (wherein hee -was industrious,) and the persons, having fresh vittell, lived. - -So doubtles might many others have bin preserved, but they were of the -number left without; neither will those precise people admit a carnall -man into their howses, though they have made use of his in the like -case; they are such antagonists to those that doe not comply with them, -and seeke to be admitted to be of their Church, that in scorne they -say, you may see what it is to be without. - - - - -CHAP. XXVII. - - _Of the practise of their Church._[536] - - -The Church of the Seperatists is governed by Pastors, Elders and -Deacons, and there is not {173} any of these, though hee be but a Cow -keeper, but is allowed to exercise his guifts in the publik assembly -on the Lords day,[537] so as hee doe not make use of any notes for the -helpe of his memory:[538] for such things, they say, smell of Lampe -oyle, and there must be no such unsavery perfume admitted to come into -the congregation. - -These are all publike preachers. There is amongst these people a -Deakonesse, made of the sisters, that uses her guifts at home in an -assembly of her sexe, by way of repetition or exhortation:[539] such is -their practise. - -The Pastor, (before hee is allowed of,) must disclaime his former -calling to the Ministry, as hereticall; and take a new calling after -their fantasticall inventions: and then hee is admitted to bee their -Pastor. - -The manner of disclaimeing is, to renounce his calling with bitter -execrations, for the time that hee hath heretofore lived in it: -and after his new election, there is great joy conceaved at his -commission.[540] - -And theire Pastors have this preheminence above the Civile Magistrate: -Hee must first consider of the complaint made against a member: and if -hee be disposed to give the partie complained of an admonition, there -is no more to be said: if not; Hee delivers him over to the Magistrate -to deale with him in a course of Iustice, according to theire practise -in cases of that nature.[541] - -{174} Of these pastors I have not knowne many:[542] some I have -observed together with theire carriage in New Canaan, and can informe -you what opinion hath bin conceaved of theire conditions in the -perticuler. There is one who, (as they give it out there that thinke -they speake it to advaunce his worth,) has bin expected to exercise -his gifts in an assembly that stayed his comming, in the middest of -his Iorney falls into a fitt, (which they terme a zealous meditation,) -and was 4. miles past the place appointed before hee came to himselfe, -or did remember where abouts hee went. And how much these things are -different from the actions of mazed men, I leave to any indifferent man -to judge; and if I should say they are all much alike, they that have -seene and heard what I have done, will not condemne mee altogether. - -Now, for as much as by the practise of theire Church every Elder or -Deacon may preach, it is not amisse to discover their practise in that -perticuler, before I part with them.[543] - -~_Lewes the II. sent a Barber Embassador._~ - -It has bin an old saying, and a true, what is bred in the bone will not -out of the flesh, nor the stepping into the pulpit that can make the -person fitt for the imployment. The unfitnes of the person undertaking -to be the Messenger has brought a blemish upon the message, as in the -time of Lewes the Eleventh, King of France, who, (having advaunced his -Barber to place of Honor, and graced him with eminent titles), made -him so presumptuous to undertake an Embassage to treat with forraine -princes of Civile affaires. - -~_The Embassage despised._~ - -But what was the issue? Hee behaved himselfe so {175} unworthily, (yet -as well as his breeding would give him leave,) that both the Messenger -and the message were despised; and had not hee, (being discovered,) -conveyed himselfe out of their territories, they had made him pay for -his barbarous presumption.[544] - -Socrates sayes, _loquere ut te videam_. If a man observe these people -in the exercise of their gifts, hee may thereby discerne the tincture -of their proper calling, the asses eares will peepe through the lyons -hide. I am sorry they cannot discerne their owne infirmities. I will -deale fairely with them, for I will draw their pictures cap a pe, that -you may discerne them plainely from head to foote in their postures, -that so much bewitch, (as I may speake with modesty,) these illiterate -people to be so fantasticall, to take Ionas taske[545] upon them -without sufficient warrant. - -~_A Grocer._~ - -One steps up like the Minister of Iustice with the ballance onely, not -the sword for feare of affrighting his auditory. Hee poynts at a text, -and handles it as evenly as hee can; and teaches the auditory, that the -thing hee has to deliver must be well waied, for it is a very pretious -thing, yes, much more pretious then gold or pearle: and hee will teach -them the meanes how to way things of that excellent worth; that a man -would suppose hee and his auditory were to part stakes by the scale; -and the like distribution they have used about a bag pudding. - -~_A Taylor._~ - -Another, (of a more cutting disposition,) steps in his steed; and hee -takes a text, which hee divides into many parts: (to speake truly) as -many as hee list. The fag end of it hee pares away, as a superfluous -remnant. - -{176} Hee puts his auditory in comfort, that hee will make a garment -for them, and teach them how they shall put it on; and incourages -them to be in love with it, for it is of such a fashion as doth best -become a Christian man. Hee will assuer them that it shall be armor -of proffe against all assaults of Satan. This garment, (sayes hee,) -is not composed as the garments made by a carnall man, that are sowed -with a hot needle and a burning thread; but it is a garment that shall -out last all the garments: and, if they will make use of it as hee -shall direct them, they shall be able, (like saint George,) to terrifie -the greate Dragon, error; and defend truth, which error with her wide -chaps would devoure: whose mouth shall be filled with the shredds and -parings, which hee continually gapes for under the cutting bourd. - -~_A Tapster._~ - -A third, hee supplies the rome: and in the exercise of his guifts -begins with a text that is drawne out of a fountaine that has in it no -dreggs of popery. This shall proove unto you, (says hee,) the Cup of -repentance: it is not like unto the Cup of the Whore of Babilon, who -will make men drunk with the dreggs thereof: It is filled up to the -brim with comfortable joyce, and will proove a comfortable cordiall to -a sick soule, sayes hee. And so hee handles the matter as if hee dealt -by the pinte and the quarte, with Nic and Froth.[546] - -~_A Cobler._~ - -An other, (a very learned man indeed,) goes another way to worke with -his auditory; and exhorts them to walke upright, in the way of their -calling, and not, (like carnall men,) tread awry. And if they should -{177} fayle in the performance of that duety, yet they should seeke -for amendement whiles it was time; and tells them it would bee to late -to seek for help when the shop windowes were shutt up: and pricks them -forward with a freindly admonition not to place theire delight in -worldly pleasures, which will not last, but in time will come to an -end; but so to handle the matter that they may be found to wax better -and better, and then they shall be doublely rewarded for theire worke: -and so closes up the matter in a comfortable manner. - -~_A very patorick._~ - -But stay: Here is one stept up in haste, and, (being not minded to -hold his auditory in expectation of any long discourse,) hee takes -a text; and, (for brevities sake,) divides it into one part: and -then runnes so fast a fore with the matter, that his auditory cannot -follow him. Doubtles his Father was some Irish footeman;[547] by his -speede it seemes so. And it may be at the howre of death, the sonne, -being present, did participat of his Fathers nature, (according to -Pithagoras,)[548] and so the vertue of his Fathers nimble feete being -infused into his braines, might make his tongue out-runne his wit. - -Well, if you marke it, these are speciall gifts indeede: which the -vulgar people are so taken with, that there is no perswading them that -it is so ridiculous. - -This is the meanes, (O the meanes,) that they pursue: This that comes -without premeditation; This is the Suparlative: and hee that does not -approove of this, they say is a very reprobate. - -{178} Many vnwarrantable Tenents they have likewise: some of which -being come to my knowledge I wil here set downe: one wherof, being in -publicke practise maintained, is more notorious then the rest. I will -therefore beginne with that, and convince them of manifest error by the -maintenance of it, which is this: - -~_Tenent I._~ - -That it is the Magistrates office absolutely, (and not the Minsters,) -to joyne the people in lawfull matrimony.[549] And for this they vouch -the History of Ruth, saying Boas was married to Ruth in presence of the -Elders of the people. Herein they mistake the scope of the text. - -2. That it is a relique of popery to make use of a ring in marriage: -and that it is a diabolicall circle for the Divell to daunce in.[550] - -3. That the purification used for weomen after delivery is not to be -used.[551] - -4. That no child shall be baptised whose parents are not receaved into -their Church first.[552] - -5. That no person shall be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords -supper that is without.[553] - -6. That the booke of Common prayer is an idoll: and all that use it, -Idolaters.[554] - -7. That every man is bound to beleeve a professor upon his bare -affirmation onely, before a Protestant upon oath. - -8. That no person hath any right to Gods creatures, but Gods children -onely, who are themselves: and that all others are but usurpers of the -Creatures. - -9. And that, for the generall good of their Church and commonwealth, -they are to neglect father, mother and all freindship. - -{179} 10. Much a doe they keepe about their Church discipline, as -if that were the most essentiall part of their Religion. Tythes are -banished from thence, all except the tyth of Mint and Commin.[555] - -11. They differ from us something in the creede too, for if they get -the goods of one, that is without, into their hands, hee shall be kept -without remedy for any satisfaction: and they beleeve that this is not -cosenage.[556] - -12. And lastly they differ from us in the manner of praying; for they -winke[557] when they pray, because they thinke themselves so perfect in -the highe way to heaven that they can find it blindfould: so doe not -I.[558] - - - - -CHAP. XXVIII. - - _Of their Policy in publik Iustice._ - - -Now that I have anottomized the two extreame parts of this Politique -Commonwealth, the head and the inferior members, I will shew you the -hart, and reade a short lecture over that too; which is Iustice. - -I have a petition to exhibit to the highe and mighty M^r. Temperwell; -and I have my choise whether I shall make my plaint in a case of -conscience, or bring it with in the Compas of a point in law. And -because I will goe the surest way to worke, at first, I will see how -others are answered in the like kinde, whether it be with hab or nab, -as the Iudge did the Countryman.[559] - -Here comes M^r. Hopewell: his petition is in a case of conscience, -(as hee sayes.) But, see, great Iosua allowes conscience to be of his -side: yet cuts him off with this answere; Law is flat against him. Well -let {180} me see another. I marry: Here comes one Master Doubt-not: -his matter depends, (I am sure,) upon a point in Law: alas, what will -it not doe, looke ye it is affirmed that Law is on his side: but -Conscience, like a blanket, over spreades it. This passage is like to -the Procustes of Roome, mee thinks; and therefore I may very well say -of them, - - _Even so, by racking out the joynts & chopping of the head, - Procustes fitted all his guests unto his Iron bedd._ - -And, if these speede no better, with whome they are freinds, that -neither finde Law nor Conscience to helpe them, I doe not wonder to -see mine Host of Ma-re-Mount speede so ill, that has bin proclaimed an -enemy so many yeares in New Canaan to their Church and State. - - - - -CHAP. XXIX. - - _How mine Host was put into a whales belly._ - - -The Seperatists, (after they had burned Ma-re-Mount they could not get -any shipp to undertake the carriage of mine Host from thence, either -by faire meanes or fowle,) they were inforced, (contrary to their -expectation,) to be troubled with his company:[560] and by that meanes -had time to consider more of the man, then they had done of the matter: -wherein at length it was discovered that they, (by meanes of their -credulity of the intelligence given them in England of the matter, and -the false Carecter of the man,) had runne themselves headlonge into an -error, and had done that on a sodaine which they repented at leasure, -but could not tell which way to help it {181} as it stood now. They -could debate upon it and especially upon two difficult points, whereof -one must be concluded upon: If they sent mine Host away by banishment, -hee is in possibility to survive, to their disgrace for the injury -done: if they suffer him to stay, and put him in _statu quo prius_, all -the vulgar people will conclude they have bin too rashe in burning a -howse that was usefull, and count them men unadvised. - -So that it seemes, (by theire discourse about the matter,) they stood -betwixt Hawke and Bussard: and could not tell which hand to incline -unto. They had founded him secretly: hee was content with it, goe which -way it would. Nay Shackles[561] himselfe, (who was imployed in the -burning of the howse, and therefore feared to be caught in England,) -and others were so forward in putting mine Host _in statu quo prius_, -after they had found their error, (which was so apparent that Luceus -eies would have served to have found it out in lesse time,) that they -would contribute 40. shillings a peece towards it; and affirmed, that -every man according to his ability that had a hand in this black -designe should be taxed to a Contribution in like nature: it would be -done exactly. - -Now, (whiles this was in agitation, and was well urged by some of those -partys to have bin the upshot,) unexpected, (in the depth of winter, -when all shipps were gone out of the land,) in comes M^r. Wethercock, -a proper Mariner; and, they said, he could observe the winde: blow it -high, blow it low, hee was resolved to lye at Hull[562] rather than -incounter such a storme as mine Host had met with: and this was a man -for their turne. - -{182} Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they (who hee knew -had a strong purse, and his conscience waited on the strings of it, if -all the zeale hee had) would beare him out in it: which they professed -they would. Hee undertakes to ridd them of mine Host by one meanes or -another. They gave him the best meanes they could, according to the -present condition of the worke, and letters of credence to the favoures -of that Sect in England; with which, (his busines there being done, and -his shipp cleared,) hee hoyst the Sayles and put to Sea: since which -time mine Host has not troubled the brethren, but onely at the Counsell -table: where now Sub iudice lis est. - - - - -CHAP. XXX. - - _Of Sir Christopher Gardiner Knight, and how hee spedd amongst the - Seperatists._ - - -Sir Christopher Gardiner,[563] (a Knight, that had bin a traveller both -by Sea and Land; a good judicious gentleman in the Mathematticke and -other Sciences usefull for Plantations, Kimistry, &c. and also being a -practicall Enginer,) came into those parts, intending discovery. - -But the Seperatists love not those good parts, when they proceede from -a carnall man, (as they call every good Protestant); in shorte time -[they] had found the meanes to pick a quarrell with him. The meanes is -that they pursue to obtaine what they aime at: the word is there, the -meanes. - -So that, when they finde any man like to proove an enemy to their -Church and state, then straight {183} the meanes must be used for -defence. The first precept in their Politiques is to defame the man -at whom they aime, and then hee is a holy Israelite in their opinions -who can spread that same brodest, like butter upon a loafe: no matter -how thin, it will serve for a vaile: and then this man, (who they have -thus depraved,) is a spotted uncleane leaper: hee must out, least hee -pollute the Land, and them that are cleane. - -If this be one of their guifts, then Machevill[564] had as good gifts -as they. Let them raise a scandall on any, though never so innocent, -yet they know it is never wiped cleane out: the staind marks remaines; -which hath bin well observed by one in these words of his, - - _Stick Candles gainst a Virgin walls white back; - If they’l not burne yet, at the least, they’l black._ - -And thus they dealt with Sir Christopher: and plotted by all the wayes -and meanes they could, to overthrow his undertakings in those parts. - -And therefore I cannot chuse but conclude that these Seperatists have -speciall gifts: for they are given to envy and mallice extremely. - -The knowledge of their defamacion could not please the gentleman well, -when it came to his eare; which would cause him to make some reply, -as they supposed, to take exceptions at, as they did against Faire -cloath:[565] and this would be a meanes, they thought, to blow the -coale, and so to kindle a brand that might fire him out of the Country -too, and send him after mine Host of Ma-re-Mount. - -They take occasion, (some of them,) to come to his howse when hee -was gone up into the Country, and {184} (finding hee was from home,) -so went to worke that they left him neither howse nor habitation nor -servant, nor any thing to help him, if hee should retorne: but of that -they had noe hope, (as they gave it out,) for hee was gone, (as they -affirmed,) to leade a Salvage life, and for that cause tooke no company -with him: and they having considered of the matter, thought it not fit -that any such man should live in so remoate a place, within the Compas -of their patent. So they fired the place, and carried away the persons -and goods. - -Sir Christopher was gone with a guide, (a Salvage,) into the inland -parts for discovery: but, before hee was returned, hee met with a -Salvage that told the guide, Sir Christopher would be killed: Master -Temperwell, (who had now found out matter against him,) would have him -dead or alive. This hee related; and would have the gentleman not to -goe to the place appointed, because of the danger that was supposed. - -But Sir Christopher was nothing dismaid; hee would on, whatsoever come -of it; and so met with the Salvages: and betweene them was a terrible -skermish: But they had the worst of it, and hee scaped well enough. - -The guide was glad of it, and learnd of his fellowes that they were -promised a great reward for what they should doe in this imployment. - -Which thing, (when Sir Christopher understood,) hee gave thanks to God; -and after, (upon this occasion to sollace himselfe,) in his table booke -hee composed this sonnet, which I have here inserted for a memoriall. - - -{185} THE SONNET. - - _Wolfes in Sheeps clothing, why will ye - Think to deceave God that doth see - Your simulated sanctity? - For my part, I doe wish you could - Your owne infirmities behold, - For then you would not be so bold. - Like Sophists, why will you dispute - With wisdome so? You doe confute - None but yourselves. For shame, be mute, - Least great Jehovah, with his powre, - Do come upon you in a howre - When you least think, and you devoure._ - -This Sonnet the Gentleman composed as a testimony of his love towards -them, that were so ill-affected towards him; from whome they might have -receaved much good, if they had bin so wise to have imbraced him in a -loving fashion. - -But they despise the helpe that shall come from a carnall man, (as they -termed him,) who, after his retorne from those designes, finding how -they had used him with such disrespect, tooke shipping, and disposed of -himselfe for England; and discovered their practises in those parts -towards his Majesties true harted Subjects, which they made wery of -their aboade in those parts. - - - - -{186} CHAP. XXXI. - - _Of mine Host of Ma-re-Mount how hee played Ionas after hee had bin - in the Whales belly for a time._ - - -Mine Host of Ma-re-Mount, being put to Sea, had delivered him, for his -releefe by the way, (because the shipp was unvitteled, and the Seamen -put to straight allowance, which could hold out but to the Canaries,) -a part of his owne provision, being two moneths proportion; in all but -3. small peeces of porke, which made him expect to be famished before -the voyage should be ended, by all likelyhood. Yet hee thought hee -would make one good meale, before hee died: like the Colony servant in -Virginea, that, before hee should goe to the gallowes, called to his -wife to set on the loblolly pot, and let him have one good meale before -hee went; who had committed a petty crime, that in those dayes was made -a cappitall offence. - -And now, mine Host being merrily disposed, on went the peeces of porke, -wherewith hee feasted his body, and cherished the poore Sailers; and -got out of them what M^r. Wethercock, their Master, purposed to doe -with him that hee had no more provision: and along they sailed from -place to place, from Iland to Iland, in a pittifull wether beaten ship, -where mine Host was in more dainger, (without all question,) then -Ionas, when hee was in the Whales belly; and it was the great mercy -of God that they had not all perished. Vittelled they were but for a -moneth, when they wayd Ancor and left the first port. - -{187} They were a pray for the enemy for want of powther, if they had -met them: besides the vessell was a very slugg, and so unserviceable -that the Master called a counsell of all the company in generall, to -have theire opinions which way to goe and how to beare the helme, -who all under their hand affirmed the shipp to be unserviceable: so -that, in fine, the Master and men and all were at their wits end about -it: yet they imployed the Carpenters to search and caulke her sides, -and doe theire best whiles they were in her. Nine moneths they made -a shifte to use her, and shifted for supply of vittells at all the -Islands they touched at: though it were so poorely, that all those -helpes, and the short allowance of a bisket a day, and a few Lymons -taken in at the Canaries, served but to bring the vessell in view of -the lands end. - -They were in such a desperat case, that, (if God in his greate mercy -had not favoured them, and disposed the windes faire untill the vessell -was in Plimmouth roade,) they had without question perished; for when -they let drop an Anchor, neere the Island of S. Michaels,[566] not one -bit of foode left, for all that starving allowance of this wretched -Wethercock, that, if hee would have lanched out his beaver, might have -bought more vittells in New England then he, and the whole ship with -the Cargazoun, was worth, (as the passingers hee carried who vittelled -themselves affirmed). But hee played the miserable wretch, and had -possessed his men with the contrary; who repented them of waying anchor -before they knew so much. - -Mine Host of Ma-re-Mount, (after hee had bin in {188} the Whales -belly,) was set a shore, to see if hee would now play Ionas, so -metamorphosed with a longe voyage that hee looked like Lazarus in the -painted cloath. - -But mine Host, (after due consideration of the premisses,) thought it -fitter for him to play Ionas in this kinde, then for the Seperatists to -play Ionas in that kinde as they doe. Hee therefore bid Wethercock tell -the Seperatists, that they would be made in due time to repent those -malitious practises, and so would hee too; for hee was a Seperatist -amongst the Seperatists, as farre as his wit would give him leave; -though when hee came in Company of basket makers, hee would doe his -indevoure to make them pinne the basket, if hee could, as I have -seene him. And now mine Host, being merrily disposed, haveing past -many perillous adventures in that desperat Whales belly, beganne in a -posture like Ionas, and cryed, Repent you cruell Seperatists, repent; -there are as yet but 40. dayes, if Iove vouchsafe to thunder, Charter -and the Kingdome of the Seperatists will fall asunder: Repent you -cruell Schismaticks, repent. And in that posture hee greeted them by -letters retorned into new Canaan; and ever, (as opportunity was fitted -for the purpose,) he was both heard and seene in the posture of Ionas -against them, crying, repent you cruel Seperatists, repent; there are -as yet but 40. dayes; if Iove vouchsafe to thunder, the Charter and -the Kingdome of the Seperatists will fall a sunder: Repent, you cruell -Schismaticks, repent. If you will heare any more of this proclamation -meete him at the next markettowne, for _Cynthius aurem vellet_.[567] - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS - -OF THE THREE BOOKES: - -The Tenents of the first Booke. - - - Chapters. - - 1. _Prooving New England the principall part of all America, and most - commodious and fit for a habitation and generation._ - - 2. _Of the originall of the Natives._ - - 3. _Of a great mortallity happened amongst the Natives._ - - 4. _Of their howses and habitations._ - - 5. _Of their Religion._ - - 6. _Of the Indians apparrell._ - - 7. _Of their Childbearing._ - - 8. _Of their reverence and respect to age._ - - 9. _Of their Juggelling tricks._ - - 10. _Of their Duelles._ - - 11. _Of the maintenance of their reputation._ - - 12. _Of their Traffick and trade one with another._ - - 13. _Of their Magazines and Storehowses._ - - 14. _Of theire Subtilety._ - - 15. _Of their admirable perfection in the use of their sences._ - - 16. _Of their acknowledgement of the creation and immortality of the - Soule._ - - 17. _Of their Annalls and Funeralls._ - - 18. _Of their Custome in burning the Country._ - - 19. _Of their Inclination to drunckennes._ - - 20. _Of their Philosophicall life._ - - -The Tenents of the second Booke. - - Chap. - - 1. _The generall Survey of the Country._ - - 2. _What trees are there and how commodious._ - - 3. _What Potherbes are there and for Sallets._ - - 4. _Of the Birds of the aire and fethered Fowles._ - - 5. _Of the Beasts of the Forrest._ - - 6. _Of Stones and Mineralls._ - - 7. _Of the Fishes and what commodity they proove._ - - 8. _Of the goodnes of the Country and the Fountaines._ - - 9. _A Perspective to view the Country by._ - - 10. _Of the great Lake of Erocoise._ - - -The Tenents of the third Booke. - - Chap. - - 1. _Of a great legue made betweene the Salvages and English._ - - 2. _Of the entertainment of Master Westons people._ - - 3. _Of a great Battaile fought betweene the English and the Indians._ - - 4. _Of a Parliament held at Wessaguscus._ - - 5. _Of a Massacre made upon the Salvages._ - - 6. _Of the Surprizing of a Marchants Shipp._ - - 7. _Of Thomas Mortons Entertainement and wrack._ - - 8. _Of the banishment of Iohn Layford and Iohn Oldam._ - - 9. _Of a barren doe of Virginea growne Fruithfull._ - - 10. _Of the Master of the Ceremonies._ - - 11. _Of a Composition made for a Salvages theft._ - - 12. _Of a voyage made by the Master of the Ceremonies for Beaver._ - - 13. _A lamentable fitt of mellancolly cured._ - - 14. _The Revells of New Canaan._ - - 15. _Of a great Monster supposed to be at Ma-re-Mount._ - - 16. _How the nine Worthies of New Canaan put mine Host of Ma-re-Mount - into an inchaunted Castle._ - - 17. _Of the baccanall Triumphe of New Canaan._ - - 18. _Of a Doctor made at commencement._ - - 19. _Of the silencing of a Minister._ - - 20. _Of a practise to get a snare to hamper mine host of Ma-re-Mount._ - - 21. _Of Captaine Littleworths devise for the purchase of Beaver._ - - 22. _Of a Sequestration in New Canaan._ - - 23. _Of a great bonfire made in New Canaan._ - - 24. _Of the digradinge and creatinge of Gentry._ - - 25. _Of the manner how the Seperatists pay their debts._ - - 26. _Of the Charity of the Seperatists._ - - 27. _Of the practise of their Church._ - - 28. _Of their Policy in publik Iustice._ - - 29. _How mine Host was put into a Whales belly._ - - 30. _How Sir Christopher Gardiner, Knight, speed amongst the - Seperatists._ - - 31. _How mine Host of Ma-re-Mount played Jonas after hee got out - of the Whales belly._ - - -FINIS. - - - - -[Illustration] - -THE PRINCE SOCIETY. - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -OFFICERS - -OF - -THE PRINCE SOCIETY. - -1883. - - -_President._ - - THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. BOSTON, MASS. - - -_Vice-Presidents._ - - JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M. BOSTON, MASS. - WILLIAM B. TRASK, ESQ. BOSTON, MASS. - THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, LL.D. EXETER, N.H. - JOHN MARSHALL BROWN, A.M. PORTLAND, ME. - - -_Corresponding Secretary._ - - THE REV. HENRY W. FOOTE, A.M. BOSTON, MASS. - - -_Recording Secretary._ - - DAVID GREENE HASKINS, JR., A.M. CAMBRIDGE, MASS. - - -_Treasurer._ - - ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, ESQ. BOSTON, MASS. - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -THE PRINCE SOCIETY. - -1883. - - - The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. Boston, Mass. - Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B. Quincy, Mass. - Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M. Boston, Mass. - William Sumner Appleton, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Walter T. Avery, Esq. New York, N.Y. - Mr. Thomas Willing Balch Philadelphia, Pa. - George L. Balcom, Esq. Claremont, N.H. - Charles Candee Baldwin, M.A. Cleveland, Ohio. - Samuel L. M. Barlow, Esq. New York, N.Y. - James Phinney Baxter, A.M. Portland, Me. - The Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D. Exeter, N.H. - John J. Bell, A.M. Exeter, N.H. - Samuel Lane Boardman, Esq. Boston, Mass. - The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D. Augusta, Me. - J. Carson Brevoort, LL.D. Brooklyn, N.Y. - The Rev. Phillips Brooks, D.D. Boston, Mass. - Sidney Brooks, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Horace Brown, A.B., LL.B. Salem, Mass. - Mrs. John Carter Brown Providence, R.I. - John Marshall Brown, A.M. Portland, Me. - Joseph O. Brown, Esq. New York, N.Y. - Philip Henry Brown, A.M. Portland, Me. - Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Esq. Boston, Mass. - George Bement Butler, Esq. New York, N.Y. - The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M. Chelsea, Mass. - The Hon. William Eaton Chandler, A.M. Washington, D.C. - George Bigelow Chafe, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Clarence H. Clark, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. - Gen. John S. Clark Auburn, N.Y. - The Hon. Samuel Crocker Cobb Boston, Mass. - Ethan N. Coburn, Esq. Charlestown, Mass. - Jeremiah Colburn, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Deloraine P. Corey, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Erastus Corning, Esq. Albany, N.Y. - Ellery Bicknell Crane, Esq. Worcester, Mass. - Abram E. Cutter, Esq. Charlestown, Mass. - William M. Darlington, Esq. Pittsburg, Pa. - John Ward Dean, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Charles Deane, LL.D. Cambridge, Mass. - Edward Denham, Esq. New Bedford, Mass. - John Charles Dent, Esq. Toronto, Canada. - Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, A.M. New Haven, Ct. - The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D. Boston, Mass. - Samuel Adams Drake, Esq. Melrose, Mass. - Henry Thayer Drowne, Esq. New York, N.Y. - Henry H. Edes, Esq. Charlestown, Mass. - Jonathan Edwards, A.B., M.D. New Haven, Ct. - William Henry Egle, A.M, M.D. Harrisburgh, Pa. - Janus G. Elder, Esq. Lewiston, Me. - Samuel Eliot, LL.D. Boston, Mass. - Alfred Langdon Elwyn, M.D. Philadelphia, Pa. - James Emott, Esq. New York, N.Y. - The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL. D. New York, N.Y. - Joseph Story Fay, Esq. Woods Holl, Mass. - John S. H. Fogg, M.D. Boston, Mass. - The Rev. Henry W. Foote, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Samuel P. Fowler, Esq. 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By WILLIAM WOOD. London, 1634. Preface by Charles -Deane, LL.D. - - -THE HUTCHINSON PAPERS. - -A Collection of Original Papers relative to the History of the Colony -of Massachusetts-Bay. Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by -William H. Whitmore, A.M., and William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols. - - -JOHN DUNTON’S LETTERS FROM NEW ENGLAND. - -Letters written from New England A.D. 1686. By John Dunton in which are -described his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the characters -of his friends and acquaintances. Now first published from the Original -Manuscript in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Edited by William H. -Whitmore, A.M. - - -THE ANDROS TRACTS. - -Being a Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers issued during -the period between the overthrow of the Andros Government and the -establishment of the second Charter of Massachusetts. Reprinted from -the original editions and manuscripts. With a Memoir of Sir Edmund -Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M. 3 vols. - - -SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER AND AMERICAN COLONIZATION. - -Including three Royal Charters, issued in 1621, 1625, 1628; a Tract -entitled an Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624; -a Patent, from the Great Council for New England, of Long Island, and a -part of the present State of Maine; a Roll of the Knights Baronets of -New Scotland; with a Memoir of Sir William Alexander, by the editor, -the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. - - -JOHN WHEELWRIGHT. - -Including his Fast-day Sermon, 1637; his Mercurius Americanus, 1645, -and other writings; with a paper on the genuineness of the Indian deed -of 1629, and a Memoir by the editor, Charles H. Bell, A.M. - - -VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN TO AMERICA. - -Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Western voyages by -Northmen in the tenth and eleventh centuries, in an English translation -by North Ludlow Beamish; with a Synopsis of the historical evidence -and the opinion of Professor Rafn as to the places visited by the -Scandinavians on the coast of America. Edited, with an Introduction, by -the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. - - -THE VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN. - -Including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, -and in that of 1619; translated from the French by Charles P. Otis, -Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and historical illustrations, by the Rev. -Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 3 vols. - - -NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, OR NEW CANAAN. - -Containing an abstract of New England, composed in three books. I. The -first setting forth the Originall of the Natives, their Manners and -Customes, together with their tractable Nature and Love towards the -English. II. The Natural Indowments of the Countrie, and what Staple -Commodities it yieldeth. III. What People are planted there, their -Prosperity, what remarkable Accidents have happened since the first -planting of it, together with their Tenents and practice of their -Church. Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords Inne, Gent, upon ten -Years Knowledge and Experiment of the Country, 1632. Edited, with an -Introduction and historical illustrations, by Charles Francis Adams, -Jr., A.B. - - -VOLUMES IN PREPARATION. - -1. CAPTAIN JOHN MASON, the founder of New Hampshire, including his -Tract on Newfoundland, 1620, the several American Charters in which he -was a Grantee, and other papers; and a Memoir by the late Charles W. -Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with historical illustrations, by John Ward Dean, -A.M. - -2. SIR FERDINANDO GORGES, including his Tract entitled A Brief -Narration, 1658, American Charters granted to him, and other papers; -with historical Illustrations and a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. -Slafter, A.M. - -3. SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT, including his Discourse to prove a Passage -by the North-West to Cathaia and the East Indies; his Letters Patent -to discover and possess lands in North America, granted by Queen -Elizabeth, June 11, 1578. With historical Illustrations and a Memoir. - -4. SIR WALTER RALEGH AND HIS COLONY IN AMERICA. Containing the Royal -Charter of Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ralegh for discovering and -planting of new lands and countries, March 25, 1584, with letters, -discourses, and narratives of the Voyages made to Virginia at his -charges, with original descriptions of the country, commodities, and -inhabitants. Edited, with a Memoir and historical illustrations, by the -Rev. Increase N. Tarbox, D.D. - - - - -[Illustration] - -INDEX. - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -INDEX. - - - A. - - Aberdecest, 130, _n._ - - Acomenticus: - charter granted to, by Gorges, 81; - Morton dies at, 91. - - Adams, John: - on name of Merry-Mount, 14, _n._; - on fate of Wollaston, 15; - on Thomas Morton, 95, _n._; - injuries to library of, 101, _n._ - - Adams, John Q., 101. - - Adders, 213. - - Ælianus, 345, _n._ - - Air of New England, 121, 137, 177, 190. - - Alcides, 292. - - Alecto, 275. - - Alexander, Sir William, quoted, 140, 167. - - Alder, the, 186. - - Allen, J. A., notes on wild animals of New England by, 199-215. - - Allerton, Isaac: - his course toward Morton in England, 35, 303; - his mission to England in 1629, 36; - carries Morton back to Plymouth, 36; - tries to obtain charter for Plymouth, 52; - brings over goods, 289, _n._ - - Allize, 225. - - Alsatian Squire, the, 92. - - Amphitrite, 277, 281. - - Animals, wild of New England, chapter on, 199-215. - - Antinomian controversy, 81, 323, _n._ - - Antonomasia, 316. - - _Anúnime_, 123, _n._ - - Arbor-vitæ, 185, _n._ - - Archimedes, 291. - - Argus eyes, 303. - - Aristotle, cited, 117, 118. - - Armoniack, 219. - - Arms. (_See_ Fire-arms.) - - Arthur’s Table, King, 290. - - Arundel, Earl of, 60, 70. - - _Ascowke_, 213. - - Ash, the, 183. - - Aspinwall, William, 319, _n._ - - Audubon, John James, quoted, 131, _n._, 192, _n._ - - Auk, the great, formerly found in Boston Bay, 131, _n._ - - - B. - - Bacchanal Triumph, poem, 290-4. - - Bagnall, Walter, 22, 206, _n._, 218, _n._ - - Baptism, 331, _n._ - - “Barren doe, the,” 94, 264-6, 272-7. - - Barrowe, Henry, on Common Prayer, 332, _n._ - - Bass, 222. - - Beach, the, 183. - - Bears: used by Indians, 142-4; - value of skins of, 205; - description of, 209; - Indian methods of hunting, 210; - flesh of, 210. - - Beaver: value of skins of, 22, 205, 295; - gain in, 32, 282; - regulation of trade in, 39, 306; - virtues of tails of, 162, 205; - description of, 204; - muskrats passed for, 211; - Dutch trade in, 239, _n._; - a theft compounded in, 269; - plenty of, at Nipnet, 270; - compared to Jason’s Fleece, 295. - - Bible, the, 94, 212, 260. - - Bibliography of _New Canaan_, 99. - - Billington, John, 217. - - Birch, the, 186. - - Birds, chapter on, 189-99. - - Black-lead, 219. - - Blackstone, William: moves from Wessagusset to Boston, 24; - contributes to Morton’s arrest, 30; - an Episcopalian, 94. - - Bluefish, 222. - - Bole Armoniack, 219. - - Book of Common Prayer, 22, 68, 82, 168, 260, 283, 311; - an idol, 69, 332; - Morton persecuted for using, 92-5. - - _Book of Sports_, 260, _n._ - - Boston Bay: savages about in 1625, 11; - settlers about in 1628, 24; - description of in 1630, 122; - great auks seen in, 131, _n._; - French vessel wrecked in, 131, _n._ - - Bradford, John, on Common Prayer, 332, _n._ - - Bradford, Governor William: cited, 1, 6, 13, 18, 20, 22, 25, 27, - 31, 35, 36, 37, 46, 49, 52, 79, 92, 133, _n._, 205, _n._, - 217, _n._, 323, _n._, 325, _n._, 330, _n._, 332, _n._; - letters of, on arrest of Morton, 30; - generally correct, 49; - literary skill of, 96; - absence of humor in, 97, 98; - referred to as Rhadamant, 291, _n._ - - Brant, 189, 268. - - Breames, 227. - - Brereton, Sir William, grant to, from John Gorges, 34. - - Brewster, William, notes on birds by, 189-99, _n._, 226, _n._ - - Briareus, 288. - - Bridges, Robert, 90. - - Bright, Rev. Francis, 300, _n._, 325, _n._ - - Brimstone, 220. - - Bristol, 2. - - Brown, Peter, 214. - - Browne, Robert, 323, _n._ - - Brutus, supposed descent of Indians from, 126, 127, 129. - - Bubble, 266-8, 270-3. - - Buckingham, Duke of, 178, _n._ - - Burdet, Rev. George, corresponds with Laud, 83, 88. - - Burglary, 319, _n._ - - Burning undergrowth: Indian custom of, 172, 184, 186; - protection against, 173. - - Bursley, John, at Wessagusset, 24, 31, 162, _n._ - - Buzzard’s Bay, 266. - - Butler, Samuel, 96, 98, 251, _n._ - - - C. - - Caen, William and Emery de, 235, _n._ - - Caiaphas, 300, 302, _n._ - - Cain, 312. - - Campbell, Lord: on royal proclamations, 26; - cited, 35. - - Canada: derivation of name, 235; - first conquest of, 235, _n._ - - Canary Islands: as a market, 182, 222; - Morton at, 342-3. - - Cane, 275. - - Caunoŭnicus, funeral rites of his son, 170, _n._ - - Cape Ann: Lyford moves to, 24; - Morton at, 261. - - Cape Cod, 21, 23, 226; - French vessel wrecked on, 131, _n._ - - Cape Verde Islands, 116, 117, _n._ - - Carheil, Father, cited, 17. - - Caribdis, 277, 280. - - _Cattup Keen_, 137, _n._ - - Carlisle, Earl of, 70. - - Casco Bay, 221; - royalists about, 85. - - _Cau-ompsk_, 124, _n._ - - Cecrops, 293. - - Cedars: at Mount Wollaston, 10; - where to be found large, 173; - abundance and size of, 184; - white, 185, _n._ - - Cerberus, 294. - - Chalk-stones, 216. - - Champlain, lake: protection for discovery of, 77; - Morton on, 78; - Josselyn’s expedition to discover, 79; - when named, 234, _n._ (_See_ Erocoise.) - - Champlain: his _Voyages_ quoted, 149, _n._, 150, _n._; - his map, 236, _n._ - - Charity of the Separatists, 320. - - _Charity_, the, comes to New England in June, 1622, 7, 130. - - _Chauquaqock_, 254, _n._ - - Charles I.: corruption of court of, 52; - character and government of, 54; - financial straits of, in 1635, 73; - turning point in fortunes of, 78. - - Charlestown: settlement of, 34, 300, _n._; - deacons of church of, 319. - - Charon, 274. - - Charter party, 304, 316, 317. (_See_ Cradock, Matthew.) - - Chastity, absence of, among Indians, 16, 17, 145, _n._ - - Chelsea, 229, 300. - - _Cheshetue_, 148. - - Chestnut, the, 183. - - Chickatawbut, dwelling-place of, 11; - cunning of, 162, _n._; - his mother’s grave despoiled, 170, 247; - speech of, 247-9; - Weston’s men living with, 252. - - Chingachgook, 213, _n._ - - Christmas, 18, 97; - “brave gambols,” 294. - - Church practices in New England, 69, 260, 262, 322-34. - - Church of England: Winthrop’s detestation of, 63; - and Morton, 92; - and Lyford, 263; - dignity of, advanced in New England by Morton, 283; - Ratcliff a member of, 317. - - Churching of women, 331, _n._ - - Cicero, quoted, 139, 181, 312. - - Cithyrea, 278. - - Clams, 227. - - Clarendon, Lord, cited, 52. - - Clayton’s _Virginia_, cited, 199, _n._, 208, _n._, 210, _n._, - 214, _n._ - - Cleaves, George: Morton in employ of, 77; - in employ of Rigby, 84; - “a fire-brand of dissension,” 85. - - Clerk, Roger, 300, _n._ - - Cockles, 227. - - Coddington, Governor William, writes to Winthrop about Morton, 85. - - Cod-fish, 221; - markets for, 222; - superiority of New England, _ib._ - - Cod-liver oil, 222. - - Coins, old, found at Richmond Island, 218, _n._ - - Coke, Sir Edward, on proclamations, 26, 35. - - Colchos, 292. - - Commissions, system of, in favor at court of Charles I., 57. - - Conies, 204, 210, 211. - - Common Prayer: Book of, treatment of in Massachusetts, 69; - trouble occasioned by in Scotland, 82; - Morton’s use of, cause of his persecution, 92, 260, 283; - reference to in _New Canaan_, 93, 169; - an idol, 332, _n._ - - Connecticut, Blue Laws of, 252, _n._ - - Copper, 220. - - Cormorants, 226. - - _Cos_, 124, 217. - - Cottington, Lord, 60. - - Cotton, John, 98. - - Council for New England: efforts of to settle the Massachusetts, 2; - grant to Robert Gorges, 3; - secures proclamation about sale of fire-arms to Indians, 20; - gives patent to Company of Massachusetts Bay, 31; - quarrel of with Massachusetts Company, 33; - unequal to the emergency in 1634, 59; - plan for dividing territory of, 59; - divides New England, 70; - surrender of patent by, 72; - records of quoted, 130, _n._, 196, _n._; - issues patent to Walter Bagnall, 219, _n._ - - Court: held at Salem, 306; - at Boston, to try Morton, 311. - - Cradock, Governor Matthew, 298, _n._; - before Privy Council, 51, 56; - “an imposterous knave,” 62; - default of in _quo warranto_ proceedings, 75; - on Morton, 77; - Master Charterparty 304, _n._, 316, 317. - - Cranes, 192. - - Cromwell, Oliver, 83. - - Crows, 195. - - Crow-blackbirds, 198. - - Cupid, 278. - - Cypress-trees, 185. - - Cynthius, 345. - - - D. - - Dagon, 32, _n._ - - Davis, Captain John, 104, 118, _n._ - - Deaconess, 323. - - Deacons, 322. - - Deane, Charles: cited, 30, 56; - accuracy of, 56. - - _Decameron_, 94. - - De Costa, B. F.: quoted, 92-4; - referred to, 100. - - Deer: skins of, 135, 142-3, 202; - killed by Indians, 162; - followed by scent, 166; - kinds of, 200-2; - preyed on by wolves, 204, 208; - and luzerans, 206. - - Deer-traps, 202. - - Deer Island, 155, _n._, 204, _n._ - - Delilah, 281. - - Demas, part of, 302, _n._ - - Demophoön, 273. - - Dermer, Captain Thomas: redeems captives, 131, _n._; - quoted concerning pestilence of 1616, 133, _n._ - - Devil, the: estimation of among Indians, 139, _n._, 150, _n._, - 165, 167; - rules the Powows, 178. - - Dexter, Rev. H. M., 244, _n._ - - Diogenes, 178; - tub of, 286. - - Dodge, General, cited, 169, _n._, 174, _n._ - - “Doe, the barren,” 94, 264-6, 272-7. - - Dog-fish, 223, _n._ - - _Don Quixote_, 94, 272, 286. - - Dorchester, Lord, 53. - - Dorset, Earl of, 60. - - Dover, N. H., Hiltons at, 30. - - Downing, Emanuel: before Privy Council, 51; - account of, 52; - instructed to find evidence against Morton, 88; - on humming-bird, 198, _n._ - - Drails, 223. - - Drunkenness, Indian tendency to, 174. - - Ducks: kinds of, 190; - preyed on by luzeran, 206, _n._ - - Dudley, Governor Thomas, 43, 80, 90; - cited, 4, 46. - - Duxbury, 84. - - - E. - - Eacus, 288, 293, 294, 309. - - Eager, Pastor Master. (_See_ Skelton.) - - East Indies, 239. - - Edmunds, Sir Thomas, 60. - - Eels, 224. - - Egypt, 240. - - Elder-tree, the, 186. - - Elders of church, 313, 322. - - Elephants, their supposed religion, 141, _n._ - - Elias house, 310. - - Eliot, Dr. John, 326, _n._ - - Eliot, John, quoted, 124, 129, _n._ - - Elk, 200, _n._ - - Ellis, Rev. Dr. G. E., quoted, 145, _n._ - - Elm, the, 183. - - _En animia_, 123. - - Endicott, John: arrival of, at Salem, 31; - visits Mt. Wollaston, 32; - occupies the Gorges grant, 34; - his instructions, 38, 40, 45; - meets “old planters,” 39, 306; - attempts to reärrest Morton, 43; - derided by Morton, 45; - mutilates royal standard, 66; - issues warrant to arrest Morton, 86; - governor, 88; - libelled in _New Canaan_, 88, 304; - called Littleworth, 220, 298-9, 304, 306, 308, 318; - Morton’s animosity to, 220, _n._; - cured of a wife, 298, _n._; - sends settlers to Charlestown, 300, _n._; - at Salem, 303-7; - and the charter case, 305; - fraud imputed to, 308; - punishes Ratcliff, 316; - second marriage of, 330, _n._ - - Epictetus, 312, _n._ - - Episcopalians: take up Morton’s cause, 92; - in early Massachusetts, 95, 218, _n._ - - Erocoise, lake of, 78, 234-7, 240, 241. (_See_ Champlain.) - - Esculapius, 278. - - Executions. (_See_ Hanging.) - - Exercising in church, by lay members, 262, _n._, 322-30. - - - F. - - Faircloath, Innocence (_See_ Ratcliff.) - - Fairfax, Lord, 83. - - Falcons and falconry, 6, 196. - - Falkland, Lord, 83. - - Falstaff, 278, _n._ - - Faustus, Dr., 319. - - Fire-arms: supplied to Indians, 20, 95; - trade in forbidden, 21; - in hands of Indians in 1628, 25. - - Firing the country. (_See_ Burning.) - - Fish, poisonous in the tropics, 116, _n._; - kinds of in New England, 221-8. - - Fisheries, vessels engaged in, 221. - - Fitcher: a partner of Wollaston, 4; - left in charge at Mt. Wollaston and expelled by Morton, 13. - - Finch, Sir John, 35. - - Flora, patroness of May-day, 19, 281. - - Flounders, 226. - - Flowers in New England, 228. - - Footmen, running, 329. - - Force’s _Tracts_, 99. - - Foxes, 206-8. - - Fox-skins, value of, 205, _n._, 207, _n._ - - Franchise, the, in Massachusetts, 331, _n._ - - Freeles, 227. - - French authority, on Indians’ senses, 166. - - Frenchmen, captured, among Indians, 131, _n._ - - “Froth, Nick and,” 328, _n._ - - Fuller, Dr. Samuel: dies of pestilence, 133, _n._; - supposed to be alluded to as Eacus, 288, 291, _n._, 309; - note on, 297; - at Salem, 298. - - Furmety, 163, _n._; 296. - - Furs: profit of trade in, 22, 32; - regulation of trade in, 39; - Indian use of, 141-4; - prices of, 205, _n._, 207, _n._, 209. (_See_ Beaver, Deer, Bear.) - - - G. - - Galena, found in Woburn, 219, _n._ - - Ganymede, 279. - - Gardiner, Sir Christopher: before Privy Council, 50, 86; - his prefatory verses to _New English Canaan_, 112; - on descent of Indians, 128; - intercedes for Ratcliff, 320; - note on, 338; - adventures of, 338-42; - sonnet by, 341. - - Geese: descriptions of, 189-90; - preyed on by luzeran, 206, _n._ - - Gellius, Aulus, quoted, 312, _n._ - - Gentry, created and degraded by Winthrop, 313. - - Gerard’s _Herbal_, referred to, 185. - - Ghent, 236. - - Gibbons, Major Edward, 90-1. - - _Gifte_, the, 44, 289. - - Gloucester, Morton at, 86. - - Golgotha, a new-found, 133. - - Goodman, John: adventure of, with a wolf, 208, _n._; - hears lions roar, 214, _n._ - - Gookin, Daniel, quoted, 160, 174. - - Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 2, 3, 36, 47, 95; - procures issues of proclamation on fire-arms, 21; - his curiosity as to New England, 32; - Morton ingratiates himself with, 36; - in correspondence with Morton, 41, 47; - intrigues against Massachusetts, 49; - failure in, 53; - works through Court influences, 54; - renews complaints against Massachusetts, 56; - shapes Laud’s policy to New England, 58; - his plan, 58; - to be governor-general, 59; - his influence with Lords Commissioners, 60; - represents “thorough” in New England, 60, 74; - thought to be on the New England coast in 1635, 66; - his plans in 1635, 67; - circumvents Winslow, 68; - grantee of Maine from Council for New England, 71; - appointed by King, governor-general, 71; - failure of, caused by want of money, 72; - age of, 75, _n._; - death of Mason fatal to plans of, 76; - publication of _New Canaan_ not agreeable to, 80; - pretends to be friendly to Massachusetts, 80; - “casheers” Morton, 80; - grants charter to Acomenticus, 81; - career of, 119, _n._; - eulogized, 189; - Sir C. Gardiner, an agent of, 338, _n._ - - Gorges, John: succeeds to R. Gorges’s grant, 33; - deeds land to Brereton and Oldham, 34, 40. - - Gorges, Lord, 71. - - Gorges, Captain Robert, 2, 33, 143, 162; - arrives in Boston Bay, 3; - extent of his grant, 3; - returns to England, 4; - validity of grant to, denied, 34; - arrests Weston, 257, _n._ - - Goshawks, 197. - - Gover, Anna, 298. - - Grant, John, 62. - - Grapes in New England, 186. - - Gray, Professor Asa, 182, 188. - - Greek, supposed resemblance of Indian words to, 123, 126. - - Greene, Charles, 99-101. - - Greene, Richard, in charge of Wessagusset settlement, 7. - - Greenland, excessive cold of, 118. - - Grouse in New England, 194, _n._ - - - H. - - “Habbe or nabbe,” 335. - - Hacche, Roger atte, 300, _n._ - - Hake, 226. - - Hale, Robert, 319, _n._ - - Halibut, 225. - - _Hame_, 124. - - Hamilton, Marquis of, 70. - - Hampden, John, 83. - - _Handmaid_, the, Morton’s voyage in, 45, 342-5. - - Hanging: the Weymouth, 217, 249-52; - early in Massachusetts, 217, _n._; - in Virginia, 342. - - Hannibal, 263. - - Hares, 204. - - Harris, Rev. Thaddeus Mason, 101, _n._ - - Harvard University: Library bulletin referred to, 99-100; - students at, whipped, 319, _n._ - - Hawks and falcons in New England, 195-7. - - “Hawk and buzzard,” 336. - - Hawthorn-trees, 186. - - Heath-hen, 194, _n._ - - Hebrew tribes, 310; - origin of Indians traced to, 129, _n._ - - Hedgehogs, 211. - - Hemlock-trees, 185, _n._ - - Hemp in New England, 187, 202, 231. - - Herbs of New England, 188, 228. - - Herons, 192. - - Herring, 224. - - Hickory, 183, _n._ - - Higginson, Rev. F., quoted, 213, _n._, 221, _n._, 232, _n._, 300, _n._ - - Higginson, T. W., quoted, 312, _n._ - - Hiltons, the: at Piscataqua, 23; - contribute to Morton’s arrest, 30. - - “Hippeus pine-tree horse,” 284. - - Holbein, Hans, 253, _n._ - - Holland, 70, 288. - - Hollis, Sir William, 253, _n._ - - Horace, quoted, 119. - - Horeb, the calf of, 278. - - Horse-mackerel, 223, _n._ - - Howes, Edward, 317, _n._ - - Howes, Edward, Jr., 334, _n._ - - _Hudibras_, 96, 251, _n._, 339, _n._ - - Hudson, Hendrick, voyages and fate of, 118, _n._ - - Hudson, the, 236, _n._, 238. - - Hull, so called in 1628, 24, 337, _n._ - - Hume, David, on royal proclamations, 26. - - Humfrey, John: before Privy Council, 51; - “an imposterous knave,” 62, 64; - goes to New England, 64; - Gorges refers to patience of, 80. - - Humming-bird, 102, _n._, 198. - - Hunt, Captain Thomas, 244, _n._ - - Hutchinson, Mrs. Ann, 81, 323, _n._ - - Hyde, Sir Nicholas, 35. - - Hydra, 286, 287, 292, 293. - - - I. - - Indians: Morton’s popularity with, 10; - number in Massachusetts, 11; - modesty of women, 16; - desire for guns and spirits, 20; - fire-arms among, 20, 25; - pestilence of 1616 among, 120, 133, _n._; - origin of, 123-9; - language of, 123; - descendants of Hebrew tribes, 129, _n._; - Frenchmen captives among, 131; - their wigwams, 134-8; - their eating, 137, _n._; - their hospitality, 137, _n._; - their games and removals, 138; - their religion, 139-41, 167; - their dress, 141-5; - their trade, 141, 157-9; - their modesty, 142; - their children born white, 147, _n._; - their bodies well shaped, 147; - color of their eyes, 148, 165; - their respect to age, 148-50; - their conjuring tricks, 150-3; - their duels, 153-4; - their money, 157-9; - their manufactures, 159; - their storehouses, 160; - their baskets, 160; - did not use salt, 161; - their cunning, 161-5; - acuteness of their senses, 165-6; - distinguish French from Spanish by smell, 166; - crimes among, 169; - their funerals, 169-71; - thievery among, 169; - their custom of firing the country, 172; - distant commerce of, 172, 220, _n._, 237; - contented life of, 175; - superiority to English beggars, 175-6; - utensils and method of drinking, 177; - deer-traps of, 202; - method of hunting bears, 209-10; - lobster-feasts of, 226; - belied by Plymouth people, 256; - compound theft at Wessagusset, 269; - accompany Bubble to Nipnet, 270; - return his property, 272; - witness Morton’s punishment, 312; - reprove punishment of Morton, 312. (_See_ Massachusetts.) - - Indian women: absence of chastity among, 16, 17, 145; - Morton’s relations with, 94; - their dress, 144; - their modesty, 145; - their child-bearing, 145-8; - their care of their infants, 147. - - Ireland, no venomous beasts in, 48. - - Irocoise, the great lake. (_See_ Champlain.) - - Iron-stones, 219. - - Iroquois, 234. - - Isles of Shoals, Morton at, 29, 296, 302. - - Israelites, 310; - origin of Indians traced to, 129, _n._, 160, _n._ - - - J. - - Jackals, 207, _n._, 214, _n._ - - James I., 16, 35; - sends snake-stones to Virginia, 214, _n._ - - Jason, 292; - Golden Fleece of, 295. - - Jeffreys, William: at Wessagusset, 24, 31, 162, _n._; - corresponds with Gorges, 60, _n._; - letters of Morton to, 61, 86; - carries letters to Winthrop, 65; - letters from quoted, 102. - - Jews, origin of Indians traced to, 129, _n._ - - Job, 281. - - Johnson, Edward, 250. - - Jonah, 103, 302, 327, 342-5. - - Jonson, Ben, 98; - may have met Morton, 96; - note on “poem,” 290, 312, _n._; - quoted, 335, _n._ - - Jordan, 310. - - Josselyn, Captain John, quoted, 16, _n._, 133, _n._, 136, _n._, - 137, _n._, 147, _n._, 158, _n._, 160, _n._, 171, _n._, - 182, _n._, 185, _n._, 189, _n._, 191, _n._, 198, _n._, - 201, _n._, 205, _n._, 206, _n._, 210, _n._, 212, _n._, - 214, _n._, 217, _n._, 221, _n._, 232, _n._, 235, _n._ - - - Josselyn, Henry, 237; - date of expedition of, to New Hampshire, 79, 238. - - “Jove, let, vouchsafe to thunder,” 62, 103, 113, 345. - - Jupiter, 279. - - - K. - - _Kantántowwit_, 168, _n._ - - Kennebec: Morton follows Plymouth people to the, 23, 295; - Plymouth grant on the, 36. - - Kennet, White, 99. - - Kytan, an Indian god, 139, _n._, 167, _n._, 168, 169. - - Killock, 262. - - King’s Bench, warrant did not run in Massachusetts, 47. - - Kirk, David, Louis and Thomas, conquest of Canada by, 235, _n._ - - _Kodtup Kēn_, 137, _n._ - - _Koüs_, 124, _n._ - - - L. - - Laconia, 235, 238, _n._ - - Lannerets, 196, 198. - - Larks, 195. - - Latin, supposed similarity with Indian tongue, 123-6. - - Laud, Archbishop William: becomes Primate, 55; - influence of, 57; - head of Lords Commissioners, 58, 60, 93, 322; - played upon by Gorges, 64; - and Morton, 68, 93, 322-34; - New England not to be suffered to languish, 71; - supreme in England in 1635, 74; - his fortunes turn, 78; - corresponds with Burdet, 83; - orders Common Prayer to be used, 333, _n._ - - Lazarus, 344. - - Lead ore, 219. - - Leadstones, 219. - - Learning, vilified in New England, 282. - - Leather, made by Indians, 142, 201. - - Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_ quoted, 147, 322-34. - - Lenox, Duke of, 70. - - Lerna, lake, 292. - - Lewis, Alonzo, quoted, 129. - - Libertines, New England will not brook, 48. - - Lime, 215. - - Limestone in Weymouth, 216, _n._ - - Lions in New England, 214. - - Littleworth. (_See_ Endicott.) - - Lobsters, 209, 226, 265. - - Lords Commissioners of Plantations: appointment of board of, 58, 100; - who composed, 60; - powers of, 60; - news of appointment of, in Massachusetts, 65; - last meeting of, 81; - Morton’s dependence on, 93; - dedication of _New Canaan_ to, 109, 322. - - Louis XI., 326. - - Lowndes’s _Manual_, 100. - - Lucan, 141. - - Luscus, 263. - - Luzerans: description of, 206; - value of furs of, 205, _n._ - - Lyford, Rev. John: - at Hull, 24, 264; - moves to Cape Ann, 24; - at Plymouth, 262-4, 332, _n._ - - Lyman, Theodore, notes on fish, 221-8. - - - M. - - Machiavelli, 339. - - _Macháug_, 237, _n._ - - Mackerel, 223. - - Mackerel-shark, 223, _n._ - - Maine: trading-stations in, 23, 218, 221; - royalists in, 85. - - Maja, 281. - - Manchester, Earl of, 60. - - _Manittóoes_, 207, _n._ - - Maple, 186. - - Marble in New England, 215. - - Marblehead, quality of stone at, 215, _n._ - - Ma-re-Mount, 14. (_See_ Merry Mount.) - - Marlins, 198. - - Marriage in Massachusetts, a civil contract, 69, 330. - - Mars, 292. - - Martens: value of furs of, 205, _n._; - described, 206. - - _Mary & John_, arrival of at Hull, 42. - - _Maske_, the North Star, 125. - - Mason, Captain John: hostile to Massachusetts, 49; - grantee of New Hampshire from Council of New England, 71; - builds ships to take governor-general to New England, 73; - financial needs of, 74; - death of, and note on, 76, 238. - - Massachusetts: latent spirit of rebellion in, in 1632, 51, 66; - emigration to, in 1634, 55; - panic in, in 1635, 66, 71; - preparations against, in 1635, 67; - church practices in, 69, 322-34; - complaints against, in 1638, 81; - appeals to king a misdemeanor in, 87; - location and advantages of, 112; - elk seen in, 200, _n._; - population of, in 1632-7, 230; - baptism limited to franchise in, 331, _n._; - description of community in, 334, _n._; - justice in, 334-6. - - Massachusetts Charter: attack on in Privy Council, in 1632, 49; - obtained by influence, 52; - sent for by Privy Council, 56; - second attack on, 58, 61; - not returned to England, 64; - plan for vacating, 67; - _quo warranto_ proceedings to set aside, 75; - demand for return of, in 1638, 82. - - Massachusetts Company: grant to, 31; - difficulty of, with Council of New England, 33; - procures charter, 34; - “old planters,” jealousy of, 38; - instructions of, to Endicott, 38, 40, 45; - policy of, to, 39; - regulates trade in furs, 39; - complaints against, 50; - treasurer of, 305; - patent-case of, 305. - - Massachusetts Indians: number of, 11; - Weston’s men killed by, 252, _n._; - humanity of, 256. - - Massasoit: a night in his lodge, 136, _n._; - detains Samoset, 244, _n._ - - Mather, Cotton, quoted, 129, _n._, 132, _n._, 150, _n._, 152, _n._, - 160, _n._, 175, _n._, 331, _n._ - - _Matta_, 237. - - _Mattapan_, 12, 124. - - Maverick, Rev. John, 325, _n._ - - Maverick, Samuel: says that Morton had a patent, 8; - moves from Wessagusset to Noddle’s Island, 24; - in connection with Morton’s arrest, 30; - his assessment for charge of Morton’s arrest, 30; - cited, 46; - refers to Morton’s arraignment at Boston, 88; - an Episcopalian, 94. - - May, Thomas, quoted, 141, _n._ - - Mayberry, S. P., on Walter Bagnall, 218, _n._ - - May-day festivities: immorality of, 18; - at Mount Wollaston, 18, 276-82. - - May-pole, the: of Merry-Mount, 17, 270, 295; - custom of erecting, 17; - cut down by Endicott, 32. - - Medusa, 292. - - _Meechin_, 137. - - Melpomene, 275. - - Menhaden, 225, _n._, 226, _n._ - - Mephistopheles, 319. - - Mermaid, the, 97. - - Merriam, Mr., identifies simpes as woodcock, 191, _n._ - - Merry-Mount: fountain at, 276; - Mayday at, 276-84; - to be made a woeful mount, 278; - monster at, 282. (_See_ Mt. Wollaston.) - - _Metawna_, 194, _n._ - - Mice, 214. - - Milo, 270. - - Milton, John, quoted, 129. - - Minerals of New England, 215-21. - - Ministers: ordination of, at Plymouth, 262; - at Salem, 300, _n._, 306; - use of notes by, 322, _n._; - ordination of, in New England, 324; - superior to magistrates in New England, _ib._; - first in New England, 325, _n._; - absent-mindedness of a, _ib._; - did not marry in New England, 330. - - Ministers’ sons, whipped, 319, _n._ - - Minos, 275, 293, 294, 309. - - Mint and Cummin, tithes of, 102, 111, 280, 333. - - _Mittànnug_, 193, _n._ - - _Mona_, 124. - - Monatoquit, 9, 28, 285; - limestone near to, 216. - - Money, Indian. (_See_ Wampum.) - - Monsall, Ralph, 319, _n._ - - _Monthly Anthology_, 101, 320. - - Moose, description and uses of, 142, 200. - - Morell, Rev. William, quoted, 143, _n._ - - Morton, Nathaniel, cited, 5. - - Morton, Thomas: comes to Massachusetts with Wollaston, 1; - suspected of murder, 2, 15, 46; - his previous life, 4-5; - his acquaintance with classics, 4, 345, _n._; - his first coming to New England, 6; - his silence about Wollaston, 13; - inaccuracy of, 14, 63, 96, 123, _n._, 335, _n._; - his fondness for field sports, 15; - his treatment of Indians, 16, 256; - relations of, with Indian women, 16; - his verses, 19; - supplies Indians with guns, 20; - silence of, on subject, 21; - trades in Maine, 23; - visits Wessagusset, 24; - number of his neighbors, 25; - remonstrated with for sale of fire-arms, 25; - on proclamations, 26; - arrest of, by Standish, 27, 282-6; - escape of, 28, 283; - taken to Plymouth, 29, 296; - sent to England, 29, 289; - cost of arrest of, 30, 302; - reaches England, 31; - not proceeded against, 35, 303; - could have been proceeded against in Star Chamber, 35; - ingratiates himself with Gorges, 36; - and Allerton, 36, 325; - good results of, 37; - returns to Plymouth, 37, 304; - to Mount Wollaston, 38; - refuses to sign agreement, 39, 307; - disregards trade regulations, 40, 308; - an agent of Gorges, 41; - profits of, 41, 308; - attempt to re-arrest, 41, 308; - re-arrest of, 43; - trial and sentence of, 44; - sent back to England, 45; - charges against him, 46; - punishment of, 46-8, 311, 312; - a warrant for his arrest from King’s Bench, 47, 311; - a “libertine,” 48; - driven away from Massachusetts, 49, 336-7; - in Exeter jail, 49; - allies himself to enemies of Massachusetts Charter, 50; - makes complaint before Privy Council, 50; - gives reason of failure of complaint, 54; - forwards more complaints, 56; - elation of, in 1634, 60; - his letters to William Jeffreys, 61; - crying as Jonas, 61, 103, 344; - plays on Laud’s foibles, 64, 93, 322-34, _n._, _n._; - has Winslow put in Fleet prison, 69; - Solicitor of Council for New England, 72; - promptness of, in legal proceedings, 75; - on Captain John Mason, 76; - Cradock on, 77; - in pay of Cleaves, 77; - in disgrace with Gorges, 80; - witnesses Acomenticus charter, 81; - starved out of England, 83; - at Plymouth in 1643, 84; - pretends to be a Commonwealth’s man, 85; - goes to Maine, 85; - to Rhode Island, 85; - to Boston, 86; - arraigned, 86; - extraordinary proceedings against, 87; - petition of, 88-90; - imprisonment, release and death of, 91; - a man out of place, 92; - Episcopalian defenders of, 92; - “his faults,” 93; - oppressively dealt with in Massachusetts, 94; - small literary merit of, 95; - may have met Butler and Jonson, 96; - sense of humor of, 97; - style of, 103; - at Richmond Island, 218; - uses Common Prayer, 260, 311; - at Cape Ann, 261; - at Nut Island, 268; - date of arrest, 295; - references of, to Winthrop, 310, _n._, 321; - gets game for settlers, 321; - at Salem, 325, _n._; - at Canary Islands, 342; - his voyage to England, 342-5. - - Mount Dagon, 32, 278. - - Mount Wollaston: why so called, 1; - character and number of settlers at, 8, 286, 294; - description and sketch of, 9-10; - view from, 12; - location of, 15; - morals at, 17; - May-day festivities at, 18; - a refuge of runaways, 22, 23; - within grant to Massachusetts Company, 31; - destruction of house at, 45; - Common Prayer at, 94, 283; - fountain at, 229; - monster at, 282. - - Muskrats, 204; - value of skins of, 205, _n._; - description of, 210. - - Muscles, 227. - - _Munnoh_, 124, _n._ - - - N. - - _Nan weeteo_, 148, _n._ - - Nantasket, 24, 25, 30, 325, _n._, 337, _n._ - - Nanepashemet, 155. - - Naumkeag, 25, 30. - - Nebuchadnezzar, 116. - - _Necut_, 193, _n._ - - _Neent_, 194, _n._ - - Neptune, 277. - - Netherlands, 293. - - _New Canaan_: political significance of, 68; - as a political pamphlet, 68, 322, _n._; - reference to Lake Irocoise in, 78; - where written, 78, 233, _n._; - referred to by Bradford, 79; - latest revision of, 79; - no copies of, get to New England, 79, 88; - publication of, not agreeable to Gorges, 80; - referred to by Winthrop, 86; - references to Book of Common Prayer in, 93; - ribaldry of, 94; - criticism of, 95-6; - referred to in _Hudibras_, 96; - humor in, 97; - a connecting link, 98; - bibliography of, 99-101; - titlepages of, 100; - printing of, 102; - cause of errors in, 103; - rules for present edition of, 104. - - New England: emigration to, in 1634, 55; - royal policy towards, 57; - church practices in, 69; - division of, in 1635, 70; - commission for governing, in 1637, 77; - location and temperature of, 120-1; - winds not violent in, 122, 232; - plenty of, 175; - air of, 177; - beauty of, 180; - motives of settlers in, 181; - no boggy ground in, 228; - perfumed air of, 228, 231-2; - superiority of, to Virginia, 228, 229, 233, 265; - natural waters of, 229; - population of, 230; - fertility of, 231; - people of, never have colds, 232; - rainfall of, 233; - coast and harbors of, _ib._; - fecundity of women in, 265; - universities vilified in, 282. (_See_ Council for New England.) - - _New English Canaan._ (_See_ _New Canaan_.) - - New Hampshire, population of, in 1634, 230, _n._ - - Newburyport: galena found in, 219, _n._; - silver ore, 220, _n._ - - Newcomein, John, 216-7. - - Niagara Falls, 236. - - “Nick and Froth,” 328, _n._ - - Nilus, 240. - - Niobe, 277, 281. - - Nipnets, 240, 270. - - _Nneesnneánna_, 193, _n._ - - Noddy, Doctor, 309. - - _Nokehick_, 175, _n._ - - North Star, the Indian name of, 125, _n._ - - Northwest passage, interest in the, in 1632, 118, _n._, 239. - - “Noses out of joint,” 94, 281. - - Notes used in preaching, 322. - - Nourse, H. S., on Elk in South Lancaster, Mass., 200, _n._ - - Nowell, Increase, 305, _n._ - - Nut Island, 268. - - Nuttall’s _Ornithology_, cited, 194, _n._ - - - O. - - Oaks in New England, 182. - - Oates, Jack, 253, _n._ - - Œdipus, 277, 280. - - Oil, cod-liver, 222. - - “Old Planters,” jealousy of Massachusetts Company, 38. - - Oldham, John, 40; - at Hull, 24; - takes Morton to England, 29-32; - his promises of gain in New England, 32; - his scheme for trading, 33; - does not press matters against Morton, 33, 36; - receives grant from John Gorges, 34; - tries to organize expedition, 34; - “a jack in his mood,” 40; - his treatment at Plymouth, 262-4. - - Oliver le Daim, 326. - - _Om_, 124, _n._ - - Ordination. (_See_ Ministers.) - - Otters, value of furs of, 205, _n._, 206. - - Ounce, the, 206, _n._ - - Ovid, quoted, 217, 273. - - Owls, 195. - - Oysters, 227. - - - P. - - Palfrey, J. G., quoted, 140, _n._, 148, _n._ - - “Pan the Shepherds’ God,” 124. - - Papasiquineo. (_See_ Pasconaway.) - - Parkman, Francis, quoted, 16, 17, 136, _n._, 140, _n._, 145, _n._, - 158, _n._, 166, _n._, 168, _n._, 234, _n._ - - Partridges, 194. - - Pasconaway, the sachem, 150, _n._; - his tricks and incantations, 151; - his daughter’s marriage, 154-5. - - _Pascopan_, 124. - - _Paskanontam_, 124, _n._ - - Passonagessit: description of, 9; - signification of name, 14, 276; - grave at, desecrated, 247; - Master Bubble at, 267; - revels at, 276-82; - mine host, sachem of, 289. (_See_ Mt. Wollaston.) - - Pastors. (_See_ Ministers.) - - Patent of Massachusetts: granted, 31; - brought over by Endicott, 305; - its case, _ib._, _n._ - - Paul’s Walk, 298, _n._ - - Pawtucket, 124. - - Peabody, W. B. O., referred to, 189, 192. - - Peddock, Leonard, 130, _n._ - - Peddock’s Island, 130, _n._ - - Pemaquid, 244. - - Penelope, 281. - - _Pennacook, the Bridal of_, 155, _n._ - - Pestilence among Indians in 1616-7, 11, 120, 130-4; - nature of, 133, _n._; - Squanto’s fraud about, 245. - - Phaethon, 293. - - Phaos box, 280, 297; - explained, 345, _n._ - - _Pharsalia_, May’s continuation of, quoted, 141, _n._ - - Pheasants, 194. - - Phillips, Rev. George, 326. - - Phillips Creek, Weymouth, site of Wessagusset settlement, 3. - - Phlegethon, 314. - - Phœbus, 293. - - Phyllis 273. - - Pike, 227. - - Pilchers, 226. - - Pillory and whetstone, 300, _n._ - - Pine-trees, 184. - - Pipe-staves as merchandise, 182. - - Piscataqua, 30; - Hiltons and Thomson at, 22, 25, 255, _n._ - - Plague. (_See_ Pestilence.) - - Plaice, 226. - - Plantations, Foreign, board of Lords Commissioners of. (_See_ Lords - Commissioners.) - - Plato, Indians practise Commonwealth of, 177. - - “Plough patent” in Maine, 85. - - Plymouth, 30; - settlers at, in 1628, 25; - Morton carried to, 29; - Indians about destroyed by pestilence, 133, _n._; - Billington hanged at, 217, _n._; - population of, in 1634, 230, _n._; - Samoset’s appearance at, 244; - treatment of Weston at, 245-6, 255-7; - people of, at Passonagessit 247, _n._; - Morton visits, 259; - cattle at, 260; - Lyford and Oldham at, 262-4; - reordination of ministers at, 262; - no vessel arrives at, in June 1628, 289, _n._; - Christmas at, 294, _n._; - Morton arrives again at, 304; - ministers at, 325, _n._; - Book of Common Prayer at, 332, _n._ - - Pocahontas, “a well-featured but wanton young girl,” 145, _n._ - - Porcupines, 211. - - Portland, Earl of, 60. - - Portland Harbor, 221, _n._ - - Potomac, the, 236, 239. - - Powahs, Indian, 139, _n._, 150, _n._, 152, _n._ - - Pratt, Phineas, cited, 131, _n._, 132, _n._ - - Praying, manner of, 334. - - Priapus, 94, 205, 281. - - Privy Council: petition to, against Massachusetts Company, 51; - order of, stopping emigration to New England, 56, 333, _n._ - - Proclamations, royal: about fire-arms, 20; - not law, 26; - violation of, punishable in Star Chamber, 35. - - Procrustes, 335. - - Proteus, 94, 281. - - Purchase, Mr., cures himself of sciatica, 207, _n._ - - Purification of women, 331. - - Putnam, F. W., 131, _n._, 227, _n._ - - Pygmalion, 315. - - Pythagoras, 329, _n._ - - - Q. - - Quacksalver, punishment of, 299. - - Quail, in New England, 194. - - Quebec, capture of, by Kirk, 235, _n._ - - Quincy: seal of town of, 10; - slate in, 216, _n._ - - _Quo warranto_ proceedings to set aside Massachusetts Charter, 74, - 77, 82, 86. - - - R. - - Rabbits, 204, 211. - - Rabelais, 94. - - Raccoon, 207. - - Rasdall: a partner of Wollaston, 1; - follows him to Virginia, 13; - disappears, 15. - - Ratcliff, Philip: before Privy Council, 50; - thought a lunatic, 56; - promised cropping of Winthrop’s ears, 62, 64; - called Faircloath, 316, 340; - punishment of, 316-8. - - Rattlesnakes, 213; - antidotes to poison of, 213, 214, _n._ - - Rats, 214. - - Razor-shell, 227. - - Readings, conjectural, 105. - - Red-lead, 219. - - Reordination. (_See_ Ministers.) - - Reproductions, slavishness of, 104. - - Reynolds, Dr. John, 331, _n._ - - Rhadamanthus, 293, 294, 309. - - Rhode Island, Morton in, 86. - - Richmond Island: Walter Bagnall at, 200, _n._, 218, _n._; - coins found on, _ib._; - whetstones at, 217; - vessels at, 221. - - Rigby, Alexander, 84. - - Ring, use of, in marriage, 331. - - Rogers, Mr., preacher at Plymouth, 325, _n._ - - Running footmen, 329, _n._ - - Rupert, Prince, 83. - - - S. - - Sables, value of, 205, _n._ - - Sal, Isle of, 116, _n._, 117, _n._, 343, _n._ - - Salem: suffering at, in 1629-30, 42; - a doctor made at, 298; - Dr. Fuller at, 299; - Endicott holds a court at, 306; - ordination of ministers at, 306; - Morton at, 306, 325, _n._; - church of, abused by Ratcliff, 317, _n._; - church of, vilified, 317-8; - use of Common Prayer at, 332, _n._ - - Salmon, 224. - - Salt: abundance of, in tropics, 117; - use of, unknown among Indians, 161, 175, _n._; - given to them by Morton, 161. - - Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 43; - before Privy Council, 51, 61. - - Samoset, 244, _n._ - - Samson, 281. - - Sanaconquam, an Indian god, 167. - - Sanderling, 191. - - Sandpiper, 191. - - Sargent, Professor C. S., 182, _n._ - - Savage, James, cited, 30, _n._ - - Scallops, 227. - - Scent, acuteness of Indian, 166. - - Sciatica, cured by raccoon grease, 207. - - Scogan, John, 278; - choice of, 281. - - Scotland: policy of Charles I. breaks down in, 78; - troubles of 1638 in, 82. - - Scylla, 278, 280. - - Sea-sickness, 298. - - Sequestration, in _New Canaan_, 308. - - Serat, 204. - - _Sesick_, 213. - - Shackles: possibly Aspinwall, 319; - whips Faircloath, 320; - fed by Morton, 321; - burns Morton’s house, 337. - - Shad, 225. - - Shakespeare, William, 98. - - Shawmut, 12. - - Shaler, Professor N. S., notes by, 215-20. - - Shell-heaps: at Cotuit, 131, _n._; - origin of, 226, _n._ - - Ships, number of engaged in fisheries, 221. - - Shoals, Isles of, 29, 289, 296, 302. - - Shrimpe, Captaine. (_See_ Standish.) - - Silver in New England, 220, _n._ - - Simpes, 191. - - Skelton, Rev. Samuel, 39, 300, _n._, 325, _n._; - called Eager, 306. - - Slafter, Rev. E. F., quoted, 234, _n._ - - Slate: in Quincy and Weymouth, 216, _n._; - at Richmond Island, 217, _n._ - - Smart, Captain, brings over falcons to the king, 196, _n._ - - Smelts, 225. - - Smith, John, 95; - quoted, 1, _n._, 136, _n._, 144, _n._, 147, _n._, 150, _n._ - - Smith, Ralfe, 325, _n._ - - Snakes, 212. - - Snipes, 191. - - Socrates, quoted, 327. - - Solomon: sayings of, quoted, 119, 127, 228; - referred to, 184. - - Sommers, Will, 253. - - South Lancaster, Mass., elks in, 200, _n._ - - South Sea, 239. - - “Sparke,” 160. - - Sparrow-hawks, 198. - - Spruce-trees, 185. - - Squanto, 271, _n._; - made use of by Chickatawbut, 164; - kidnapped, 244, _n._ - - Squanto’s Chappel: chalkstones at, 216; - fountain at, 229. - - Squantum, 12, 216, 229; - slate at, 216, _n._ - - Squidraket, Sagamore, 218, _n._ - - Squirrels, 212. - - St. Michaels, 343. - - St. Paul’s Church, 298. - - Stam, Jacob Frederick, 100. - - Standish, Miles: kills Indians at Wessagusset, 11; - sent to arrest Morton, 27; - threatens to shoot him, 29, 296; - takes offence at Morton, in 1643, 84; - at Wessagusset, 247, _n._; - Captain Shrimpe, 285-7, 291, _n._, 296; - a quondam drummer, 286; - called Minos, 291, _n._ - - Star Chamber, court of, 35. - - Stenography, 266. - - Sterling, Earl of, 70. - - Stones, chapter on, 215-20. - - Strachey, Edward, quoted, 145, _n._, 147, _n._, 208, _n._, - 210, _n._, 215, _n._ - - Strafford, Earl of, 60, 74. - - Stubbs, his _Anatomy of Abuses_ cited, 18. - - Students of Harvard College, whipped, 319, _n._ - - Sturgeon, 223. - - Styx, 293, 314. - - _Swan_, the, Weston’s vessel, 257, _n._ - - Swans, 189. - - Swift, Lindsay, quoted, 328, _n._, 335, _n._, 345, _n._ - - - T. - - Tantoquineo, 152. - - Tartars, supposed descent of Indians from, 125. - - Tassell gentles, 196-7. - - Teal, kinds of, in New England, 190. - - Temperwell, Joshua. (_See_ Winthrop, John.) - - Thomson, David: at Piscataqua, 24; - moves to Boston Bay, 24; - on origin of Indians, 128; - authorities concerning, 128. - - “Thorough,” Gorges policy, the New England branch of, 60, 74. - - Tin, in New England, 220. - - _Titta_, 148. - - Tithes, 333. - - Tornadoes, 217. - - Trade with Indians, liquor the life of, 20, 174. (_See_ Fire-arms.) - - Trade: profits of in New England, 32; - regulations of Massachusetts Company, 39; - disregarded by Morton, 40, 306, 308. - - Trade-winds, effect of, 118. - - Traps, to take deer, 202. - - Trees: effect of burning underbrush on, 172; - where to look for large, 172; - of New England, 182-7. - - Triton, 281. - - Trojans, supposed descent of Indians from the, 126-7, 129. - - Trout, 227. - - Trumbull, J. Hammond: on name of Passonagessit, 14; - notes by, on Indian words, 123, 124, 137, 148, 160, 167, 229; - his notes to _Plaine Dealing_ referred to, 322-34. - - Turbot, 225. - - Turkeys: garments made of feathers of, 142, 144, _n._; - hunted by Indians, 162; - wild, in New England, 192. - - Turtledoves, 180. - - Tuttle, C. W., 238, _n._ - - - U. - - Universities, vilified in New England, 281-2. - - Uttaquatock, 216. - - - V. - - Venice, 281. - - Venus, 265, 315, 345. - - Vermilion, 219. - - Virgil, quoted, 217, 260, 345. - - Virginia: prices of furs in, in 1650, 205, _n._; - wolves in, 208, _n._; - corn not planted in, 225; - inferiority of, to New England, 228, 229, _n._, 233, 265; - the “barren doe” of, 264, 276; - population of, 265; - execution in, 342. - - - W. - - Walnut, the, 183. - - Wampum, 157-9, 301. - - Wampumpeack. (_See_ Wampum.) - - Warham, Rev. John, 322, _n._, 325, _n._ - - Warwick, Earl of, had no influence at Court, 52. - - Washburne, John, 305, _n._ - - Walford, Thomas: moves from Wessagusset to Mishawum, 24; - an Episcopalian, 94. - - Wessagusset: plantations at, 2, 246; - Robert Gorges at, 3; - dispersion of his settlement, 4; - Indians killed at, by Standish, 11, 247, _n._; - locality of, 12; - separation of settlers at, in 1628, 24; - Morton arrested at, 27, 282, 290, _n._; - Episcopalians, 95; - those dwelling at, 162, _n._; - muscle-bank at, 227; - skirmish at, 247; - the hanging at, 249-51; - settlers killed at, 253-4; - Lyford at, 264; - Morton at, in winter, 268; - Indians compound theft at, 269; - bring Bubble’s things to, 271. (_See_ Weymouth.) - - Weston, Andrew: comes to New England in _Charity_, 7; - takes an Indian boy back to England, 130, _n._; - date of his voyage, 130, _n._ - - Weston, Thomas: establishes a plantation at Wessagusset, 2; - account of, 245-6; - his men killed by Indians, 252; - comes to New England, 255-7; - treatment of, 257-9, 261. - - Wethercock, Mr., 337, 342-3. - - Weymouth, 2; - slate and limestone in, 216, _n._ (_See_ Wessagusset.) - - Whetstones, 124, 216; - at Richmond Island, 217; - punishment of pillory and, 299, _n._ (_See_ _Cos_.) - - Whipping-post, 274, 319, _n._ - - White, William and Susannah, 330, _n._ - - Whitney, Professor J. D., on Isle of Sal and poisonous fish, 116. - - Whitney, George, quoted, 101. - - Whittier, J. G., 155, _n._ - - Widgeon, 191. - - Widow, the, 323. (_See_ Deaconess.) - - Wiggin, Thomas: cited in regard to Morton, 5; - before Privy Council, 52; - quoted, 320, _n._ - - Wigwams, described, 134-8. - - Wildrake, 92. - - Williams, Edward, quoted, 182, _n._ - - Williams, Roger, quoted, 16, 17, 124, _n._, 125, _n._, 136, _n._, - 137, _n._, 146, _n._, 149, _n._, 158, _n._, 159, _n._, - 168, _n._, 171, _n._, 194, _n._, 202, _n._, 207, _n._, - 221, _n._, 232, _n._ - - Willis, William, 218, _n._ - - Wilson, Rev. John, 325, _n._ - - Winnisimmet, 25, 30, _n._, 300, _n._, 301; - origin of name of, 229, _n._; - fountain at, 229, 265. - - Winnepurkitt, the marriage of, 155. - - Winslow, Governor Edward, 95; - quoted, 16, 125, _n._, 140, _n._, 145, _n._, 149, _n._; - sent to England in 1634, 64; - sails, 65; - reaches London, 67; - petitions Lords Commissioners, 68; - put in Fleet prison, 69, 322, _n._; - describes Morton at Plymouth in 1648, 84; - goes on mission to Massasoit, 136, _n._; - marriage of, 330, _n._ - - Winsor, Justin, 99. - - Winthrop, Governor John, 43, 81, 95; - arrival of, in New England, 42, 310; - imposes sentence on Morton, 44, 311; - has warrant for Morton’s arrest, 47, 311; - criticism of, on complaint to Privy Council, 50; - rejoices over failure of complaint, 53; - “King Winthrop,” 63; - receives letter of Morton to Jeffreys, 65; - Gorges refers to patience of, 80; - excuses not sending out charter in 1638, 83; - on arrest of Morton in 1644, 86; - quoted, 91, 150, _n._, 218, _n._, 230, _n._; - absence of humor in, 98; - course towards Bagnall, 218, _n._; - called Joshua, 301; - referred to as Temperwell, 302, 310, 314, 318, 320, 335, 340; - degrades gentry, 313; - has Ratcliff whipped, 320; - responsible for wants of settlement, 321; - upon civil marriages, 330, _n._; - on Book of Common Prayer, 332, _n._; - methods of, as judge, 334-6; - course towards Sir C. Gardiner, 340. - - “Without, them that are,” 316, 321, 332. - - Woburn: galena found in, 219; - silver ore, 220, _n._ - - Wollaston, facts concerning name of, 1, _n._ (_See_ Mount Wollaston.) - - Wollaston, Captain: settles at Massachusetts, 1; - composition of his company, 4; - leaves Massachusetts, 12; - sells his servants in Virginia, 13; - tradition as to death of, 15. - - Wolves: deer persecuted by, 203; - black, value of furs of, 207, _n._, 209; - description of, 208-9. - - _Wonder-Working Providence_, quoted, 94, 300, _n._ - - Wood, William, 217. - - Woodcock, 191, _n._ - - Woodman, “Auld,” 216. - - Wood’s _Prospect_: quoted, 16, 95, 129, 137, _n._, 138, _n._, - 139, _n._, 140, _n._, 143, _n._, 150, _n._, 160, _n._, - 168, _n._, 184, _n._, 186, _n._, 189, _n._, 191, _n._, - 192, _n._, 198, _n._, 200, _n._, 206, _n._, 208, _n._, - 210, _n._, 213, _n._, 223, _n._, 224, _n._, 230, _n._, - 238, _n._; - referred to, 139, 141, 154, 172, 182, _n._, 184, _n._, 200, _n._, - 217, 221, _n._, 233; - when written, 233. - - Worcester: black-lead found in, 219, _n._; - country of Nipnets, 240, _n._ - - _Wotawquenauge_, 254. - - Wrentham, black-lead found in, 219, _n._ - - Wrington, Samuel Fuller born in, 298. - - _Wunanumau_, 123. - - - Y. - - York, Archbishop of, 60. - - York, Maine. (_See_ Acomenticus.) - - - Z. - - Zones, the: New England, how placed in, 115-22; - Aristotle’s theory of, 117. - - - - -Council of the Prince Society. - -1883. - - - EDMUND F. SLAFTER. - JOHN WARD DEAN. - WILLIAM B. TRASK. - CHARLES H. BELL. - JOHN MARSHALL BROWN. - HENRY W. FOOTE. - DAVID GREENE HASKINS, JR. - ELBRIDGE H. GOSS. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - -[1] Bradford, pp. 235-6. - -[2] A Captain Wolliston is mentioned by Smith (_Description of New -England_, III. Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vi. p. 136) as the lieutenant -of “one Captain Barra, an English pirate, in a small ship, with some -twelve pieces of ordnance, about thirty men and near all starved,” whom -Smith encountered in 1615, while a captive in the hands of the French -freebooters. Though it has found a place in biographical dictionaries -on account of two eminent men of one family from Staffordshire who -bore it, the name of Wollaston is rarely met with. It is not found, -for instance, in the present directories of either Boston or New York, -and but twice in that of Philadelphia. It has been given to islands in -both the Arctic and the Antarctic oceans, but the family to which it -belonged seems to have originated in an inland English county. (Lower’s -_Patronymica Britannica_). The Captain, or Lieutenant, Wolliston, -therefore, whom Smith fell in with in 1615 may have been, and probably -was, the same who ten years later gave his name to the hill on Quincy -Bay. It is not likely that two Captain Wollastons were sea-adventurers -at the same time. That it actually was the same man is, however, matter -of pure surmise. - -[3] Bradford, p. 154. - -[4] _Infra_, *44, *124-127, *138. - -[5] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 321. - -[6] _N. E. Memorial_, p. 160. - -[7] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. viii. p. 323. - -[8] _Infra_, *13, *71, 343, _note_. - -[9] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401, n. - -[10] Bradford, p. 236. - -[11] _Infra_, *17, 130, _note_ 2, *59. - -[12] Bradford, p. 118. - -[13] Bradford, p. 120. - -[14] Young’s _Chron. of Pl._, p. 299. - -[15] _Infra_, *60. - -[16] _Infra_, *113-118. - -[17] Palfrey, vol. i. p 397. - -[18] _Lowell Inst. Lectures_ of Mass. Hist. Soc. 1869, p. 147. Samuel -Maverick, however, writing to Lord Clarendon in the year 1661, asserts -that Morton had a patent. _Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc._ 1869, p. 40. - -[19] Palfrey (vol. i. p. 222) speaks of it as “a bluff.” This is an -error. The slope from where Morton’s house stood to the water is very -gradual. - -[20] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 395. - -[21] _Infra_, *51, 106. - -[22] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 305. - -[23] This View of Mount Wollaston is taken from Rev. Dr. William P. -Lunt’s _Two Discourses on Occasion of the Two Hundredth Anniversary of -the Gathering of the First Congregational Church, Quincy_, (p. 37). It -represents the place very accurately as it appeared in 1840, and as -it is supposed to have appeared from the time of the first settlement -until recently. The single tree was a lofty red-cedar, which must -have been there when Wollaston landed, as it was a large tree of a -long-lived species, and died from age about 1850. The trunk is still -(1882) standing; and, though all the bark has dropped off, it measures -some 66 inches in circumference. The central part of the above cut, -including the tree, has been adopted as a seal for the town of Quincy, -with the motto “MANET.” - -[24] _Infra_, *115-18. - -[25] _Infra_, *59. - -[26] _Infra_, *114. - -[27] Bradford, pp. 236-7. - -[28] _Infra_, *103, *117. - -[29] _Infra_, *141-9. - -[30] Morton uniformly speaks of the place as Ma-re-Mount, and John -Adams on this point commented in his notes as follows:--“The Fathers -of Plymouth, Dorchester, Charlestown, &c., I suppose would not allow -the name to be Ma-re-Mount, but insisted upon calling it Merry-Mount, -for the same reason that the common people in England will not call -gentlemen’s ornamental grounds gardens, but insist upon calling them -pleasure-grounds, _i. e._, to excite envy and make them unpopular.” - -Ma-re-Mount, however, was a characteristic bit of Latin punning on -Morton’s part, designed to tease his more austere neighbors. He himself -says (_Infra_, *132): “The inhabitants of Passonagessit, having -translated the name of their habitation from that ancient salvage name -to Ma-re-Mount ... the precise seperatists that lived at New Plimmouth -stood at defiance with the place threatening to make it a woefull mount -and not a merry mount.” (_Infra_, *134.) In view of the situation of -the place, Ma-re-Mount was a very appropriate name, but it may well be -questioned whether it was ever so called by any human being besides -Morton, or by him except in print. Bradford calls it Merie-mounte. -(p. 237.) The expression used by Morton, that they “translated the -name” from Passonagessit to Ma-re-Mount, would naturally suggest that -the Indian name might find its equivalent in the Latin one, and mean -simply “a hill by the sea.” On this point, however, J. Hammond Trumbull -writes: “Morton’s ‘Passonagessit’ has been a puzzle to me every time -it has caught my eye since I first marked it twenty years ago or more -with double (??). Morton, as he shows in chap. ii. of book I., could -not write the most simple Indian word without a blunder. What _may_ -have been the name he makes ‘Passonagessit’ we cannot guess, unless -it survives in some early record. There is no trace of ‘sea,’ or -‘water,’ or ‘mount’ in it. If it stands for _Pasco-naig-és-it_, it -means ‘at [a place] near the little point,’ but I know so little of the -local topography that I hesitate to suggest this interpretation.” The -rendering here suggested by Dr. Trumbull does apply sufficiently well -to the locality. Mount Wollaston is a part of the neck which connects -the peninsulas locally known in Quincy as Germantown and Hough’s Neck -with the mainland. - -[31] Bradford, p. 253. - -[32] Whitney’s _Hist. of Quincy_, p. 18. - -[33] _Infra_, *55. - -[34] Josselyn says of the “Indesses,” as he calls them, “All of them -are of a modest demeanor, considering their savage breeding; and -indeed do shame our _English_ rusticks whose rudeness in many things -exceedeth theirs.” (_Two Voyages_, pp. 12, 45.) When the Massachusets -Indian women, in September, 1621, sold the furs from their backs to the -first party of explorers from Plymouth, Winslow, who wrote the account -of that expedition, says that they “tied boughs about them, but with -great shamefacedness, for indeed they are more modest than some of our -English women are.” (_Mourt_, p. 59.) See also, to the same effect, -Wood’s _Prospect_, (p. 82.) It suggests, indeed, a curious inquiry -as to what were the customs among the ruder classes of the British -females during the Elizabethan period, when all the writers agree in -speaking of the Indian women in this way. Roger Williams, for instance, -referring to their clothing, says: “Both men and women within doores, -leave off their beasts skin, or English cloth, and so (excepting their -little apron) are wholly naked; yet but few of the women but will keepe -their skin or cloth (though loose) neare to them, ready to gather it up -about them. Custome hath used their minds and bodies to it, and in such -a freedom from any wantonnesse that I have never seen that wantonnesse -amongst them as, (with griefe) I have heard of in Europe.” (_Key_, pp. -110-11.) And he adds, “More particular: - - “Many thousand proper Men and Women, - I have seen met in one place: - Almost all naked, yet not one - Thought want of clothes disgrace.” - -In Parkman’s _Jesuits in North America_ (ch. iv.) there is a very -graphic account of the missionary Le Jeune’s experience among the -Algonquins, in which he describes the interior of the wigwam on a -winter’s evening. “Heated to suffocation, the sorcerer, in the closest -possible approach to nudity, lay on his back, with his right knee -planted upright and his left leg crossed on it, discoursing volubly -to the company, who, on their part, listened in postures scarcely -less remote from decency.” Le Jeune says, “Les filles et les jeunes -femmes sont à l’exterieur tres honnestement couvertes, mais entre elles -leurs discours sont puants, comme des cloaques;” and Parkman adds, -“The social manners of remote tribes of the present time correspond -perfectly with Le Jeune’s account of those of the Montagnais.” See also -_Voyages of Champlain_, Prince Soc., vol. iii. pp. 168-70. - -[35] Parkman says that “chastity in women was recognized as a virtue -by many tribes.” (_Jesuits in North America_, p. xxxiv.) Of the New -England Indians Williams remarks,--“Single fornications they count no -sin, but after marriage then they count it heinous for either of them -to be false.” (_Key_, p. 138.) Judging by an incident mentioned by -Morton, however, adultery does not seem to have been looked upon as a -very grave offense among the Indians of the vicinity in which he lived. -(_Infra_, *32.) On the general subject of morality among young Indian -women, especially in the vicinity of trading-posts, see Parkman’s -_Jesuits in North America_ (pp. xxxiv, xlii) and the letter from Father -Carheil to the Intendant Champigny, in _The Old Régime in Canada_ (p. -427). - -[36] _Infra_, *135. - -[37] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. p. 62. - -[38] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. p. 478. - -[39] Hazlitt’s _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, p. 121. See also -on this subject, Strutt’s _Sports and Pastimes_, p. 352. - -[40] _Infra_, *132-7. - -[41] Bradford, p. 237. - -[42] Bradford, p. 238. - -[43] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi, p. 70. See also note 202 in -Trumbull’s ed. of Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_, p. 117. - -[44] Bradford, p. 240. - -[45] _Infra_, *78, 218, _n._ - -[46] _Infra_, *137. - -[47] Bradford, p. 204. - -[48] _Ib._ p. 233. - -[49] _Infra_, *149. - -[50] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 83. - -[51] _Infra_, *124. - -[52] _Infra_, *181. - -[53] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii, pp. 63, 64. - -[54] Bradford, p. 241. - -[55] XII. Coke, p. 75. - -[56] _Hist. of England_ (Edition of Harper Bros.) vol. iv. p. 280. - -[57] _Lives of the Chief Justices_, vol. i. p. 283. See also a paper on -“Royal Proclamations,” in Disraeli’s _Curiosities of Literature_ (ed. -1863), vol. iii., p. 371. - -[58] Bradford, p. 241-2. - -[59] _Infra_, *137-43. - -[60] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. pp. 63-4. - -[61] _Infra_, *150. - -[62] _Infra_, *144, 155. - -[63] The letters in full are in Bradford’s _Letter-Book_, III. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. pp. 62-4. - -[64] The names of neither Maverick nor Walford appear in this list, -though in his history Bradford especially mentions Winnisimmet (p. 241) -as one of the places the settlers at which contributed to the charge. -They may, as Savage suggests, (_Winthrop_, vol. i. p. *43 n.) have -been included with Blackstone, though, considering what Maverick’s -means were, this does not seem probable. Edward Hilton lived at Dover, -eight miles above Piscataqua. (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 315. -_Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc. 1875-6_, pp. 362-8.) Mr. Deane suggests that -Little Harbor, the place formerly occupied by Thomson, was meant by -Piscataqua. (_Ib._, 368.) The locality of Bursley and Jeffreys greatly -confused the authorities for a time, but it no longer seems open to -question. (_Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc. 1878_, p. 198.) - -[65] Hazard, vol. i. p. 243. - -[66] Bradford, p. 238; _Infra_, *134. Dagon was the sea-god of the -Philistines, upon the occasion of whose feast, at Gaza, Samson pulled -down the pillars of the temple. _Judges_, xvi. - -[67] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79. - -[68] Oldham’s “vast conceits of extraordinary gain of three for one” -afterwards caused “no small distraction” to the sober-minded governor -and assistants of the Massachusetts Company. Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, -p. 147. - -[69] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 80. - -[70] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 171; Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 6. - -[71] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 147. - -[72] Bradford, p. 243. - -[73] _Infra_, *156. - -[74] _Supra_, p. 26. - -[75] XII. Coke, p. 76. - -[76] Campbell’s _Chief Justices_, vol. ii. p. 42. - -[77] Campbell’s _Lord Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 256. - -[78] Bradford, p. 237. - -[79] Bradford, p. 250. - -[80] _Infra_, *157. - -[81] Bradford, p. 252. - -[82] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. p. 63. - -[83] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 145. - -[84] _Infra_, *158-9. - -[85] Hazard, vol. i. p. 252. - -[86] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. 96, 148. - -[87] _Infra_, *119. - -[88] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57. - -[89] _Infra_, *160. - -[90] _Infra_, *161. - -[91] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 311. - -[92] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *30. - -[93] _Records_, vol. i. p. 74. - -[94] _Infra_, *163. - -[95] _Records_, vol i. p. 75. - -[96] _Infra_, *163. - -[97] _Coll. of N. Y. Hist. Soc._ (1869), p. 42. - -[98] _Infra_, *186-7. - -[99] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 321; _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, -1860-2, p. 133. - -[100] Bradford, p. 253. - -[101] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57. - -[102] Morton says (_Infra_, *163) “the Snare must now be used; this -instrument must not be brought by Iosua [Winthrop] in vaine.” - -[103] _Mass. Hist. Soc._, Lowell Inst. Lectures (1869), p. 377. - -[104] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 250. - -[105] Bradford, p. 253. - -[106] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 336. - -[107] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *102. - -[108] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 391. - -[109] Bradford, pp. 251-2. - -[110] Clarendon’s _Rebellion_, B. III. § 27; B. VI. § 404. - -[111] Winthrop. vol. i. p. *100. Downing sent a detailed account of the -hearing, now lost, to Winthrop; see Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 2. - -[112] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 33, n. - -[113] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 392. - -[114] Bradford, p. 297. - -[115] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *190. - -[116] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 338. - -[117] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 80. - -[118] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 338. The reference here, as -at some other places, is to Deane’s chapter on “The Charter of King -Charles I.” As a rule, in works of this description, dealing with the -sources of history, it is not permissible to refer to contemporaneous -authorities. Mr. Deane, however, so far as New England history is -concerned, may fairly be made an exception to this rule. His knowledge -is so exhaustive and his accuracy so great that a reference to him I -consider just as good and as permissible as a reference to the original -authorities. - -[119] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *56, n. - -[120] Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 391-3. - -[121] _Briefe Narration_, III. Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vi. p. 82. -Hazard, vol. i. p. 390-4. - -[122] _Proc. of Amer. Antiq. Soc._, 1867, p. 124. Winthrop, vol. ii. p. -233. Hazard, vol. i. p. 347. - -[123] Hazard, vol. i. p. 347. - -[124] William Jeffreys was one of the Robert Gorges Company. He had -contributed to the cost of arresting Morton in 1628 and sending him -to England. Morton, in writing to him, could not but have been aware -of this; but not improbably, during the time of his return to Mount -Wollaston in 1630, he had seen more of Jeffreys, and found that he -too, like the rest of the “old planters,” looked on the Massachusetts -Company with jealousy and apprehension. At that time, indeed, -Jeffreys was in active correspondence with Gorges, and outspoken in -his complaints. (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 3.) Hence the -familiarity of the address. It is apparent from the letter, however, -that Morton, when he wrote it, was so sure of his position and so -elated with a sense of his own importance that he could not contain -himself. He could not resist the desire to let his old acquaintances in -America know what an important personage he had become, and he probably -hoped they would show the letter to Winthrop and every one else. It was -a childish outbreak of delight and vanity. - -[125] There is some confusion about these dates. The letter itself -is dated the 1st of May, and the commission is here said on that day -to have passed the great seal. The commissioners may have designated -Gorges as governor-general at this time, and ordered a commission -as such to be at once made out to him; but a year later the King’s -intention of appointing him was formally announced. (_Proc. of Amer. -Antiq. Soc._, 1867, p. 120.) The probability is that the business -relating to the colonies was regarded as of little moment and done in -the most careless and irregular way, hardly a record even of it being -kept. Some proceedings were thus begun and not carried out, and other -things were done twice. - -[126] Morton is here quoting from the _New Canaan_, (p. *188) and its -very last page. It would seem, therefore, now to have been written, -though it was not published until three years later. (See _Infra_, pp. -78-9.) - -[127] _Supra_, pp. 44-5. - -[128] This letter is in Hubbard, pp. 428-30 (II. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. vi.), and in Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. *190-1. The readings do not -materially differ, but the punctuation has been corrected and the -spelling is modern. - -[129] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 379, n. - -[130] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *137. - -[131] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *143. - -[132] _Ib._, vol i. p. *102. - -[133] _Autobiography of Sir Simonds D’Ewes_, vol. ii. p. 118. - -[134] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *172. - -[135] _Infra_, pp. *172-9. - -[136] Bradford, pp. 329-30. - -[137] _Supra_, p. 66. Winthrop, vol. i. p. *157. - -[138] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401 n. _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 341. - -[139] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *161, *187. - -[140] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 403. _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 343. - -[141] In January, 1640, Richard Vines wrote to Governor Winthrop, of -Sir Ferdinando, that he was then “nere 80 yeares ould.” (IV. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. 342.) This can hardly be correct, however, -as subsequently he served on the royal side in the civil wars, and -was among the prisoners taken by Fairfax when he stormed Bristol in -September, 1645. (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. p. 342.) He must, -however, have then been a very old man, as fifty-four years before, in -1591, he had distinguished himself at the siege of Rouen, in Essex’s -English contingent. (Devereux’s _Earls of Essex_, vol. i. p. 271). - -[142] _Infra_, *98. - -[143] See further on this subject, Winthrop, vol. i. pp. *161, *187; -which is also referred to in the same work, vol. ii. p. *12. - -[144] Hazard, vol. i. p. 400. - -[145] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 127. - -[146] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *231. - -[147] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. 330. - -[148] _Infra_, *96-100. - -[149] _Supra_, 62, _n._ - -[150] _Infra_, *98. - -[151] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *137. - -[152] Bradford, p. 254. - -[153] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 81. - -[154] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *12. - -[155] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. 331. - -[156] Hazard, vol. i. p. 474. - -[157] Hutchinson’s _State Papers_, p. 106. - -[158] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *264. - -[159] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *266. - -[160] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *269. - -[161] _Ib._, p. *298. - -[162] Bradford, p. 375. - -[163] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 175. - -[164] _Supra_, p. 77. - -[165] See Mr. Deane’s note on the “Plough patent,” in IV. _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, vol. vii. pp. 88-96. Also the note on Cleaves, _Ib._ p. 363. -D’Israeli (_Curiosities of Literature_, vol. iii. p. 488) gives a -singular anecdote of Rigby. - -[166] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. 343. - -[167] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 148. - -[168] Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 147, _n._ - -[169] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *189. - -[170] _Supra_, 61-3. - -[171] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *298. - -[172] _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1869, p. 40. - -[173] _Records_, vol. ii. p. 90. - -[174] _Hist. of New England_, vol. ii. p. 225. - -[175] _Infra_, *138. - -[176] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *192. - -[177] _New York Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1869, p. 40. - -[178] “It is undeniable that Morton became an object of aversion -largely for the reason that he used the Prayer Book.” (_Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, vol. viii. p. 83.) - -[179] White’s _Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church_, p. xxii. -_n._ See also Oliver’s _Puritan Commonwealth_, pp. 37-9. - -[180] _Infra_, *138. See, also, *50, 332, _note_ 2. - -[181] _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vol. viii. p. 89. - -[182] _Wonder-Working Providence_, p. 30. - -[183] “Such a rake as Morton, such an addle-headed fellow as he -represents himself to be, could not be cordial with the first people -from Leyden, or with those who came over with the patent, from -London or the West of England. I can hardly conceive that his being -a Churchman, or reading his prayers from a Book of Common Prayer, -could be any great offence. His fun, his songs and his revels were -provoking enough, no doubt. But his commerce with the Indians in arms -and ammunition, and his instructions to those savages in the use of -them, were serious and dangerous offences, which struck at the lives -of the new-comers, and threatened the utter extirpation of all the -plantations.” (_Notes of John Adams_, 1802.) - -[184] _Infra_, 249-52, and _note_. - -[185] _Infra_, 290, _note_. - -[186] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *14. - -[187] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *166. - -[188] See Deane’s note to Bradford, p. 254. - -[189] _Harvard Univ. Library Bulletin_, No. 10, p. 244. - -[190] _Supra_, pp. 78-9. - -[191] _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vol. viii. p. 94, n. - -[192] Mr. DeCosta says that the titlepage of the copy in the Library of -the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel reads in this way. _Mag. -of Amer. Hist._, vol. viii. p. 94, n. 4. - -[193] This copy was in the Adams Library for many years, and until -within a quite recent period. It cannot, however, now (1882) be found. -It would appear to have been stolen, together with many other volumes -and almost innumerable autographs, which formerly lent a peculiar value -to the John Adams Collection, given by him in 1822 to the town of -Quincy. - -[194] “Mint and cumin” uniformly appears as “muit and cummin;” -“humming-bird” as “hunning-bird.” - -[195] _Ante_, pp. 61-3. - -[196] In regard to the Board of Lords Commissioners of 1634, see -_supra_, 57-60. The royal letter patent in the original Latin is in -Hazard, vol. i. pp. 344-7. There are translations of it in Hubbard (pp. -264-8) and in Bradford (pp. 456-8), together with notes by Harris in -his edition of the former, and by Deane in the latter. - -[197] [seth.] Wherever in this edition an apparently obvious misprint -in the text of 1637 has been, as in the present case, corrected, the -misprinted word, as it appears in the original, is printed between -brackets as a foot-note. - -[198] In regard to Sir Christopher Gardiner, see _infra_, *182-4 and -_note_. - -[199] [_Connick._] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[200] [_stife._] - -[201] [_muit._] - -[202] The Isle of Sall appears on the map in the _Geography_ of Peter -Heylyn, London, 1674, as one of the Cape Verde Islands. It is called in -the text Insula Salis, and on other old maps Isle of Sal, or Ilha do -Sal. There are some ten islands in the group. Professor J. D. Whitney -writes that several islands are known by the name of Sall, and that the -one referred to by Morton is probably that off the north shore of Cuba. -“A good deal has been written about the poisonous fishes of the waters -about the island of Cuba. The disease produced by eating poisonous fish -is called _ciguatera_, and the fish itself is said to be _ciguato_. -All that is definitely known about the matter seems to be that quite -a large number of species of fish in that region are believed to be -liable to some disease, the nature and course of which is unknown; and -that those who eat the fish thus diseased are themselves liable to be -attacked by the malady called _ciguatera_.” - -[203] Morton here apparently refers at second hand to Aristotle’s -_resumé_ of the ancient belief of five zones, two only of which were -habitable. _Meteorologica_, B. II. ch. v. § 11. - -[204] From this passage it would appear that the Isle of Sall and the -tropical waters, which Morton in this chapter refers to as having been -visited by him, were in the neighborhood of the Western and Cape Verde -Islands. In his time the word _tornado_ had probably not been adopted -into the English language, and in writing it Morton gives to the letter -_d_ the peculiar Western Island or Portuguese pronunciation. - -[205] Morton here confounds Davis with Hudson. Davis’s three voyages -were made in 1585-6-7, and it was in the first of them that he -discovered the straits which bear his name. He afterwards made five -voyages to the East Indies, in the last of which he was killed in a -fight with some Japanese on the coast of Malacca. Hudson made four -voyages between 1607 and 1610, during the last of which he passed a -winter, frozen in, near the entrance to Hudson Bay. His crew mutinied, -and turned him adrift in an open boat, on the 22d of July, 1610. He was -never heard of again; and it is his “fate,” probably, which Morton had -in mind. No other noted discoverer of the Northwest Passage was lost -prior to 1634. The discovery of that passage, however, then excited as -active an interest as it has since, or does now. In 1632 Edward Howes -sent out to Governor Winthrop a printed “Treatise of the North-West -Passage” (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 480) which is still in -the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. - -[206] The phrase in the _Meteorologica_ (_ubi supra_, 117, _note_ -1.) is, “the parts under the Bear (_i.e._, north) by cold are -uninhabitable.” - -[207] - - Impiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos, - Per mare pauperiem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes. - - HORACE, _Epist._ I. ll. 45-6. - - -[208] “18. Yea, I hated all my labor which I had taken under the sun: -because I should leave it unto the man that shall be after me. - -“19. And who knoweth whether he shall be a wise man or a fool?” - - _Ecclesiastes_, ch. ii. vers. 18, 19. - - -[209] Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of Ashton Phillips in Somerset, has -already been frequently referred to in the introductory portions of -this volume. Of an old West Country family and pure English descent, -he was born about the year 1560 (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. -329). He early devoted himself to a military and naval life, and in -1591 served under Essex at the siege of Rouen. Subsequently he is said -to have been wounded, either at Amiens, or during the siege of Paris -by Henry IV. In consequence of his services he was appointed by Queen -Elizabeth royal governor of Plymouth, and in 1597 was designated as -one of the staff of Essex in the Ferrol expedition, with the title of -Sergeant-Major. In 1601 he was concerned in Essex’s insurrection, and -was one of the principal witnesses against the Earl at his trial. After -a considerable period of imprisonment he was released, and, on the -accession of James I., was reappointed governor of Plymouth. In 1605 he -became interested in American discovery and colonization, and in 1607 -he was one of the projectors of the Popham colony in Maine. During the -next thirteen years he was engaged in fishing and trading ventures to -New England, and indefatigable in collecting information as to America. -(Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79.) In 1620 he procured from James I. the great -patent of the Council for New England. In 1623 he sent out the Robert -Gorges expedition which settled itself at Wessagusset. (_Supra_, 2-4.) -His subsequent connection with Morton, and his intrigues against the -Massachusetts colony and charter, have been sufficiently referred to in -this volume. During the Civil War Gorges espoused the royal side, and -was made a prisoner when Fairfax captured Bristol in August 1645. He -died probably about the 10th of May 1647, as he was buried on the 14th -of that month. - -In regard to Gorges, see Belknap’s _American Biography_; Folsom’s -_Catalogue of Original Documents in the English Archives relating -to the Early History of the State of Maine_; Williamson’s _Maine_; -Palfrey’s _New England_ (vol. i.); Poole’s Introduction to Johnson’s -_Wonder Working Providence_; Devereux’s _Earls of Essex_ (vol. i.); and -the _Briefe Narration_ (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 44), and -Gorges’s own letters, to Winthrop and others, in the _Winthrop Papers_. -(IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii.) - -[210] That is, in 1634. See _supra_, 78. - -[211] These are the Inner Harbor (Boston), so called, and Dorchester, -Quincy, and Weymouth bays. The latter includes all the inlets south and -west of Nut and Pettuck’s islands and Hull, among which is Hingham Bay. - -[212] “Sleetch, _n._ The thick mud or slush lying at the bottom of -rivers.” _Webster._ - -[213] [iland.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[214] _Supra_, 6-7. - -[215] In the letter already quoted from (_Supra_, 14), Mr. J. H. -Trumbull remarked that “Morton, as he shows in chap. ii. of book -I., could not write the most simple Indian word without a blunder.” -As respects the words which Morton believed to be Indian-Greek, Mr. -Trumbull has further kindly furnished the following notes: “_En -animia_--_Wunanumau_, as Eliot wrote it, signifies ‘he is well -disposed, or well minded toward another,’ or ‘is pleased with’ him. -There is another word, nearly related, which Morton may have had in -mind, meaning ‘to help,’ ‘do a favor to,’--_aninumeh_, ‘help me’ -(Eliot), _anúnime_ (R. Williams).” - -[216] “_Paskanontam_ (Eliot), ‘he suffers from hunger,’ ‘is starving.’ -In Eliot’s orthography, _paskuppoo_ would signify ‘he eats hungrily,’ -or ‘as if starving,’ and from this comes the verbal _Paskup-wen_ or -_Paskuppoo-en_ ‘a starving eater’--Morton’s ‘greedy gut.’” - -[217] “Eliot’s _paskanontam_, as above, which is well enough translated -by ‘halfe starved.’” - -[218] “I can make nothing of these words. They certainly do _not_ mean -‘set it upright.’” - -[219] “An island is _munnoh_ (Eliot).” - -[220] “Here Morton mistook the word. _Cos_ is, probably, _Koüs_ -(Eliot), ‘sharp-pointed,’ or, from the same root, _mukqs_, (Eliot), -_mucks_ (R. Williams), ‘an awl,’ used for boring wampum, beads, &c.; -_cau-ompsk_ (R. Williams) was ‘a whetstone,’ _i. e._, a sharpening -stone.” - -[221] “_Om_ (_aum_, Eliot), is fish-hook; _aumau-i_, ‘he is fishing’ -(with hook and line,) R. Williams; whence _omaën_, (Eliot) ‘a -fisherman.’” - -[222] “Probably misprinted for _Pantucket_--the equivalent of -_Pautucket_, meaning ‘at the fall’ of the river. (The _n_ was not -distinctly sounded, but represents the nasalization of the preceding -vowel.)” - -[223] “_Mattapan_ means ‘sitting down’--or ‘a _setting_ down’--and -usually designates the end of a ‘carry’ or portage, where the canoes -were put in water again.” - -[224] Winslow, in his Relations, says of the Indians: “The people -are very ingenious and observative; they keep account of time by the -moon, and winters or summers; they know divers of the stars by name; -in particular they know the north star, and call it _maske_, which -is to say, _the bear_.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 365-6.) See -also to the same effect, Roger Williams’s _Key_ (_Publications of the -Narragansett Club_, vol. i.) and Mr. Trumbull’s note (p. 105). Mr. -Trumbull now further adds: “The name (_maske_) was given to Ursa Major -or Charles’s Wain, not to the North Star; and by nearly all Algonkin -tribes. An interesting note on this point can be found in Hopkins’s -_Hist. Memorials of the Housatonic Indians_ (p. 11), and another in -Dawson’s _Acadian Geology_ (2d ed. p. 675), showing that the Micmacs -still know that constellation as _Mooin_, ‘the bear.’” - -[225] Roger Williams, in the preface to his _Key_ (p. 23), says: “Wise -and judicious men, with whom I have discoursed, maintain their [the -Indians] original to be northward from Tartaria.” The Asiatic origin -of the North American Indians was a necessary part of the scriptural -dogma of the origin and descent of man. It is safe, however, to assert -that, first and last, every possible theory on this subject has been -carefully elaborated. It is not necessary, in connection with the _New -Canaan_, to enter into the discussion, as the views of those, from St. -Gregory to Voltaire, who have taken part in it, have been laboriously -collected by Drake in his _Book of Indians_ (ch. ii.). - -[226] [muit.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[227] See _Infra_ *182-4 and _note_. - -[228] David Thomson occupied the island in Boston Harbor, which still -bears his name, from some time in 1625, apparently, until his death in -1628 (_supra_, 24). He left a widow and an only son, who inherited the -island. Originally, Thomson seems to have been a messenger, or possibly -an agent, of the Council for New England. In November, 1622, a patent, -covering a considerable tract of land, was issued to him, and the next -year, he then being apparently a young man and newly married, he came -out and established himself at Piscataqua, whence he afterwards moved -to Boston Harbor. All that is known of Thomson can be found in Mr. -Deane’s _Notes to an Indenture, &c._, in the _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, -1876 (pp. 358-81). See also, _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1878 (p. 204), -and _Memorial History of Boston_ (vol. i. p. 83). - -[229] Morton’s attempt to trace the origin of the North American -Indians from Brutus, and the support he finds for his theory in the -resemblance of some Indian to Greek words, there being no reason to -suppose that Brutus or the Latins had any acquaintance with Greek, -reads like a humorous satire on the historical methods in vogue with -the writers of his time. Until within the last century there were two -historical events, or events assumed to be historical, to one or the -other of which it was deemed safe to refer the origin of any modern -nation. These events were the Siege of Troy and the Flood,--the profane -and the sacred beginnings of modern history. Morton wrote in 1635, -and his mind naturally had recourse to the profane theory. Fifteen -years later, Milton began his history of England, and at the outset -came in contact with Brutus. “That which we have,” he then remarks, -“of oldest seeming, hath by the greater part of judicious antiquaries -been long rejected for a modern fable.” He nevertheless “determined to -bestow the telling over even of these reputed tales, ... seeing that -ofttimes relations heretofore accounted fabulous have been after found -to contain in them many footsteps and reliques of something true; as -what we read in poets of the flood, and giants little believed, till -undoubted witnesses taught us that all was not feigned.” Then passing -on, he says: “After the flood, and the dispersing of nations, as they -journeyed leisurely from the East, Gomer, the eldest son of Japhet, -and his offspring, as by authorities, arguments and affinity of divers -names is generally believed, were the first that peopled all these -west and northern climes.” Coming down to Brutus and the whole progeny -of kings, and following Geoffrey of Monmouth, Milton then recounts -in detail the marriages, voyages, adventures and mishaps of the -descendants of Æneas until Brutus reached an “island, not yet Britain -but Albion, in a manner desert and inhospitable; kept only by a remnant -of giants, whose excessive force and tyranny had destroyed the rest. -These Brutus destroys,” and, after this, “in a chosen place, builds -Troja Nova, changed in time to Trinovantum, now London.” - -The superiority of Morton’s historical method to Milton’s, or to that -in use in Milton’s time, is obvious. Accepting the common origin, he -premises that he does _not_ find that “when Brutus did depart from -Latium his whole number went with him at once.” Accordingly, some of -them being put to sea, “_might_ encounter with a storm,” and then being -carried out of sight of land, “they _might_ sail God knoweth whether, -and so _might_ be put on this coast, as well as any other.” And hence -the author is “bold to conclude that the original of the natives of New -England may be well conjectured to be from the scattered Trojans, after -such time as Brutus departed from Latium.” - -It would be easy to quote from many serious productions, -contemporaneous with the _New Canaan_ and a century after it, examples -of the same method of daring historical hypothesis; a single instance -will, however, suffice. In his history of Lynn, written in 1829, the -Rev. Alonzo Lewis says (p. 21): “The Indians are supposed by some to be -the remnants of the long lost ten tribes of Israel; and their existence -in tribes, the similarity of some of their customs, and the likeness of -many words in their language, seem to favor this opinion.” - -More sensible than either Thomas Morton or Mr. Lewis, William Wood, in -writing his _New England’s Prospect_, in 1633, remarks (p. 78), that -“Some have thought they [the Indians] might be of the dispersed Jews, -because some of their words be near unto the Hebrew; but by the same -rule they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations, -because they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and -other tongues.” - -There is in the _Magnalia_ (book III. part iii.) a lengthy but highly -characteristic passage, in which Mather recounts the points of -resemblance which the evangelist Eliot saw between the Indians and “the -posterity of the dispersed and rejected Israelites.” - -[230] Peddock’s, or Pettick’s, Island, still so called, is one of the -largest islands in Boston Bay. It lies directly opposite to George’s -Island and Hull, from which last it is separated by a narrow channel, -and is between Weymouth and Quincy bays, on the east and west. See -Shurtleff’s _Description of Boston_, p. 557. - -[231] Leonard Peddock seems to have been in the employment of the -Council for New England. In the records of the Council for the 8th of -November, 1622, is the following entry: “Mr. Thomson is ordered to -pay unto Leo: Peddock £10 towards his paynes for his last Imployments -to New England.” Subsequently, on the 19th of the same month: “It is -ordered that a Letter be written from the Counsell to Mr. Weston, to -deliver to Leonard Peddock, a boy Native of New England called papa -Whinett belonging to Abbadakest, Sachem of Massachusetts, which boy -Mr Peddock is to carry over with him” (_Proceedings of the American -Antiquarian Society_, April, 1867, pp. 70, 74). - -Andrew Weston had returned to England in the _Charity_, leaving -Wessagussett in September, 1622 (_supra_, 7). He would seem to have -brought over the Indian boy in question with him. From the entry in the -records of the Council for New England, just quoted, it would appear -that Leonard Peddock was in New England during the summer of 1622. The -reference to him in the text is additional evidence that Morton was -there at the same time, and in company with Weston. - -[232] This is undoubtedly a misprint for Auckies, which was a sailor’s -corruption for Auks. The Great Auk (_Alca impennis_) is probably -referred to. This bird, now supposed to be extinct, was formerly common -on the New England coast. Audubon, writing in 1838, says: “An old -gunner, residing on Chelsea Beach, near Boston, told me that he well -remembered the time when the Penguins were plentiful about Nahant and -some other islands in the bay.” (_Am. Ornithological Biog._, vol. iv. -p. 316.) Professor Orton, alluding to this passage, in the _American -Naturalist_ (1869, p. 540), expresses the opinion that the Razor-billed -Auk was the bird referred to; but Professor F. W. Putnam adds, in -a foot-note, that “the ‘old hunter’ was undoubtedly correct in his -statement, as we have bones of the species taken from the shell-heaps -of Marblehead, Eagle Hill in Ipswich, and Plum Island.” Dr. Jeffries -Wyman found them in the shell-heaps at Cotuit. See _Mem. Hist. of -Boston_, vol. i. p. 12. - -There is an elaborate paper on the Great Auk, under the title of “The -Garefowl and its Historians,” by Professor Alfred Newton, in the -_Natural History Review_ for 1865, p. 467. - -[233] Morton would seem to be mistaken in this statement. Between 1614 -and 1619 two French vessels were lost on the Massachusetts coast. -One was wrecked on Cape Cod, and the crew, who succeeded in getting -on shore, were most of them killed by the savages, and the remainder -enslaved in the way described in the text. Two of these captives were -subsequently redeemed by Captain Dermer (Bradford, p. 98). The other -vessel was captured by the savages in Boston Bay, and burned. This is -the vessel referred to by Morton as riding at anchor off Peddock’s -Island. The circumstances of the capture are described in Phinehas -Pratt’s narrative (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. pp. 479, 489). -All the crew, he says, were killed, and the ship, after grounding, was -burned. Pratt’s statement is distinct, and agrees with Bradford’s, -that the captives among the Indians were the survivors from the vessel -wrecked on Cape Cod, not from that captured in Boston Bay. - -[234] Pratt’s account of this survivor among the French crew is to -be found in IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. pp. 479, 489. He says -that “one of them was wont to read much in a book (some say it was the -New Testament), and that the Indians enquiring of him what his book -said, he told them it did intimate that there was a people like French -men that would come into the country and drive out the Indians.” The -account given by Mather (_Magnalia_, B. I. ch. ii. § 6) is curiously -like that in the text. After quoting the substance of Pratt’s statement -he adds: “These infidels then blasphemously replied, ‘God could not -kill them;’ which blasphemous mistake was confuted by a horrible and -unusual plague, whereby they were consumed in such vast multitudes that -our first planters found the land almost covered with their unburied -carcases; and they that were left alive were smitten into awful and -humble regards of the English by the terrors which the remembrance of -the Frenchman’s prophecy had imprinted on them.” - -Pratt, whom Mather followed, claims to have derived his knowledge -of these events during the winter of 1622-3 directly from savages -concerned in them. The probability is that the tradition of the French -captive, and his book and prophecy, was a common one among the settlers -both at Plymouth and about Boston Bay. Pratt apparently had a habit, as -he grew old, of appropriating to his own account many of the earlier -and more striking incidents of colonial history. (Mather’s _Early New -England_, p. 17.) - -[235] The mysterious pestilence, which in the years 1616 and 1617 swept -away the New England Indians from the Penobscot to Narragansett Bay, is -mentioned by all the earlier writers, and its character has recently -been somewhat discussed. There can be no doubt that it practically -destroyed the tribes, especially the Massachusetts and the Pokanokets, -among which it raged. The former were reduced from a powerful people, -able, it is said, to muster three thousand warriors, to a mere remnant -a few hundred strong. The Pokanokets were in some localities, notably -at Plymouth, actually exterminated, and the country left devoid of -inhabitants (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 148; Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 183). Winslow gave a description of the desolation created -by this pestilence, and of the number of the unburied dead, very like -that in the text (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 183, 206). On this -subject, see also, Bradford, pp. 102, 325; Johnson, p. 16; Wood’s -_Prospect_, p. 72; III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 57. - -No definite conclusion as to the nature of this pestilence has -been reached by medical men. It has been suggested that it was the -yellow-fever (Palfrey, vol. i. p. 99, _n_). As, however, it raged -equally in the depth of the severest winter as in summer, this could -not have been the case (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 57; -Bradford, p. 325). Other modern medical authorities have inclined to -the opinion that it was a visitation of small-pox (Dr. Holmes in _Mass. -Hist. Soc._, _Low. Inst. Lect._, 1869, p. 261; Dr. Green’s _Centennial -Address before the Mass. Med. Soc._, June 7, 1881, p. 12). In support -of this hypothesis Captain Thomas Dermer is quoted, who, sailing along -the coast in 1619-20, wrote “we might perceive the sores of some that -had escaped, who described the spots of such as usually die” (Purchas, -vol. iv. p. 1778). On the other hand, none of the contemporaneous -writers who speak of the disease ever call it the small-pox, though -all of them were perfectly familiar with small-pox, and a very large -portion of them probably bore its marks. Dermer speaks of it as “the -plague.” Bradford, when the same pestilence raged on the Connecticut, -described it as “an infectious fever.” Dr. Fuller, the first New -England physician, then died of it (Bradford, p. 314). He could not but -have been familiar with the small-pox and its symptoms; and it would -seem most improbable that he should have died of that disease among his -dying neighbors, and not have known what was killing him. Moreover, -in 1633-4 the small-pox did rage among the Indians, and Bradford, in -giving a fearfully graphic account of its ravages, adds, “they [the -Indians] fear it more than the plague.” Josselyn also draws the same -distinction, saying (_Two Voyages_, p. 123): “Not long before the -English came into the country, happened a great mortality amongst [the -Indians]; especially where the English afterwards planted, the East and -Northern parts were sore smitten by the contagion; first by the plague, -afterwards, when the English came, by the small-pox.” - -It would seem, therefore, that the pestilence of 1616-7 was clearly not -the small-pox. More probably it was, as Bradford says, “an infectious -fever,” or some form of malignant typhus, due to the wretched sanitary -condition of the Indian villages, which had become over-crowded, owing -to that prosperous condition of the tribes which Smith describes as -existing at the time of his visit to the coast in 1614 (III. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 109). - -[236] “Their houses, which they call wigwams, are built with poles -pitcht into the ground of a round form for most part, sometimes square. -They bind down the tops of their poles, leaving a hole for smoak to go -out at, the rest they cover with the bark of trees, and line the inside -of their wigwams with mats made of rushes painted with several colors. -One good post they set up in the middle that reaches to the hole in the -top, with a staff across before it; at a convenient height, they knock -in a pin upon which they hang their kettle. Beneath that they set up a -broad stone for a back which keepeth the post from burning. Round by -the walls they spread their mats and skins where the men sleep whilst -their women dress their victuals. They have commonly two doors, one -opening to the south, the other to the north, and, according as the -wind sets, they close up one door with bark and hang a deers skin or -the like before the other. Towns they have none, being always removing -from one place to another for conveniency of food, sometimes to those -places where one sort of fish is most plentiful, other whiles where -others are. I have seen half a hundred of their wigwams together in a -piece of ground and they show prettily; within a day or two or a week -they have been all dispersed.” (Josselyn’s _Voyages_, p. 126). See also -Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 144. - -[237] Giving in his _Key_ (p. 48) the Indian combination of words -signifying “let us lay on wood,” Roger Williams adds: “This they do -plentifully when they lie down to sleep winter and summer, abundance -they have and abundance they lay on: their fire is instead of our -bed-clothes. And so, themselves and any that have any occasion to lodge -with them, must be content to turn often to the fire, if the night be -cold, and they who first wake must repair the fire.” Elsewhere he says: -“God was pleased to give me a painful, patient spirit, to lodge with -them in their filthy, smoky holes.” See also Gookin’s _Indians_, I. -_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 150. - -When Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslow were sent on their mission to -Massasoit, in June, 1621, they say of their entertainment on the night -they arrived at his lodge: “Late it grew, but victuals he offered none; -for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired -to go to rest: he layd us on the bed with himself and his wife, they -at the one end and we at the other, it being only planks layd a foot -from the ground, and a thin mat upon them. Two more of his chief men, -for want of room, pressed by and upon us; so that we were worse weary -of our lodging than of our journey.” (_Mourt_, p. 45). Two nights of -this entertainment sufficed for the embassadors who “feared we should -either be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with bad lodging, -the savages barbarous singing, (for they use to sing themselves -asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and musketos without, we could -hardly sleep all the time of our being there.” (_Ib._, p. 46) Another -observer remarked of the New England Indians: “Tame cattle they have -none, excepting Lice, and Dogs of a wild breed” (Josselyn’s _Voyages_, -p. 127); and to the same effect Roger Williams notes (_Key_, p. 74): -“In middle of summer, because of the abundance of fleas, which the dust -of the house breeds, they [the Indians] will fly and remove on a sudden -to a fresh place.” - -Smith, describing the Virginia Indians, says (_True Travels_, vol. -i. p. 130): “Their houses are built like our arbors, of small young -springs bowed and tyed, and so close covered with mats, or the barkes -of trees very handsomely, that nothwithstanding either winde, raine, or -weather, they are as warm as stoves, but very smoaky, yet at the toppe -of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to go into right over -the fire. - -“Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds covered with -a mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. -On these round about the house they lie heads and points, one by the -other, against the fire, some covered with mats, some with skins, and -some stark naked lie on the ground, from six to twenty in a house.” - -In Parkman’s _Jesuits in North America_ there is a lively account -of Le Jeune’s experience in passing the winter of 1633-4 among the -Algonquins: “Put aside the bear-skin, and enter the hut. Here, in -a space some thirteen feet square, were packed nineteen savages, -men, women and children, with their dogs, crouched, squatted, -coiled like hedge-hogs, or lying on their backs, with knees drawn -up perpendicularly to keep their feet out of the fire.... The bark -covering was full of crevices, through which the icy blasts streamed -in upon him from all sides; and the hole above, at once window and -chimney, was so large, that, as he [Le Jeune] lay, he could watch the -stars as well as in the open air. While the fire in the midst, fed -with fat pine-knots, scorched him on one side, on the other he had -much ado to keep himself from freezing. At times, however, the crowded -hut seemed heated to the temperature of an oven. But these evils were -light when compared to the intolerable plague of smoke. During a -snow-storm, and often at other times, the wigwam was filled with fumes -so dense, stifling, and acrid, that all its inmates were forced to lie -flat on their faces, breathing through mouths in contact with the cold -earth. Their throats and mouths felt as if on fire; their scorched -eyes streamed with tears.... The dogs were not an unmixed evil, for by -sleeping on and around [Le Jeune], they kept him warm at night; but, as -an offset to this good service, they walked, ran and jumped over him as -he lay” (pp. 27-8). - -[238] In regard to the food of the Indians and their alternate gluttony -and abstinence, see Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, pp. 129-30; Wood’s -_Prospect_, p. 57. Wood’s account of the Indians is usually the best. -As respects eating, he says: “At home they will eate till their bellies -stand South, ready to split with fulnesse: it being their fashion, to -eate all at sometimes, and sometimes nothing at all in two or three -days, wise providence being a stranger to their wilder dayes.” - -[239] “_Cattup keen?_ ‘Are you hungry?’ _Meechin_, ‘meat;’ or, as -an Indian would be more likely to say, _Meech_, ‘eat.’ In Eliot’s -orthography, _Kodtup kēn?_ _Meechum_, ‘victuals, food,’ or _meech_, -‘eat.’”--_J. H. Trumbull._ - -[240] In regard to the hospitality of the Indians, Wood says -(_Prospect_, p. 59): “Though they be sometimes scanted, yet are they as -free as Emperors, both to their countrymen and English, be he stranger -or mere acquaintance; counting it a great discourtesie not to eat of -their high conceited delicates, and sup of their un-oat-meal’d broth, -made thick with fishes, fowles and beasts boiled all together; some -remaining raw, the rest converted by over-much seething to a loathed -mass, not halfe so good as _Irish Boniclapper_.” See also Gookin’s -_Indians_, I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 153. - -So also Roger Williams (_Key_, ch. ii. and iii.): “If any stranger came -in, they presently give him to eat of what they have; many a time, -and at all times of the night (as I have fallen in travel, upon their -houses) where nothing hath been ready, have themselves and their wives, -risen to prepare me some refreshing.” - -“In Summer-time I have knowne them lye abroad often themselves, to make -room for strangers, English, or others.” - - “_I have known them leave their House and Mat - to lodge a friend or stranger, - Where Jewes and Christians oft have sent - Christ Jesus to the manger._” - - -[241] In regard to the games and removals of the Indians, see -Williams’s _Key_, chs. xi. and xxviii.; Smith’s _True Travels_, vol. i. -p. 133; Gookin’s _Indians_, I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 153; and -Wood’s _Prospect_; pp. 63, 73-5. Wood gives an excellent description -of the Indian game of foot-ball: “Their goals be a mile long placed -on the sands, which are as even as a board; their ball is no bigger -than a hand-ball, which sometimes they mount in the air with their -naked feet, sometimes it is swayed by the multitude; sometimes also -it is two days before they get a goal; then they mark the ground they -win, and begin the next day.... Though they play never so fiercely to -outward appearance, yet anger-boiling blood never streams in their -cooler veins; if any man be thrown, he laughs out his foil, there is -no seeking of revenge, no quarrelling, no bloody noses, scratched -faces, black eyes, broken shins, no bruised members or crushed ribs, -the lamentable effects of rage; but the goal being won, the goods on -the one side lost; friends they were at the foot-ball, and friends they -must meet at the kettle.” To the same effect see Strachey’s _Historie_, -p. 78. - -[242] Ipsisque in hominibus nulla gens est neque tam immansueta, neque -tam fera, quæ non, etiam si ignoret qualem habere deum deceat, tamen -habendum sciat (_De Legibus_, Lib. I. § 8). - -Quæ est enim gens, aut quod genus hominum, quod non habeat sine -doctrinâ anticipationem quandam deorum? (_De Natura Deorum_, Lib. I. § -16). - -[243] The reference here is to Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_ (p. 70). -In regard to the time when this work was written and published, see -Mr. Deane’s preface to the edition in the publications of the Prince -Society. Morton makes numerous references to it in the _New Canaan_ -(_infra_, *38, 53, 64, 84, 99). The present reference is one of the -few unintelligible passages in the book. Wood’s language, to which -Morton apparently takes exception, is as follows: “As it is natural to -all mortals to worship something, so do these people; but exactly to -describe to whom their worship is chiefly bent, is very difficult; they -acknowledge especially two, Ketan, who is their good God, to whom they -sacrifice after their garners be full with a good crop: upon this God -likewise they invocate for fair weather, for rain in time of drought, -and for the recovery of their sick; but if they do not hear them, then -they verify the old verse, _Flectere si nequeo Superes, Acheronta -movebo_, their Pow-wows betaking themselves to their exorcisms and -unromantick charms ... by God’s permission, through the Devil’s help, -their charms are of force to produce effects of wonderment.” Morton -would seem to have wished to depreciate Wood, as an authority on New -England, and so, playing upon his name and the title of his book, he -implied that he had taken a much more elevated view of the religious -development of the Indians than could be justified either by the actual -facts, or the judgment of the best informed. - -Being unintelligible, the passage, from the word “neither” to the -end of the paragraph, is reproduced here in all respects, including -punctuation, as it is in the text of the original edition. - -[244] There is no expression of this nature to be found anywhere in -those writings of Sir William Alexander which have come down to us and -are included in the publications of the Prince Society. He may have -used the expression quoted in conversation, or in a letter. Winslow, in -Mourt, says: “They [the savages] are a people without any religion, or -knowledge of any God” (p. 61). This statement he subsequently, however, -retracted in his _Good News_ (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 355), where -he says, “therein I erred, though we could then gather no better.” - -The subject of the religion of the North American aborigines has -been treated by Parkman in the introduction to the _Jesuits in -North America_ (pp. lxvii.-lxxxix.), and he concludes that “the -primitive Indian, yielding his untutored homage to an All-pervading -grand Omnipotent Spirit, is a dream of poets, rhetoricians and -sentimentalists.” To the same effect Palfrey, at the close of his -vigorous discussion of the same subject (vol. i. p. 45), declares that -the devout Indian of the “untutored mind is as fabulous as the griffin -or the centaur.” - -[245] Thomas May, better known as the historian and secretary of -the Long Parliament, was born in 1595 and died in 1650. In 1627 he -published a translation of Lucan’s _Pharsalia_, with a _supplementum_, -or continuation (1630), by himself in seven books. This continuation -he subsequently translated into Latin, and it is included in Lemaire’s -edition of the _Pharsalia_ in his _Bibliotheca Classica Latina_ (Paris, -1832). The passage to which Morton refers is in the third book of the -continuation (ll. 108-78). The following are some of the verses:-- - - “But in a higher kind (as some relate) - Do Elephants with men communicate. - (If you believe it) a religion - They have, and monthly do adore the Moon, - Besides the loftie Nabathæan wood, - Of vast extent, Amylo’s gentle flood, - Gliding along, the sandie mould combines. - Thither, as oft as waxing Cynthia shines - In her first borrowed light, from out the wood, - Come all the Elephants, and in the floud - Washing themselves (as if to purifie) - They prostrate fall; and when religiously - They have adored the Moon, return again - Into the woods with joy.” - - -[246] In his Latin poem on New England, which the Rev. William Morell -wrote during his eighteen months’ residence at Wessagusset as the -spiritual head of the Robert Gorges settlement of 1623, there is a -description of the Indian and his garments. The following is the -author’s English rendering of his more elegant Latin original:-- - - “Whose hayre is cut with greeces, yet a locke - Is left; the left side bound up in a knott: - Their males small labour but great pleasure know, - Who nimbly and expertly draw the bow; - Traind up to suffer cruell heat and cold, - Or what attempt so ere may make them bold; - Of body straight, tall, strong, mantled in skin - Of deare or bever, with the hayre-side in; - An otter skin their right armes doth keepe warme, - To keepe them fit for use, and free from harme; - A girdle set with formes of birds or beasts, - Begirts their waste, which gentle gives them ease. - Each one doth modestly bind up his shame, - And deare-skin start-ups reach up to the same; - A kind of _pinsen_ keeps their feet from cold, - Which after travels they put off, up-fold, - Themselves they warme, their ungirt limbes they rest - In straw, and houses, like to sties.” - - I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 131. - -Wood’s description of the Indian apparel is very like Morton’s. He -says, however: “The chiefe reasons they render why they will not -conforme to our English apparell are because their women cannot wash -them when they be soyled, and their meanes will not reach to buy new -when they have done with their old; and they confidently beleeve, -the English will not be so liberall as to furnish them upon gifture: -therefore they had rather goe naked than be lousie, and bring their -bodies out of their old tune, making them more tender by a new acquired -habit, which poverty would constrain them to leave.” (_Prospect_, p. -56). - -The description given by Winslow (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 365) -is very similar to Morell’s. See also Gookin’s _Indians_, I. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 152; Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, pp. 128-9, and -Williams’s _Key_, ch. xx. - -Smith (_True Travels_, vol. i. p. 129) says: “For their apparell, -they are sometimes covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in -winter are dressed with the hayre, but in Sommer without. The better -sort use large mantels of Deare skins, not much differing in fashion -from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with -copper, others painted after their manner. But the common sort have -scarce to cover their nakednesse, but with grasse, the leaves of trees -or such like. We have seene some use mantels made of Turkey feathers so -prettily wrought and woven with threads that nothing could be discerned -but the feathers.” - -[247] _Supra_, 16, _note_. - -[248] Speaking of a ceremony common to the Algonquins and the Hurons, -of propitiating their fishing-nets by formally marrying them every year -to two young girls, Parkman says: “As it was indispensable that the -brides should be virgins, mere children were chosen” (_The Jesuits in -North America_, p. lxix. _note_). The subject of female chastity among -the Indians has already been referred to (_supra_, p. 17), and it is -extremely questionable whether they had any conception of it. Winslow, -in his _Good News_ (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 364) says:--“When -a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and after -weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out. Their -women are diversely disposed; some as modest, as they will scarce talk -one with another in the company of men, being very chaste also; yet -others seem light, lascivious, and wanton.... Some common strumpets -there are, as well as in other places; but they are such as either -never married, or widows, or put away for adultery; for no man will -keep such an one to wife.” Strachey (_Historie_, p. 65), says of the -Virginians: “Their younger women goe not shadowed [clothed] amongst -their owne companie, until they be nigh eleaven or twelve returnes of -the leafe old, nor are they much ashamed thereof, and therefore would -the before remembered Pochahuntas, a well featured, but wanton yong -girle, Powhatan’s daughter, sometymes resorting to our fort, of the age -then of eleven or twelve yeares, get the boyes forth with her into the -markett place, and make them wheele, falling on their hands, turning up -their heeles upwards, whome she would followe, and wheele so her self, -naked as she was, all the fort over; but being over twelve yeares, they -put on a kind of semecinctum lethern apron (as doe our artificers or -handycrafts men) before their bellies, and are very shamefac’t to be -seen bare.” Ellis, in his _Red Man and White Man_ (p. 185), remarks on -this point: “The obscenity of the savages is unchecked in its revolting -and disgusting exhibitions. Sensuality seeks no covert.” - -Under these circumstances it is unnecessary to say that Morton’s -statements as to the red cap and the Sachem’s privilege are pure -fiction, and what Parkman says of the Hurons is probably true of the -Massachusetts,--their women were wantons before marriage and household -drudges after it. (_Jesuits in North America_, p. xxxv). - -[249] To the same effect Roger Williams says: “Most of them count it a -shame for a woman in travell to make complaint, and many of them are -scarcely heard to groane. I have often known in one quarter of an hour -a woman merry in the house, and delivered and merry again: and within -two dayes abroad, and after foure or five dayes at worke.” (_Key_, ch. -xxiii.). See also Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, p. 127. Wood’s account is -almost as comprehensive, though not quite so detailed and graphic as -Josselyn’s: “They likewise sew their husband’s shooes, and weave mats -of Turkie feathers; besides all their ordinary household drudgery which -dayly lies upon them, so that a bigge belly hinders no businesse nor -a childbirth takes much time, but the young infant being greased and -footed, wrapped in a Beaver skin, bound to his goode behaviour with his -feete up to his bumme, upon a board two foot long and one foot broade, -his face exposed to all nipping weather, this little _Pappouse_ travels -about with his bare-footed mother, to paddle in the Icie Clammbanks -after three or four daies of age have sealed his passe-board and his -mother’s recovery.” (_Prospect_, p. 82). See also Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 358. - -[250] The idea that the Indian was born white was very commonly -entertained in the first half of the seventeenth century. Lechford, in -his _Plaine Dealing_, says (p. 50): “They are of complexion swarthy and -tawny; their children are borne white, but they bedaube them with oyle, -and colours, presently.” Josselyn also speaks of the Indians “dying -[their children] with a liquor of boiled Hemlock-Bark” (_Two Voyages_, -p. 128). Speaking of the Virginia women, Smith says: “To make [their -children] hardie, in the coldest mornings they them wash in the rivers, -and by paynting and oyntments so tanne their skinnes, that after a year -or two, no weather will hurt them.” (_True Travels_, vol. i. p. 131). -Strachey gives a more particular account of the supposed process: The -Indians “are generally of a cullour browne or rather tawny, which they -cast themselves into with a kind of arsenick stone, ... and of the same -hue are their women; howbeit, yt is supposed neither of them naturally -borne so discouloured; for Captain Smith (lyving somtymes amongst them) -affirmeth how they are from the womb indifferent white, but as the men, -so doe the women, dye and disguise themselves into this tawny cowler, -esteeming yt the best beauty to be neerest such a kynd of murrey as -a sodden quince is of (to liken yt to the neerest coulor I can), for -which they daily anoint both face and bodyes all over with such a kind -of fucus or unguent as can cast them into that stayne.” (_Historie_, p. -63). - -[251] “If there was noticed a remarkable exemption from physical -deformities, this was probably not the effect of any peculiar -congenital force or completeness, but of circumstances which forbade -the prolongation of any imperfect life. The deaf, blind or lame child -was too burdensome to be reared, and according to a savage estimate -of usefulness and enjoyment, its prolonged life would not requite its -nurture.” Palfrey, vol. i. p. 23. - -[252] Mr. Trumbull writes: “Morton’s _nan weeteo_ stands for Eliot’s -_nanwetee_ (_nanwetue_, Cotton), ‘a bastard.’ _Titta_ should be -_tatta_, a word common among Indians, which is well enough translated -by Morton. Eliot renders it ‘I know not,’ and R. Williams adds to this -meaning, ‘I cannot tell; it may be so.’ - -“_Cheshetue_ is unknown to me, but I am inclined to believe that Morton -heard something like it, in the connection and substantially with the -meaning he gives it,--some adjective of dispraise, qualifying _squaa_, -or, as we write it, _squaw_.” - -[253] [likenesse.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[254] The observations of Roger Williams led him to a different -conclusion: “Their affections, especially to their children, are very -strong.... This extreme affection, together with want of learning, -makes their children saucie, bold and undutifull. I once came into a -house, and requested some water to drink; the father bid his sonne (of -some 8 yeeres of age) to fetch some water: the boy refused, and would -not stir; I told the father, that I would correct my child, if he -should so disobey me &c. Upon this the father took up a sticke, the boy -another, and flew at his father: upon my persuasion, the poore father -made him smart a little, throw down his stick, and run for water, and -the father confessed the benefits of correction, and the evill of their -too indulgent affections.” (_Key_, ch. v.) - -To the same effect Champlain wrote (_Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 170): “The -children have great freedom among these tribes. The fathers and mothers -indulge them too much, and never punish them. Accordingly they are so -bad and of so vicious a nature, that they often strike their mothers -and others. The most vicious, when they have acquired the strength -and power, strike their fathers. They do this whenever the father or -mother does anything that does not please them. This is a sort of curse -that God inflicts upon them.” Winslow, on the other hand, in his _Good -News_, lends some support to Morton’s statement in the text. He says: -“The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices, whilst -they are together, although they be strangers.” (Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 363.) - -[255] This Sachem, “the most noted powow and sorcerer of all the -country,” is better known by the name of Passaconaway. There is quite -an account of him in Drake’s _Book of the Indians_ (B. III. ch. vii). -He is the Pissacannawa mentioned by Wood in his _Prospect_ (p. 70), -of whom the savages reported that he could “make the water burn, the -rocks move, the trees dance, metamorphize himself into a flaming man.” -Morton says of the Indian conjurers, “some correspondency they have -with the Devil out of all doubt;” Wood, to the same effect, remarks -that “by God’s permission, through the Devil’s helpe, their charmes -are of force to produce effects of wonderment;” Smith declares of the -Indians, “their chiefe God they worship is the Devil” (_True Travels_, -vol. i. p. 138); Mather intimates that it was the devil who seduced the -first inhabitants of America into it (_Magnalia_, B. I. ch. i. § 3), -and Winthrop, describing the great freshet of 1638, records that the -Indians “being pawawing in this tempest, the Devil came and fetched -away five of them” (vol. i. p. *293). - -See also Gookin’s _Indians_, I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 154; -Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 356; and Champlain’s _Voyages_, vol. iii. -p. 171. Champlain says the Indians do not worship any God; “they have, -however, some respect for the devil.” - -[256] [Ingling.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[257] In regard to the Indian Powaws, priests, or medicine men, and -their methods of dealing with the sick, see the detailed account in -Champlain’s _Voyages_, vol. iii. pp. 171-8; Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, -p. 134; Wood’s _Prospect_, p. 71; Williams’s _Key_, ch. xxxi.; Gookin’s -_Indians_, I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 154; Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, pp. 317, 357; Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_, (Trumbull’s ed.) p. -117; Parkman’s _Jesuits in North America_, pp. lxxxiv.-lxxxvii.; also -_Magnalia_, B. III. part. iii., where Mather says: “In most of their -dangerous distempers, it is a _powaw_ that must be sent for; that is, -a priest who has more familiarity with Satan than his neighbors; this -conjurer comes and roars and howls and uses magical ceremonies over the -sick man, and will be well paid for it when he is done; if this don’t -effect the cure, the ‘man’s time is come, and there’s an end.’” For a -summary in Indian medical practice, see further, Ellis’s _Red Man and -White Man_, pp. 127-33. - -[258] Passaconoway, already referred to (_supra_, p. 150, _note_), -dwelt at a place called Pennakook, and his dominions extended over the -sachems living upon the Piscataqua and its branches. The young Sachem -of Saugus was named Winnepurkitt, and was commonly known among the -English as George Rumney-marsh. He was a son of Nanepashemet, and at -one time proprietor of Deer Island in Boston Harbor. (Drake’s _Book of -the Indians_, ed. 1851, pp. 105, 111, 278.) The incident in the text -has been made the subject of a poem, _The Bridal of Pennacook_, by -Whittier, and Drake repeats it; but as Winnepurkitt is said by Drake to -have been born in 1616, and to have succeeded Montowampate as Sachem in -1633, and as Morton, at the close of the present chapter, declares that -“the lady, when I came out of the country [in 1630], remained still -with her father,” the whole story would seem to be not only highly -inconsistent with what we know of Indian life and habits, but also at -variance with facts and dates. - -[259] [not determined.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[260] Josselyn’s account of the Indian wampum is written, more than any -other which has come down to us, in the spirit of the _New Canaan_: -“Their Merchandize are their beads, which are their money, of these -there are two sorts, blew Beads and white Beads, the first is their -Gold, the last their Silver, these they work out of certain shells so -cunningly that neither _Jew_ nor Devil can counterfeit, they dril them -and string them, and make many curious works with them to adorn the -persons of their Sagamores and principal men and young women, as Belts, -Girdles, Tablets, Borders for their womens hair, Bracelets, Necklaces, -and links to hang in their ears. Prince _Phillip_, a little before I -came for England, coming to Boston, had a coat on and Buskins set thick -with these Beads in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same; -his Accoutrements were valued at Twenty pounds. The English Merchant -giveth them ten shillings a fathom for their white, and as much more or -near upon for their blew beads.” (_Two Voyages_, pp. 142-3.) - -There is a much better description of wampum in Lawson’s account of -Carolina, quoted by Drake (_Book of the Indians_, p. 328), in which -he says that wampum was current money among the Indians “all over the -continent, as far as the bay of Mexico.” Lawson’s explanation of the -fact that wampum was not counterfeited to any considerable extent is -much more natural than Morton’s. It cost more to counterfeit it than -it was worth. “To make this _Peak_ it cost the English five or ten -times as much as they could get for it; whereas it cost the Indians -nothing, because they set no value upon their time, and therefore have -no competitors to fear, or that others will take its manufacture out of -their hands.” - -Roger Williams (_Key_, ch. xxvi.) devotes considerable space to this -subject, and says: “They [the Indians] hang these strings of money -about their necks and wrists; as also upon the necks and wrists of -their wives and children. They make [girdles] curiously of one, two, -three, foure and five inches thickness and more, of this money which -(sometimes to the value of ten pounds and more) they weare about their -middle and as a scarfe about their shoulders and breasts. Yea, the -Princes make rich Caps and Aprons (or small breeches) of these Beads -thus curiously strung into many formes and figures: their blacke and -white finely mixt together.” See also Trumbull’s notes in his edition -of the _Key_, and Palfrey, vol. i. p. 31. Parkman (_Jesuits in North -America_, pp. xxxi., lxi.) says of wampum: “This was at once their -currency, their ornament, their pen, ink and parchment.” He describes -the uses to which it was put among the Hurons and Iroquois, but adds: -“The art [of working it] soon fell into disuse, however; for wampum -better than their own was brought them by the traders, besides abundant -imitations in glass and porcelain.” - -[261] “How have foule hands (in smoakie houses) the first handling of -these Furres which are often worne upon the hands of Queens and heads -of Princes!” (Williams’s _Key_, p. 158.) - -[262] There is obviously some corruption of the original manuscript -here, but I have been unable to obtain any even plausible suggestion of -what word may have been turned into “reles” through the compositor’s -inability to decipher copy. - -[263] There is not much to be said on the manufactures, utensils and -trade of the New England aborigines. Gookin (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. i. p. 151) has a comprehensive paragraph on the subject, and there -is a passage in Josselyn (_Two Voyages_, p. 143). See also Williams’s -_Key_, ch. xxv. - -[264] Josselyn also speaks of “baskets, bags and mats woven with -_Sparke_.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 143.) “Spart,” Mr. Trumbull writes, “was -a northern English name for the dwarf-rush, and (as ‘spart’ in the -glossaries) for osiers, and I _guess_, Morton’s and Josselyn’s _sparke_ -is another form of that name.” Gookin says (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. i. p. 151): “Some of their baskets are made of rushes; some, of -bents; others, of maize-husks; others, of a kind of silk grass; others, -of a kind of wild hemp; and some, of barks of trees.” - -[265] Wood says of the Indian women: “Their corn being ripe, they -gather it, and drying it hard in the Sun, conveigh it to their barnes, -which be great holes digged in the ground in forme of a brasse pot, -seeled with rinds of trees, wherein they put their corne, covering -it from the inquisitive search of their gurmundizing husbands, who -would eate up both their allowed portion, and reserved seed, if they -knew where to finde it. But our hogges having found a way to unhindge -their barne doores, and robbe their garners, they are glad to implore -their husbands helpe to roule the bodies of trees over their holes, -to prevent these pioneers, whose theevery they as much hate as their -flesh.” (_Prospect_, p. 81.) Mather also, in enumerating the points -of resemblance between the Indians and the Israelites, (_Magnalia_, -B. III. part iii.) says: “They have, too, a great unkindness for our -_swine_; but I suppose that is because the hogs devour the clams, which -are a dainty with them.” - -[266] See Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, p. 148; also, _infra_, 175, -_n._ - -[267] This Sachem has already been sufficiently referred to (_Supra_, -p. 11.) All that is known concerning him can be found in Drake’s _Book -of the Indians_, (ed. 1851), pp. 107-9. - -[268] Morton’s neighbors at Wessaguscus were William Jeffrey, John -Bursley and such others of the Robert Gorges expedition of 1623 as -still remained there. (_Supra_, 4, 24, 30.) See also _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._ 1878, p. 198. - -[269] _Infra_, *77. - -[270] “Frumenty, _n._ [Also _furmenty_ and _fumety_; from Lat. -_frumentum_]. Food made of wheat boiled in milk, and seasoned with -sugar, cinnamon, &c.” _Webster._ - -[271] Squanto. See _infra_, *104. - -[272] In reference to this passage, Mr. Francis Parkman writes: “I have -searched my memory in vain for anything in the early French writers -answering to Morton’s statement. I don’t think that Cartier, Champlain, -Biard, Lescarbot or Le Jeune, the principal writers before 1635, make -the extraordinary assertions in question. In fact, as there were no -Spaniards in Canada, and likely to be none on French vessels going -there, Indians of those parts would hardly have the opportunity of -distinguishing between them by smell or otherwise. Indeed, they did not -know the existence of such a nation.” - -[273] _Supra_, *27, _note_. - -[274] “Kytan was an appellation of the greatest _manito_. The word -signifies ‘greatest’ or ‘pre-eminent.’ See my note (p. 207) in -Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_ (p. 120), where is mention of ‘Kitan, their -good god.’ Roger Williams in a letter to Thomas Thorowgood, 1635, names -‘their god Kuttand to the south-west’ (_Jewes in America_, 1650, p. 6) -but in his _Key_, he writes the name Cautantowit (_To the Reader_, p. -24.) i. e., _Keihte-anito_--‘greatest manito.’ - -“I have not met with the name _Sanaconquam_ elsewhere: at least I do -not remember seeing it except in Morton. The derivation is apparently -from a word meaning to press upon, to op-press, to crush, or the like.” -(_Manuscript Letter of J. H. Trumbull_, June 25, 1882.) - -See, also, authorities referred to _supra_, p. 140, _note_, and also -Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, pp. 134-9. Morell has a passage on the -Indian’s methods of worship in his poem. (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. -i. p. 136.) - -[275] Roger Williams says: “They will relate how they have it from -their Fathers, that Kantántowwit made one man and woman of a stone, -which disliking, he broke them in pieces, and made another man and -woman of a tree, which were the Fountaines of all mankind.” (_Key_, ch. -xxi.) - -“They believe that the soules of men and women goe to the Sou-west, -their great and good men and women to Cantántowwit his House, where -they have hopes (as the Turks have) of carnal Joyes: Murtherers, -theeves and Lyers, their souls (say they) wander restlesse abroad.” -(_Ib._) - -Wood, enlarging on this, says: “Yet do they hold the immortality of -the never-dying soul, that it shall passe to the South-west _Elysium_, -concerning which their _Indian_ faith jumps much with the _Turkish -Alchoran_, holding it to be a kind of Paradise, wherein they shall -everlastingly abide, solacing themselves in odoriferous Gardens, -fruitfull corn-fields, green meadows, bathing their hides in the coole -streams of pleasant Rivers, and shelter themselves from heat and cold -in the sumptuous Pallaces framed by the skill of Natures curious -contrivement. Concluding that neither care nor pain shall molest them -but that Natures bounty wil administer all things with a voluntary -contribution from the overflowing storehouse of their _Elysian_ -Hospital, at the portall whereof they say lies a great Dog, whose -churlish snarlings deny a _Pax intrantibus_ to unworthy intruders.” -(_Prospect_, p. 79.) - -Parkman says: “The primitive Indian believed in the immortality of the -soul, but he did not always believe in a state of future reward and -punishment.” (_Jesuits in North America_, p. lxxx.) Referring to a -case in which one of the Jesuits quoted an Indian as saying “there was -no future life,” Parkman adds: “It would be difficult to find another -instance of the kind.” - -The romantic view of the Indian on this point was taken by Arnold, in -his _History of Rhode Island_ (vol. i. p. 78), and the realistic view -by Palfrey, in his _New England_ (vol. i. p. 49); and, though writing -at the same time, the two seem to be controverting each other. See -Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, p. 115. - -[276] _Supra_, p. 93. - -[277] Roger Williams, also, in a passage just quoted (_supra_, 168, -_note_), speaks of the future punishment supposed, among the New -England Indians, to be allotted to thieves and liars. Josselyn, on the -other hand, describes them as “very fingurative or theevish” (_Two -Voyages_, p. 125); and Gookin says: “They are naturally much addicted -to lying and speaking untruth: and unto stealing, especially from the -English” (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 149). Winslow describes -the severe punishments inflicted for theft (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, -p. 364). Dodge, in his _Wild Indians_ (pp. 63-5), explains this -discrepancy in the authorities. He says: “All these authors are both -right and wrong. In their own bands, Indians are perfectly honest.... -It [theft] is the sole unpardonable crime among Indians.” He then -describes, like Winslow, the severity of the punishments inflicted for -thefts; “but,” he adds, “this wonderfully exceptional honesty extends -no further than to the members of his immediate band. To all outside of -it, the Indian is not only one of the most arrant thieves in the world, -but this quality or faculty is held in the highest estimation.” - -[278] The reference is to ch. iii. of the Third Booke (_infra_, -*106-8). This passage would seem to indicate that the third book of -the _New Canaan_ was written first, and that the two other books were -prepared subsequently, probably in imitation of Wood’s _Prospect_. (See -_supra_, 78.) - -[279] “Yea, I saw with mine owne eyes that at my late comming forth -of the Countrey, the chiefe and most aged peaceable Father of the -countrey, Caunoŭnicus, having buried his sonne, he burned his owne -Palace, and all his goods in it, (amongst them to a great value) in a -sollemne remembrance of his sonne, and in a kind of humble Expiation -to the Gods, who, (as they believe) had taken his sonne from him.” -(Williams’s _Key_, ch. xxxii.) In the same passage Williams says: -“Upon the Grave is spread the Mat that the party died on, the Dish he -ate in, and, sometimes, a faire Coat of skin hung upon the next tree -to the Grave, which none will touch, but suffer it there to rot with -the dead.” See also Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 142, 143, 154, 363; -Strachey’s _Historie_, p. 90. - -“In times of general Mortality they omit the Ceremonies of burying, -exposing their dead Carkases to the Beasts of prey. But at other times -they dig a Pit and set the diseased therein upon his breech upright, -and, throwing in the earth, cover it with the sods and bind them -down with sticks, driving in two stakes at each end; their mournings -are somewhat like the howlings of the Irish, seldom at the grave -but in the Wigwam where the party dyed, blaming the Devil for his -hard-heartedness, and concluding with rude prayers to him to afflict -them no further.” (Josselyn, _Two Voyages_, p. 132.) There is a highly -characteristic passage to the same effect in Wood’s _Prospect_, p. 79. - -[280] _Supra_, 143. - -[281] The reference is to Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, p. 13; -where, also, the Indian custom of firing the country in November is -described. - -[282] Gookin says: “This beastly sin of drunkenness could not be -charged upon the Indians before the English and other Christian -nations, as Dutch, French, and Spaniards, came to dwell in America: -which nations, especially the English in New-England, have cause to be -greatly humbled before God, that they have been, and are, instrumental -to cause these Indians to commit this great evil and beastly sin of -drunkenness.” (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 151.) - -In regard to the peculiarities of Indian drunkenness, see Dodge’s -_Wild Indians_, pp. 333-5. What is there said of the Indians of “the -plains” is probably true of all the northern American Indians. “This -passion for intoxication amounts almost to an insanity.... To drink -liquor as a beverage, for the gratification of taste, or for the sake -of pleasurable conviviality, is something of which the Indian can form -no conception. His idea of pleasure in the use of strong drink is to -get drunk, and the quicker and more complete that effect, the better he -likes it.” - -[283] “They live in a country where _we_ now have all the conveniences -of human life: but as for _them_, their _housing_ is nothing but a few -_mats_ tyed about _poles_ fastened in the earth, where a good _fire_ -is their _bed-clothes_ in the coldest seasons; their _clothing_ is but -a skin of a beast, covering their _hind-parts_, their _fore-parts_ -having but a little apron, where nature calls for secrecy; their _diet_ -has not a greater dainty than their _Nokehick_, that is a spoonful of -their _parched meal_, with a spoonful of _water_, which will strengthen -them to travel a day to-gether; except we should mention the flesh of -_deers_, _bears_, _mose_, _rackoons_, and the like, which they have -when they can _catch_ them; as also a little _fish_, which, if they -would preserve, it was by _drying_, not by _salting_; for they had not -a grain of _salt_ in the world, I think, till we bestowed it on them.” -_Magnalia_, B. III. part iii. In his _Letters and Notes on the North -American Indians_ (_Letter No. 17_) Catlin comments on the failure -of the Indians to make any use of salt, even in localities where it -abounds. See _supra_, 161. - -[284] The relations supposed to exist between the Indians and the devil -have been referred to in a previous note, _supra_, 150. It is, however, -a somewhat curious fact that the aboriginal hierarchy, suggested in -the text, had a few years before found its exact political counterpart -in the talk of the English people. “‘Who governs the land?’ it was -asked. ‘Why, the King.’ ‘And who governs the King?’ ‘Why, the Duke of -Buckingham.’ ‘And who governs the Duke?’ ‘Why, the Devil.’” (Ewald’s -_Stories from the State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 117.) - -[285] “Sed quoniam, (ut præclare scriptum est a Platone) non nobis -solum nati sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria, vindicat, partem -amici.” _De Officiis_, Lib. I. § 7. The words “partem parentes” are not -in the original, but have been inserted by modern scholars as rendering -the quotation from Plato more correct. - -[286] In annotating this chapter I have been indebted to Professors -Asa Gray and C. S. Sargent of Harvard University for assistance, they -having sent me several of the more technical notes. This and the five -following chapters of the _New Canaan_ have a certain interest as being -among the earliest memoranda on the trees, animals, birds, fish and -geology of Massachusetts. The only earlier publication of at all a -similar character is Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, which appeared -in 1634, and contained the result of observations made during the four -years 1629 to 1633. Morton’s acquaintance with the country was earlier -and longer than Wood’s, but the _New Canaan_ was not published until -three years after the _Prospect_, which it followed closely in its -description of the country and its products. Josselyn’s first voyage -was made in 1638, and his stay in New England covered a period of -fifteen months, July, 1638, to October, 1639. His second visit was in -1663, and lasted until 1671. The _New England’s Rarities_ was published -in 1672, and the _Two Voyages_ in 1674. Josselyn’s alone of these works -can make any pretence to a scientific character or nomenclature, but -the four taken together constitute the whole body of early New England -natural history and geology. Only occasional reference to this class of -subjects is found in other writers. - -[287] The White Oake includes, no doubt, _Quercus alba_ and _bicolor_, -and the Redd Oake, _Quercus rubra_, _tinctoria_ and _coccinea_. - -[288] Edward Williams, in his _Virginia_ (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. -11. p. 14), written in 1650, says: “Nor are Pipestaves and Clapboard -a despicable commodity, of which one man may with ease make fifteen -thousand yearely, which in the countrey itselfe are sold for 4 l. in -the _Canaries_ for twenty pound the thousand, and by this means the -labour of one man will yeeld him 60 l. _per annum_, at the lowest -Market.” - -[289] Probably _Fraxinus Americana_, although two other species of Ash -are common in Massachusetts, the Red and the Black Ash (_F. pubescens_ -and _sambucifolia_). - -[290] It is interesting to note that, at this early day, two forms of -our one species of Beech were distinguished by the color of the wood, -a distinction which has often been adopted by Botanists and is still -considered by mechanics and woodsmen. - -[291] This refers, no doubt, to our different species of Hickory, -although the Butternut (_Juglans cinerea_) is common in Massachusetts. - -[292] Both the White and the Pitch Pine (_Pinus strobus_, and _rigida_) -are probably referred to. - -[293] “For I have seene of these stately high growne trees, ten miles -together close by the River side, from whence by shipping they might -be conveyed to any desired Port.” (Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, p. -15.) - -[294] The Red Cedar (_Juniperus virginia_). - -[295] This is clearly a contemptuous reference to Wood, who in his -_Prospect_ (p. 15) had said, “The Cedar tree is a tree of no great -growth, not bearing above a foote and a halfe square at the most, -neither is it very high. I suppose they be much inferiour to the Cedars -of _Lebenon_, so much commended in holy writ.” - -[296] _Supra_, 173. - -[297] The White Cedar (_Chamaecyparis thyoides_); or perhaps Arbor-Vitæ -(_Thuja occindentalis_), which is the “more bewtifull tree.” - -[298] A misprint for Gerard, whose _Herball, or Generall Historie of -Plants_, was published in 1597, and Johnson’s edition of it in 1633. - -[299] This probably includes both the Black Spruce (_Picea nigra_) and -the Hemlock (_Truga canadensis_). - -[300] “Spruce is a goodly Tree, of which they make Masts for Ships, -and Sail Yards: It is generally conceived by those that have skill in -Building of Ships, that here is absolutely the best Trees in the World, -many of them being three Fathom about, and of great length.” (Josselyn, -_Rarities_, p. 63.) “At _Pascataway_ there is now a Spruce-tree brought -down to the water-side by our Mass-men of an incredible bigness, and so -long that no Skipper durst ever yet adventure to ship it, but there it -lyes and Rots.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 67.) - -[301] [whether.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[302] Probably the Sugar, Red and White Maples are intended: _Acer -saccharinum_, _rubrum_ and _dasycarpum_. It is singular that no -reference to the manufacture of maple sugar by the Indians occurs. - -[303] (Elder) _Sambucus Canadensis_. - -[304] Wood (_Prospect_, p. 15) says, “Two sorts, Red and White.” None -of our native Grape vines bear White grapes. - -[305] _Supra_, 173. - -[306] Perhaps our little Beach plum (_P. maritima_) is intended. The -wild American Plum-tree is probably not a native of Massachusetts, -although it was early cultivated by the aborigines and settlers. - -[307] (_Sassafras officinale._) - -[308] The Ginseng (_Aralia quinquefolia_), or the Wild Sarsaparilla -(_Aralia nudicaulis_). - -[309] In Chapter IX. of this Book (_infra_, *94) Morton again refers to -the growth of hemp in New England, as evidence of the fertility of the -soil. He declares “that it shewteth up to be tenne foote high and tenne -foote and a halfe.” Thomas Wiggin, also, in writing of New England -in November, 1632, says: “As good hempe and fflax as in any parte of -the world, growes there naturally.” (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. -viii. p. 322.) Hemp, however, is not native to New England or America. -That spoken of must have been grown from seed brought over by the -colonists. Morton may have seen it growing in garden soil at Plymouth -and Wessagusset, but that any field of it ever reached a height of ten -or ten and a half feet in eastern Massachusetts is very questionable. - -[310] Professor Gray of Harvard University has furnished me the -following note on this chapter:-- - -“Unlike Josselyn, the author evidently was not an herbalist, and -wrote at random. His pot-marjoram, thyme and balm, though not to be -specifically identified, and none of them of the same species as in -England, must be represented by our American pennyroyal (_Hedeoma -pulegioides_), a native mint (_Mentha borealis_), wild basil -(_Pycnanthemum_), and a species of _Monarda_, sometimes called balm, -all sweet herbs of the New England coast. Alexander is hardly to -be guessed. Angelica as a genus occurs here, but not the officinal -species. Wild sarsaparilla (_Aralia nudicaulis_) was probably in view. -Purslane is interesting in this connection, adding as it does to the -probability that this plant was in the country before the settlement. -There are no Anniseeds in New England, and it is impossible to guess -what the author meant. It was probably a random statement founded -on nothing in particular. The Honeysuckles were doubtless the two -species of _Azalea_ to which the name is still applied.” Wood also says -(_Prospect_, pp. 11, 12), “There is likewise growing all manner of -Hearbes for meate and medicine, and not only in planted Gardens, but in -the woods, without either the art or helpe of man, as sweete Marjoram, -Purselane, Sorrell, Peneriall, Yarrow, Myrtle, Saxifarilla, Bayes, &c.” -See also Mr. Tuckerman’s introductory matter and notes, in his edition -of _New England’s Rarities_ [1865], and Professor Gray’s chapter (vol. -i. ch. ii.) on the Flora of Boston and vicinity, and the changes it has -undergone, in the _Memorial History of Boston_. - -[311] For the greater part of the notes to this chapter, and for all -those of a technical character, I am indebted to Mr. William Brewster, -of Cambridge. To his notes I have added a few references to, and -extracts from, other early works more or less contemporaneous with the -_New Canaan_. - -[312] Probably the Whistling Swan (_Cygnus Americanus_), now a rare -visitor to New England. Wood, also, in his poetical enumeration of -birds and fowls (_Prospect_, p. 23), speaks of - - “The Silver Swan that tunes her mournfull breath, - To sing the dirge of her approaching death.” - -Further on (p. 26) he says, “There be likewise many Swannes which -frequent the fresh ponds and rivers, seldome consorting themselves with -Duckes and Geese; these be very good meate, the price of one is six -shillings.” In his enumeration of birds of New England, Josselyn (_Two -Voyages_, p. 100) mentions “_Hookers_ or wild-_Swans_.” This bird is -not included in Peabody’s _Report on the Ornithol. of Massachusetts_ -(1839). - -[313] The Brant (_Bernicla brenta_), common at the present day. - -[314] The Snow Goose (_Anser hyperboreus_), now rare in New England, -although common throughout the West. - -[315] The Canada Goose (_Bernicla Canadensis_). - -[316] The Black Duck (_Anas obscura_), still abundant. The identity -of the other two is doubtful: the Pide Duck may have been the Pied or -Labrador Duck (_Camptolæmus Labradorius_), a species formerly common -but now nearly if not wholly extinct; the Gray Duck is probably the -Pintail (_Dafila acuta_). - -[317] The Green-winged Teal (_Querquedula Carolinensis_) and the -Blue-winged Teal (_Querquedula discors_), both noted for the delicacy -of their flesh. - -[318] Probably the American Widgeon, or Baldpate (_Mareca Americana_). -The name Widgeon is sometimes applied to other species, however. - -[319] Probably some species of web-footed bird, but exactly what is not -clear. Mr. Merriam, in his _Review of the Birds of Connecticut_ (pp. -104-5), identifies Morton’s Simpe as the American Woodcock (_Philohela -minor_), but in this he is doubtless in error. In the first place, -it is not likely that a keen sportsman like Morton would have shot -woodcock merely out of curiosity, and “more did not regard them;” in -the second place, Josselyn, in enumerating the different sorts of -ducks, speaks of “_Widgeons_, _Simps_, _Teal_, Blew wing’d and green -wing’d.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 101.) But for the reference in the next -paragraph in the text, and the disparaging manner in which the bird in -question is alluded to, it would be inferred that Simpes was a natural -misprint for Snipes. That, however, is clearly not the case. - -[320] The Sanderling (_Calidris arenaria_), a common Sandpiper, -peculiar in lacking the usual hind toe. The context indicates that -other shore birds were included under this name. “There are little -Birds that frequent the Sea-shore in flocks called _Sanderlins_, they -are about the bigness of a _Sparrow_, and in the fall of the leaf will -be all fat; when I was first in the Countrie the _English_ cut them -into small pieces to put into their Puddings instead of suet. I have -known twelve score and above kill’d at two shots.” (Josselyn’s _Two -Voyages_, p. 102.) To precisely the same effect Wood says (_Prospect_, -p. 27), “I myselfe have killed twelve score at two shootes.” - -[321] Neither the Whooping Crane (_Grus Americana_) nor the Sandhill -Crane (_Grus pratensis_) is now found in New England. The latter -is probably the species referred to here. Our large Heron (_Ardea -herodias_) is often called Crane by country people, but it does not eat -corn, and “in a dishe” would hardly be considered “a goodly bird.” - -[322] The Wild Turkey (_Meleagris gallipavo Americana_) is mentioned by -all the early writers as an abundant bird; but it disappeared almost as -rapidly as the Indians, before the encroachment of the white settlers. -Peabody, writing in 1839 (_Report on the Fishes, Reptiles, and Birds of -Massachusetts_, p. 352), says: “It is still found occasionally in our -western mountains, and also on the Holyoke range, where some are taken -every year.” Its total extinction probably occurred only a few years -later. - -[323] Probably an exaggeration, although Audubon mentions one that -weighed thirty-six pounds; the ordinary weight of the full-grown male -is from fifteen to twenty pounds, a gobbler weighing twenty-five pounds -being an unusually large bird. Yet Morton’s statement is fully borne -out by other contemporary authorities. Wood says, “The Turky is a very -large bird, of a blacke colour, yet white in flesh; much bigger then -our English Turky. He hath the use of his long legs so ready, that he -can runne as fast as a Dogge, and flye as well as a Goose: of these -sometimes there will be forty, three-score and an hundred of a flocke, -sometimes more and sometimes lesse; their feeding is Acorns, Hawes, and -Berries, some of them get a haunt to frequent our _English_ corne: In -Winter when the Snow covers the ground, they resort to the Sea-shore -to looke for Shrimps, and such small fishes at low tides. Such as love -Turkie hunting must follow it in Winter after a new falne Snow, when -he may follow them by their tracts; some have killed ten or a dozen -in halfe a day; if they can be found towards an evening, and watched -where they peirch, if one came about ten or eleaven of the clocke, -he may shoote as often as he will, they will sit, unlesse they be -slenderly wounded. These Turkies remain all the yeare long. The price -of a good Turkie cocke is foure shillings: and he is well worth it, for -he may be in weight forty pound; a Hen two shillings.” (_New England’s -Prospect_, p. 24.) So also Josselyn: “I have heard several credible -persons affirm, they have seen _Turkie Cocks_ that have weighed forty, -yea sixty pounds; but out of my personal experimental knowledge I -can assure you, that I have eaten my share of a _Turkie Cock_, that -when he was pull’d and garbidg’d, weighed thirty pound.” He adds, -however, that even then [1670] “the _English_ and the _Indians_ having -now destroyed the breed, so that ’tis very rare to meet with a wild -_Turkie_ in the Woods.” (_New England’s Rarities_, p. 9.) See also _Two -Voyages_, p. 99, where the same writer says: “If you would preserve the -young Chickens alive, you must give them no water, for if they come to -have their fill of water, they will drop away strangely, and you will -never be able to rear any of them.” John Clayton, in his _Letter to -the Royal Society_ [1688], says of Virginia: “There be wild Turkies -extream large; they talk of Turkies that have been kill’d, that have -weigh’d betwixt 50 and 60 Pound weight; the largest that ever I saw, -weigh’d something better than 38 Pound.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. -12, p. 30.) Williams, in his _Virginia_ [1650], speaks of “infinites -of wilde Turkeyes, which have been knowne to weigh fifty pound weight, -ordinarily forty.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 11, p. 12.) See also -Strachey’s _Historie_, p. 125; Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 253. - -[324] In regard to this expression Mr. Trumbull writes: “_Metawna_ -is _mittànnug_ (R. Williams), _muttannunk_ (Eliot),--Englished by ‘a -thousand;’ but to the Indians less definite, ‘a great many,’ more -than he could count. _Neent_ is possibly a misprint for _necut_ -(_nequt_, Eliot), ‘one,’--but, more likely, stands for ‘I have,’ or its -equivalent, ‘there is to me.’ Roger Williams (p. 164) puts the numeral -first, _nneesnneánna_, ‘I have killed two,’--_shwinneánna_, [‘I have -killed] three,’” &c. - -[325] The Pheasant of Morton and other early writers has been -supposed by ornithologists to be the Prairie Hen or Pinnated Grouse -(_Cupidonia cupido_), a species which, however, has dark not “white -flesh,”--“formerly ... so common on the ancient busky site of the city -of Boston, that laboring people or servants stipulated with their -employers, not to have the _Heath-Hen_ brought to table oftener then -a few times in the week.” (Nuttall’s _Ornithology_, vol. i. p. 800.) -There is good evidence that this bird once ranged over a large part of -Southern New England; it is still found on Martha’s Vineyard, where it -is carefully protected and is not uncommon. Elsewhere it does not now -occur much to the eastward of Illinois. - -[326] The Ruffed Grouse (_Bonasa umbella_). - -[327] The American Partridge, Quail, or Bob White (_Ortyx Virginiana_). - -[328] Of doubtful application. Our Horned Lark (_Eremophila alpestris_) -is the nearest North American ally of the English Skylark, but it is -so differently colored that Morton probably had in mind some other -species, perhaps the Titlark (_Anthus ludovicianus_). - -[329] Three species of Crows are found in New England: the Raven -(_Corvus carnivorus_), now confined to the northern parts of Maine, -New Hampshire, and Vermont; the Common Crow (_Corvus Americanus_); -and the Fish Crow (_Corvus ossifragus_), which occasionally wanders -to Massachusetts from its true home in the Middle and Southern -States. The latter may have been the Rook. “Kight” is a dubious -appellation, possibly referring to the Swallow-tailed Kite (_Nauclerus -furcatus_), now a rare straggler from the South, but formerly, as some -ornithologists believe, of regular occurrence in New England. - -[330] The descriptions given for these Hawks are too vague to be of -much use in determining species. A clew is often furnished by familiar -terms of falconry, which, we may assume, would be naturally applied -to American representatives of Old World forms. Morton, however, -uses these terms very loosely, or, perhaps, with a regard to fine -distinctions of meaning not now understood. In such a case nothing can -be done beyond pointing out their accepted significance and probable -application. - -[331] The male of _Falco lanarius_, a Falcon found in the southern -and south-eastern parts of Europe, as well as in Western Asia and the -adjoining portions of Africa. An American variety, the Prairie Falcon -(_Falco lanarius polyagrus_), has a wide range in the West, but is not -known to have occurred to the eastward of Illinois. The bird referred -to by Morton is doubtless the Duck Hawk (_Falco peregrinus_), an allied -species not uncommon in New England. - -[332] In the records of the Council for New England, under date of -the 26th of November, 1635, or about the time that Morton was writing -the _New Canaan_, is the following entry: “The Hawks brought over by -Capt. Smart are to be presented to his Majesty on Saturday next, by -the Lords of those Provinces. And the said Captain to be recommended -to his Majestys service upon occasion of employments for his care and -industry used to bring them over, and for other his services done in -those parts.” - -[333] The Cockchafer. - -[334] _I. e._, like the Buzzard-Hawks of the genus _Buteo_, a sluggish -tribe of _Raptores_. - -[335] Properly of general application to the genus _Falco_; if used -specifically here there is no clew to its precise meaning. - -[336] Usually written _tercel_, and sometimes _tiercel_ or _tiërcel_. -The male of any hawk, so termed because he is a third smaller than the -female, or, as some have thought, because it was believed that every -third bird hatched was a male. The name, as used in falconry, almost -always refers to the male Goshawk (_Astur palumbarius_), while with the -addition of _gentil_, or _gentle_, it indicated the female or young of -this species. The bird alluded to here is probably the American Goshawk -(_Astur atricapillus_). - -[337] The American Sparrow Hawk (_Falco sparverius_), a small and -richly colored Falcon, would be likely to be used for such a purpose. - -[338] If not applied to the male Goshawk (see note on “tassel -gentles”), perhaps referring to Hawks of the genus _Buteo_, represented -in New England by three species, _Buteo borealis_, _B. lineatus_ and -_B. Pennsylvanicus_. - -[339] If Morton always uses _tassel_ in its commonly accepted sense -(see preceding notes), another application must be sought for the -present name. The accompanying text may relate to the Marsh Hawk -(_Circus cyaneus Hudsonius_), the adult male of which is our whitest -New England Hawk, and the young or female perhaps the reddest. The -Marsh Hawk does not prey on full-grown poultry, but it may have been -credited with depredations committed by other species, a piece of -injustice by no means uncommon at the present day. - -[340] The Pigeon Hawk (_Falco columbarius_) is the New England -representative of the European Merlin (_Falco regulus_). - -[341] Probably the Crow Blackbird (_Quiscalus purpureus æneus_). - -[342] The Sharp-shinned Hawk (_Accipiter fuscus_), a common New England -species closely allied to the European Sparrow Hawk (_Accipiter -nisus_). Our Cooper’s Hawk (_Accipiter cooperi_) also may be referred -to under this name. - -[343] The Ruby-throated Humming-bird (_Trochilus colubris_), our only -New England species. The Humming-birds are peculiar to the New World; -hence the wonder and interest with which they were regarded by the -early explorers and colonists. There is a letter from Emanuel Downing -to John Winthrop, Jr., of the 21st of November, 1632, in which is this -paragraph: “You have a litle bird in your contrie that makes a humminge -noyse, a little bigger then a bee, I pray send me one of them over, -perfect in his fethers, in a little box.” (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. vi. p. 40^e.) There are many descriptions of this bird in the -earlier writers, though none that I have found so early as Downing’s -letter. Wood says: “The Humbird is one of the wonders of the Countrey, -being no bigger than a Hornet, yet hath all the dimensions of a Bird, -as bill and wings, with quils, Spider-like legges, small clawes: For -colour, shee is glorious as the Raine-bow; as shee flies, shee makes -a little humming noise like a humble bee: wherefore she is called the -Humbird.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 24.) Josselyn’s description -is especially good: “The _Humming Bird_, the least of all Birds, -little bigger than a _Dor_, of variable glittering Colours, they feed -upon Honey, which they suck out of Blossoms and Flowers with their -long Needle-like Bills; they sleep all Winter, and are not to be seen -till the Spring, at which time they breed in little Nests, made up -like a bottom of soft, Silk-like matter, their Eggs no bigger than a -white Pease, they hatch three or four at a time, and are proper to -this Country.” (_New England’s Rarities_, p. 6.) See also Clayton’s -_Letter_, &c. (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 33). - -[344] For all the technical and scientific notes to this chapter I am -indebted to Mr. Joel A. Allen, of the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy of -Harvard College. To the matter contributed by him I have merely added, -as in the immediately preceding chapters, extracts from other writers, -more or less contemporaneous with Morton, which seemed to me to be -illustrative of the text, or in the same spirit with it. This chapter -of Morton’s is more complete, though probably of less value, than -Wood’s and Josselyn’s chapters on the same subject. - -[345] The _Elke_ here mentioned is the Moose (_Alces malchis_) of -American writers; it is specifically the same as the elk of Northern -Europe. From Wood’s account (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 18), it would -seem that the moose in Morton’s time ranged into eastern Massachusetts, -though not found now south of northern Maine. The moose has but a -single fawn at a birth, not three as stated in the text. - -Mr. Allen then adds to the above note: “I have met with no published -record of the occurrence of the American Elk, or Wapiti Deer (_Cervus -Canadensis_), in eastern Massachusetts. Since publishing a statement -to this effect (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, vol. i. p. 10), however, I have -learned through the kindness of a correspondent (Henry S. Nourse, -Esq., of South Lancaster, Mass.,) that early in the eighteenth century -sixteen elk were seen near a brook in South Lancaster, one of which -was killed. The tradition is supported by the fact that the antlers of -the individual killed were preserved in the family of the lucky hunter -(Jonas Fairbanks) for a long period, and afterwards placed on the top -of a guide-board, where they still remain, moss-grown and weather-worn -by eighty years of sun and storm. Since the receipt of Mr. Nourse’s -letter (dated Feb. 25, 1882), his account has been corroborated by -information from another source. That the antlers mentioned belonged to -an elk and not to a moose is beyond question.” - -[346] “The _English_ have some thoughts of keeping them tame, and to -accustome them to the yoake, which will be a great commoditie: First, -because they are so fruitfull, bringing forth three at a time, being -likewise very uberous. Secondly, because they will live in Winter -without any fodder. There be not many of these in the _Massachusetts -Bay_, but forty miles to the Northeast there be great store of them.” -(_New England’s Prospect_, p. 18.) There are very good descriptions of -the Moose, and the methods pursued in hunting them, in Gorges’s _Brief -Relation_ (II. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. ix. p. 18) and in Josselyn’s -_Two Voyages_, (pp. 88, 137). See, also, _New England’s Rarities_, p. -19. - -[347] The common Virginian Deer (_Cariacus Virginianus_), formerly more -or less abundant throughout the eastern half of the United States. - -[348] The number of fawns produced at a birth is commonly two, -sometimes one, and still more rarely three; although three is stated -to be the usual number in various seventeenth-century accounts of the -natural productions of New England, Virginia, &c. - -[349] Mourt, in his _Relation_ (p. 8), records how Governor William -Bradford, of Plymouth, was caught in one of these traps, and “horsed up -by the leg,” when the first party from the _Mayflower_ was exploring -Cape Cod in November, 1620. Wood says: “An _English_ Mare being strayed -from her owner, and growne wild by her long sojourning in the woods -ranging up and down with the wild crew, stumbled into one of these -traps which stopt her speed, hanging her like _Mahomet’s_ tombe, -betwixt earth and heaven; the morning being come the _Indians_ went to -looke what good successe their Venison trapps had brought them, but -seeing such a long scutted Deere, praunce in their Meritotter, they -bade her good morrow, crying out, what cheere what cheere, _Englishmans -squaw_ horse; having no better epithete than to call her a woman horse, -but being loath to kill her, and as fearefull to approach neere the -friscadoes of her Iron heeles, they posted to the _English_ to tell -them how the case stood or hung with their squaw horse, who unhorsed -their Mare, and brought her to her former tamenesse, which since hath -brought many a good foale, and performed much good service.” (_New -England’s Prospect_, p. 75.) Williams, in his _Key_ (ch. xxvii.), -describes how the deer caught in these traps were torn and devoured -by wolves before the Indians came to secure them. See, also, Colonel -Norwood’s _Voyage to Virginia_. (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 10, p. 39.) - -[350] _Wesil_, obsolete for _weasand_. - -[351] The “third sort of Deere,” of which the author evidently had no -personal knowledge, is doubtless a myth, as the Virginia Deer is the -only species of small deer found in the United States, _south_ of New -England, east of the Mississippi River. The statement that it is “lesse -then the other” (_i. e._ Virginian Deer), together with the southern -habitat assigned it, preclude reference to the Caribou of northern New -England, which the name “rayne deare” otherwise suggests. - -[352] “They desire to be neare the Sea, so that they may swimme to -the Islands when they are chased by the Woolves.” (_New England’s -Prospect_, p. 18.) Deer Island is consequently a very common name along -the New England coast; and of the island bearing that name in Boston -harbor, now the site of the city reformatory institutions, Wood says: -“This Iland is so called, because of the Deare which often swimme -thither from the Maine, when they are chased by the woolves: some have -killed sixteene Deere in a day upon this Iland.” Young’s _Chron. of -Mass._, p. 405. See, also, Shurtleff’s _Description of Boston_, p. 464. - -[353] The Beaver (_Castor fiber_). The account of the way “they draw -the logg to the habitation appoynted” is a fanciful exaggeration, -hardly less ridiculous than the preceding statement about the -precaution the animal takes in winter to preserve his tail! - -_Cunny_, mentioned in the first paragraph, is doubtless a -seventeenth-century barbarism for _cony_, a name at this time commonly -applied to the rabbit. The context, both here and in the account of -the _muskewashe_, seems to imply this, although the word is correctly -written _cony_ in the paragraph relating to Hares. In some of the early -accounts of Virginia, published in the first half of the seventeenth -century, _hares_ and _cunnies_ are enumerated in the lists of animals, -where the latter name evidently means _cony_ or _rabbit_. _Serat_, in -the same paragraph, is a term of much greater obscurity of application. - -[354] “The tail, as I have said in another Treatise, is very fat and -of a masculine vertue, as good as _Eringo’s_ or _Satyrion_-Roots.” -(Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, p. 93.) - -[355] Bradford, writing of the year 1636, gives the following prices: -“The coat beaver usualy at 20_s._ per pound, and some at 24_s._; the -skin at 15 and sometimes 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It may -be the last year might be something lower” (p. 346). In 1671 Josselyn -says: “A black Bears Skin heretofore was worth forty shillings, now you -may have one for ten.” (_Rarities_, p. 14.) The following prices were -named as ruling in Virginia in 1650; (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 11, p. -52.) - -“Sables, from 8_s._ the payre, to 20_s._ a payre. - -“Otter skins, from 3_s._ to 5_s._ a piece. - -“Luzernes, from 2_s._ to 10. a piece. - -“Martins the best, 4_s._ a piece. - -“Fox skins, 6_d._ a piece. - -“Muske Rats skins, 2_s._ a dozen. - -“Bever skins that are full growne, in season, are worth 7_s._ a piece. - -“Bever skins, not in season, to allow two skins for one, and of the -lesser, three for one. - -“Old Bever skins in mantles, gloves or caps, the more worne the better, -so they be full of fur, the pound weight is 6_s._” See _infra_, 207, -_note_ 4, and also *80. - -[356] The servant here referred to was probably Walter Bagnall, of -Richmond Island, who was killed by Indians, Oct. 3, 1631. See _infra_, -218, _note_ 1. - -[357] The common Otter (_Lutra Canadensis_), now of rare occurrence in -the more settled parts of southern New England. - -[358] The _Luseran_, or _Luseret_, is the Bay Lynx, or Wild-cat (_Lynx -rufus_). - -“The Ounce or the wild Cat, is as big as a mungrell dogge; this -creature is by nature feirce, and more dangerous to bee met withall -than any other creature, not feering either dogge or man; he useth to -kill Deere which he thus effecteth: Knowing the Deeres tracts, he will -lie lurking in long weedes, the Deere passing by he suddenly leapes -upon his backe, from thence gets to his necke, and scratcheth out his -throate: he hath likewise a devise to get Geese, for being much of the -colour of a Goose, he will place himselfe close by the water, holding -up his bob taile, which is like a Goose necke; the Geese seeing this -counterfeiting Goose, approch nigh to visit him, who with a sudden -jerke apprehends his mistrustlesse prey.” (_New England’s Prospect_, -pp. 19, 20.) Josselyn says: “I once found six whole Ducks in the belly -of one I killed by a Pond side.” (_Rarities_, p. 16.) - -[359] The _Martin_. Under this name are doubtless confounded the -Marten (_Mustela Americana_) and the Fisher (_M. Pennanti_). The size, -however, even in case the Fisher alone were referred to, is greatly -overstated. - -[360] The _Racowne_ is the common well-known Raccoon (_Procyon lotor_). - -[361] Josselyn says of the Raccoon: “their grease is soveraign for -wounds with bruises, aches, streins, bruises; and to anoint after -broken bones and dislocations.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 85.) A little -further on (p. 92) he notes: “One Mr. _Purchase_ cured himself of the -_Sciatica_ with _Bears_-greese, keeping some of it continually in his -groine.” - -[362] The _Redd Fox_ is our common Red Fox (_Vulpes vulgaris_, -var. _Pennsylvanicus_). The _Gray Fox_ is doubtless the Virginian -or Gray Fox (_Urocyon cinereoargentatus_) of the South and West, -an animal formerly occurring in New England but long since nearly -extirpated. This is inferred from Josselyn’s account of the _Jaccal_ -(_New England’s Rarities_, p. 22), rather than from any clew given -in Morton’s text. The absence of strong scent referred to relates -to the Gray Fox, a character mentioned by Josselyn in his brief but -sufficiently explicit description of his Jaccal. - -[363] “The Indians say they have black foxes, which they have often -seen, but never could take any of them. They say they are Manittóoes, -that is Gods, spirits, or divine powers, as they say of every thing -which they cannot comprehend.” (Williams’s _Key_, ch. xvii.) The black -fox-skin, Josselyn says (_Rarities_, p. 21), “heretofore was wont to be -valued at fifty and sixty pound, but now you may have them for twenty -shillings; indeed there is not any in _New England_ that are perfectly -black, but silver hair’d, that is sprinkled with gray hairs.” The black -wolf’s skin, he says (_ib._ p. 16), “is worth a _Beaver_ Skin among the -_Indians_, being highly esteemed for helping old Aches in old people, -worn as a Coat.” Of the foxes Wood remarks: “Some of these be blacke; -their furre is of much esteeme.” (_Prospect_, p. 19.) Elsewhere he says -that the fur of a black wolf was “worth five or sixe pounds Sterling.” -(_Ib._ 20.) - -See, also, _supra_, 205, _note_ 2. - -[364] The _Wolf_ is the large Gray Wolf (_Canis lupus_), formerly -abundant throughout New England, and well known to vary in color as -mentioned by Morton. - -[365] “They be made much like a Mungrell, being big boned, lanke -paunched, deepe breasted, having a thicke necke and head, pricke -eares, and long snoute, with dangerous teeth, long staring haire, and -a great bush taile.... It is observed that they have no joynts from -their head to the taile, which prevents them from leaping or sudden -turning.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 20.) See Josselyn’s _Rarities_, -p. 14, and _Two Voyages_, p. 83. He says: “They commonly go in routs, -a rout of Wolves is 12 or more, sometimes by couples.” Of the Virginia -species, Clayton says: “Wolves there are great store; you may hear a -Company Hunting in an Evening, and yelping like a pack of Beagles; -but they are very cowardly, and dare scarce venture on anything that -faces them; yet if hungry will pull down a good large Sheep that flies -from them. I never heard that any of them adventured to set on Man or -Child.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 37.) According to Strachey, -these Virginia wolves were “not much bigger then English foxes.” -(_Historie_, p. 125.) Wood, however, says that the Massachusetts wolves -cared “no more for an ordinary Mastiffe, than an ordinary Mastiffe -cares for a Curre; many good dogges have been spoyled by them.” Shortly -after the landing from the _Mayflower_ at Plymouth, John Goodman, -one evening in January, “went abroad to use his lame feet, that were -pitifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little spaniel with -him. A little way from the plantation two great wolves ran after the -dog; the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs for succour. He had -nothing in his hand, but took up a stick and threw at one of them and -hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came again. He got a -pale-board in his hand; and they set both on their tails grinning at -him a good while; and went their way and left him.” (Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 178.) - -[366] _Supra_, 205, _note_ 2, and 207, _note_ 4. - -[367] The common Black Bear (_Ursus Americanus_). - -[368] “For Beares they be common, being a great black kind of Beare, -which be most fierce in Strawberry time, at which time they have young -ones; at this time likewise they will goe upright like a man, and clime -trees, and swim to the Islands: which if the _Indians_ see, there -will be more sportful Beare bayting than Paris Garden can afford. For -seeing the Beares take water, an _Indian_ will leape after him, where -they goe to water cuffes for bloody noses, and scratched sides; in the -end the man gets the victory, riding the Beare over the watery plaine -till he can beare him no longer.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 17.) -“He makes his Denn amongst thick Bushes, thrusting in here and there -store of _moss_, which being covered with snow and melting in the -daytime with heat of the Sun, in the night is frozen into a thick coat -of Ice; the mouth of his Den is very narrow, here they lye single, -never two in a Den all winter. The _Indian_ as soon as he finds them, -creeps in upon all four, seizes with his left hand upon the neck of -the sleeping _Bear_, drags him to the mouth of the Den, where with a -club or small hatchet in his right hand he knocks out his brains before -he can open his eyes to see his enemy.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 91.) Wood -adds that bear’s flesh was “accounted very good meete, esteemed of -all men above Venison.” Clayton says that “their flesh is commended -for a very rich sort of Pork.” (_Virginia_, III. _Force’s Tracts_ No. -12, p. 37.) “Beares there be manie towardes the sea-coast, which the -Indians hunt most greedily; for indeed they love them above all other -their flesh, and therefore hardly sell any of them unto us, unles upon -large proffers of copper, beads and hatchetts. We have eaten of them, -and they are very toothsome sweet venison, as good to be eaten as the -flesh of a calfe of two yeares old; howbeit they are very little in -comparison of those of Muscovia and Tartaria.” (Strachey’s _Historie_, -p. 123.) See, also, Josselyn’s _New England’s Rarities_, pp. 13-14, and -_Two Voyages_, pp. 91-2. - -[369] The well-known Muskrat or Musquash (_Fiber zibethicus_) of our -ponds. The “stones” are the oder glands. In respect to _Cunny_, see -_supra_ 204, _note_ 2. - -[370] The _Porcupine_ is the Canadian Porcupine (_Erethizon dorsatus_). - -[371] The _Hedgehogg_ is the same as the Porcupine, the author being -in error in regarding it as “of the like nature to our English -Hedgehoggs.” The English Hedgehog belongs to a very different order of -mammals, and has no representative in America. - -[372] The _Conyes_ are Hares, the small ones of the “Southerne parts” -being the little Gray Hare or Wood Rabbit (_Lepus sylvaticus_) of -southern New England. Those of “the North” are the Varying Hare (_Lepus -Americanus_), or White Rabbit, which is brown in summer and white in -winter. The reference to _black_ ones is an error, wild black hares -being unknown except in cases of Melanism, which are of extremely rare -occurrence. We have no _species_ of hare which is black. Rabbit, it may -be added, is a name not strictly applicable to any indigenous mammal of -America, it being the vernacular specific designation of an Old World -species of hare. - -[373] The “_Squirils_ of three sorts” are (1) the Gray Squirrel -(_Sciurus Carolinensis_); (2) the Red Squirrel, or Chickaree (_S. -Hudsonius_); (3) the Flying Squirrel (_Sciuropterus volucellus_). A -fourth kind, the Striped Squirrel, or Chipmunk (_Tamias striatus_) is -not mentioned. The “batlike winges” are of course neither batlike, nor -even wings at all, but merely a narrow furred membrane extending along -the sides of the body, from the fore to the hind limbs. - -[374] [and] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[375] “1639. _May_, which fell out to be extream hot and foggie, about -the middle of _May_, I kill’d within a stones throw of our house, above -four score Snakes, some of them as big as the small of my leg, black -of colour, and three yards long, with a sharp horn on the tip of their -tail two inches in length.” (Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, pp. 22-3.) - -[376] Mr. J. H. Trumbull writes: “Morton’s _ascowke_ is Eliot’s -_askook_, R. Williams’s _askùg_, ‘a snake.’ In Zeifberger’s Delaware, -_achgook_; whence (through Heckewelder) Cooper’s _Chingachgook_, ‘the -Great Serpent,’ in the _Last of the Mohicans_.” - -[377] Williams, in his _Key_, gives the name as _Sések_. See, also, -Mr. Trumbull’s note in his edition of the _Key_ (p. 130), in the -publications of the Narragansett Society. Wood gives it as _seasicke_. -(_Prospect_, p. 86.) - -[378] The stories first told in Europe of the Rattlesnake (_Crotalus -durissus_) were of the most exaggerated kind. He was described as a -reptile of prodigious size, which could fly, and which poisoned by -its breath. (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 39.) The first mention of -this snake in Massachusetts is found in Higginson’s _New England’s -Plantation_ [1630]. It is as follows: “This country being very full of -woods and wildernesses, doth also much abound with snakes and serpents, -of strange colors and huge greatness. Yea, there are some serpents, -called rattlesnakes, that have rattles in their tails, that will not -fly from a man as others will, but will fly upon him and sting him so -mortally that he will die within a quarter of an hour after, except -the party stinged have about him some of the root of an herb called -snake-weed to bite on, and then he shall receive no harm.” (Young’s -_Chron. of Mass._, p. 255.) Wood gives an admirable description of the -rattlesnake (_Prospect_, pp. 38-9), and also speaks of “the Antidote -to expel the poyson, which is a root caled Snake weede, which must -be champed, the spittle swallowed, and the roote applied to the -sore.... Five or six men have been bitten by them, which by using of -snakeweede were all cured, never any yet losing his life by them.” -Josselyn, in his _Rarities_ (p. 39), says: “The _Indians_ when weary -with travelling, will take them up with their bare hands, laying hold -with one hand behind their Head, with the other taking hold of their -Tail, and with their teeth tear off the Skin of their backs, and feed -upon them alive; which they say refresheth them.” He further says that -the heart of the rattlesnake “swallowed fresh” (_Rarities_, p. 39), -or “dried and pulverized and drunk with wine or beer” (_Voyages_, p. -114), is an antidote against its poison. In Clayton’s _Virginia_ (III. -_Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 39), there is a very entertaining passage, -too long to extract, on Rattlesnakes, and the use of East India -snake-stones “that were sent [to Virginia] by King _James_ the Second, -the Queen, and some of the Nobility, purposely to try their Virtue and -Efficacy,” at curing the bite of vipers, &c. - -[379] The _Mice_, which our author found in “good store,” belong -chiefly to three species,--namely, the common short-tailed Meadow -Mouse (_Arvicola riparius_), the White-footed Mouse, or Deer Mouse -(_Hesperomys leucopus_), and the Long-tailed Jumping Mouse, or Kangaroo -Mouse (_Zapus Hudsonius_). The common House Mouse (_Mus musculus_) -is an exotic pest, which doubtless had not at that time made its -appearance. Morton is quite right in stating: “but for Rats, the -Country by Nature is troubled with none.” The Black Rat (_Mus rattus_) -was quite early introduced, but the Gray, Wharf, or Norway Rat (_Mus -decumanus_) probably did not make its appearance till fully a century -after Morton wrote his _New English Canaan_. - -[380] Morton, as was natural for a keen sportsman who had himself been -in the tropics, was wiser on the subject of Lions than other Englishmen -in New England. From the first landing at Plymouth, when John Goodman -and Peter Browne, getting lost in the woods, heard “two lions roaring -exceedingly,” down to 1639, when Josselyn heard “of a young Lyon (not -long before) kill’d at Pascataway by an Indian,” there were vague -stories of these animals having been either seen or heard in the New -England woods. Josselyn argued on the great probability that there were -lions because there were jackals (_Rarities_, p. 21); and Wood said -that “the Virginians saw an old Lyon in their Plantation, who having -lost his Iackall, which was wont to hunt his prey, was brought so poore -that he could goe no further.” (_Prospect_, p. 17.) Strachey speaks of -having found the skins and claws of lions in the hands of the Indians. -(_Historie_, p. 124.) The animal referred to in all these cases was -doubtless the Panther or Catamount (_Felis concolor_). On this subject -see also Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 176, _note_; Tuckerman’s _New -England’s Rarities_, p. 57, _note_; and the _Mem. History of Boston_, -vol. i. p. 9. - -[381] For the scientific and technical notes to this chapter I am -indebted to Professor N. S. Shaler of Harvard University. As in the -three preceding chapters, certain other notes of my own have been -added, which are of a wholly different character, and will readily be -distinguished from Professor Shaler’s. - -[382] The marble of Marble Harbor, or Marblehead, is not, in the -present sense of the word, a marble at all, but is, in fact, a -porphyry. In the old sense of the word it designated any smooth-striped -or spotted stones, such as are found there. - -[383] No limestone, good or bad, is known to exist on the Monatoquit -now; the nearest limestone is at Bear (or Bare) Hill, in Stoneham. - -[384] There is a locality in East Braintree, included in the Wainwright -estate, at the foot of Wyman’s Hill and facing the Weymouth Fore-river, -into which the Monatoquit flows, where is a quarry from which stone -bearing some external resemblance to limestone was formerly taken for -ballast. This place has always been locally called the Quaw, though the -origin and meaning of the name have never been known. It would seem -that this must be the place referred to in the text, and that Quaw, or -Quor, is a corruption of the Indian Attaquatock. - -[385] There are no “chalke stones” at Squanto’s Chapelle, _i.e._, -Squantum, or anywhere else in this part of the world. Morton may -possibly have mistaken pebbles of decayed felspar for chalk. - -[386] There is some slate in Quincy and Weymouth that _might_ be used -for roofing, and a quarry of it was long worked for material for -gravestones, &c., on Squantum Bay, a mile or so from Mount Wollaston; -but it is slate of a very poor sort. The nearest workable slate is in -Vermont and Maine. - -[387] This passage is more than usually confused, even for Morton. -It is difficult to say whether he is perpetrating a clumsy joke, or -indulging in a malicious insinuation. John Billington was hanged at -Plymouth in September, 1630, being apparently the second person so -executed in what is now Massachusetts, the first having been executed -at Weymouth during the winter of 1622-3. (_Infra_, *108-10.) The -man shot by Billington, and for whose murder he was hung, was John -New-comin (Bradford, p. 277), whence Morton’s play upon the name. -Billington had two sons, but he was by no means “beloved.” As Bradford, -writing about him as early as 1625, said, “he is a knave,” adding -prophetically “and so will live and die.” (Savage’s _Winthrop_, vol. i. -p. *36). Why Morton should have called him “Ould Woodman” is not clear. -From his immediately going on to talk of the “woodden prospect,” and -the wish of its author to secure for himself a monopoly of the Richmond -Island whetstones, which “Ould Woodman labored to get a patent of,” -it would seem as if he had intended to convey the idea that William -Wood, the author of the _New England’s Prospect_, was one of the “many -sonnes” of “Old Woodman,” who had been hanged at Plymouth. That such -was Morton’s intention, however, is not clear. The passage is muddled, -but not necessarily malicious. - -[388] The words quoted are not Ovid’s, but Virgil’s. _Eclogues_, viii. -43. - -[389] _Supra_, 124. - -[390] Josselyn, in his _Two Voyages_ (p. 202), speaks of the “excellent -whetstones” then (1670) found at Richmond Island. - -“There is a species of slate quite abundant on Richmond’s Island, and -some other Islands in Casco Bay, which has been used for oil-stones. -Josselyn, in his _Voyages_, says that ‘tables of slate could be got out -long enough for a dozen men to sit at.’” See a communication on this -passage of the _New Canaan_, signed J. P. B., in the _Portland Press_ -of January 2, 1883. Professor Shaler adds: “It is interesting to note -the fact that Morton saw that whetstones could be made the basis for -trade. Stones suitable for this purpose are rare in Europe, and to-day -a New Hampshire company ships large quantities to Europe and even to -Australia.” - -[391] Richmond Island lies directly south-east of Cape Elizabeth and -close to it. From what Morton says in the next chapter and elsewhere -(_infra_, *149), it would seem that before his arrest by Standish in -June, 1628,--that is, in the summer of 1627,--he had a fur station on -the coast of Maine. (_Supra_, 23.) Winthrop, writing under date of -October 22, 1631, mentions the murder of “Walter Bagnall, called Great -Watt, and one John P---- who kept with him,” by the Indians at Richmond -Island. He adds: “This Bagnall was sometimes servant to one in the bay, -and these three years had dwelt alone in the said isle, and had gotten -about £400 most in goods. He was a wicked fellow, and had much wronged -the Indians.” (Winthrop, vol. i. p. *63). Bagnall would, from this, -appear to have been one of Morton’s servants at Mount Wollaston, as he -alone in “the bay,” at that time, had any number of servants, or was -engaged in trade on the Maine coast. As Bagnall was killed in 1631, and -had then lived alone at Richmond Island three years, he seems to have -taken up his abode there in 1628, the time of the breaking up of the -company at Mount Wollaston by Standish and Endicott, and the settlement -at Richmond Island was thus the Maine offshoot of that at Merry-mount. -Bagnall was probably that one of Morton’s servants who, he says, was -reputed, when he died, to have made a thousand pounds in the fur trade -in five years, “whatsoever became of it.” (_Supra_, *78). Morton’s -expression here of “five years” agrees with Winthrop’s “three years,” -and confirms this surmise. Bagnall had died in 1631. Morton had gotten -control at Mount Wollaston in 1626. (_Supra_, 15.) Bagnall had remained -there as his servant two years, until 1628; then had been frightened -away and gone to Richmond Island, where he had lived three years more, -as Winthrop says,--making in all Morton’s five years. In his phrase -“whatsoever became of it” Morton characteristically throws out an -insinuation in regard to Bagnall’s possessions. He probably meant to -imply some underhand proceeding to get hold of them on the part of the -Massachusetts Bay people. Recently a theory has been advanced in the -Maine press, that Bagnall was an Episcopalian, and competitor in trade -of the Massachusetts Company; and that Winthrop and his associates, -not being able otherwise to get rid of him, compassed his death by -indirect means. (See a letter of S. P. Mayberry in _Portland Press_ of -Jan. 9, 1883.) Winthrop says that most of the possessions in question -were in goods. A portion would naturally be in the form of money, and -it was left for the present generation to form a most plausible surmise -as to “whatsoever became” of some of this money. On May 11, 1855, an -old stone pot was turned up by the ploughshare, on Richmond Island, -containing fifty-two coins; and Mr. Willis, the historian of Portland, -then took occasion, in a letter to the Massachusetts Historical Society -(_Proceedings_, May 1857, pp. 183-8), to “express the belief that the -money [was] connected with the fate of Walter Bagnall, who was killed -by Sagamore Squidraket and his party, Oct. 3, 1631.” There was nothing -to show that any of the coins were of a later date than 1631. A patent -for Richmond Island, together with fifteen hundred acres on the main -land, was issued to Bagnall by the Council for New England, Dec. 2, -1631, just three months after his death. (_Records of the Council_, pp. -51-2.) Morton was then in England, and unquestionably in communication -with Gorges. (_Supra_, 49.) - -[392] Doubtless the magnetic iron oxides. None of these are known to me -nearer than in the mountains forming the westerly part of the Berkshire -Hills, from New York City to the Adirondacks, except in Cumberland, R. -I., where there is some iron of this nature. - -[393] No ironstones are known around Massachusetts bay; the nearest -deposits are in Rhode Island. - -[394] Small quantities of galena ore have been found in Woburn and that -vicinity. There are some localities near Newburyport where the savages -may have found small quantities of galena. - -[395] Black leade is doubtless plumbago, or graphite; it is found in -Wrentham and in Worcester, Mass., as well as at various points in Rhode -Island. - -[396] Red leade is doubtless an ochre, such as may have been found near -Cranston, R. I. - -[397] Boll armoniack is the _Bolus armeniaca_ of the old apothecaries. -_Bolus_ is the prefix to several old pharmacopial names, having lost -its original special signification and come to be a given term for all -lumpy substances. Here it means a sort of reddish clay, such as may -be used for marking,--a clayey ochre such as may have come from about -Providence, R. I. - -[398] Vermilion oxide of mercury is not known to occur this side of the -Rocky Mountains. It is likely that he mistook some brilliant ochre for -true vermilion. It may be, however, that the aborigines traded for it -with western tribes. Their copper implements probably came from Lake -Superior. Many evidences of almost as wide a commerce could be adduced. - -[399] Brimstone, or sulphur, does not exist in its metallic state this -side of the Cordilleras. He may have seen some pyrite-bearing schists, -such as occur in Maine, which in dumping give a sulphuric smell. - -[400] Tin does not occur in this region. Some localities are known in -Maine and elsewhere in New England, but they could hardly have been -found by the Savages, or known to Morton. - -[401] Copper in its metallic state, the only form in which he would -have recognized it, does not occur about Massachusetts Bay. A very -little of it has been found in Cumberland, R. I., in the valley of the -Blackstone River. - -[402] No silver, except when combined with lead and zinc ore, has ever -been found in this district. Some occurs in the district from Woburn to -Newburyport. Metallic silver could not have been known to the natives. -The nearest localities for metallic gold are the streams of Vermont, -New Hampshire, and western Maine, in which district placer gold occurs -in considerable quantities, and some auriferous quartz veins are known. - -Professor Shaler adds to his foregoing notes: “The general impression -which I get from the writer is that he was a bad observer, but not more -untruthful than most of the seventeenth century travellers. He does not -say that gold or silver had been seen by him, and limits his hearsay -evidence to a single mine. Except for the extraordinary stuff about -the whetstones,--wherein we may perhaps see something of the _Maypole_ -humor,--it is, for its time, a rather sober and reasonable story.” - -[403] This is the name by which Morton invariably designates John -Endicott. For reasons which have been explained in the preliminary -matter to this edition of the _New Canaan_ (_supra_, pp. 38-42), its -author felt--and, as will be seen, never missed an opportunity to -express--a peculiar bitterness towards Endicott. - -[404] For the notes to this chapter I am indebted to Theodore Lyman, -of the Massachusetts Fish Commission. Higginson, in his _New England’s -Plantation_, has a passage on Fish (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. -248-51), and Williams, in his _Key_, devotes a chapter (xix.) to the -same subject. Wood again, in his _Prospect_ (pp. 27-31), deals with -it in his peculiar manner, and Josselyn, both in his _Voyages_ (pp. -104-15) and in his _Rarities_ (pp. 22-37), devotes a good deal of -space to the enumeration of the different kinds of New England fishes, -their peculiarities, and the methods of taking them. In editing the -_Rarities_, Mr. Tuckerman remarked that he had “little to offer in -elucidation of the list [of fishes], which, indeed, in good part, -appears sufficiently intelligible,”--a remark equally applicable to the -present chapter of the _New Canaan_. - -[405] Portland Harbor. See _supra_, 218, _note_ 1. - -[406] This proves that the _local_ Cod, _i. e._, those that breed close -to the shore, have much decreased; and this partly by over-fishing, and -partly by the falling-off of their food in the form of young fishes -coming to the sea from rivers and brooks. - -[407] This is perhaps the first mention in America of cod-liver oil, -now so much used in medicine. - -[408] The Striped Bass (_Labrax_). The Bass mentioned four paragraphs -below, as chasing mackerel “into the shallow waters,” may perhaps be -the Bluefish (_Temnodon_). - -[409] This is either an expression which has wholly passed out of -use, or else a misprint. Probably the latter. It may, however, also -be surmised that Morton characteristically coined a word from the -Latin, and here meant to refer to the various large fish in New England -waters, such as the Horse Mackerel (_Thynnus secundo dorsalis_), the -Mackerel Shark (_Lamna punctata_), and the common Dogfish (_Acanthias -Americanus_), all of which follow schools of mackerel, bass, &c., into -shoal waters and prey upon them. - -[410] “These Macrills are taken with drailes, which is a long small -line, with a lead and a hooke at the end of it, being baited with -a peece of a red cloath.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 30.) This -instrument still bears the same name and is used in the same way. - -[411] When caught in the Thames, within the jurisdiction of the Lord -Mayor of London, the Sturgeon (_Acipenser_) is a royal fish reserved -for the sovereign. “The Sturgeon is a Regal fish too, I have seen of -them that have been sixteen foot in lenghth.” (Jossel., _Two Voyages_, -p. 105.) - -[412] But little attention has been paid as yet in the United States to -the Sturgeon fisheries, in spite of their great abundance. - -[413] [jieele.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[414] “There be a greate store of Salt water Eeles, especially in such -places where grasse growes: for to take these there be certaine Eele -pots made of Osyers, which must be baited with a peece of Lobster, -into which the Eeles entering cannot returne backe againe; some take -a bushell in a night in this maner, eating as many as they have neede -of for the present, and salt up the rest against Winter. These Eeles -be not of so luscious a tast as they be in England, neither are they -so aguish, but are both wholsom for the body, and delightfull for the -taste.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 30.) - -[415] Morton confounds the Shad (_Alosa præstabilis_), or Allize -(corruption of the French _Alose_), with the smaller Alewife. This, -with the Smelt and the Eel, are among the few shore fishes that are -still found in comparative plenty. The Menhaden is used in our time to -set corn. - -[416] At the present time the Halibut (_Hippoglossus_) is seldom -caught near the shore or in shoal water. It is taken by the Gloucester -fishermen along the outer banks, in depths of a hundred to two hundred -fathoms. The New England Turbot (_Lophopsetta_) of our coasts is a -different fish, and rarely ventures to the north of Cape Cod. The -fishermen frequently sell our turbot as chicken-halibut. - -[417] The Flounder (_Pseudopleuronectes_), whereof there are several -species. - -[418] Hake (_Phycis_) are still somewhat common. - -[419] Morton probably means the Menhaden (_Brevoortia_). The European -Pilchard, the adult of the Sardine, is not found on our coast. - -[420] Probably the Double-crested Cormorant (_Phalacrocorax dilophus_). -The Common Cormorant (_P. carbo_) also occurs in New England, but it -is rare to the southward of Maine. Both species breed abundantly on -rocky shores about the Gulf of St. Lawrence and northward, visiting New -England waters during the autumn and winter. While with us they are -exclusively maritime, frequenting by choice the vicinity of outlying -ledges and small, rocky islands. When passing from place to place, they -often fly in large flocks, which are usually arranged in long lines or -single files. They live on fish, which they capture by diving. - -[421] This paragraph, and the one on clams immediately following -it, throw considerable light on the formation of the shell-heaps, a -question which has been recently much discussed. See the paper of -Professor F. W. Putnam, read at the meeting of the Maine Historical -Society in Portland, in December, 1882, which will appear in the report -of the proceedings of that meeting in the Collections of the Society. - -[422] We, in this country, have not retained the European taste for -mussels and for razor-shells (_Solen_). - -[423] The eating of scallops (_Pecten_) has been revived within a few -years. - -[424] A strong spirit of emulation existed in the early years of -the seventeenth century, between the advocates of New England and -those of Virginia, as sites for colonization. Morton was always a -stanch New Englander, and in this chapter, as well as in those which -immediately precede and follow it, he loses no opportunity to assert -the superiority of the Massachusetts climate and products over those -of the country further south. It is needless to point out that his -advocacy led him into ludicrously wild statements. - -[425] There is no natural spring of any kind at Mount Wollaston, though -water is easily obtained by digging. - -[426] Winnisimmet, the Indian name of Chelsea. Upon the significance -of the name Mr. Trumbull writes: “I have my doubts about Morton’s -Weenasemute, but am inclined to believe that his interpretation is -founded on fact. _Ashim_ (= _asim_, in local dialect) is once used by -Eliot (_Cant._ iv. 12) for ‘fountain.’ It denotes a place from which -water (for drinking) is taken. _Winn’ashim_, or _Winn’asim_, means ‘the -good fountain,’ or spring; and _Winn’asim-ut_ (or _et_) is ‘at the good -spring.’ The efficacy of the water ‘to cure barrenness’ may have been -Morton’s embellishment, but not improbably was an Indian belief.” - -[427] Squantum, in Quincy. - -[428] This is a gross exaggeration. Thomas Wiggin, in November, -1622, wrote: “For the plantation in Mattachusetts, the English there -being about 2000 people, yonge and old.” (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. viii. p. 322.) Writing on May 22, 1634, about the time Morton -referred to (_Supra_, 78), Governor Winthrop says: “For the number -of our people, we never took any surveigh of them, nor doe we intend -it, except inforced throughe urgent occasion (David’s example stickes -somewhat with us) but I esteeme them to be in all about 4000: soules -and upwarde.” (_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, Dec. 14, 1882.) So in the -_New England’s Prospect_ (p. 42), Wood speaks of the population of -Massachusetts as “foure thousand soules.” In the spring of 1634 there -may have been five hundred persons in the Plymouth colony, and as many -more in New Hampshire and Maine, making a total New England population -of five thousand at the time Morton was writing. When the _New Canaan_ -was published, however, in 1637, the population undoubtedly was as -large as 12,000. - -[429] _Supra_, 187, _note_ 4. - -[430] This astounding proposition was in the early days of the -settlement not peculiar to Morton. Higginson, in his _New Englands -Plantation_, speaks of the “extraordinary clear and dry air, that is -of a most healing nature to all such as are of a cold, melancholy, -phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body,” and concludes what he has to -say on the subject with his often-quoted sentiment that “a sup of -New-England’s air is better than a whole draught of Old England’s -ale.” (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. 251-2.) Williams, too, says -in his _Key_ (ch. xiii.): “The _Nor-West_ wind (which occasioneth -_New-England_ cold) comes over the cold frozen Land, and over many -millions of Loads of Snow: and yet the pure wholesomnesse of the Aire -is wonderfull, and the warmth of the Sunne, such in the sharpest -weather, that I have often seen the Natives Children runne about starke -naked in the coldest dayes.” Again, in the pamphlet entitled _New -England’s First Fruits_, printed in London in 1643, it was stated, -in reply to the objection of extreme winter cold, that “the cold -there is no impediment to health, but very wholsome for our bodies, -insomuch that all sorts generally, weake and strong, had scarce ever -such measure of health in all their lives as there.... Men are seldome -troubled in winter with coughes and Rheumes.” (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. i. p. 249.) Josselyn, however, writing nearly thirty years later, -remarks: “Some of our _New-England_ writers affirm that the _English_ -are never, or very rarely, heard to sneeze or cough, as ordinarily they -do in _England_, which is not true.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 184.) - -[431] _Supra_, 201, _note_ 2. - -[432] _Supra_, *17. - -[433] Wood in his _Prospect_ (p. 2), referring to the approach to -Boston Bay from Cape Anne, had said: “The surrounding shore being high, -and showing many white Cliffes, in a most pleasant prospect.” - -[434] The Second Book of the _New Canaan_, it would seem, originally -ended with this chapter. The next chapter was an afterthought of the -author, written before December, 1635, as is evident from the allusions -in it to events then taking place. (_Supra_, 78.) Wood’s _Prospect_ was -published in 1634, and the constant references to it in the first two -books of the _New Canaan_ show that they were both written subsequent -to its publication, probably during that year. In the Third Book there -are no allusions to the _Prospect_, and the reference to the Third -Book in the Second (_Supra_, *51), to which attention has already been -called, show that it must have been written before the others, and -probably during the year 1633. It would seem to have been completed in -May, 1634. There is, however, also a reference to be found in the Third -Book to the Second (_Infra_, *120), but it was probably interpolated -during a revisal of the manuscript. - -[435] Now Lake Champlain. “By the Indians north of the St. Lawrence -and the Lakes, it was called the Lake of the Iroquois, as likewise the -River Richelieu, connecting it and the River St. Lawrence, they called -the River of the Iroquois. Champlain discovered the lake in 1609, and -gave it his own name. (_Voyages_, Prince Soc. ed., vol. ii. pp. 210-20; -Parkman’s _Pioneers of France_, p. 316.) On some of the early maps it -is put down ‘Lake Champlain or Irocoise.’ It is so called in Purchas’s -_Pilgrims_ (vol. iv. p. 1643). The region about the lake was sometimes -called Irocosia. The Iroquois lived on the south of the lake, and, as -their enemies on the north approached them through this lake, they -naturally called it the Lake of the Iroquois.” (_MS. letter of Rev. E. -F. Slafter._) - -[436] The measurement and distance here given are very nearly correct. -Lake Champlain is 126 miles long by about 14 in width at its broadest -part. Burlington is not far from 240 miles from Boston. - -[437] In regard to the imaginary attractions and advantages of Laconia -and its great lake, see Belknap’s _American Biography_, vol. i. p. 377. - -[438] The two brothers, William and Emery de Caen, became prominent -in the history of Canadian settlement in 1621, and remained so for a -number of years. They did not, however, plant a colony of French in -America, nor was the name of Canada, or of its famous river, derived -from their name. On this point see Parkman’s _Pioneers of France_, -pp. 184, _note_, and 391-5. Morton’s derivation of the name Canada -is entitled to much the same weight as his derivation of the names -Pantucket and Mattapan. (_Supra_, 124.) It was not, however, peculiar -to him as, forty years later, Josselyn also speaks (_Rarities_, p. 5) -of “the River _Canada_, (so called from Monsieur _Cane_).” - -[439] On the breaking out of the war between England and France -in 1627, under the influence of Buckingham, Sir William Alexander -had been instrumental in organizing an expedition to seize the -French possessions in America. At its head were three Huguenots of -Dieppe,--David, Louis and Thomas Kirk, brothers. The expedition was -successful, and on the 20th of July, 1629, Champlain surrendered Quebec -to Louis Kirk. Daniel Kirk, the admiral of the expedition, returned to -England in November of the same year; but his brother Thomas remained -in Canada and held Quebec as an English conquest until July, 1632, -when, in accordance with the conditions of the peace of April 14, 1629, -it was restored to France. See Kirke’s _First English Conquest of -Canada_, pp. 63-93; Parkman’s _Pioneers of France_, pp. 401-11; also -Mr. Deane’s note in _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._ for 1875-6, pp. 376-7. - -[440] The number of beaver-skins really carried to England by Kirk was -seven thousand. (Kirke’s _First English Conquest of Canada_, p. 85.) - -[441] It is unnecessary to say that Morton was here writing at random. -He confounds the Potomac with the Hudson, though, a few paragraphs -further on (_Infra_, *99), he states the facts in regard to the latter -river correctly; and the latitude he gives has no significance, being -that of Poughkeepsie, on the Hudson, and Cleveland, on Lake Erie. The -Potomac nowhere flows so far north as 40°. The falls referred to are -probably those of Niagara. They had not then been discovered (Parkman’s -_Jesuits in North America_, p. 142), though vague reports concerning -them had reached the French through the Indians, and they are plainly -indicated on Champlain’s map of 1629. (_Voyages_, Prince Soc. ed., -vol. i. p. 271, _note_.) Some loose stories in regard to the rivers, -falls, lakes and islands of the interior had been picked up by Morton, -probably in his talks with seamen and others who had taken part in -Kirk’s expedition. He certainly fell in with these in London, and it -is more than likely that at the house of Gorges he saw Champlain’s -map of 1629; though upon that the falls are placed at 43-1/2 degrees -of latitude, instead of at 41-1/2. In 1634 there was no other map. On -the strength of the information thus gathered, he made the statements -contained in this chapter. The little he knew had been obtained in -England, after his return there in 1631; for the Massachusetts Indians -can hardly have known much of the remote interior, and in 1630 no -attempts even at exploration away from the seashore had been made by -the straggling occupants of the New England coast. - -[442] The stories here referred to probably came from the Indians of -Connecticut and Maine, and referred to the rivers and lakes of New -England, but were afterwards supposed to have had a wider significance. - -[443] Williams (_Key_, 64) gives _Macháug_ as the Indian word for _No_, -but it really signifies _no-thing_ (_Key_, 182). _Matta_, as Morton -gives it, is the simple negative. - -[444] Henry Josselyn was a brother of John Josselyn, author of _New -Englands Rarities_ and the _Two Voyages to New England_, frequently -quoted in the notes to this edition of the _New Canaan_. He came out -from England in the interest of Mason, as stated in the text, in 1634, -and passed the remainder of his life in Maine, living at Black Point -in the town of Scarborough. He died in 1683. He was deputy-governor of -the province, and one of the most active and influential men in it, -holding, through all changes of proprietorship and government, the -most important offices. See Mr. Tuckerman’s Introduction to the _New -Englands Rarities_; _Hist. of Cumberland County, Maine_, p. 362. - -[445] Of Captain John Mason of New Hampshire and the Laconia -enterprise, it is not necessary to speak at length in this connection. -Mason was the most prominent character in the early history of New -Hampshire, and the loss which his death, in December 1635, entailed -on the projects of Gorges and Morton has already been referred to -(_Supra_, 76). The late Charles W. Tuttle, of Boston was at the -time of his death engaged in preparing a life of Mason, which would -unquestionably have been a valuable addition to the history of the -settlement of New England. The material he had collected is now in the -possession of his family. In regard to the Laconia Company and its -projects, see Belknap’s _American Biography_, under the title _Gorges_, -and Mr. Deane’s note in the _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1875-6, pp. -376-80. - -[446] Wood’s statement here referred to is found on the first page of -the _Prospect_, and is as follows: “The Place whereon the _English_ -have built their Colonies, is judged by those who have best skill in -discovery, either to bee an Island, surrounded on the North side with -the spacious River _Cannada_, and on the South with _Hudsons_ River, or -else a _Peninsula_, these two Rivers overlapping one another, having -their rise from the great Lakes which are not farre off one another, as -the _Indians_ doe certainly informe us.” - -[447] In 1631 no less than 15,174 skins, the greater portion beaver, -were exported from the New Netherlands, valued at about £12,000. -(O’Callaghan’s _New Netherland_, p. 139.) - -[448] The Nipmucks, or Nipnets, inhabited the present county of -Worcester. (_Hist. of Worcester County_, vol. i. p. 8.) - -[449] This is a confused, rambling account of the familiar Indian -incidents which took place during the first year after the landing at -Plymouth. There is nothing of historical value in it, and nothing which -has not been more accurately and better told by Bradford, Winslow, -Mourt and Smith. - -[450] Captain Thomas Hunt, who commanded one of the vessels of Smith’s -squadron, in his voyage of 1614. (Bradford, p. 95.) - -[451] Morton, in this chapter, confounds Samoset with Squanto. It was -Squanto who was kidnapped by Hunt and had been in England, but it was -Samoset who walked into the Plymouth settlement, on the 26th of March -[N. S.], 1621, and saluted the planters with “wellcome in the English -phrase.” Squanto was a native of Plymouth, but Samoset belonged at -Pemaquid, in Maine. (Mourt, Dexter’s ed., _note_ 295, p. 83.) Hence -Morton speaks of his having been detained by Massasoit as a captive. He -apparently came to Massachusetts the year before on Captain Dermer’s -vessel, in company with Squanto. Dr. Dexter is seriously in error in -his account of Squanto in _note_ 315 of his edition of Mourt. Squanto -could not have been one of the Weymouth captives of 1605. - -[452] This is the familiar anecdote of Squanto. (Bradford, p. 113; -Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 292.) - -[453] See _supra_, 133, _note_. - -[454] The most connected account of Thomas Weston and his abortive -plantation at Wessagusset, already referred to (_Supra_, 2), is -that contained in Adams’s _Address on the 250th Anniversary of the -Settlement of Weymouth_, pp. 5-22. Winslow in Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, Bradford, and Phinehas Pratt (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. -iv.) are the original authorities. - -[455] This is a wholly confused and misleading account of the skirmish -which took place between the Plymouth party, under command of Miles -Standish, and the Massachusetts Indians living near Wessagusset, -immediately after the killing of Pecksuot and Wituwamat, in March, -1623. The correct account of the affair is in Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 341. Why Morton speaks of it as a battle between the English -and the French is inexplicable. - -[456] See _supra_, pp. 11, 162, 170. The Plymouth people may have -despoiled the grave of Chickatawbut’s mother of its bear-skins during -some one of their earlier visits to Boston Bay. Their last visit to -those parts, prior to the “battle” spoken of in this chapter, was -in November, 1622 (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._ p. 302), when they got -little in the way of supplies, and heard nothing but complaints from -the Indians of Weston’s people, who had then been several months at -Wessagusset. It is far more probable that these latter stripped the -grave at Passonagessit. In any event there can be little doubt that -Morton himself had visited the spot while taking his “survey of the -country” during the previous summer (_Supra_, 6), and it is quite clear -that the despoiling the grave had no connection with the subsequent -“battle,” in which Chickatawbut took no part. - -[457] “Insomuch as our men could have but one certain mark, and then -but the arm and half face of a notable villain, as he drew [his bow] at -Captain Standish; who, together with another both discharged at once at -him, and brake his arm.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 341.) - -[458] This is the famous Wessagusset hanging which Butler introduced -into his poem of _Hudibras_ (Canto II. lines 409-36), in the passage -already referred to (_Supra_, 96). It is as follows:-- - - “Our Brethren of New-England use - Choice malefactors to excuse, - And hang the Guiltless in their stead, - Of whom the Churches have less need; - As lately ’t happen’d: In a town - There liv’d a Cobler, and but one, - That out of Doctrine could cut Use, - And mend men’s lives as well as shoes. - This precious Brother having slain, - In times of peace an Indian, - (Not out of malice, but mere zeal, - Because he was an Infidel), - The mighty Tottipottymoy - Sent to our Elders an envoy, - Complaining sorely of the breach - Of league held forth by Brother Patch, - Against the articles in force - Between both churches, his and ours, - For which he craved the Saints to render - Into his hands, or hang th’ offender; - But they maturely having weigh’d - They had no more but him o’ th’ trade, - (A man that served them in a double - Capacity, to teach and cobble), - Resolv’d to spare him; yet to do - The Indian Hoghan Moghan too - Impartial justice, in his stead did - Hang an old Weaver that was bed rid.” - -That a man was hung at Wessagusset, in March 1623, for stealing corn -from the Indians, there can be no doubt. There is equally little -doubt that it was the real thief who was hung. (Pratt’s _Relation_, -IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. p. 491; Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, -p. 332; Bradford, p. 130.) I have already (_Supra_, 96) given my own -theory as to how the incident came to take the shape it did in Butler’s -poem. He wrote, I think, from a vague recollection of an amusing -traveller’s-story, which he had heard told somewhere years before. -There is no reason to suppose that he had ever seen the _New Canaan_. - -It has always been assumed that Butler’s version of the affair,--the -vicarious execution version,--coming out as it did in 1664, at a period -of violent reaction against Puritanism, and when the New England -colonies were in extreme popular disfavor,--obtained a foothold in -English popular tradition; much such a foothold, in fact, as the -Connecticut Blue Laws. It was an intangible something, always at -hand to be cast as a mocking reproach in the face of a sanctimonious -community. As such it was sure to be resented and disproved; but never -by any disproof could it be exorcised from the popular mind, or finally -set at rest. This may have been the case, and the references to the -matter in Hutchinson (vol. i. p. 6, _note_), in Hubbard (p. 77), and in -Grahame (Ed. 1845, vol. i. p. 202, _note_), certainly look that way. -I do not remember, however, to have myself ever met this particular -charge among the many and singular charges, much more absurd, which -English writers have from time to time gravely advanced against -America. In Uring’s _Voyages_ (p. 116-8) there is a singular account of -a similar vicarious execution, which never could have met the eye of -the author of _Hudibras_, inasmuch as it was not published until 1726; -but it shows that either some such event did take place, or that its -having taken place was at one period a stock traveller’s-tale. - -[459] Three of Weston’s company were among the Massachusetts Indians -at the time of the Wessagusset killing; one of the three had -before domesticated himself with them; the other two, disregarding -Standish’s orders, had straggled off, the day before the massacre, -to a neighboring Indian village. After the massacre the savages put -all three to death by torture. (Pratt’s _Narrative_, IV. _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, vol. iv. p. 486; Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 344.) - -[460] Will Sommers was the famous jester and court fool of Henry VIII. -His witticisms are frequently met with in the plays and annals of the -period; and the portrait, said to be by Holbein and of him, looking -through a window and tapping on the glass, was formerly a prominent -feature in the gallery at Hampton Court. It is very questionable, -however, whether the story alluded to in the text belongs to Sommers. -He had been dead eighty years or more when Morton wrote, and the -stories connected with him had been gotten together by Armin, and -printed in his _Nest of Ninnies_, in 1608. This book Morton had -probably seen. In it there is a story of another famous fool, Jack -Oates, of an earlier period, which is probably the one Morton had in -mind. Oates is represented as giving an earl, the guest of his patron, -Sir William Hollis, “a sound box on the ear,” for saluting Lady Hollis, -and then excused himself on the ground of “knowing not your eare from -your hand, being so like one another.” (Doran’s _Court Fools_, p. -182.) Remembering this story in the _Nest of Ninnies_, Morton, with -his well-developed faculty for getting everything wrong, seems to have -fathered it on the most famous and popular of the occupants of the -_Nest_. - -[461] For the detailed account of the Wessagusset killing, see -Winslow’s _Relation_ in Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 336-41; Adams’s -_250th Anniversary of Weymouth_, pp. 18-22. - -[462] Mr. Trumbull, in a note (125) to Williams’s _Key_ (p. 59). -explains a blunder here made by Morton. The correct word is -_wotawquenauge_, which means “coat-men,” or men wearing clothes, the -_waútacone-nûaog_ of Williams. This, Morton confounded with another -name for Englishmen, _chauquaqock_, meaning, “knife- [_i. e._, sword-] -men,” which he understood to mean “cut-throats.” - -[463] Weston, in 1622, got into serious trouble with the English -government, in regard to some ordnance and military stores, which he -had obtained a license to send to New England, and had then sold to -the French, with whom the English were at war. (Bradford, p. 150.) -He seems to have been in hiding in consequence of this transaction; -and early in 1623 went on board of one of the fishing-vessels in the -disguise of a blacksmith, and came out in her to the stations on the -Maine coast. There he must have learned of the extreme straits, if not -of the abandonment, of his plantation at Wessagusset, and he set out, -with a companion or two, in an open boat, for Massachusetts Bay. He was -wrecked near the mouth of the Merrimac, and barely escaped with his -life. The savages there stripped him to his shirt, and in this plight -he reached Thomson’s plantation at Piscataqua. Thence he found his way -to Plymouth, arriving there, not as Morton says, “with supply and means -to have raised [his company’s] fortunes,” but in absolute destitution. -Bradford’s account of his reception and of what ensued (pp. 133-4, -149-53) is very different from that given in the text; and, it is -hardly necessary to add, reads much more like the truth. - -[464] _Supra_, 14. - -[465] The incident here alluded to was the seizure of the _Swan_, -under a warrant issued by Captain Robert Gorges, acting as Lieutenant -of the Council for New England, in November, 1623. The _Swan_ was a -small vessel of 30 tons measurement, which Weston had sent out with -his expedition, in 1622. His plan was, when the larger vessel--the -_Charity_, in which his company went out--returned to England, -to have the _Swan_ remain in New England, to be used for trading -purposes. Accordingly, all through the winter of 1622-3, it had been -at Wessagusset, except when employed by the people there in obtaining -supplies in connection with the Plymouth people. When, in March, 1623, -Wessagusset was abandoned, the company went in the _Swan_ to the Maine -fishing-stations. Here Weston found the vessel in the course of the -following summer, and recovered possession of her. He then began to -trade along the coast. Meanwhile, in September, Captain Robert Gorges -arrived, and immediately set out to look for Weston, in order to -call him to account for the ordnance transactions referred to in the -preceding note, and also for the disorderly conduct of his people at -Wessagusset during the previous winter. Starting for the eastward, -he was driven into Plymouth Harbor by heavy weather, and while he -was lying there the _Swan_ made its appearance with Weston on board. -Bradford’s account of what ensued, including the seizure of the vessel, -differs _toto cœlo_ from that in the text. He says that Captain Robert -Gorges, acting as governor-general under his commission from the -Council for New England, at once organized a sort of a court,--he, -Bradford, acting as an assistant in it,--and proceeded to arraign and -try Weston. As a result of the whole proceedings Gorges threatened to -send Weston under arrest back to England. Through the intercession of -Bradford, however, he was mollified, and finally Weston was released -on his own promise to appear when called for. Gorges then went to -Wessagusset, leaving Weston with the _Swan_ at Plymouth. After a time -Gorges seems to have concluded that it would be very convenient for him -to have control of the _Swan_, at any rate for that winter. Accordingly -he sent a warrant to Plymouth for its seizure and the arrest of -Weston. Bradford, not liking this proceeding, took some exception to -the warrant, and refused to allow it to be served. At the same time -it was intimated to Weston that he had better take himself and his -vessel off. This he would not do. Apparently his crew was mutinous and -unruly, their wages being long in arrears, and the _Swan_ destitute of -supplies. He seems to have looked upon arrest and seizure as the best -way out of his difficulties. Presently a new warrant came from Gorges, -and both vessel and prisoner were removed to Wessagusset. This was -in November. There they passed the winter of 1623-4. Towards spring -Gorges went in the _Swan_ to the eastward, Weston accompanying him, -apparently as a pilot. The tidings received there led the disappointed -young Lieutenant of the Council to decide on immediately returning -to England. Accordingly he came back to Wessagusset, and thence went -probably to the fishing-stations, very possibly in the _Swan_. Before -leaving he effected some sort of a settlement with Weston,--Bradford -intimates much to the advantage of the latter,--who was released -from arrest, had his vessel restored to him, and was compensated -for whatever loss he had sustained. Weston thereupon reappeared at -Plymouth, and thence went to Virginia. He seems to have traded along -the coast for some years, but finally drifted back to England, where in -1645 he died, at Bristol, of the plague. (Bradford, pp. 140-53. Young’s -_Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 296-8, 302.) - -[466] This chapter relates to incidents of no apparent consequence, -and of which there is no other record. It is not easy even to fix the -time at which they occurred, and it would seem as if Morton, in his -rambling, incoherent way, had confused the events of one year with -those of another. The only time when “35 stout knaves” were landed, -at all in the way described, at Plymouth, was in July, 1622, when the -_Charity_ brought in there Weston’s company. Yet Morton speaks of there -then being “three cows” at Plymouth, which would indicate that Morton’s -arrival, referred to in the text, was not in July 1622, but at some -time subsequent to the spring of 1624, when Winslow brought over “three -heifers and a bull, the first beginning of any cattle of that kind in -the land.” (Bradford, p. 158.) Yet Weston, again, had no “barque” at -Plymouth after 1623. The chapter seems to have been introduced simply -for the purpose of working on the church prejudices of Laud against -the Puritans. (See _supra_, 93-4.) There is in it a combination of -“the booke of common prayer” and “claret sparklinge neate,” which is -suggestive of the _Book of Sports_ as well as of “the Word of God.” - -[467] Bradford, p. 158. - -[468] Facilis descensus Averno. _Æneid_, vi. 127. - -[469] A _killock_ is a small anchor. The phrase in the text means that -the wind caused the boat to drag her anchor, and she went ashore and -was stove in. - -[470] The episode of Lyford and Oldham, in the history of the Plymouth -plantation, is told in detail by Bradford. The account in the text -differs from Bradford’s account only in that it is the other side of -the story. (See Bradford, pp. 172-88.) - -[471] See _infra_, 324, _note_. Though Lyford frequently exercised in -the Plymouth church, as an elsewhere ordained brother, he was never -installed as its pastor. When admitted to it, Bradford says he made -“a large confession,” saying, among other things, “that he held not -himself a minister till he had a new calling.” (Bradford, pp. 181, 185, -188.) - -[472] _Supra_, 24. - -[473] This chapter and Chapter XIII. (pp. 273-6) relate to the same -matter. It is impossible to venture a surmise even as to their meaning. -It would seem clear that they have no historical value, but relate -rather to some humorous incident--having the full seventeenth-century -flavor of coarseness--which occurred in the settlement of Boston -Bay. Apparently, judging by the expressions, “this goodly creature -of incontinency” (_Infra_, *129), “that had tried a camp royal in -other parts” (*121), some English prostitute found her way out to -Mount Wollaston, in company with one of the adventurers there, and -subsequently went on to Virginia. She may have come with Wollaston, and -been left in Boston Bay when her companion went to Virginia, and then -followed him, giving birth to a child on the way. This would explain -the allusion to Phyllis and Demophoön subsequently made (p. *129). It -is, however, a mere surmise on a subject not worth puzzling over. - -[474] It does not need to be said that this is one of Morton’s -preposterous statements. As the settlement of Virginia dated from 1607, -the twenty-seven years he speaks of was equivalent to saying, “up to -the time at which he was writing,” viz. 1634. Virginia was then not -only a much older settlement, but it had a population largely in excess -of that of New England. - -[475] _Supra_, 229, _note_ 3. - -[476] This chapter and Chapter XII. are, historically speaking, as -inexplicable as Chapters IX. and XIII. There is nothing in any of -the contemporaneous records to indicate who is referred to under the -pseudonym of Bubble. - -[477] One of the smallest of the islands in Boston Bay, still called -by the same name. It lies off Mount Wollaston, and a mile or so away, -and between it and Pettuck’s Island. (See Shurtleff’s _Description of -Boston_, p. 360.) - -[478] [view] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[479] Nipnet, or Worcester County; see _supra_, 240, _note_. - -[480] [present] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[481] Squanto is apparently referred to here. (_Supra_, 244, _note_ -2.) There is no incident in Squanto’s life--of which there is a quite -detailed account to be gathered from the early Plymouth records--which -is suggestive of the events described in the text. - -[482] The first part of _Don Quixote_ was published in 1605, and the -second part in 1615. It was first translated into English by Thomas -Skelton, in 1612-20. - -[483] The reference here is to the story of Demophoön and Phyllis, -told by Ovid (_Heroides_, II.) Demophoön, son of Theseus and Phædra, -accompanied the Greeks to Troy; and on his return, Phyllis, the -daughter of the Thracian king Sithon, fell in love with him, and he -consented to marry her. But before the nuptials were celebrated, he -went to Attica to settle his affairs at home, and as he tarried longer -than Phyllis had expected, she began to think that she was forgotten, -and put an end to her life. She was metamorphosed into a tree. (See -Smith’s _Dictionary_, title _Demophoön_.) - -[484] _Supra_, 17-19. - -[485] _Supra_, 14, _note_ 4. - -[486] John Scogan was the famous court buffoon, attached to the -household of Edward IV., whose head Justice Shallow makes the youthful -Falstaff break at the court gate (_Henry IV._ Part II. act iii. sc. 2), -though Falstaff is represented as having died at least twenty years -before Scogan could have been born. In regard to him, see Doran’s -_Court Fools_, pp. 123-30. “Scogan’s choice,” in Morton’s day, seems to -have been a popular expression, signifying that a choice of some sort -is better than no power to choose at all. It was derived probably from -the story of Scogan, that he was once ordered to be hanged, but allowed -the privilege of choosing the tree. He escaped the penalty by being -unable to find a tree to his liking. Morton uses the expression again, -see _infra_, *137. But the reference here is as obscure as “the poem.” - -[487] _Infra_, 348, _note_. - -[488] _Supra_, 278, _note_ 1. - -[489] “Ye Roman Goddes Flora.” (Bradford, p. 237.) - -[490] In regard to the arrest of Morton by Standish, in June, 1628, see -_supra_, 27-9. - -[491] See _infra_, 291, _note_. - -[492] Morton here confounds his experience in Boston, two years later, -with that at Plymouth in 1628. In 1630 the master of the _Gift_ refused -to carry him back to England. (_Supra_, 44.) In the spring of 1628, -however, no vessel seems to have arrived at Plymouth from England, -as Allerton then brought over an assortment of goods, and came in -a fishing-vessel by way of the Maine stations. (Bradford, p. 232.) -Allerton returned to London in the course of the succeeding summer or -autumn, but it is not probable then any vessel left Plymouth in June, -1628, bound for England. (_Supra_, 29.) - -[493] It was not until towards the close of the summer of the next -year that Morton returned to Massachusetts in company with Allerton. -(_Supra_, 36-7.) - -[494] Morton implies above that the “Poem” which follows was written -shortly after the events to which it relates occurred, and before his -return to New England in 1629. It was then, it seems, “in use” in -London. The name of Ben Jonson appears in the margin of the original -edition, as of this reprint, and opposite the first two lines, as -above. Exactly what this signifies it is impossible now to say. Some -critics that I have consulted are inclined to think that Jonson, who -was then about fifty-five years old and at the height of his fame, may -have written all the verses. Others suggest that Morton, by putting -the name in the margin, meant to imply that Jonson wrote them all, -and that this was another of the unscrupulous tricks of the author of -the _New Canaan_. Neither explanation commends itself to my judgment. -The first five verified lines are a paraphrase of five lines at the -beginning of one of Jonson’s productions, for a poem it is not. In his -published works (Gifford’s ed. [1816], vol. viii. p. 241) they appear -as follows:-- - - “I sing the brave adventure of two wights, - And pity ’tis, I cannot call them knights: - One was; and he for brawn and brain right able - To have been styled of king Arthur’s table. - The other was a squire, of fair degree.” - -With the last of the foregoing lines the paraphrase stops, and the -rest of the verses in the _New Canaan_ are, it must in justice be -said, not only more cleanly, but in other respects superior to those -to be found in Jonson’s works. Indeed, where the latter are not -unintelligible, they are almost unequalled for the nastiness in which -the writer seems to revel. Gifford not too strongly remarks of them, -“I dislike the subject.” Morton, it appears to me, abandoning, at -the sixth line, the paraphrase with which he began, went on with a -production of his own, but very properly put Jonson’s name opposite the -lines he borrowed from him. The remainder is in his own style, and not -inferior to the mass of the contemporary verse. He himself explains -it. The “nine worthy wights” are Standish and his party, who were sent -to arrest him. The “prodigeous birth,” was the establishment of the -Mount Wollaston plantation. The “seven heads” were the seven persons -composing the company at Mount Wollaston at the time of the arrest. The -“forked tail” was the Maypole, with its antlered top. The fear that -the Hydra of Ma-re Mount would devour “all their best flocks” refers -to the apprehended competition in the fur trade. The “Soll in Cancer” -indicates the season; the “thundering Jove” the storm, in which Morton -made his escape from his captors at Wessagusset. The arrest at Mount -Wollaston is passed over very lightly. Then follows the discussion -among the magistrates at Plymouth, as to the disposition to be made of -the prisoner. Standish would seem to be designated under the name of -Minos. He recommends death. Eacus is more difficult to identify. In the -preceding chapter (_Supra_, 288), Morton speaks of him as being the one -whose “voice was more allowed of then both the others.” My supposition -is that, by Eacus, Morton meant Dr. Samuel Fuller, who then apparently -(Bradford, pp. 264, _note_, 306, _note_) stood, next to Standish, -at the head of the assistants. Morton says that he “confounded all -the arguments that Eacus could make;” and he afterwards, in the _New -Canaan_, refers to Fuller with peculiar bitterness. (_Infra_, 298.) -“Sterne Radamant” is clearly Bradford, “the cheif Elder.” The remainder -of the poem calls for no explanation; and the whole of it is much less -unintelligible than is usual with Morton. - -[495] [what] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[496] “Brave Christmas gambols” were, it may be remarked, not greatly -in vogue in the Plymouth of 1628. (See Bradford, p. 112.) - -[497] _Supra_, 163, _note_ 1. - -[498] The personage referred to, in this amusing but extremely -scurrilous chapter, is Dr. Samuel Fuller. There is a notice of Dr. -Fuller in Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._ (p. 222, _note_), and in Eliot’s -_Biog. Dict._ He was one of those who came over in the _Mayflower_; -but that he was born in the County of Somerset, and bred a butcher, -appears only from the statement in the text. At Plymouth, besides -being the physician of the colony, he was a magistrate and a deacon of -the church. He died there, of an infectious fever, in 1633, and his -best possible epitaph is read in Bradford (p. 314): “A man godly, and -forward to do good, being much missed after his death.” - -[499] _Infra_, 345, _note_. - -[500] Paul’s Walk, as the central nave of old St. Paul’s was called, -was in the reign of Charles I. much what a business arcade is now. -There is a vivid description of it, with extracts from writers of the -time, in W. H. Ainsworth’s romance, _Old St. Paul’s_ (B. II. ch. 7). -See also, Gardiner’s _Charles I._ (vol. ii. p. 11). - -[501] The visit of Dr. Fuller to Salem, referred to in the text, may -have taken place in 1628. Though he was also there in 1629; and again -in 1630, when he likewise visited Charlestown. (Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 222, _note_.) - -[502] This description of the usual effect of sea-sickness I take to be -peculiar to Morton. - -[503] Endicott’s first wife was Anna Gover, a cousin of Governor -Cradock. Little is known of her. She came to New England with her -husband, and died during the very early days of the settlement, as -she seems to have been in failing health in September, 1628. Endicott -was married to his second wife August 18, 1630; on the 17th of the -following month he sat among the magistrates at Boston in judgment upon -the author of the _New Canaan_, who had been “sent for” just five days -after the marriage, which seems to have taken place at Charlestown. -(Winthrop, vol. i. p. *30; Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. 131, 292; -_Supra_, 43-4.) - -[504] This was the case of Roger Clerk, of Wandsworth, attached in the -chamber of the Guildhall of London, before the mayor and aldermen, on -the 13th of May, 1382, on a plea of deceit and falsehood as to Roger -atte Hacche. The record is to be found in Riley’s _Memorials of London -and London Life_ (pp. 464-6), and is very curious as illustrating -English manners in the time of Richard II. Morton’s reference would -indicate that the case had then been handed down as a tradition for two -hundred and fifty years. It seems that Clerk gave Hacche a bit of old -parchment, rolled up in “a piece of cloth of gold,” asserting that it -was very good for the ailments with which his wife was afflicted. Upon -being arraigned, Clerk contended that upon the parchment was written -“a good charm for fevers.” Upon examination, no word of the alleged -charm was found in the paper. The court then told the prisoner “that -a straw beneath his foot would be of just as much avail for fevers, -as this charm of his was; whereupon, he fully granted that it would -be so. And because that the same Roger Clerk was in no way a literate -man, and seeing that on the examinations aforesaid, (as well as others -afterwards made,) he was found to be an infidel, and altogether -ignorant of the art of physic or of surgery; and to the end that the -people might not be deceived and aggrieved by such ignorant persons -etc.; it was adjudged that the same Roger Clerk should be led through -the middle of the City, with trumpets and pipes, he riding on a horse -without a saddle, the said parchment and a whetstone, for his lies, -being hung about his neck, an urinal also being hung before him, and -another urinal on his back.” - -The punishment of the “pillory and the whetstone,” as it was called, -was that ordinarily imposed on those telling falsehoods. In another -case in the same volume (p. 316) it is thus given in detail: “The said -John shall come out of Newgate without hood or girdle, barefoot and -unshod, with a whetstone hung by a chain from his neck, and lying on -his breast, it being marked with the words,--‘A false liar;’ and there -shall be a pair of trumpets trumpeting before him on his way to the -pillory.” - -[505] The person referred to in this chapter was probably the Rev. -Francis Bright, of whom very little is known. He was one of the three -ministers sent over by the Massachusetts Company in 1629, Higginson -and Skelton being the other two. In June of that year, when Graves -and the Spragues were sent by Endicott to effect a settlement at -Charlestown, Bright accompanied them as “minister to the Company’s -servants.” (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. 316, 376.) As such, he was -the Caiaphas, or high-priest, of that region, and it naturally devolved -on him to “exercise his guifts on the Lords day at Weenasimute.” Morton -further says that the person he refers to had been a silenced minister -in England. That Bright had been silenced is not known, but both -Skelton and Higginson had been (_Magnalia_, B. I. ch. iv. § 4; Neal’s -_Hist. of Puritans_, vol. ii. p. 229); and, though Hubbard intimates -that Bright was a conformist (p. 113), yet, in the Company’s letter to -Endicott, the three ministers are stated to have “declared themselves -to us to be of one judgment, and to be fully agreed on the manner how -to exercise their ministry.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 160.) -Winthrop, Morton adds, “spied out Caiphas practise; and he must be -packing.” Bright returned to England shortly after Winthrop’s arrival. -Johnson says (_Wonder-working Providence_, p. 20) that he “betooke him -to the Seas againe,” when he saw that “all sorts of stones would not -fit in the building.” - -Samuel Skelton is referred to by Morton a few pages further on -(_Infra_, 306) as “Pastor Master Eager,” which name may be taken to -imply “covetousness” in him. But, though Skelton might be termed the -“Caiphas” of the country, he was not silenced by Winthrop. He can, -therefore, hardly be the person here aimed at. - -[506] [courteousnesse] See _supra_, 111, _n._ 1. - -[507] _Supra_, 229, _note_ 3, and 300, _note_ 1. - -[508] Iosua Temperwell. Under this name Morton always designates -Governor John Winthrop. - -[509] Caiaphas was the high-priest of the Jews; Jonas, or Jonah, was -the first Hebrew prophet sent to a heathen nation. The propriety of -these two Biblical allusions in this connection is, therefore, apparent -enough. The allusion to Demas is more obscure, as he is only mentioned -by Paul as a fellow-disciple who had forsaken him, “having loved this -present world, and is departed unto Thessalonica.” (II. _Timothy_ iv. -10.) - -[510] _Supra_, *144, *151. - -[511] _Supra_, 30. - -[512] _Supra_, 35. - -[513] _Supra_, 37. - -[514] By this name Morton designates Matthew Cradock, the first -Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Company, though he never came to -America. Cradock was a wealthy London merchant, and as such subscribed -largely to the funds of the company. In regard to him, see Dr. Young’s -note in _Chron. of Mass._ (p. 137). - -[515] It is not clear who Morton may have intended to designate by -this name. John Washburne was the secretary and “collector for the -company” at the time Endicott was sent over, but of him nothing is -known. (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 55.) It would seem more probable -that Increase Nowell was the person Morton had in mind. Nowell was one -of the original patentees, contributing money to forward the purposes -of the company, serving on committees, &c. (_Ib._ p. 262.) He came -to New England with Winthrop, and was among the magistrates who were -present at the trial of Morton in September, 1630. (_Records_, vol. i. -pp. 73, 75.) He was the first ruling-elder of the Charlestown church. -He is described as having been “a worthy pious man” (Eliot); and if he -was the person intended by Morton,--which is not at all clear,--the -propriety of calling him Ananias, if it rests on anything, is not -apparent from the record. - -[516] The “covered case,” in which Governor Winthrop is supposed to -have brought over the charter of 1629, is still to be seen in the -office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth at the State House in -Boston; and that in which Endicott brought over the patent of 1628 -was, it may be inferred from the text, similar in appearance. It very -much resembles the case for “some instrument of musick,” being a flat, -narrow box, 2 feet 10 inches long, by 3-1/2 inches wide and 3 inches -deep. It has a species of circular annex, so to speak, at its middle, -intended to contain the seal. This annex, like the box, is of wood, and -is 7 by 8 inches in surface, and the same in depth as the main case, -of which it is a part. The whole is covered with stamped leather, now -brown and mouldered with age. There are, however, some things about -this case which suggest doubts as to its having been made quite so -early as the time of Charles I. - -[517] In regard to this meeting at Salem, and the action taken at it, -see _supra_, 38-40. No record or other mention of it, except that -contained in the text, has come down to us. - -[518] See _supra_ 300, _note_ 1. - -[519] This refers to the famous Salem ordination of Skelton and -Higginson, July 20 and August 6, 1629; in regard to which see Palfrey, -vol. i. pp. 295-6. - -[520] _Supra_, 41-2. - -[521] [converted] See _supra_ 111, _note_ 1. - -[522] The arrival of Winthrop’s fleet in June, 1630, is here referred -to. It has already been stated that Iosua Temperwell is intended for -Governor Winthrop. It will be noticed that Morton, much as he disliked -him, always refers to Winthrop, if not with respect, yet with a certain -restraint of tone and insinuation which he did not show to others, such -as Endicott, Fuller and Standish. - -[523] _Supra_, *156. - -[524] _Supra_, 47. See, also, the petition of Winslow, while a prisoner -in the Fleet, to the Lords of the Council. (_Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc._ -1860-2, p. 133.) - -[525] _Supra_, 43-5. - -[526] T. W. Higginson, who in 1866 published a translation of -Epictetus, furnishes me the following note on this allusion: “The -phrase ‘bear and forbear’ has always been received as the formula -especially characteristic of Epictetus. It is most explicitly preserved -to us in the _Noctes Atticæ_ of Aulus Gellius (B. XVII. ch. xix. §§ -5-6). Gellius says: ‘Verba duo dicebat: Ἀνέχου καὶ ἀπέχου,’ having -previously explained their meaning. There was in 1634 no English -translation of any portion of Epictetus containing the phrase; nor -was he an author then much read at the English universities. Morton -probably, therefore, got the quotation from the Latin of Aulus Gellius; -if, indeed, he did not pick it up in listening to the talk of some more -scholarly man,--possibly Ben Jonson.” - -[527] Ille hæc ludibria fortunæ, ne sua quidem putavit, quæ nos -appelamus etiam bona. (_Paradoxa_, I. 1.) - -[528] I am unable to suggest any explanation of the allusions contained -in this chapter. There is no apparent clew either to the “zealous -Professor” whose conscience did not permit him to cut tombstones, -or to the “gentleman newly come into the land,” who “incurred the -displeasure” of Governor Winthrop and was degraded. - -[529] “Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or any likeness -of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, -or that is in the water under the earth.” - -[530] “Antonomasia (_Rhet._). The use of the name of some office, -dignity, profession, science or trade, instead of the proper name -of the person; as where _his majesty_ is used for a king, or _his -lordship_ for a nobleman, or when, instead of Aristotle, we say _the -philosopher_; or, conversely, the use of a proper name instead of an -appellative, as where a wise man is called a _Cato_, or an eminent -orator a _Cicero_, the application being supported by a resemblance in -character.” (_Webster._) - -[531] The phrase “them that are without [the church]” calls for no -explanation. It was common in early New England, and both Lyford and -Bradford are found using it (Bradford, pp. 184, 187) exactly as Morton -uses it, who probably picked it up at Plymouth. - -[532] Innocence Fairecloath is the name under which Morton alludes to -Philip Ratcliff. This man was a servant or agent of Governor Matthew -Cradock. He got into trouble with Endicott and the members of the Salem -church, and, according to Winthrop, “being convict, _ore tenus_, of -most foul, scandalous invectives against our churches and government, -was censured to be whipped, lose his ears, and be banished the -plantation, which was presently executed.” (p. *56.) Another authority -speaks of the offence as a “most horible blasphemy.” (III. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. viii. p. 323.) In the _Records of Massachusetts_ -(p. 88), under date of June 14 (24 N. S.), 1631, the sentence read -as follows: “It is ordered, that Philip Ratcliffe shall be whipped, -have his ears cut off, fined 40 l., and banished out of the limits -of this jurisdiction, for uttering malicious and scandalous speeches -against the government and the church of Salem, &c., as appeareth by a -particular thereof, proved upon oath.” The severity of this sentence -caused much scandal in England after Ratcliff returned there, and -in April of the next year Edward Howes wrote out to John Winthrop, -Jr.: “I have heard diverse complaints against the severitie of your -Government especially Mr. Indicutts, and that he shalbe sent for over, -about cuttinge off the Lunatick mans eares, and other grievances.” -(III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. ix. p. 244.) In regard to Ratcliff’s -subsequent connection with the Gorges-Mason attacks on the company -before the Privy Council, see _supra_, 50-2, 62, and _Proceedings of -Mass. Hist. Soc._, vol. xx., January meeting, 1883. - -[533] See _supra_ 304, _note_ 2. - -[534] The first two deacons of the church at Charlestown were Robert -Hale and Ralph Monsall. The Charlestown church, however, was not -organized until November, 1632, sixteen months after Ratcliff’s -punishment. (Budington’s _First Church of Charlestown_, pp. 31, 34.) - -The Boston church in June, 1631, had but one deacon, William Aspinwall -(Ellis’s _First Church of Boston_, p. 328), in regard to whom there is -a detailed note in Savage’s _Winthrop_ (p. *32). He was the deacon of -the Charlestown church at the time Morton was arraigned and punished, -and it is possible that Morton refers to him as Shackles. Aspinwall was -a man of prominence in the settlement; but it must be remembered that, -thirteen years later, “two of our ministers’ sons, being students in -the college, robbed two dwelling-houses in the night of some pounds. -Being found out, they were ordered by the gouvernours of the college -to be there whipped, which was performed by the president himself--yet -they were about 20 years of age.” (Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *166.) If the -president of the college could officiate at the whipping-post in 1644, -in a case of what Winthrop calls “burglary,” there seems no good reason -why the deacon of the church should not have officiated there in 1631 -in a case which the same authority calls “foul, scandalous invectives -against our churches.” - -[535] _Supra_, 319. - -[536] The character of the _New Canaan_ as a political pamphlet of -the time, intended to effect a given result in a particular quarter, -has already been referred to. (_Supra_, pp. 68-9.) In this respect -the present chapter is the most significant one in the book. It was -intended to act on the well-known prejudices of Archbishop Laud, the -head and controlling spirit of that Board of Lords Commissioners of -Foreign Plantations which then had supreme authority over the colonies. -To that Board Morton dedicated his book; and at the time he was writing -it the Lords Commissioners, and especially the Archbishop, were taking -active measures to vacate the Massachusetts charter and to assume the -direct government of the colonies. It is its connection with these -facts which alone gives any great degree of historical value to the -present chapter. In itself it is not deserving of careful annotation, -as it contains nothing that is new, and the ground is much better -covered by Lechford in his _Plaine Dealing_. Like Morton, Lechford was -a lawyer; and, unlike Morton, he was by nature a devout man. A member -of the Church of England he has given in his book a remarkably vivid -and fair-minded description of the practice of the New England churches -during the earliest days of the settlement. Mr. Trumbull’s very learned -and elaborate notes to his edition of the _Plaine Dealing_, which is -the edition referred to in the notes to the present chapter, have -cleared up Lechford’s text wherever it is obscure; and they obviate -the necessity of any careful annotation of the present chapter, except -where it is desirable to call notice to the special bearing any -particular assertion made may be supposed to have had on Archbishop -Laud’s idiosyncrasies. - -[537] “Teaching in the church publicly,” was, it will be remembered, -one of the offences charged against Winslow before the Lords -Commissioners at the hearing of 1634, for which, at Archbishop Laud’s -“vehement importunity,” he was committed to the Fleet. (_Supra_, 69; -_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1860-2, p. 131.) On the real practice of the -New England churches in regard to the exercise of their gifts by lay -members, see _Plaine Dealing_, p. 42. - -[538] “I suppose the first preacher that ever thus preached with notes -in our New-England was the Reverend Warham.” (_Magnalia_, B. III. -part 2, ch. xviii.) In regard to John Warham, first of Dorchester and -subsequently of Windsor, Connecticut, see Dr. Young’s note in _Chron. -of Mass._, p. 347. - -[539] There probably never was any regularly chosen deaconess in -New England. The office was recognized as having come down from the -primitive churches (Dexter’s _Congregationalism_, p. 69); and Robert -Browne in his definitions, in the _Life and Manners of all true -Christians_, says: “The _widow_ is a person having office of God to -pray for the church, and to visit and minister to those which are -afflicted and distressed in the church; for the which she is tried and -received as meet.” (Bacon’s _Genesis of the New England Churches_, -p. 84.) Bradford in his _Dialogue_, written in 1648, speaking of -the Separatist church at Amsterdam, says, that besides the pastor, -teacher, elders and deacons, there was “one ancient widow for a -deaconess, who did them service many years, though she was sixty -years of age when she was chosen. She honored her place and was an -ornament to the congregation. She usually sat in a convenient place -in the congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand, and kept -little children in great awe from disturbing the congregation. She -did frequently visit the sick and weak, especially women, and, as -there was need, called out maids and young women to watch and do them -other helps as their necessity did require; and if they were poor, she -would gather relief for them of those that were able, or acquaint the -deacons; and she was obeyed as a mother in Israel and an officer of -Christ.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 455.) It would be inferred from -the passage quoted that there had in 1648 never been a deaconess in -the Plymouth church, as in this _Dialogue_ the old men are supposed to -be describing to the young men events strange to the latter, as having -occurred long before. Lechford says, speaking of the Massachusetts -colony: “No church there has a Deaconesse, as far as I know.” (_Plaine -Dealing_, pp. 24, 40) “I have not met with an instance of [the] actual -institution [of the office of deaconess] in New England.” (Palfrey, -vol. ii. p. 37, _note_.) - -It does not seem, however, to have been even theoretically one of the -functions of the deaconess “to use her gifts at home,” as Morton says, -“in an assembly of her sex, by way of repetition, or exhortation.” -This would rather have pertained to the office of teacher. Meetings of -females, such as those described, were held in the parishes during the -early days, and played an important part in the Antinomian controversy. -The deaconess did not, however, officiate at them. The character of -these meetings appears in the following passage at the trial of Mrs. -Hutchinson: - -“COURT. ... What say you to your weekly public meetings? Can you find -a warrant for them? - -MRS. HUTCHINSON. I will show you how I took it up. There were such -meetings in use before I came; and because I went to none of them, this -was the special reason of my taking up this course. We began it with -but five or six, and, though it grew to more in future time, yet, being -tolerated at the first, I knew not why it might not continue. - -COURT. There were private meetings indeed, and are still in many -places, of some few neighbors; but not so public and frequent as yours; -and are of use for increase of love and mutual edification. But yours -are of another nature. If they had been such as yours they had been -evil, and therefore no good warrant to justify yours. But answer by -what authority or rule you uphold them? - -MRS. H. By Titus ii. 3-5, where the elder women are to teach the -younger. - -COURT. So we allow you to do, as the Apostle there means, privately -and upon occasion. But that gives no warrant of such set meetings for -that purpose. And, besides, you take upon you to teach many that are -older than yourself. Neither do you teach them that which the Apostle -commands, viz: to keep at home. - -MRS. H. Will you please to give me a rule against it, and I will yield. - -COURT. You must have a rule for it, or else you cannot do it in faith. -Yet you have a plain rule against it,--‘I suffer not a woman to teach.’ -(I. Tim. ii. 12.) - -MRS. H. That is meant of teaching men.” - -(Weld’s _Short Story_, pp. 34-5.) See also the version to the same -effect in Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, vol. ii. pp. 484-7. - -[540] _Supra_, 262, _note_ 3, and 306, _note_ 3. The effect such a -statement as that in the text would have upon Archbishop Laud is -apparent. The real practice of the early New England churches in the -matter of ordination can be found in the _Plaine Dealing_, pp. 13, 16, -17. - -[541] “There hath been some difference about jurisdictions, or -cognizance of causes: Some have held that, in causes betweene brethren -of the Church, the matter should be first told the Church, before -they goe to the civill Magistrate, because all causes in difference -doe amount, one way or other, to a matter of offence; and that all -criminall matters concerning Church members, should be first heard by -the Church. But these opinionists are held, by the wiser sort, not to -know the dangerous issues and consequences of such tenets.” (_Plaine -Dealing_, p. 34.) - -[542] There was no minister at Plymouth in the spring of 1628, when -Morton was there. William Brewster was the ruling elder in the church -and officiated in its pulpit, where, from the beginning, he had “taught -twice every sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the -great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable edification.” -(Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 467; Bradford, pp. 187-8.) In the summer -of 1628, but after Morton had been sent to England, Allerton brought -over Mr. Rogers as a preacher, who soon proved to be “crased in his -braine” (Bradford, p. 243), and the next season was sent home. In the -autumn, apparently, of 1629, and while Morton may have been at Plymouth -at Allerton’s house (_Ib._ p. 253), before his final return to Mount -Wollaston, the Rev. Ralfe Smith, who had come over with Skelton and -Higginson in the previous June (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 151), -was found at Nantasket and brought down to Plymouth. (Bradford, p. -263.) He was not, however, chosen into the ministry there until a -later time. (_Ib._) It is unlikely that Morton here refers to Plymouth -personages. He was at Salem in 1629 (_Supra_, 306), and in Boston, -where as a prisoner he was undoubtedly made regularly to attend divine -service, from early September to the end of December, 1630. (_Supra_, -45; Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 321.) At Salem he had come in contact -with Skelton and Higginson; and it has been seen (_Supra_, 300, _note_ -1) that he probably knew something of Francis Bright of Charlestown. -The only other ministers then in the colony were John Warham and John -Maverick at Dorchester, George Phillips at Watertown, and John Wilson -at Boston. - -[543] It is scarcely necessary to point out that the three following -pages are largely the fruit of Morton’s imaginative powers, and were -intended for the special edification of Archbishop Laud. As Plymouth -was much less well supplied with preachers than the towns of the -Massachusetts colony, it is altogether probable--as Dr. John Eliot -surmised, in his review of the _New Canaan_, in the _Monthly Anthology_ -for July, 1810--the allusions to the church-practises in this chapter -found their largest basis of fact in incidents which Morton had been a -witness of in the Plymouth meeting-house. It is safe to add, however, -that he could have had no agreeable recollections of the meeting-houses -at Boston and Charlestown. - -[544] Oliver Le Daim, barber of Louis XI., created by him Comte de -Meulan, and sent in 1477 on a confidential mission to Mary of Burgundy -at Ghent. The account of his experiences is to be found in the -_Memoires de Commines_, L. v. ch. xiv. - -[545] _Supra_, 302, _note_ 1. - -[546] I am indebted to Mr. Lindsay Swift, of the Boston Public Library, -for the following explanation of this, to me, very perplexing allusion: -“_Nic_, or, more correctly, _nick_,--namely, ‘a raised or indented -bottom in a beer-can, by which the customers were cheated, the nick -below and the froth above filling up part of the measure.’ I take -this definition from Wright’s _Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial -English_. That the expression was a common one the following quotations -prove:-- - - ‘We must be running up and downe - With cannes of beere (malt sod in fishes broth), - And those they say are fil’d with nick and froth.’ - - (Rowland’s _Knave of Harts_.) - - ‘From the nick and froth of a penny pot-house.’ - - (Fletcher.) - - ‘Our pots were full quarted, - We were not thus thwarted - With froth-canne and nick-pot, - And such nimble quick shot.’ - -(Spurious lines added to Rand’s 1624 edition of Skelton’s _Elynour -Rummynge_.) Most of this information I have taken from Nares’s -_Glossary_ and Halliwell-Phillipp’s _Dictionary of Archaic and -Provincial Words_, second edition.” - -[547] The reference here is apparently to the running footmen much -in use in the eighteenth century, and also, judging by the text, as -early as the reign of Charles I. Their duty was to run before and -alongside the cumbrous coaches then in use, to notify innkeepers of -the coming guests. They carried long poles to assist them in clearing -obstacles, and to help pry the carriages out of the sloughs in which -they frequently got stuck. (Brewer’s _Dict. of Phrase and Fable_, p. -773; Macaulay’s _England_, vol. i. pp. 374-8.) - -[548] It was one of the doctrines of Pythagoras that the souls of the -dying passed into the air, and thence into the living bodies of other -men, taking controlling possession of them. That the nimbleness of the -father’s feet might thus account for the volubility of the son’s tongue -is, it is needless to say, a purely Mortonian deduction. - -[549] “_May_ 12. [1621] was the first marriage in this place, which, -according to the laudable custome of the Low-Countries, in which -they had lived, was thought most requisite to be performed by the -magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions aboute -inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper to their -cognizans, and most consonante to the scripturs. Ruth 4. and no wher -found in the gospell to be layed on the ministers as a part of their -office.” (Bradford, p. 101.) The marriage here referred to was that of -Edward Winslow to Mrs. Susannah White. It took place in May, Winslow’s -wife having died seven weeks before, and Mrs. White’s husband, -William, twelve weeks before. That he had married people was, it will -be remembered, the other of the two charges advanced against Winslow -himself, at the Privy Council hearing just referred to. (_Supra_, -322, _note_ 2.) The practice of civil marriage already prevailed in -the Massachusetts colony also, as, a week before the arrest of Morton -was ordered, Governor Endicott, on August 18, 1630, was married, at -Charlestown apparently, “by the governour and Mr. Wilson.” (Winthrop, -vol. i. p. *30. See also _Plaine Dealing_, pp. 86-7.) There are few -more edifying examples of the casuistical skill of Winthrop and his -associates than is afforded by his method of dealing with the question -of civil marriages, as explained in detail in his _Journal_ (vol. i. p. -*323). “In our church discipline, and in matters of marriage, to make a -law that marriages should not be solemnized by ministers is repugnant -to the laws of England; but to bring it to a custom by practice for the -magistrates to perform it, is no law made repugnant, etc.” The charter -of 1629 empowered the General Court of the colony “to make, ordeine, -and establishe all Manner of wholesome and reasonable Orders, Lawes, -Statutes, and Ordinances, Directions, and Instructions, not contrary to -the Lawes of theis our Realme of England.” (Hazard, vol. i. p. 252.) - -[550] At the conference between the Bishops and the Puritans, held in -presence of James I. at Hampton Court in January, 1603, one of the -practices of the English Church especially excepted to as a “relique -of popery” by Dr. John Reynolds, the spokesman of the Puritans, was -the ring in marriage. (Neal’s _Hist. of Puritans_, vol. ii. p. 42.) -Among the reasons urged against its use I have not elsewhere found the -“diabolical circle” argument. It seems rather to have been associated -in the Puritan mind with the Romish traditions. (Jones’s _Finger-Ring -Lore_, pp. 288-90.) This count, in Morton’s indictment, was based on -good grounds. “In the Weddings of [early] New England the ring makes -none of the ceremonies.” (Mather’s _Ratio Disciplinæ_, p. 116.) - -[551] This refers to churching practice of the English Church. At the -Hampton Court conference, referred to in the preceding note, another of -the “reliques of popery,” specifically excepted to by Dr. Reynolds, was -“the churching of women by the name of _purification_.” - -[552] This count in the indictment was well laid. The children of the -non-communicants in early New England could not be baptized; though -they might be if either one of the parents was a member of the church. -At a later period this became one of the leading causes of political -agitation in the colony, and is referred to in the Dr. Robert Childs -petition of 1646. In 1670 from four fifths to five sixths of the adult -male inhabitants of Massachusetts were without the franchise, as being -non-communicants. (Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_, pp. 47, 48, 151; _Mem. -Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 156; Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 8, vol. iii. p. -41.) - -[553] _Supra_, 316, _note_ 2. - -[554] This was the favorite epithet employed by the early reformers -in referring to the Mass. Calvin called it “an execrable idol;” -Hooper, “a wicked idol.” Bradford--not Governor William, but John, -the Smithfield martyr of Queen Mary’s time--terms it an “abominable -idol of bread;” and again, “the horriblest and most detestable -device that ever the devil brought out by man.” Bland, rector of -Adishan, repeated the familiar figure, calling it a “most blasphemous -idol;” and Latimer improved upon this by adding the words, “full of -idolatry, blasphemy, sacrilege against God and the dear sacrifice -of His Christ.” (Blunt’s _Reformation of the Church of Eng._, vol. -ii. pp. 399-402.) The derivation of the Book of Common Prayer, in -many of its parts, from the Missal was unmistakable; and naturally -the next race of religious reformers applied to the former the same -earnest epithets of theological dissent which had before been applied -to the latter. Accordingly, in Barrowe’s _Brief Discovery of the -False Church_, we find the Book of Common Prayer referred to as “a -detestable idol, ... old rotten stuff ... abstracted out of the pope’s -blasphemous mass-book, ... an abominable and loathsome sacrifice in -the sight of God, even as a dead dog.” Barrowe was one of the three -Separatist martyrs, and as such held in deepest veneration at Plymouth. -(Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 427-34.) The Book of Common Prayer -was therefore undoubtedly looked upon and referred to at Plymouth as -Morton says. Indeed, the Lyford schism was in some degree due to its -use. (Bradford, p. 181.) That it was, in the early days, also so looked -upon and so referred to at Salem and at Boston, is not clear. It is -true that in 1629 it was again the cause of the Browne dissension at -Salem (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 287), in consequence of which -Skelton and Higginson both declared openly “that they came away from -the Common Prayer and ceremonies, ... and therefore, being in a place -where they might have their liberty, they neither could nor would use -them, because they judged the imposition of these things to be sinful -corruptions in the worship of God.” (Morton’s _Memorial_, p. 147.) The -Puritans of Boston, however, were not Separatists, and it is open to -question whether they at first felt towards the Common Prayer as the -Plymouth people felt towards it, and as Morton says. In 1640 Governor -Winthrop, it is true, noted it as a thing worthy of observation that -his son “having many books in a chamber where there was corn of divers -sorts, had among them one wherein the Greek testament, the psalms and -the common prayer were bound together. He found the common prayer eaten -with mice, every leaf of it, and not any of the two other touched, nor -any other of his books, though they were above a thousand.” (Winthrop, -vol. ii. p. *20.) When Governor Winthrop tried and sentenced Morton, -however, he was anxious to preserve his connection with the Church of -England, and it is very doubtful whether he then looked upon its Book -of Prayer as “an idol.” (_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, vol. xviii. p. 296.) - -As one count in Morton’s indictment of the people of New England, that -in the text now under consideration was not only sufficiently well -founded, but it was peculiarly calculated to excite Archbishop Laud’s -anger. It is unnecessary to say that he was the special champion of -the Church of England ritual. To enforce exact conformity to it he -regarded as his mission. When the ships loaded with emigrants for New -England were, in March, 1634, stopped in the Thames by order of the -Privy Council, they were not allowed to proceed on their voyage until -the masters bound themselves to have the Book of Common Prayer used at -morning and evening service during the voyage. (_Council Register_, -Feb. 21, 28, 1634; Gardiner’s _Charles I._, vol. ii. p. 23.) This was -Laud’s act, and it is more than probable that he was as much influenced -by Morton on that occasion as he was subsequently in the matter of -Winslow’s imprisonment for having performed the marriage ceremony. -(_Supra_, 69, 93.) - -[555] “Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye pay -tithe of mint and anise and cummin, and have omitted the weightier -matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and faith.” (_Matt._ xxiii. 23.) - -“But woe unto you, Pharisees! for ye tithe mint and rue and all manner -of herbs, and pass over judgment and the love of God.” (_Luke_ xi. 42.) - -The significance of the text referred to lay, of course, in Morton’s -mind, rather in its indirect than its direct application,--more in its -denunciatory than in its contributory portions. The clergy in early -Massachusetts were supported by the voluntary contributions in Boston, -and by a regular town-tax levy outside of Boston. (_Plaine Dealing_, -pp. 48-50; _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1860-2, p. 116.) - -[556] _Supra_, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20. - -[557] “_Wink_, _v. n._ 1. to shut the eyes. _obs._” (_Worcester._) - -[558] Edward Howes, in writing from London to John Winthrop, Jr., -in November, 1632, describes how, on going home at noon one day, he -met the master of a vessel which had just arrived from New England, -together with three others who had come over with him. The master -passing into the house on some matter of business, Howes had a talk -with one of the other men, whom he describes as an “egregious knave.” -The report given by this man of the Massachusetts community strikingly -resembles that given by Morton in this chapter. He would, writes Howes, -“give none of you a good word, but the governor [Winthrop]; he was a -good man and kept a good table, but all the rest were Hereticks, and -they would be more holy than all the world; they would be a peculiar -people to God, but go to the Devil; that one man with you being at -confession, as he called it, said he believed his father and mother and -ancestors went all to Hell; and that your preachers, in their public -prayers, pray for the governor before they pray for our king and state; -... that you never use the Lord’s prayer; that your ministers marry -none; that fellows which keep hogs all the week preach on the Sabbath; -that every town in your plantation is of a several religion; that you -count all men in England, yea all out of your church, in the state of -damnation. But I believe and know better things of you; but here you -may partly see how the Devil stirs up his instruments.” (IV. _Mass. -Hist. Col._, vol. vi. p. 485.) - -[559] Mr. Swift (_Supra_, 328, _note_) suggests that Morton here -alludes to the scene in Ben Jonson’s _Tale of a Tub_ (act iv. sc. 1), -where Justice Preamble says: - - “And what say you now, neighbor Turfe?” - -Turfe answers him: - - “I put it - Even to your worship’s bitterment, hab, nab.” - -Here the Countryman makes the remark, and not the Justice; but a wholly -correct allusion by Morton is not to be looked for. (_Supra_, 123, -_note_ 2.) The meaning of _hab, nab_ is, of course, “hit or miss, at a -venture, at random,” and is probably derived from _habbe, nabbe_,--“to -have or not to have.” (See Nares’s _Glossary_.) - -[560] _Supra_, 44-5. - -[561] _Supra_, 319, _note_. - -[562] By the General Court of May, 1644, it was ordered, that -“Nantascot shall be called Hull.” (_Records_, vol. ii. p. 74.) Mr. -Savage, in his notes to Winthrop (vol. ii. p. *175), and Mr. Whitmore -(_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._ 1871-3, p. 397), think it was so called -from Hull in Yorkshire. It would appear from the text that it had -been locally known by that name among the “old planters” before the -settlement of Boston. - -[563] Sir Christopher Gardiner suddenly appeared in Massachusetts -in May, 1630, and returned to England in 1632, arriving there in -August. He is supposed to have come out as an agent, or emissary, of -Sir Ferdinando Gorges. I had begun the preparation of a note on Sir -Christopher, and “how hee spedd amongst the Seperatists,” for insertion -at this point; but the subject developed on my hands until it assumed -the shape of a study by itself. It can be found in the _Proceedings of -the Mass. Hist. Soc._ for January, 1883, vol. xx. - -[564] Machiavelli died in 1527, and _The Prince_ was published in 1532. -The reputation of the man and of the book were as well established in -Morton’s day as they are now. - - “Nick Machiavel had ne’er a trick, - (Tho’ he gave his name to our old Nick.)” - - (_Hudibras_, p. III. can. i. lines 1313-4.) - -This derivation is not accepted by the authorities. See Brewer’s -_Dict._, p. 614. - -[565] _Supra_, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20. - -[566] As Saint Michael is one of the Azores, it may have been during -this voyage that Morton visited the Isle of Sal and the tropics, as -mentioned in the first chapter of the _New Canaan_. (_Supra_, 117.) -If the voyage did last nine months, it was August or September, 1631, -before he got back to England. - -[567] - - “Cum canerem reges et prœlia, Cynthius aurem - Vellit, et admonuit:...” - - (Virgil, _Eclogues_, vi. 3-4.) - -There are in the _New Canaan_ (_Supra_, 280, 297) two references to -certain imaginary or special gifts from “Phaos box,” which in editing -I had been unable to explain. Mr. Lindsay Swift (_Supra_, 328, _note_) -now supplies me with a reference, which, if it is indeed, as seems most -probable, the allusion which Morton had in mind, seems to indicate -that his familiarity with classic authors was greater than I have -been disposed to give him credit for. The reference is to the _Varia -Historia_ of Ælianus (lib. XII. cap. xviii.), and reads as follows: -“Phaonem, omnium hominum formosissimum, Venus in lactucis abscondit. -Alii dicunt, eum portitorem fuisse, et habuisse hoc vitæ genus. -Veniebat autem aliquando Venus, trajicere volens; ille vero, nesciens -quænam esset, libenter recepit, magnaque cura, quoquo voluerat, eam -vexit. Pro quibus meritis Dea alabastrum ei donavit, et erat in eo -unguentum, quo unctus Phaon speciosissimus hominum evasit, atque adeo -amarunt eum Mitylenensium feminæ. Tandem vero deprehensus in adulterio, -trucidatus est.” - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -The following apparent errors have been corrected: - -p. 18 (note) "Strutt s" changed to "Strutt’s" - -p. 23 (note) "_Infra_ *149." changed to "_Infra_, *149." - -p. 83 (note) "_State Papers_.," changed to "_State Papers_," - -p. 98 "repects" changed to "respects" - -p. 102 (note) "humming-bird”" changed to "“humming-bird”" - -p. 130 (note) "pp, 70" changed to "pp. 70" - -p. 133 (note) "1869.," changed to "1869," - -p. 137 (note) "‘eat.”" changed to "‘eat.’”" - -p. 140 (note) "lxxxix" changed to "lxxxix." - -p. 147 (note) "Hemlock-Bark" changed to "Hemlock-Bark”" - -p. 148 (note) "_nanwetee_’" changed to "_nanwetee_" - -p. 152 (note) "lxxxiv-lxxxvii" changed to "lxxxiv.-lxxxvii." - -p. 158 (note) "together”" changed to "together.”" - -p. 185 (sidenote) "3. & 4" changed to "3. & 4." - -p. 196 (note) "linarius" changed to "lanarius" - -p. 213 (note) "_Chingachgook_" changed to "_Chingachcook_" - -p. 217 (note) "he got" changed to "be got" - -p. 218 (note) "vol," changed to "vol." - -p. 226 (note) "_Psendopleuronectes_" changed to "_Pseudopleuronectes_" - -p. 269 "the rest" changed to "the rest," - -p. 314 "handsomely" changed to "handsomely." - -p. 326 (sidenote) "despised" changed to "despised." - -p. 348 "cured" changed to "cured." - -p. 355 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y." - -p. 356 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y." - -p. 356 "R. I." changed to "R.I." - -p. 358 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y." - -p. 359 "Prospect" changed to "Prospect." - -p. 359 "Whitmore, A.M" changed to "Whitmore, A.M." - -p. 363 "131, _n._;" changed to "131, _n._," - -p. 365 "Canonicus" changed to "Caunoŭnicus" - -p. 366 "196, _n._," changed to "196, _n._;" - -p. 369 "186," changed to "186." - -p. 371 "_Kantantowwit_" changed to "Kantántowwit" - -p. 371 "_Kodliep Kēn_" changed to "_Kodtup Kēn_" - -p. 372 "description of, 200;" changed to "description of, 206;" - -p. 374 "205, _n._" changed to "205, _n._;" - - -Inconsistent spelling, punctuation and typography have otherwise been -left as printed. - - -The following possible errors have been left as printed: - -p. 19 beasly - -p. 123 originlly - -p. 125 probality - -p. 127 this Cost - -p. 132 strenght - -p. 144 lenght - -p. 148 uncivilizied - -p. 154 fuond - -p. 164 giude - -p. 210 oder glands - -p. 219 Blacklead. - -p. 223 (note) lenghth - -p. 230 Mattachusetts - -p. 231 ageed - -p. 261 doubdt - -p. 281 strenght - -p. 287 worties - -p. 365 Cithyrea - -p. 365 fire-brand - -p. 366 Colchos - -p. 366 Powows - -p. 366 luzerans - -p. 367 Drails - -p. 367 luzeran - -p. 368 luzeran - -p. 371 Lannerets - -p. 371 Leadstones - -p. 375 Newcomein - -p. 376 Pawtucket - -p. 376 Phlegethon - -p. 376 Phœbus - -p. 377 Rhadamanthus - -p. 379 Chappel: chalkstones - -p. 379 Stubbs - -p. 380 Wampumpeack - -p. 381 Auld - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS -MORTON WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES*** - - -******* This file should be named 54162-0.txt or 54162-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/4/1/6/54162 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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