diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-06 22:00:00 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-06 22:00:00 -0800 |
| commit | 1b1de3de2ffaf6627d40879a3da62f9a0bf07f06 (patch) | |
| tree | a19b733904d2022e5af3f0e95b86f200036afe7d | |
| parent | 6f52325d4ed3a9f858e0286ed1e53f713862600b (diff) | |
41 files changed, 17 insertions, 39200 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..7f189fd --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #54162 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/54162) diff --git a/old/54162-0.txt b/old/54162-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 21587b8..0000000 --- a/old/54162-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16297 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with -Introductory Matter and Notes, by Thomas Morton and Charles Francis Adams - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes - - -Author: Thomas Morton and Charles Francis Adams - - - -Release Date: February 14, 2017 [eBook #54162] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS -MORTON WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES*** - - -E-text prepared by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed Proofreading -Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the original illustrations and illuminations. - See 54162-h.htm or 54162-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54162/54162-h/54162-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/54162/54162-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/newenglishcanaan00mort - - -Transcriber's note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: Gov^r). - - This book is a 19th century edition of a 17th century - original, along with extensive commentary. The 19th - century edition used different page numbering. To - facilitate internal references to specific pages, the - original 17th century page numbers have been incorporated - into the text enclosed by curly braces, e.g. {123}. - References to these numbers in the text have been kept - as printed, e.g. *123. - - Sidenotes have been moved to the beginning of each - paragraph and enclosed by ~tilde characters~. - - - - - -Publications of the Prince Society. - - -[Illustration] - - -THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN. - - -The Publications of the Prince Society. -Established May 25th, 1858. - -THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN. - - -[Illustration] - - -Boston: -Printed for the Society, -By John Wilson and Son. -1883. - -Two Hundred and Fifty Copies. - - - -THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN -OF -THOMAS MORTON. - -WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES - -by - -CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, JR. - - - - - - -Boston: -Published by the Prince Society. -1883. - - -Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1883, by -The Prince Society, -In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. - - -Editor: -CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, JR. - - - - -[Illustration] - -TABLE OF CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - PREFACE v-vi - THOMAS MORTON OF MERRY-MOUNT 1-98 - BIBLIOGRAPHY OF NEW ENGLISH CANAAN 99-105 - NEW ENGLISH CANAAN 106-345 - Book I. The Origin of the Natives; their Manners and Customs 115-78 - Book II. A Description of the Beauty of the Country 179-242 - Book III. A Description of the People 243-345 - TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN 347-9 - - * * * * * - - OFFICERS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY 353 - THE PRINCE SOCIETY, 1883 354-8 - PUBLICATIONS OF THE PRINCE SOCIETY 359 - VOLUMES IN PREPARATION BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY 360 - INDEX 361-81 - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - -PREFACE. - - -Before undertaking the present work I had no experience as an editor. -It is unnecessary for me to say, therefore, that, were I now to -undertake it, I should pursue a somewhat different course from that -which I have pursued. The _New English Canaan_ is, in many respects, -a singular book. One of its most singular features is the extent -of ground it covers. Not only is it full of obscure references to -incidents in early New England history, but it deals directly with the -aborigines, the trees, animals, fish, birds and geology of the region; -besides having constant incidental allusions to literature,--both -classic and of the author’s time,--to geography, and to then current -events. No one person can possess the knowledge necessary to thoroughly -cover so large a field. To edit properly he must have recourse to -specialists. - -It was only as the labor of investigation increased on my hands that -I realized what a wealth of scientific and special knowledge was to -be reached, in the neighborhood of Boston, by any one engaged in such -multifarious inquiry. Were I again to enter upon it I should confine my -own labors chiefly to correspondence; for on every point which comes up -there is some one now in this vicinity, if he can only be found out, -who has made a study of it, and has more information than the most -laborious and skilful of editors can acquire. - -In this edition of the _New Canaan_ I have not laid so many of these -specialists as I now wish, under requisition; and yet the list is a -tolerably extensive one. In every case, also, the assistance asked -for has been rendered as of course, in the true scientific spirit. -My correspondence has included Messrs. Deane, Winsor and Ellis on -events in early New England history; Professor Whitney on geographical -allusions; Professors Lane and Greenough, Dr. Everett and Mr. T. -W. Higginson, on references to the Greek and Latin classics, or -quotations from them; and the Rev. Mr. Norton on Scriptural allusions. -Mr. J. C. Gray has hunted up for me legal precedents five centuries -old, and Mr. Lindsay Swift has explained archaic expressions, to the -meaning of which I could get no clew. On the subject of trees and -herbs I called on Professors Gray and Sargent; in regard to birds, -Mr. William Brewster was indefatigable; Mr. Allen, though in very -poor health, took the chapter on animals; Professor Shaler disposed -of the geology; Messrs. Agassiz and Lyman instructed me as to fish, -and Professor Putnam as to shell-heaps. I met some allusions to early -French and other explorers, and naturally had recourse to Messrs. -Parkman and Slafter; while in regard to Indian words and names, I -have been in constant correspondence with the one authority, Mr. J. -Hammond Trumbull, who has recognized to the fullest extent the public -obligation which a mastery of a special subject imposes on him who -masters it. - -In closing a pleasant editorial task, my chief regret, therefore, is -that the notes in this volume contain so much matter of my own. They -should have been even more eclectic than they are, and each from the -highest possible authority on the subject to which it relates. - - C. F. A., JR. - - QUINCY, MASS., April 4, 1883. - - - - -[Illustration] - -MORTON OF MERRY-MOUNT. - - -In the second book of his history of Plymouth Plantation, Governor -Bradford, while dealing with the events of the year 1628 though writing -at a still later period, says:-- - - “Aboute some three or four years before this time, ther came - over one Captaine Wolastone (a man of pretie parts), and with - him three or four more of some eminencie, who brought with them - a great many servants, with provisions and other implaments for - to begine a plantation; and pitched themselves in a place within - the Massachusets, which they called, after their Captains name, - Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton, who, it should - seeme, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) amongst - them.”[1] - -There is no other known record of Wollaston than that contained in this -passage of Bradford.[2] His given name even is not mentioned. It may -be surmised with tolerable certainty that he was one of the numerous -traders, generally from Bristol or the West of England, who frequented -the fishing grounds and the adjacent American coast during the early -years of the seventeenth century. Nothing is actually known of him, -however, until in 1625 he appeared in Massachusetts Bay, as Boston -Harbor was then called, at the head of the expedition which Bradford -mentions. - -His purpose and that of his companions was to establish a plantation -and trading-post in the country of the Massachusetts tribe of Indians. -It was the third attempt of the kind which had been made since the -settlement at Plymouth, a little more than four years before. The -first of these attempts had been that of Thomas Weston at Wessagusset, -or Weymouth, in the summer of 1622. This had resulted in a complete -failure, the story of which is told by Bradford and Winslow, and forms -one of the more striking pages in the annals of early New England. -The second attempt, and that which next preceded Wollaston’s, had -closely followed the first, being made in the summer of 1623, under -the immediate direction of the Council for New England. At the head -of it was Captain Robert Gorges, a younger son of Sir Ferdinando -Gorges. Weston’s expedition was a mere trading venture, having little -connection with anything which went before or which came after. That of -Gorges, however, was something more. As will presently be seen, it had -a distinct political and religious significance. - -Robert Gorges and his party arrived in Boston Bay in 1623, during -what is now the latter part of September. They established themselves -in the buildings which had been occupied by Weston’s people during -the previous winter, and which had been deserted by them a few days -less than six months before. The site of those buildings cannot be -definitely fixed. It is supposed to have been on Phillips Creek, -a small tidal inlet of the Weymouth fore-river, a short distance -above the Quincy-Point bridge. The grant made to Robert Gorges by -the Council for New England, and upon which he probably intended to -place his party, was on the other side of the bay, covering ten miles -of sea-front and stretching thirty miles into the interior. It was -subsequently pronounced void by the lawyers on the ground of being -“loose and uncertain,” but as nearly as can now be fixed it covered the -shore between Nahant and the mouth of the Charles, and the region back -of that as far west as Concord and Sudbury, including Lynn and the most -thickly inhabited portions of the present county of Middlesex. - -Reaching New England, however, late in the season, Gorges’s first -anxiety was to secure shelter for his party against the impending -winter, for the frosts had already begun. Fortunately the few savages -thereabouts had been warned by Governor Bradford not to injure the -Wessagusset buildings, and thus they afforded a welcome shelter to the -newcomers. These were people of a very different class from those -who had preceded them. Among them were men of education, and some of -them were married and had brought their wives. Their settlement proved -a permanent one. Robert Gorges, it is true, the next spring returned -to England disgusted and discouraged, taking back with him a portion -of his followers. Others of them went on to Virginia in search of a -milder climate and a more fertile soil. A few, however, remained at -Wessagusset,[3] and are repeatedly referred to by Morton in the _New -Canaan_[4] as his neighbors at that place. - -When, therefore, Wollaston sailed into the bay in the early summer -of 1625, its shores were not wholly unoccupied. His party consisted -of himself and some three or four partners, with thirty or more -servants, as they were called, or men who had sold their time for a -period of years to an employer, and who stood in the relation to him -of apprentice to master. Rasdall, according to Bradford, was the name -of one of the partners, and Fitcher would seem to have been that of -another. Thomas Morton, the author of the _New English Canaan_, was a -third. - -Not much more is known of Morton’s life prior to his coming to America -than of Wollaston’s. He had certainly an education of that sort which -was imparted in the schools of the Elizabethan period, for he had a -smattering knowledge of the more familiar Latin authors at least, and -was fond of classic allusion. Governor Dudley, in his letter to the -Countess of Lincoln, says that while in England he was an attorney in -“the west countries.”[5] He further intimates that he had there been -implicated in some foul misdemeanor, on account of which warrants were -out against him. Nathaniel Morton in his _Memorial_[6] says that the -crime thus referred to was the killing of a partner concerned with -him, Thomas Morton, in his first New England venture. Thomas Wiggin, -however, writing in 1632 to Sir John Cooke, one of King Charles’s -secretaries for foreign affairs and a member of the Privy Council, -states, upon the authority of Morton’s “wife’s sonne and others,” that -he had fled to New England “upon a foule suspition of murther.”[7] -While, therefore, it would seem that grave charges were in general -circulation against Morton, connecting him with some deed of violence, -it is necessary to bear in mind that considerable allowance must be -made before any accusation against him can be accepted on the word -of either the Massachusetts or the Plymouth authorities, or those in -sympathy with them. Yet Morton was a reckless man, and he lived in -a time when no great degree of sanctity attached to human life; so -that in itself there is nothing very improbable in this charge. It is -possible that before coming to America he may have put some one out -of the way. Nevertheless, as will presently be seen, though he was -subsequently arrested and in jail in England, the accusation never took -any formal shape. That he was at some time married would appear from -the letter of Wiggin already referred to, and the allusions in the _New -Canaan_ show that he had been a man passionately fond of field sports, -and a good deal of a traveller as well. He speaks, for instance, of -having been “bred in so genious a way” that in England he had the -common use of hawks in fowling; and, in another place, he alludes to -his having been so near the equator that “I have had the sun for my -zenith.”[8] On the titlepage of his book he describes himself as “of -Cliffords Inne gent.,” which of course he would not have ventured to do -had he not really been what he there claimed to be; for at the time the -_New Canaan_ was published he was living in London and apparently one -of the attorneys of the Council for New England.[9] Bradford, speaking -from memory, fell into an error, therefore, when he described him as a -“kind of petie-fogger of Furnefells Inne.”[10] That in 1625 he was a -man of some means is evident from the fact that he owned an interest in -the Wollaston venture; though here again Bradford takes pains to say -that the share he represented (“of his owne or other mens”) was small, -and that he himself had so little respect amongst the rest that he was -slighted by even the meanest servants. - -In all probability this was not Morton’s first visit to Massachusetts -Bay. Indeed, he was comparatively familiar with it, having already -passed one season on its shores. His own statement, at the beginning -of the first chapter of the second book of the _Canaan_, seems to be -conclusive on this point. He there says: “In the month of June, Anno -Salutis 1622, it was my chance to arrive in the parts of New England -with thirty servants, and provision of all sorts fit for a plantation; -and, while our houses were building, I did endeavor to take a survey of -the country.”[11] There was but one ship which arrived in New England -in June, 1622, and that was the _Charity_;[12] and the _Charity_ -brought out Weston’s party, which settled at Wessagusset, answering in -every respect to Morton’s description of the party he came with. Andrew -Weston, a younger brother of the chief promoter of the enterprise, -had then come in charge of it, and is described as having been “a -heady yong man and violente.”[13] After leaving Weston’s company at -Plymouth, the _Charity_ went on to Virginia, but returned from there -early in October, going it would seem directly to Boston Bay and -Wessagusset.[14] One part of the colonists had then been there three -months, and it was during those three months that Morton apparently -took the survey of the country to which he refers. As the Wessagusset -plantation was now left under the charge of Richard Greene, it would -seem that young Weston went back to England in the _Charity_, and the -inference is that Morton, who had come out as his companion, went back -with him. - -In any event, the impression produced on Morton by this first visit -to New England was a strong and favorable one. It looked to him a -land of plenty, a veritable New Canaan. Accordingly, he gave vent -to his enthusiasm in the warm language of the first chapter of his -second book.[15] With the subsequent fate of Weston’s party he seems -to have had no connection. He must at the time have heard of it, and -was doubtless aware of the evil reputation that company left behind. -This would perfectly account for the fact that he never mentions his -having himself had anything to do with it. Yet it may be surmised -that he returned to England possessed with the idea of connecting -himself with some enterprise, either Weston’s or another, organized -to make a settlement on the shores of Boston Bay and there to open a -trade in furs. He had then had no experience of a New England winter; -though, for that matter, when he afterwards had repeated experiences -of it, they in no way changed his views of the country. To the last, -apparently, he thought of it as he first saw it during the summer and -early autumn of 1622, when it was a green fresh wilderness, nearly -devoid of inhabitants and literally alive with game. - -News of the utter failure of Weston’s enterprise must have reached -London in the early summer of 1623. Whether Morton was in any way -personally affected thereby does not appear, though from his allusions -to Weston’s treatment by Robert Gorges at Plymouth, during the winter -of 1623-4, it is not at all improbable that he was.[16] During the -following year (1624) he is not heard of; but early in 1625 he had -evidently succeeded in effecting some sort of a combination which -resulted in the Wollaston expedition. - -The partners in this enterprise would seem to have been the merest -adventurers. So far as can be ascertained, they did not even trouble -themselves to take out a patent for the land on which they proposed -to settle,[17] in this respect showing themselves even more careless -than Weston.[18] With the exception of Morton, they apparently had no -practical knowledge of the country, and their design clearly was to -establish themselves wherever they might think good, and to trade in -such way as they saw fit. - -When the party reached its destination in Massachusetts Bay, they -found Wessagusset still occupied by such as were left of Robert -Gorges’s company, who had then been there nearly two years. They had -necessarily, therefore, to establish themselves elsewhere. A couple of -miles or so north of Wessagusset, on the other side of the Monatoquit, -and within the limits of what is now the town of Quincy, was a place -called by the Indians Passonagessit. The two localities were separated -from each other not only by the river, which here widens out into a -tidal estuary, but by a broad basin which filled and emptied with every -tide, while around it were extensive salt marshes intersected by many -creeks. The upland, too, was interspersed with tangled swamps lying -between gravel ridges. At Passonagessit the new-comers established -themselves, and the place is still known as Mount Wollaston. - -In almost all respects Passonagessit was for their purpose a better -locality than Wessagusset. They had come there to trade. However it -may have been with the others, in Morton’s calculations at least the -plantation must have been a mere incident to the more profitable -dealing in peltry. A prominent position on the shore, in plain view of -the entrance to the bay, would be with him an important consideration. -This was found at Passonagessit. It was a spacious upland rising -gently from the beach and, a quarter of a mile or so from it, swelling -into a low hill.[19] It was not connected with the interior by any -navigable stream, but Indians coming from thence would easily find -their way to it; and, while a portion of the company could always be -there ready to trade, others of them might make excursions to all -points on the neighboring coast where furs were to be had. Looking -seaward, on the left of the hill was a considerable tidal creek; in -front of it, across a clear expanse of water a couple of miles or -so in width, lay the islands of the harbor in apparently connected -succession. Though the anchoring grounds among these islands afforded -perfect places of refuge for vessels, Passonagessit itself, as the -settlers there must soon have realized, labored, as a trading-point, -under one serious disadvantage. There was no deep water near it. Except -when the tide was at least half full, the shore could be approached -only in boats. On the other hand, so far as planting was concerned, -the conditions were favorable. The soil, though light, was very good; -and the spot, lying as it did close to “the Massachusetts fields,” had -some years before been cleared of trees by the Sachem Chickatawbut, -who had made his home there.[20] He had, however, abandoned it at the -time when the great pestilence swept away his tribe, and tradition -still points out a small savin-covered hummock, near Squantum, on the -south side of the Neponset, as his subsequent dwelling-place. Morton -says that Chickatawbut’s mother was buried at Passonagessit, and that -the Plymouth people, on one of their visits, incurred his enmity by -despoiling her grave of its bear skins.[21] So far as the natives were -concerned, however, any settlers on the shores of Boston Bay, after the -year 1623, had little cause for disquietude. They were a thoroughly -crushed and broken-spirited race. The pestilence had left only a few -hundred of the whole Massachusetts tribe, and in 1631 Chickatawbut had -but some fifty or sixty followers.[22] It was a dying race; and what -little courage the pestilence had left them was effectually and forever -crushed out by Miles Standish, when at Wessagusset, in April, 1623, he -put to death seven of the strongest and boldest of their few remaining -men. - -Having selected a site, Wollaston and his party built their house -nearly in the centre of the summit of the hill, on a gentle westerly -slope. It commanded towards the north and east an unbroken view of the -bay and all the entrances to it; while on the opposite or landward -side, some four or five miles away, rose the heavily-wooded Blue -Hills. Across the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond the intervening -peninsulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Wessagusset was to the south, -across the marshes and creeks, and hidden from view by forest and -uplands. - -[Illustration: MOUNT WOLLASTON.[23]] - -During their first season, the summer of 1625, Wollaston’s party must -have been fully occupied in the work of building their houses and -laying out their plantation. The winter followed. A single experience -of a winter on that shore seems to have sufficed for Captain Wollaston, -as it had before sufficed for Captain Gorges. He apparently came to -the conclusion that there was little profit and no satisfaction for -him in that region. Accordingly, during the early months of 1626, he -determined to go elsewhere. The only account of what now ensued is that -contained in Bradford; for Morton nowhere makes a single allusion to -Wollaston or any of his associates, nor does he give any account of -the origin, composition or purposes of the Wollaston enterprise. His -silence on all these points is, indeed, one of the singular features -in the _New Canaan_. Such references as he does make are always to -Weston and Weston’s attempt;[24] and he seems to take pains to confound -that attempt with Wollaston’s. Once only he mentions the number of the -party with which he landed,[25] and the fact that it was subsequently -dissolved;[26] but how it came to be dissolved he does not explain. The -inference from this is unavoidable. Morton was free enough in talking -of what he did and saw at Passonagessit, of his revels there, of how -he was arrested, and persecuted out of the country. That he says not a -word of Wollaston or his other partners must be due to the fact that -the subject was one about which he did not care to commit himself. -Nevertheless Bradford could not but have known the facts, for not only -at a later day was Morton himself for long periods of time at Plymouth, -but when the events of which he speaks occurred Bradford must have been -informed of them by the Wessagusset people, as well as by Fitcher. As -we only know what Bradford tells us, it can best be given in his own -words:-- - - “Having continued there some time, and not finding things to answer - their expectations, nor profit to arise as they looked for, Captain - Wollaston takes a great part of the servants and transports them - to Virginia, where he puts them off at good rates, selling their - time to other men; and writes back to one Mr. Rasdall, one of his - chief partners and accounted their merchant, to bring another part - of them to Virginia likewise; intending to put them off there, as - he had done the rest. And he, with the consent of the said Rasdall, - appointed one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern the remains - of the plantation till he, or Rasdall, returned to take further - order thereabout. But this Morton, abovesaid, having more craft than - honesty, in the others’ absence watches an opportunity, (commons - being but hard amongst them,) and got some strong drink and other - junkets, and made them a feast; and after they were merry, he began - to tell them he would give them good counsel. ‘You see,’ saith he, - ‘that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay - till this Rasdall returns, you will also be carried away and sold - for slaves with the rest. Therefore, I would advise you to thrust - out this Lieutenant Fitcher; and I, having a part in the plantation, - will receive you as my partners and consociates. So may you be free - from service; and we will converse, trade, plant and live together - as equals, and support and protect one another:’ or to like effect. - This counsel was easily received, so they took opportunity and thrust - Lieutenant Fitcher out a-doors, and would suffer him to come no more - amongst them; but forced him to seek bread to eat, and other relief, - from his neighbors, till he could get passage for England.”[27] - -Wollaston’s process of depletion to Virginia had reduced the number -of servants at Passonagessit from thirty or thirty-five, as Morton -variously states it,[28] to six at most.[29] It was as the head of -these that Morton established himself in control at Merry-Mount, as he -called the place,[30] sometime, it would seem, in the summer of 1626. -He had now two distinct objects in view: one was enjoyment, the other -was profit; and apparently he was quite reckless as to the methods he -pursued in securing either the one or the other. If he was troubled by -his former partners appearing to assert their rights, as he probably -was, no mention is made of it. There were no courts to appeal to in -America, and those of Europe were far away; nor would it have been easy -or inexpensive to enforce their process in New England. Accordingly -nothing more is heard of Wollaston or Rasdall, though Bradford does say -that Morton was “vehemently suspected for the murder of a man that had -adventured moneys with him when he first came.”[31] There is a vague -tradition, referred to John Adams, that Wollaston was subsequently -lost at sea;[32] but as a full century must have elapsed between the -occurrence of the event and the birth of John Adams, this tradition is -quite as unreliable as traditions usually are. - -Passionately fond of field sports, Morton found ample opportunity for -the indulgence of his tastes in New England. He loved to ramble through -the woods with his dog and gun, or sail in his boat on the bay. The -Indians, too, were his allies, and naturally enough; for not only did -he offer them an open and easy-going market for their furs, but he was -companionable with them. They shared in his revels. He denies that he -was in the habit of selling them spirits,[33] but where spirits were -as freely used as Morton’s account shows they were at Merry-Mount, the -Indians undoubtedly had their share. Nor were his relations confined -to the Indian men. The period of Elizabeth and James I. was one of -probably as much sexual incontinency as any in English history. Some -of the earlier writers on the New England Indians have spoken of the -modesty of the women,--Wood, in his _Prospect_, for instance, and -Josselyn, in the second of his _Two Voyages_.[34] Morton, however, is -significantly silent on this point, and the idea of female chastity -in the Indian mind, in the rare cases where it existed at all, seems -to have been of the vaguest possible description.[35] Morton was not -a man likely to be fastidious, and his reference to the “lasses in -beaver coats”[36] is suggestive. Merry-Mount was unquestionably, so far -as temperance and morality were concerned, by no means a commendable -place.[37] - -Morton’s inclination to boisterous revelry culminated at last in that -proceeding which scandalized the Plymouth elders and has passed into -history. In the spring of 1627 he erected the May-pole of Merry-Mount. -To erect these poles seems at that time to have been a regular English -observance, which even the fishermen on the coast did not neglect. -When, for instance, the forerunners of Weston’s colony at Wessagusset -reached the Damariscove Islands, in the spring of 1622, the first thing -they saw was a May-pole, which the men belonging to the ships there had -newly set up, “and weare very mery.”[38] There is no room for question -that in England, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, -May-day festivities were associated with a great deal of license. They -were so associated in the minds of Governor Bradford and his fellows. -Christmas was at least a Christian festivity. Not so May-day. That -was distinctly Pagan in its origin. It represented all there was left -of the Saturnalia and the worship of the Roman courtesan. May-day -and May-day festivities, accordingly, were things to be altogether -reformed. They were by no means the innocent, grateful welcoming of -spring which modern admirers of the so-called good old times--which, in -point of fact, were very gross and brutal times--are wont to picture to -themselves. “I have heard it credibly reported,” wrote Stubbes in his -_Anatomy of Abuses_, “(and that _viva voce_) by men of great gravitie, -credite and reputation, that of fourtie, three score, or a hundred -maides goyng to the woode over night [a-Maying], there have scarcely -the thirde parte of them returned home againe undefiled.”[39] All this -it is necessary to now bear in mind, lest what Bradford wrote down in -his history of Morton’s doings should seem grotesque. He was speaking -of what represented in his memory a period of uncleanness, a sort of -carnival of the sexes. - -Morton’s own account of the festivities at Merry-Mount on the May-day -of 1627, which came on what would now be the 11th of the month, will be -found in the fourteenth chapter of the third book of the _Canaan_.[40] -It does not need to be repeated here. Bradford’s account was very -different: - - “They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many - days togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts, - dancing and frisking togither, (like so many fairies, or furies - rather,) and worse practises. As if they had anew revived and - celebrated the feasts of the Roman Goddes Flora, or the beasly - practieses of the madd Bacchinalians. Morton likwise (to shew - his poetrie,) composed sundry rimes and verses, some tending to - lasciviousnes, and others to the detraction and scandall of some - persons, which he affixed to this idle or idoll May-polle.”[41] - -Morton’s verses can be found in their proper place in the _New -Canaan_, but the principal charge now to be made against them is their -incomprehensibility. Judged even by the standard of the present day, -much more by that of the day when they were written, they are not open -to criticism because of their “lasciviousnes.” They are decent enough, -though very bad and very dull. As to the “detraction and scandall of -some persons,” alleged against them,--if indeed they contained anything -of the sort,--it was so very carefully concealed that no one could -easily have understood it then, and Morton’s own efforts at explanation -fail to make it intelligible now. - -The festivities around the May-pole were, however, but Morton’s -amusements. Had he confined himself to these he might, so far as the -people at Plymouth at least were concerned, to the end of his life have -lived on the shores of Boston Bay, and erected a new pole with each -recurring spring. The only resistance he would have had to overcome -would have been a remonstrance now and then, hardly less comical than -it was earnest. The business methods he pursued were a more serious -matter. He had come to New England to make money, as well as to enjoy -the license of a frontier life. He was fully alive to the profits of -the peltry trade, and in carrying on that trade he was restrained -by no scruples. The furs of course came from the interior, brought -by Indians. In his dealings with the Indians Morton adopted a policy -natural enough for one of his reckless nature, but which imperilled the -existence of every European on the coast. The two things the savages -most coveted were spirits and guns,--fire-water and fire-arms. Beads -and knives and hatchets and colored cloth served very well to truck -with at first. But these very soon lost their attraction. Guns and -rum never did. For these the Indians would at any time give whatever -they possessed. The trade in fire-arms had already attained some -proportions when, in 1622, it was strictly forbidden by a proclamation -of King James, issued at the instance of the Council for New England. -The companion trade in spirits, less dangerous to the whites but more -destructive to the savages, was looked upon as scandalous, but it was -not prohibited. Morton cared equally little for either law or morals. -He had come to New England for furs, and he meant to get them. - - “Hearing what gain the French and fishermen made by trading of - pieces, powder and shot to the Indians, he, as the head of this - consortship, began the practice of the same in these parts. And - first he taught them how to use them, to charge and discharge, and - what proportion of powder to give the piece, according to the size - and bigness of the same; and what shot to use for fowl and what for - deer. And having thus instructed them, he employed some of them to - hunt and fowl for him, so as they became far more active in that - employment than any of the English, by reason of their swiftness - of foot and nimbleness of body; being also quick sighted, and by - continual exercise well knowing the haunts of all sorts of game. So - as when they saw the execution that a piece would do, and the benefit - that might come by the same, they became mad, as it were, after them, - and would not stick to give any price they could attain to for - them; accounting their bows and arrows but bawbles in comparison of - them.”[42] - -This was Bradford’s story, nor does Morton deny it. That he would -have denied it if he could is apparent. The practices complained of -were forbidden by a royal proclamation, issued at the instance of Sir -Ferdinando Gorges. In his speech in defence of the great patent, before -the House of Commons in Committee of the Whole, in 1621, Gorges had -emphatically dwelt on the sale of arms and ammunition to the savages -as an abuse then practised, which threatened the extinction of the New -England settlements.[43] Fifteen years later, when he wrote the _New -Canaan_, Morton was a dependent of Gorges. The fact that he had dealt -in fire-arms, in contemptuous defiance of the proclamation, was openly -charged against him. He did deny that he had sold the savages spirits. -These, he said, were the life of trade; the Indians would “pawn their -wits” for them, but these he would never let them have. In the matter -of fire-arms, however, he preserved a discreet and significant silence. -He made no more allusion to them than he did to Wollaston or his -partners at Merry-Mount. - -In the whole record of the early Plymouth settlement, from the -first skirmish with the Cape Cod savages, in December, 1620, to the -Wessagusset killing, there is no mention of a gun being seen in an -Indian’s hands. On the contrary, the savages stood in mortal terror of -fire-arms. But now at last it seemed as if Morton was about not only to -put guns in their hands, but to instruct them in their use. - - “This Morton,” says Bradford, “having thus taught them the use of - pieces, he sold them all he could spare; and he and his consorts - determined to send for many out of England, and had by some of - the ships sent for above a score. The which being known, and his - neighbors meeting the Indians in the woods armed with guns in this - sort, it was a terror unto them, who lived straglingly, and were - of no strength in any place. And other places (though more remote) - saw this mischief would quickly spread over all, if not prevented. - Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would - entertain any, how vile soever, and all the scum of the country, or - any discontents, would flock to him from all places, if this nest was - not broken; and they should stand in more fear of their lives and - goods (in short time) from this wicked and debauched crew than from - the savages themselves.”[44] - -Thus, in the only branches of trade the country then afforded, Morton -was not only pressing all the other settlers hard, but he was pressing -them in an unfair way. If the savages could exchange their furs for -guns, they would not exchange them for anything else. Those not -prepared to give guns might withdraw from the market. The business, -too, conducted in this way, was a most profitable one. Morton says that -in the course of five years one of his servants was thought to have -accumulated, in the trade in beaver skins, no less than a thousand -pounds;[45] and a thousand pounds in 1635 was more than the equivalent -of ten thousand now. This statement was undoubtedly an exaggeration; -yet it is evident that at even ten shillings a pound in England, which -Morton gives as the current price, though Bradford says he never knew -it less than fourteen, beaver skins, which cost little or nothing in -America, yielded a large profit. As Morton expressed it, his plantation -“beganne to come forward.”[46] When, in 1625, the Plymouth people -found their way up into Maine,[47] and first opened a trade with the -savages there, Morton was not slow in following them. In 1628 they -established a permanent station on the Kennebec,[48] yet apparently as -early at least as 1627, if not in 1626, Morton had forestalled them -there, and hindered them of a season’s furs.[49] - -The injury done to the other settlers in a trading point of view, -however, serious as it unquestionably was, became insignificant in -comparison with the consequences which must result to them from the -presence on the coast of such a resort as Merry-Mount. The region -was vast, and in it there was no pretence of any government. It was -the yearly rendezvous of a rough and lawless class of men, only one -step removed from freebooters, who cared for nothing except immediate -gain. Once let such a gathering-place as that of which Morton was now -head become fixed and known, and soon it would develop into a nest of -pirates. Of this there could be no doubt; the Plymouth people had good -cause for the alarm which Bradford expressed. It mattered not whether -Morton realized the consequences of what he was doing, or failed to -realize them; the result would be the same. - -It gradually, therefore, became apparent to all those dwelling along -the coast, from the borders of Maine to Cape Cod, that either the -growing nuisance at Merry-Mount must be abated, or they would have -to leave the country. The course to be pursued in regard to it was, -however, not equally clear. The number of the settlements along the -coast had considerably increased since Wollaston’s arrival.[50] The -Hiltons and David Thomson had established themselves at Dover Neck and -Piscataqua as early as 1623; and sometime in 1625 apparently, Thomson, -bringing with him his young wife and a servant or two, had moved down -into Boston Bay, and established himself, only a mile or two away from -Mount Wollaston, on the island which still bears his name. He had died -a little while after, and in 1628 his widow was living there alone, -with one child and some servants. In 1625 or 1626 the Wessagusset -settlement had divided. Those of Gorges’s following who remained there -had never been wholly satisfied. It was no place for trade. Accordingly -Blackstone, Maverick and Walford, the two last being married and taking -their wives with them, had moved across the bay, and established -themselves respectively at Shawmut or Boston, at Noddle’s Island or -East Boston, and at Mishawum or Charlestown. Jeffreys, Bursley and -some others had remained at Wessagusset, and were Morton’s neighbors -at that place, whom he says he was in the custom of visiting from time -to time, “to have the benefit of company.”[51] At Hull, already known -by that name,[52] there were the Grays and a few other settlers. These -had been joined by Lyford and Oldham and their friends, when the latter -were expelled from Plymouth in the spring of 1625; but the next year, -finding the place probably an uninviting one, Lyford had crossed over -to Cape Ann, and thence a year later passed on to Virginia. Oldham -still remained at Nantasket. - -Such were those neighbors of Morton, the chiefs of the straggling -plantations, referred to by Bradford as being of “no strength in any -place.” Together they may possibly have numbered from fifty to an -hundred souls. The Plymouth settlement was, comparatively speaking, -organized and numerous, consisting as it did of some two hundred -persons, dwelling in about forty houses, which were protected by a -stockade of nearly half a mile in length. Nevertheless even there, by -the summer of 1627, the alarm at the increase of fire-arms in the hands -of the savages began to be very great. They had spread “both north and -south all the land over,”[53] and it was computed that the savages now -possessed at least sixty pieces. One trader alone, it was reported, had -sold them a score of guns and an hundred weight of ammunition. Bradford -thus takes up the story:-- - - “So sundry of the chiefs of the straggling plantations, meeting - together, agreed by mutual consent, to solicit those of Plymouth, - (who were then of more strength than them all,) to join with them to - prevent the further growth of this mischief, and suppress Morton and - his consorts before they grew to further head and strength. Those - that joined in this action, (and after contributed to the charge of - sending him to England,) were from Piscataqua, Naumkeag, Winnisimmet, - Wessagusset, Nantasket, and other places where any English were - seated. Those of Plymouth being thus sought to by their messengers - and letters, and weighing both their reasons and the common danger, - were willing to afford them their help, though themselves had least - cause of fear or hurt. So, to be short, they first resolved jointly - to write to him, and, in a friendly and neighborly way, to admonish - him to forbear these courses; and sent a messenger with their letters - to bring his answer. But he was so high as he scorned all advice, and - asked--Who had to do with him?--he had and would trade pieces with - the Indians in despite of all: with many other scurrilous terms full - of disdain. - - “They sent to him a second time, and bade him be better advised, - and more temperate in his terms, for the country could not bear the - injury he did; it was against their common safety, and against the - King’s proclamation. He answered in high terms, as before; and that - the King’s proclamation was no law: demanding, what penalty was - upon it? It was answered, more than he could bear, his Majesty’s - displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said the King was - dead, and his displeasure with him; and many the like things; and - threatened, withal, that if any came to molest him, let them look to - themselves; for he would prepare for them.”[54] - -However it may have been with the position he took as a matter of -public policy, Morton at least showed himself in this dispute better -versed in the law of England than those who admonished him. On the -first of the two points made by him he was clearly right. King James’s -proclamation was not law. This had been definitely decided more than -fifteen years before, when in 1610, in a case referred to all the -judges, Lord Coke, in reporting their decision, had stated on his own -authority that “the King cannot create any offence, by his prohibition -or proclamation, which was not an offence before, for that was to -change the law, and to make an offence, which was not; for _ubi non est -lex, ibi non est transgressio_; _ergo_, that which cannot be punished -without proclamation cannot be punished with it.”[55] - -In regard to the second point made by Morton, that the King’s -proclamation died with him, the same distinction between statutes and -proclamations, that the former were of perpetual obligation until -repealed and that the latter lost their force on the demise of the -crown,--this distinction was, a century and a half later, stated by -Hume[56] to have existed in James’s time. Lord Chief Justice Campbell -has, however, exclaimed against the statement as a display of ignorant -“audacity,” and declares that he was unable to find in the authorities -a trace of any such doctrine.[57] On this point, therefore, the law of -Thomas Morton was probably as bad as that of David Hume. Nevertheless -the passage in Bradford affords a curious bit of evidence that some -such distinction as that drawn by Hume, though it may not have got into -the books, did exist in both the legal and the public mind of the first -half of the seventeenth century. - -Whether Morton’s law on the subject of proclamations was or was not -found mattered little however. It was not then to be debated, as the -question with the settlers was one of self-preservation. The Plymouth -magistrates had gone too far to stop. If they even hesitated, now, -there was an end to all order in New England. Morton would not be slow -to realize that he had faced them down, and his insolence would in -future know no bounds. - - “So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of the Governor - of Plymouth to send Captain Standish, and some other aid with him, to - take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they found - him to stand stiffly in his defence, having made fast his doors, - armed his consorts, set divers dishes of powder and bullets ready - on the table; and, if they had not been over armed with drink, more - hurt might have been done. They summoned him to yield, but he kept - his house, and they could get nothing but scoffs and scorns from him; - but at length, fearing they would do some violence to the house, he - and some of his crew came out, but not to yield, but to shoot. But - they were so steeled with drink as their pieces were too heavy for - them; himself, with a carbine (overcharged and almost half filled - with powder and shot, as was after found) had thought to have shot - Captain Standish; but he stept to him, and put by his piece and took - him. Neither was there any hurt done to any of either side, save that - one was so drunk that he ran his own nose upon the point of a sword - that one held before him as he entered the house; but he lost but a - little of his hot blood.”[58] - -Morton’s own account of “this outragious riot,” as he calls it, is -contained in the fifteenth chapter of the third book of the _New -Canaan_.[59] It differs considerably from Bradford’s, but not in -essentials. He says that the occurrence took place in June; and as -Bradford’s letters of explanation, sent with the prisoner to England, -are dated the 9th of June,[60] it must have been quite early in the -month. He further says that he was captured in the first place at -Wessagusset, “where by accident they found him;” but escaping thence -during the night, through the carelessness of those set on guard over -him, he made his way in the midst of a heavy thunder-storm to Mount -Wollaston, going up the Monatoquit until he could cross it. The whole -distance from point to point was, for a person familiar with the -country, perhaps eight miles. Getting home early the next morning he -made his preparations for resistance in the way described by Bradford. -Of the whole party at Merry-Mount more than half, four apparently, -were then absent in the interior getting furs. This fact, indeed, -was probably well known to his neighbors, who had planned the arrest -accordingly. Standish, having eight men with him, followed Morton round -to Mount Wollaston, probably by water, the morning succeeding his -escape; and what ensued seems to have been sufficiently well described -by Bradford. One at least of the Merry-Mount garrison got extremely -tipsy before the attacking party appeared, and Morton, seeing that -resistance was hopeless, surrendered, after in vain trying to make some -terms for himself. - -Having been arrested he was at once carried to Plymouth, and a council -was held there to decide upon the disposition to be made of him. -According to his own account certain of the magistrates, among whom -he specially names Standish, advocated putting him to death at once, -and so ending the matter. They were not in favor of sending him to -England. Such a course as this was, however, wholly out of keeping -with the character of the Plymouth colony, and it is tolerably safe -to say that it was never really proposed. Morton imagined it; but he -also circumstantially asserts that when milder councils prevailed, and -it was decided to send him to England, Standish was so enraged that -he threatened to shoot him with his own hand, as he was put into the -boat.[61] - -Either because they did not care to keep him at Plymouth until he -could be sent away, or because an outward-bound fishing-vessel was -more likely at that season to be found at the fishing-stations, Morton -was almost immediately sent to the Isles of Shoals. He remained there -a month; and of his experiences during that time he gives a wholly -unintelligible account in the _New Canaan_.[62] At last a chance -offered of sending him out in a fishing-vessel bound to old Plymouth, -England. He went under charge of John Oldham, who was chosen to -represent the associated planters in this matter, and who carried two -letters, in the nature of credentials, prepared by Governor Bradford, -the one addressed to the Council for New England and the other to -Sir Ferdinando Gorges personally.[63] In these letters Bradford set -forth in detail the nature of the offences charged against Morton, and -asked that he might be brought “to his answer before those whom it -may concern.” These letters were signed by the chiefs of the several -plantations, at whose common charge the expenses of Oldham’s mission, -as well as Standish’s arrest, were defrayed, and towards this charge -they contributed as follows, though Bradford says the total cost was -much more:-- - - £ s - From Plymouth, 2 10 - „ Naumkeag, 1 10 - „ Piscataqua, 2 10 - „ Wessagusset, 2 - „ Nantasket, 1 10 - „ David Thomson’s widow, 15 - „ William Blackstone, 12 - „ Edward Hilton,[64] 1 - -------- - £12 7 - -Oldham and Morton reached Plymouth during the later summer or early -autumn of 1628. They must, therefore, have passed the outward-bound -expedition of Endicott, the forerunners of the great Puritan migration -of 1630-7, in mid-ocean, as on the 6th of September the latter reached -Naumkeag. The grant of the Massachusetts Company, which Endicott -represented, had been regularly obtained from the Council for New -England, and bore date the 19th of March, 1628. It covered the -sea-front within the space of three English miles to the northward of -the Merrimack and to the southward of the Charles, “or of any and every -part of either of these streams;” while it extended “from the Atlantick -and Western Sea and Ocean on the East Parte, to the South Sea on the -West Parte.” It also included everything lying within the space of -three miles to the southward of the southernmost part of Massachusetts, -by which was meant Boston Bay.[65] It was clear, therefore, that Mount -Wollaston was included in this grant. - -Morton’s establishment was thus brought within Endicott’s government. -Its existence and character must already have been well known in -England, and it is not at all improbable that its suppression had been -there decided upon. Whether this was so or not, however, Endicott -certainly learned, as soon as he landed at Naumkeag, of the action -which had been taken three months before. It commended itself to him; -though he doubtless regretted that more condign punishment had not -been administered to Morton and his crew on the spot, and did not delay -to take such steps as were still in his power, to make good what in -this respect had been lacking. As Bradford says, “visiting those parts -[he] caused that May-polle to be cutt downe, and rebuked them for their -profannes, and admonished them to looke ther should be better walking; -so they now, or others, changed the name of their place againe, and -called it Mounte-Dagon.”[66] - -Morton and Oldham, meanwhile, were in England. As Oldham bore letters -to Gorges and landed at Plymouth, of which place the latter then was -and for many years had been the royal governor, there can be no doubt -that Morton was at once brought before him. As respects New England -Gorges’s curiosity was insatiable. Any one who came from there, -whether a savage or a sea-captain, was eagerly questioned by him; and -his collection of charts, memoirs, letters, journals and memorials, -relating to the discovery of those parts, is said to have been -unequalled.[67] Oldham and Morton had lived there for years. They knew -all that was then known about the country and its resources. They both -of them had unlimited faith in its possibilities, and talked about an -hundred per cent profit within the year, as if it were a thing easily -compassed.[68] Talk of this kind Gorges liked to hear. It suited his -temperament; and it would seem not improbable that Morton soon found -this out, and bore himself accordingly. - -Meanwhile it was not possible for the Council for New England and -the Massachusetts Company to long move in harmony. The former was -an association of courtiers, and the latter one of Puritans. The -Council planned to create in the New World a score or two of great -feudal domains for English noblemen; the Company proposed to itself a -commonwealth there. Accordingly difficulties between the two at once -began to crop out. The original grant to the Company of March 19, 1628, -had been made by the Council, with the assent of Gorges. The tract -already conceded to Robert Gorges, in 1622, was included in it; but -Sir Ferdinando insisted that the subsequent and larger grant was made -with a distinct saving of all rights vested under the prior one.[69] -This the Company was not prepared to admit; and, as the business of the -Council was habitually done in a careless slipshod way, the record was -by no means clear. A question of title, involving some three hundred -square miles of territory in the heart of the Company’s grant, was -therefore raised at once. - -Captain Robert Gorges meanwhile had died, and the title to his grant -had passed to his brother John. It would seem that Oldham, who was a -pushing man, had come out to England with some scheme of his own for -obtaining a patent from the Council, and organizing a strong trading -company to operate under it. The result was that John Gorges now deeded -to him a portion of the Robert Gorges grant, being the whole region -lying between the Charles and the Saugus rivers, for a distance of -five miles from the coast on the former and three miles on the latter. -This deed may and probably did bear a date, January 10, 1629, similar -to that of another deed of a yet larger tract out of the same grant, -which John Gorges executed to Sir William Brereton. The lands thus -conveyed were distinctly within the limits covered by the grant to the -Massachusetts Company, and a serious question of title was raised. The -course now pursued by the Company could not but have been singularly -offensive to Gorges. They outgeneralled him in his own field of -action. They too had friends at court. Accordingly they went directly -to the throne. A royal confirmation of their grant from the Council -was solicited and obtained. On the 4th of March, 1629, King Charles’s -charter of the Massachusetts Company passed the seals. - -It now became a race, for the actual possession of the disputed -territory, between the representatives of the Company on the one -side and the Gorges grantees on the other. The former, under advice -of counsel, denied the validity of the Robert Gorges grant of 1622. -It was, they claimed, void in law, being “loose and uncertain.”[70] -They instructed Endicott to hurry a party forward to effect an actual -occupation. This he at once did; and the settlement of Charlestown, in -the summer of 1629, was the result. Meanwhile Oldham, having in vain -tried to coax or browbeat the Company into an arrangement satisfactory -to himself, was endeavoring to fit out an expedition of his own.[71] He -had not the means at his disposal; and, convinced of this at last, he -gave up the contest. - -At an early stage in these proceedings he would seem to have wholly -lost sight of so much of the business he had in hand as related to -Thomas Morton. Bradford’s expression, in referring to what took place, -is that Morton “foold” Oldham.[72] Morton himself, however, says[73] -that Oldham did the best he could, and tried to set the officers of -the law at work, but was advised that Morton had committed no crime of -which the English courts could take cognizance. He had at most only -disregarded a proclamation. All this seems very probable. Nevertheless, -for violating a proclamation, he could at that time have been proceeded -against in the Star Chamber. It is true that in their decision in 1610, -already referred to,[74] the twelve judges had said, “Lastly, if the -offence be not punishable in the Star Chamber, the prohibition of it -by proclamation cannot make it punishable there.”[75] This, however, -was the language of the bench in the days of James, when Coke was -Chief Justice. In 1629 the current of opinion was running strongly in -the opposite direction. Sir Nicholas Hyde, as Chief Justice, was then -“setting law and decency at defiance” in support of prerogative,[76] -and a few years later Sir John Finch was to announce “that while he -was Keeper no man should be so saucy as to dispute these orders” of -the Lords of the Council.[77] Law or no law, therefore, Morton could -easily have been held to a severe account in the Star Chamber, had -Gorges been disposed to press matters against him there. He clearly -was not so disposed. The inference, therefore, is that Morton had -succeeded in thoroughly ingratiating himself with Gorges; and Oldham, -as he was now a grantee of Gorges’s son, did not see his account in -pressing matters. Accordingly Bradford’s letters and complaints were -quietly ignored; and his “lord of misrule,” and head of New England’s -first “schoole of Athisme,”[78] escaped without, so far as could be -discovered, even a rebuke for his misdeeds. - -Nor was this all. Isaac Allerton was at that time in London, as the -agent of the Plymouth colony. The most important business he had in -hand was to procure a new patent for the Plymouth people, covering by -correct bounds a grant on the Kennebec, with which region they were now -opening a promising trade. They also wanted to secure, if possible, -a royal charter for themselves like that which had just been issued -to the Massachusetts Company. In the matter of the patent, Allerton -had to deal with the Council for New England; the granting of the -charter lay at Whitehall. Altogether it was a troublesome and vexatious -business, and the agent soon found that he could make no headway except -through favor. The influence of Gorges became necessary. In the light -of subsequent events it would seem altogether probable that Morton -now made himself useful. At any rate, when Allerton returned to New -England, in 1629, with the patent but without a charter, he astonished -and scandalized the Plymouth community by bringing Morton back with -him. They apparently landed sometime in August,[79] and we have two -accounts of Morton’s reception at Plymouth; one his own, and the other -Governor Bradford’s. Both are characteristic. Morton says that - - “Being ship’d againe for the parts of New Canaan, [he] was put in - at Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible amazement - to see him at liberty; and [they] told him hee had not yet fully - answered the matter they could object against him. Hee onely made - this modest reply, that he did perceave they were willfull people, - that would never be answered: and he derided them for their practises - and losse of laboure.”[80] - -Bradford, looking at the transaction from the other point of view, -says:-- - - “Mr. Allerton gave them great and just ofence in bringing over - this year, for base gaine, that unworthy man, and instrumente of - mischeefe, Morton, who was sent home but the year before for his - misdemenors. He not only brought him over, but to the towne, (as it - were to nose them,) and lodged him at his owne house, and for a while - used him as a scribe to doe his bussines.”[81] - -In view of Morton’s escape from all punishment in England, and his -return a little later to Mount Wollaston, Bradford speaks of the -trouble and charge of his arrest as having been incurred “to little -effect.”[82] This, however, was not so. On the contrary, it is not -often that an act of government repression produces effects equally -decisive. The nuisance was abated and the danger dispelled; the fact -that there was a power on the coast, ready to assert itself in the work -of maintaining order, was established and had to be recognized; and, -finally, a wholly unscrupulous competitor was driven out of trade. -These results were well worth all that Morton’s arrest cost, and much -more. - -It does not appear how long Morton now remained at Plymouth. It could -not, however, have been more than a few weeks before Allerton, who -himself went back to England the same season, was, as Bradford puts it, -“caused to pack him away.” He then returned to Mount Wollaston, where -he seems to have found a remnant of his old company,--apparently the -more modest of them and such as had looked to their better walking. -Hardly, however, had he well gotten back when he was in trouble with -Endicott. The first difficulty arose out of the jealousy which existed -between the “old planters,” as they were called, and those who belonged -to the Massachusetts Company. The old planters were the very men who -had associated themselves, eighteen months before, to bring about the -suppression of the establishment at Mount Wollaston. Now they also were -beginning to feel the pressure of authority, and they did not like -it. In their helpless anger they even spoke of themselves as “slaves” -of the new Company.[83] They could no longer plant what they chose or -trade with whom they pleased. - -On these points Endicott had explicit instructions. They were contained -in the letters of Cradock of April 17 and May 28, 1629, which are to be -found in Young’s _Chronicles of Massachusetts_, and contain the policy -of the company, set forth in clear vigorous English. In pursuance -of those instructions, Endicott seems to have summoned all the old -planters dwelling within the limits of the patent to meet in a General -Court at Salem, sometime in the latter part of 1629. There he doubtless -advised them as to the policy which the Company intended to pursue; and -Morton says that he then tendered all present for signature certain -articles which he and the Rev. Samuel Skelton had drawn up together. -The essence of those articles was that in all causes, ecclesiastical as -well as political, the tenor of God’s word should be followed.[84] The -alternative was banishment. - -Morton claims that he alone of those present refused to put his hand -to this paper, insisting that a proviso should first be added in these -words, “So as nothing be done contrary or repugnant to the laws of -the Kingdom of England.” These are almost the exact words of King -Charles’s charter;[85] and it would seem as though Morton, in proposing -them, sought an opportunity to display his legal acumen. Whether his -suggestion was adopted, and the articles modified accordingly, does not -appear. It probably was, though the change was not one which Endicott -would have looked upon with favor. If he assented to it he certainly -did so grimly. The matter of regulating the trade in beaver skins was -next brought up. This was intended to be a Company monopoly, to meet -the charge of providing churches and forts.[86] It was accordingly -proposed that a sort of general partnership for the term of one year -should be effected to carry it on. Morton says that on this matter -also he stood out, and it seems altogether probable that he did. It -is safe to say that he was there to make whatever trouble he could. -On the other hand it was not possible for Endicott to mistake his -instructions. They were as plain as words could make them. He was -to see to it that “none be partakers of [the Company’s] privileges -and profits, but such as be peaceable men, and of honest life and -conversation, and desirous to live amongst us, and conform themselves -to good order and government.” And further, if any factious spirit -developed itself he was enjoined “to suppress a mischief before it take -too great a head ... which, if it may be done by a temperate course, we -much desire it, though with some inconvenience, so as our government -and privileges be not brought in contempt.... But if necessity require -a more severe course, when fair means will not prevail, we pray you to -deal as in your discretions you shall think fittest.” Such instructions -as these, in Endicott’s hands to execute, boded ill for Morton. - -Matters soon came to a crisis. Morton paid no regard to the Company’s -trade regulations. The presumption is that he was emboldened to take -the course he now did by the belief that he would find support in -England. He unquestionably was informed as to all the details of the -trouble between the Massachusetts Company and the Council for New -England, and knew that Oldham, whom he by the way speaks of as “a mad -Jack in his mood,”[87] held a grant from John Gorges, and was straining -every nerve to come out and take adverse possession of the territory -covered by it. He probably hoped, day by day, to see Oldham appear at -the head of a Gorges expedition. There is reason to suppose that he was -himself at this time an agent of Gorges,--that, indeed, he had come -back to New England as such, and was playing a part very much like that -of a spy. He was certainly in such correspondence with Sir Ferdinando -as the means of communication permitted, and the confidant of his -plans.[88] - -When, therefore, he offered all the opposition to Endicott which he -dared, and thwarted him so far as he could, he was not acting for -himself alone. He represented, in a degree at least, what in England -was a powerful combination. Accordingly, with an over-confidence in the -result born of his sanguine faith in the power and influence of his -patron, he now seems to have gone back to the less objectionable of his -old courses. He did not renew the trade in fire-arms and ammunition, -for he probably had none to spare, and experience had taught him how -dangerous it was. He did, however, deal with the savages as he saw fit, -and on his own account, openly expressing his contempt for Endicott’s -authority, and doing all he could to excite the jealousy and discontent -of the “old planters.”[89] His own profits at this time were, he says, -six and seven fold. - -This state of things could not continue. Accordingly, as the year drew -to a close, Endicott made an effort to arrest him. Morton, however, -was now on his guard. Getting wind of what was intended, he concealed -his ammunition and most necessary goods in the forest; and, when the -messengers, sent across the bay to seize him, landed on the beach at -the foot of Mount Wollaston, he was nowhere to be found. He says that -they ransacked his house, and took from it all the provender they -could find; but when they were gone he replenished his supplies with -the aid of his gun, and “did but deride Captain Littleworth, that made -his servants snap shorte in a country so much abounding with plenty of -foode for an industrious man.” This happened about Christmas, 1629.[90] - -Could Endicott now have laid hands upon him there can be little room -for doubt that Morton would have been summarily dealt with; but for the -present the deputy-governor’s attention was otherwise occupied. This -was that winter of 1629-30, the famine and sickness of which came so -near to bringing the Salem settlement to a premature end. During that -struggle for existence the magistrate had no time to attend to Morton’s -case. But he was not the man to forget it. - -With the following summer the great migration, which was to fix the -character of New England, began. Instead of a vessel fitted out for -Oldham under the patronage of Gorges, the _Mary & John_, chartered by -the Massachusetts Company and having on board 140 passengers from the -West of England, anchored off Hull on the 30th of May. A fortnight -later Governor Winthrop reached Salem, and on the 17th of June he also -came into Boston Harbor; and Morton, from Mount Wollaston, must have -watched his vessel with anxious eyes as, in full view from his house, -it made its way up the channel to the mouth of the Mystic. He must also -have realized that its appearance in those waters boded him no good. - -In a few days more the whole fleet, numbering twelve sail in all, was -at anchor off Charlestown, and the work of discharging passengers was -going actively on. Of these there were nearly a thousand;[91] and now -the busy and fatal summer experience of 1630 was fairly entered upon. - -For a few weeks longer Morton continued to live undisturbed at Mount -Wollaston. The confusion and bustle of landing, and afterwards the -terror and sense of bereavement which followed hard on pestilence, -protected him. It was not until the 23d of August, or the present -2d of September, that the magistrates held any formal session. They -then met at the great house at Charlestown,[92] as it would seem, -Winthrop, Dudley, Saltonstall, Pynchon, Bradstreet and others being -present. After some more important business had been disposed of, “It -was ordered, that Morton, of Mount Woolison, should presently be sent -for by processe.”[93] Of the circumstances of his arrest under the -warrant thus issued Morton has given no account. Apparently he felt -it was useless to try to evade the messengers, and resistance was -wholly out of the question. At the next session of the magistrates, -held two weeks later, on what would now be the 17th of September, he -was formally arraigned. In addition to those already named as being -at the earlier meeting, Endicott was now present. He had probably -come down from Salem to give his personal attention to Morton’s case. -It must from the outset have been apparent to the prisoner that the -tribunal before which he stood was one from which he had nothing to -hope. The proceedings were in fact summary. It would seem, from his -own account of them,[94] that he endeavored to humble himself, and, -that failing, he made a sort of plea to the jurisdiction of the Court. -Neither submission nor plea produced any effect. On the contrary he -was apparently cut short in his defence and his protest by impatient -exclamations, and even bidden to hold his peace and hearken to his -sentence. It appears in the records as follows:-- - - “It is ordered by this present Court, that Thomas Morton, of Mount - Walliston, shall presently be sett into the bilbowes, and after - sent prisoner into England, by the shipp called the _Gifte_, nowe - returning thither; that all his goods shalbe seazed upon to defray - the charge of his transportation, payment of his debts, and to - give satisfaction to the Indians for a cannoe hee unjustly tooke - away from them; and that his howse, after the goods are taken out, - shalbe burnt downe to the ground in the sight of the Indians, for - their satisfaction, for many wrongs hee hath done them from tyme to - tyme.”[95] - -Unfortunately, Winthrop’s admonitory remarks in imposing this sentence -have not been preserved. There is, however, in the _New Canaan_, an -expression which apparently formed a part of them.[96] It is that in -which it is assigned as a reason for the destruction of the house at -Mount Wollaston, that “the habitation of the wicked should no more -appear in Israel.” In compliance with the terms of this sentence, -Morton was set in the stocks; and while there, he tells us, the savages -came and looked at him, and wondered what it all meant. He was not, -however, sent back to England in the _Gift_, as the master of that -vessel declined to carry him; for what reason does not appear. It was -not in fact until nearly four months after his arrest that a passage -was secured for him in the _Handmaid_. Even then, Maverick afterwards -stated that Morton, obdurate to the last, refused to go on board the -vessel, upon the ground that he had no call to go there, and so had to -be hoisted over her side by a tackle.[97] His house also was burned -down; but the execution of this part of his sentence, he asserts,--and -his assertion is confirmed by Maverick,--was vindictively delayed until -he was on his way into banishment, when it was executed rather in his -sight, it would seem, than in that of the savages. Of the voyage to -England there is an account in the _New Canaan_ that is rather more -rambling and incoherent than is usual even with Morton.[98] - -The _Handmaid_ appears to have been unseaworthy, and insufficiently -supplied. She had a long and tempestuous passage, in the course of -which Morton came very near starving, no provision having been made for -his subsistence except a very inadequate one out of his own supplies. - -The second arrest of Morton was equally defensible with the first. -According to his own account he had systematically made himself a -thorn in Endicott’s side. He had refused to enter into any covenants, -whether for trade or government, and he had openly derided the -magistrate and eluded his messengers. This could not be permitted. He -dwelt within the limits of the Massachusetts charter, and the Company -was right when it instructed Endicott that all living there “must -live under government and a like law.” It was necessary, therefore, -that Morton should either give in his adhesion, or that he should -be compelled to take himself off. This, however, was not the ground -which the magistrates took. Nothing was said in the sentence of any -disregard of authority or disobedience to regulation. No reference -was made to any illicit dealings with the Indians, or to the trade -in fire-arms. Offences of this kind would have justified the extreme -severity of a sentence which went to the length of ignominious physical -punishment, complete confiscation of property and banishment; leaving -only whipping, mutilation or death uninflicted. No such offences were -alleged. Those which were alleged, on the contrary, were of the most -trivial character. They were manifestly trumped up for the occasion. -The accused had unjustly taken away a canoe from some Indians; he had -fired a charge of shot among a troop of them who would not ferry him -across a river, wounding one and injuring the garments of another; he -was “a proud, insolent man” against whom a “multitude of complaints -were received, for injuries done by him both to the English and the -Indians.”[99] Those specified, it may be presumed, were examples of the -rest. They amount to nothing at all, and were afterwards very fitly -characterized by Maverick as mere pretences. Apparently conscious of -this, Dudley, the deputy-governor, in referring to the matter a few -months later in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, says that Morton -was sent to England “for that my Lord Chief Justice there so required, -that he might punish him capitally for fouler misdemeanors there -perpetrated.” Bradford also, in referring to the matter, states that -Morton was “vehemently suspected” of a murder, and that “a warrant was -sent from the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend him.”[100] - -There can be no doubt that there was a warrant from the King’s Bench -against Morton in Winthrop’s hands,[101] but in all probability it -was nothing more nor less than a sort of English _lettre de cachet_. -Morton’s record in New England was perfectly well known in London -at the time Winthrop was making his preparations to cross. His -relations with Oldham and Gorges must often have been discussed at -the assistants’ meetings, and they were not ignorant of the fact that -he had gone back to Plymouth with Allerton. They must have suspected -that he went back as an agent or emissary of Gorges, and they may have -known that he so went back. In any event, they did not propose to have -him live within the limits of their patent. He was an undesirable -character. The warrant, therefore, was probably obtained in advance, -on some vague report or suspicion of a criminal act, to be at hand -and ready for use when needed.[102] It could not legally run into New -England, any more than it could into Scotland or Ireland.[103] Then, -and at no later time, would Winthrop have recognized it in any other -case; and, even in this case, no reference is made to it in the colony -records. Had it been so referred to, it might have been cited as a -precedent. - -Moreover such a requisition, though it might have warranted the return -of Morton to England, certainly did not warrant the confiscation of -all his property and the burning of his house in advance of trial -and conviction there. In point of fact the requisition was a mere -pretext and cover. The Massachusetts magistrates, so far as Morton was -concerned, had made up their minds before he stood at their bar. He -was not only a “libertine,” as they termed it, but he was suspected -of being a spy. His presence at Mount Wollaston they did not consider -desirable, and so they proposed to purge the country of him; and if not -in one way, then in another. His case is not singular in Massachusetts -annals; it is merely the first of its kind. It established a precedent -much too often followed thereafter. Morton was one of those who, as -it was expressed in a tract of the time printed in London, “must -have elbow-roome, and cannot abide to be so pinioned with the strict -government in the Commonwealth, or discipline in the church. Now why -should such live there? As Ireland will not brooke venomous beasts, so -will not that land [New England] vile persons and loose livers.”[104] - -Many times, in the years which followed, the country was purged of -other of these “vile persons and loose livers,” in much the same way -that it was now purged of Morton. It may, however, well be questioned -whether it ever derived benefit from the process. Certainly Morton’s -case was as strong as any case well could be. There was absolutely -nothing to be said in his favor. He was a lawless, reckless, immoral -adventurer. And yet, as the result will show, in sending Morton back -to England, the victim of high-handed justice, the Massachusetts -magistrates committed a serious blunder. They had much better have -left him alone under the harrow of their authority. At Mount Wollaston -he was at worst but a nuisance. They drove him away from there and sent -him back to London; and at Whitehall he became a real danger. This part -of history is now to be told. - -Bradford says, and he is generally correct in his statements, that -when at last Morton reached England “he lay a good while in Exeter -jail.”[105] There is no allusion to anything of the sort in the _New -Canaan_; and it would not seem that he could have been very long a -prisoner, as the next assizes and jail-delivery must have set him free. -There could have been nothing on which to make him stand a trial. -Accordingly the following year he was at liberty and busily concerned -in Gorges’s intrigues for the overthrow of the Massachusetts charter. - -The house in which Gorges lived--as formerly it had been the point -of gathering of all who had visited the American coast, or could -add anything to the stock of information concerning it--was now the -headquarters for those who had any complaint to make or charges to -prefer against the magistracy of Massachusetts. Acting in concert with -Captain John Mason, the patentee of New Hampshire, he was exerting -himself to the utmost to secure a revocation of King Charles’s -charter. The attack was made on the 19th of December, 1632, and it -was a formidable one. It assumed the shape of a petition to the Privy -Council, asking the Lords to inquire into the methods through which the -royal charter for the Massachusetts Bay had been procured, and into -the abuses which had been practised under it. Besides many injuries -inflicted on individuals in their property and persons, the Company -was also charged with seditious and rebellious designs, subversive -alike of church and of state. The various allegations were based on -the affidavits of three witnesses,--Thomas Morton, Philip Ratcliff and -Sir Christopher Gardiner. Behind these was the active and energetic -influence of Gorges and Mason.[106] - -It is not necessary in this connection to go into any detailed -statement of the wrongs complained of by Ratcliff and Gardiner. They -were of the same nature, though even more pronounced than those of -Morton. The country had in fact been purged of all three of these -individuals. The original document in which they set forth their cases, -and made accusation against the magistrates, has unfortunately been -lost. In referring to it afterwards Winthrop said that it contained -“some truths misrepeated.”[107] Apart from severe judgments on alleged -wrong-doers, including whipping, branding, mutilating, banishment and -confiscation of property, the burden of the accusation lay in the -disposition to throw off allegiance to the mother country, which was -distinctly charged against the colony. - -A harsh coloring was doubtless given in the petition to whatever -could be alleged. So far as casting off their allegiance to the -mother country was concerned, nothing can be more certain than that -neither the leaders nor the common people of New England entertained -at that time any thought of it; but it is quite equally certain that -the leaders at least were deeply dissatisfied with the course public -affairs were then taking in England. They were Puritans, and this was -the period of the Star Chamber and the High Commission. No parliament -had been called since 1629, and it was then publicly announced at -Court that no more parliaments were to be called. There is no reason -to suppose that the early settlers of Massachusetts were a peculiarly -reticent race. On the contrary it is well known that they were much -given to delivering themselves and bearing evidence on all occasions; -and in doing so they unquestionably railed and declaimed quite freely -against those then prominent in the council-chamber and among the -bishops. That there was a latent spirit in New England ripe for -rebellion was also, probably, asserted in the lost document. However -Winthrop might deny it, and deny it honestly, this also was true; and -subsequent events, both in Massachusetts and in England, showed it to -be so. In the light of their sympathies and sufferings, Morton and -Gardiner probably realized the drift of what they had heard said and -seen done in New England a good deal better than Winthrop. - -The result of the Morton-Gardiner petition was the appointment of a -committee of twelve Lords of the Council, to whom the whole matter was -referred for investigation and report. The committee was empowered to -send for persons and papers and a long and apparently warm hearing -ensued. The friends of the Company found it necessary to at once bestir -themselves. Cradock, Saltonstall and Humfrey filed a written answer -to the complaint, and subsequently, at the hearing, they received -efficient aid from Emanuel Downing, Winthrop’s brother-in-law, and -Thomas Wiggin, who lived at Piscataqua, but now most opportunely -chanced to be in London. - -At the Court of Charles I. everything was matter of influence or -purchase. The founders of Massachusetts were men just abreast of -their time, and not in advance of it. There is good ground on which -to suspect that they did not hesitate to have recourse to the means -then and there necessary to the attainment of their ends. It has never -been explained, for instance, how the charter of 1629 was originally -secured.[108] When Allerton, at the same time, tried to obtain a -similar charter for the Plymouth colony, he found that he had to buy -his way at every step, and Bradford complained bitterly of the “deale -of money veainly and lavishly cast away.”[109] That the original -patentees of Massachusetts bribed some courtier near the King, and -through him bought their charter, is wholly probable. Every one bribed, -and almost every one about the King took bribes. That the patentees -had powerful influence at Court is certain; exactly where it lay is -not apparent. The Earl of Warwick interested himself actively in their -behalf. It was he who secured for them their patent from the Council -for New England. But Warwick, though a powerful nobleman, was “a man -in no grace at Court;” on the contrary, he was one of those “whom his -Majesty had no esteem of, or ever purposed to trust.”[110] Winthrop -says that in the Morton-Gardiner hearing his brother-in-law, Emanuel -Downing, was especially serviceable.[111] Downing was a lawyer of the -Inner Temple.[112] There is reason to suppose that he had access to -influential persons,--possibly Lord Dorchester may have been amongst -them.[113] However this may be, whether by means of influence or -bribery, the hearing before the Committee of the Privy Council was made -to result disastrously for the complainants. Gorges took nothing by his -motion. In due time the Committee reported against any interference -with the Company at that time. Such grounds of complaint as did not -admit of explanation they laid to the “faults or fancies of particular -men,” and these, they declared, were “in due time to be inquired into.” -King Charles himself also had evidently been labored with through the -proper channels, and not without effect. Not only did he give his -approval to the report of the Committee, but he went out of his way -to further threaten with condign punishment those “who did abuse his -governor and the plantation.” - -Gorges’s carefully prepared attack had thus ended in complete -failure. The danger, however, had been great, nor was its importance -underestimated in Massachusetts. This clearly appears in Winthrop’s -subsequent action; for when, four months later, in May, 1633, -information of the final action of the Council reached him, he wrote -a letter of grave jubilation to Governor Bradford, giving him the -glad news, and inviting him to join “in a day of thanksgiving to our -mercifull God, who, as he hath humbled us by his late correction, so he -hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing in our deliverance out of -so desperate a danger.”[114] - -Though badly defeated, and for the time being no doubt discouraged, -Gorges and Morton were not disposed to desist from their efforts. As -the latter expressed it, they had been too eager, and had “effected -the business but superficially.”[115] They had also committed the -serious mistake of underestimating the strength and influence of -their antagonists. If Gorges, however, was at home anywhere, he was -at home just where he had now received his crushing defeat,--in the -antechambers of the palace. All his life he had been working through -Court influences. Through them, after the Essex insurrection, he had -saved his neck from the block. If Court influence would have availed -to secure it, in 1623 he would have pre-empted the whole territory -about Boston Bay as the private domain of himself and his descendants. -At Whitehall he was an enemy not lightly to be disregarded; and this -Winthrop and his colleagues soon had cause to realize. - -Thwarted by strong influences in one direction, Gorges went to work to -secure stronger influences in another direction. He knew the ground, -and his plan of operations was well conceived. To follow it out in -detail is not possible. Here and there a fact appears; the rest is -inference and surmise. The King was the objective point. Of him it -is not necessary here to speak at length, for his character is too -well understood. Dignified in his bearing, and in personal character -purer than his times,--a devout, well-intentioned man,--Charles was a -shallow, narrow-minded bigot, with a diseased belief in that divinity -which doth hedge a king. He would have made an ideal, average English -country gentleman. After the manner of small, obstinate men, he -believed intensely in a few things. One was his own royal supremacy -and his responsibility, not to his people but to his kingship. He -was nothing of a statesman, and as a politician he was his own worst -enemy. His idea of government was the Spanish one: the king had a -prime-minister, and that prime-minister was the king’s other and second -self. In Charles’s case Buckingham was at first prime-minister; and, -when Buckingham was assassinated, he was in due time succeeded by Laud. -Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, had not died until August 4, 1633, -and a few days later Laud was appointed to succeed him. He thus became -primate almost exactly eight months after the first attack on the -charter. It was through him that Gorges now went to work to influence -the King and to control the course of events in New England. His method -can be explained in four words: Laud hated a Puritan. - -At first the secret connection of Gorges and Morton with the events -which now ensued is matter of pure surmise. There is no direct evidence -of it in the records or narratives. At a later period it becomes more -apparent. As a matter of surmise, however, based on the subsequent -development of events, it seems probable that in February, 1634, the -attention of the Archbishop, and through him that of the Privy Council, -was called to the large emigration then going on to New England of -“persons known to be ill-affected and discontented, as well with the -civil as ecclesiastical government.”[116] As Gorges himself expressed -it, “numbers of people of all sorts flocked thither in heaps.”[117] -Several vessels, already loaded with passengers and stores, were then -lying in the Thames. An Order in Council was forthwith issued staying -these vessels, and calling upon Cradock to produce the Company’s -charter. So far as the vessels were concerned it soon appeared that the -Company was still not without friends in the Council; and, “for reasons -best known to their Lordships,” they were permitted to sail.[118] -Doubtless this detention, as the subsequent more rigid restraint, was -“grounded upon the several complaints that came out of those parts of -the divers sects and schisms that were amongst them, all contemning -the public government of the ecclesiastical state.” Ratcliff was now -looked upon as a lunatic,[119] and Gardiner had disappeared. Morton -alone remained; and it is safe to surmise that he was the fountain-head -of these complaints, as Gorges was the channel which conveyed them to -Laud. As respects the charter, Cradock made reply to the order for its -production that it was not in his hands,--that Winthrop, four years -before, had taken it to New England. He was directed to send for it at -once. Here the matter rested, and to all appearances Gorges had met -with one more check. The release of the vessels was ordered on the last -day of February, 1634. - -A new move on the chess-board was now made by some one. Who that -some-one was is again matter of surmise. Hitherto the few matters -which from time to time came up, relating to the colonies, had been -considered in the full Privy Council. There the Massachusetts Company -had shown itself a power. Special tribunals, however, were at this -juncture greatly in vogue at Whitehall. The Council of the North, the -Star Chamber, the Court of High Commission, were in full operation. To -them all political work was consigned, and in the two last Laud was -supreme. Up to this time, however, the need of any special tribunal -to look after the affairs of the colonies had not made itself felt. -The historians of New England have philosophized a great deal over the -considerations of state which, during the reign of Charles, dictated -the royal policy towards New England;[120] but it is more than doubtful -whether considerations of state had anything to do with that policy. -The remoteness and insignificance of early New England, so far as the -English Court was concerned, is a thing not easy now to realize. It may -be taken for certain that King and Primate rarely gave a thought to it, -much less matured a definite or rational policy. Their minds were full -of more important matters. They were intent on questions of tonnage and -poundage, on monopolies, and all possible ways and means of raising -money; they were thinking of the war with Spain, of Wentworth’s Irish -policy, of the English opposition, and the Scotch church system. So far -as New England was concerned they were mere puppets to be jerked to and -fro by the strings of Court influence,--now granting a charter at the -instance of one man, and then restraining vessels at the instance of -another,--defending “our governor” one day, and threatening to have his -ears cropped the next. - -In certain quarters it seems now, however, to have been decided that -this condition of affairs was to continue no longer. A special tribunal -should be created, to take charge of all colonial matters. This move -seems to have grown out of the Order in Council of February 21, and to -have been directed almost exclusively to the management of affairs in -New England, whence complaint mainly came. Accordingly, on the 10th of -April, a commission passed the great seal establishing a board with -almost unlimited power of regulating plantations. Laud was at the head -of it. There would seem to be every reason to assume that this tribunal -was created at the suggestion of Laud, and in consequence of the -undecided course pursued by the Council as a whole, two months before, -in the matter of the detained vessels. A further inference, from what -went before and what followed, is that Laud’s action was stimulated -and shaped by Gorges. He was the active promoter of complaints and -scandals from New England. In other words, the organization of this -colonial board, through Laud’s influence and with Laud supreme in it, -was Gorges’s first move in the next and most formidable attack on the -charter of the Massachusetts Bay. - -The plan now matured by Gorges was a large one. He had no idea of being -balked of the prize which it had been the dream and the effort of his -life to secure. He meant yet to grasp a government for himself, and an -inheritance for his children, in New England. So far as the settlement -of that country was concerned, what he for thirty years had been vainly -ruining himself to bring about was now accomplishing itself; but it -was accomplishing itself not only without his aid, but in a way which -gravely threatened his interests. The people who were swarming to New -England refused to recognize his title, and abused and expelled his -agents. It was clear that the Council for New England was not equal to -dealing with such a crisis. It was necessary to proceed through some -other agency. The following scheme was, therefore, step by step devised. - -The territory held under the great patent of the Council for New -England extended from Maine to New Jersey. This whole region was, -by the action of the Council, to be divided in severalty among its -remaining members, and the patent was then to be surrendered to the -King, who thereupon was to confirm the division just made.[121] The -Council being thus gotten out of the way, the King was to assume -the direct government of the whole territory, and was to appoint -a governor-general for it. Sir Ferdinando Gorges was to be that -governor-general.[122] He would thus go out to his province clothed -with full royal authority; and the issue would then be, not between -the settlers of Massachusetts, acting under the King’s charter, and -that “carcass in a manner breathless,” the Council for New England, -but between a small body of disobedient subjects and the King’s own -representative. The scheme was a well-devised one. It was nothing -more nor less than the colonial or New England branch of Strafford’s -“Thorough.” It was a part, though a small part, of a great system. - -The first step in carrying out the programme was to secure the -appointment of the Commission of April 10. The influence of the -Archbishop being assured, there was no difficulty in this. The board -was composed of twelve members of the Privy Council. Laud himself was -at the head of it, and with him were the Archbishop of York, the Earls -of Portland, Manchester, Arundel and Dorset, Lord Cottington, Sir -Thomas Edmunds, Sir Henry Vane, and Secretaries Cooke and Windebank. -Any five or more of these Commissioners were to constitute a _quorum_, -and their powers were of the largest description. They could revoke all -charters previously granted, remove governors and appoint others in the -places of those removed, and even break up settlements if they deemed -it best so to do. They could inflict punishment upon all offenders, -either by imprisonment, “or by loss of life or member.” It was in fact -a commission of “right divine.” It embodied the whole royal policy of -King Charles, as formulated by Wentworth and enforced by Laud. The -new Commission was not slow in proceeding to its appointed work, and -the potency of Gorges’s influence in it was shown by his immediate -designation as governor-general.[123] How close Morton then stood to -him may be inferred from the following letter, which shows also that -he was well informed as to all that was going on.[124] It was written -exactly three weeks after the appointment of the Commission, and was -addressed to William Jeffreys at Wessagusset:-- - - MY VERY GOOD GOSSIP,--If I should commend myself to you, you reply - with this proverb,--_Propria laus fordet in ore_: but to leave - impertinent salute, and really to proceed.--You shall hereby - understand, that, although, when I was first sent to England to make - complaint against Ananias and the brethren, I effected the business - but superficially, (through the brevity of time,) I have at this time - taken more deliberation and brought the matter to a better pass. And - it is thus brought about, that the King hath taken the business into - his own hands. The Massachusetts Patent, by order of the council, was - brought in view; the privileges there granted well scanned upon, and - at the council board in public, and in the presence of Sir Richard - Saltonstall and the rest, it was declared, for manifest abuses there - discovered, to be void. The King hath reassumed the whole business - into his own hands, appointed a committee of the board, and given - order for a general governor of the whole territory to be sent over. - The commission is passed the privy seal, I did see it, and the same - was 1 mo. Maii sent to the Lord Keeper to have it pass the great seal - for confirmation; and I now stay to return with the governor, by whom - all complainants shall have relief:[125] So that now Jonas being - set ashore may safely cry, repent you cruel separatists, repent, - there are as yet but forty days. If Jove vouchsafe to thunder, the - charter and kingdom of the separatists will fall asunder. Repent you - cruel schismatics, repent.[126] These things have happened, and I - shall see, (notwithstanding their boasting and false alarms in the - Massachusetts, with feigned cause of thanksgiving,) their merciless - cruelty rewarded, according to the merit of the fact, with condign - punishment for coming into these parts, like Sampson’s foxes with - fire-brands at their tails.[127] The King and Council are really - possessed of their preposterous loyalty and irregular proceedings, - and are incensed against them: and although they be so opposite to - the catholic axioms, yet they will be compelled to perform them, or - at leastwise, suffer them to be put in practice to their sorrow. In - matter of restitution and satisfaction, more than mystically, it - must be performed visibly, and in such sort as may be subject to the - senses in a very lively image. My Lord Canterbury having, with my - Lord Privy Seal, caused all Mr. Cradock’s letters to be viewed, and - his apology in particular for the brethren here, protested against - him and Mr. Humfrey, that they were a couple of imposterous knaves; - so that, for all their great friends, they departed the council - chamber in our view with a pair of cold shoulders. I have staid long, - yet have not lost my labor, although the brethren have found their - hopes frustrated; so that it follows by consequence, I shall see my - desire upon mine enemies: and if John Grant had not betaken him to - flight, I had taught him to sing clamavi in the Fleet before this - time, and if he return before I depart, he will pay dear for his - presumption. For here he finds me a second Perseus: I have uncased - Medusa’s head, and struck the brethren into astonishment. They find, - and will yet more to their shame, that they abuse the word and are - to blame to presume so much,--that they are but a word and a blow to - them that are without. Of these particulars I thought good, by so - convenient a messenger, to give you notice, lest you should think I - had died in obscurity, as the brethren vainly intended I should, and - basely practised, abusing justice by their sinister practices, as by - the whole body of the committee, _una voce_, it was concluded to be - done, to the dishonor of his majesty. And as for Ratcliffe, he was - comforted by their lordships with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop’s - ears: which shows what opinion is held amongst them of King Winthrop - with all his inventions and his Amsterdam fantastical ordinances, - his preachings, marriages, and other abusive ceremonies, which do - exemplify his detestation to the Church of England, and the contempt - of his majesty’s authority and wholesome laws, which are and will be - established in these parts, _invitâ Minervâ_. With these I thought - fit to salute you, as a friend, by an epistle, because I am bound to - love you, as a brother, by the gospel, resting your loving friend. - - THOMAS MORTON.[128] - - DATED 1 MO. MAII, 1634. - -Morton is always confused and inaccurate in his statements, and this -letter afforded no exception to the rule. It is impossible to be quite -sure of what particular occasions he refers to in it. He may in the -same breath be speaking of different things. Whether, for instance, -the hearing to which he alludes, at which the patent “was brought in -view,” was the same or another meeting from that in which Cradock’s -letters were produced, is not clear. It would seem as though he -were speaking of the February hearing before the whole Council, and -yet he may be describing a subsequent hearing in April before the -Lords Commissioners. He speaks of the “council chamber” and of “the -whole body of the Committee,” and then alludes to the presence of -Saltonstall, Humfrey and Cradock. Now these persons were before the -Council in the hearing of 1632, and they may all of them, as Cradock -certainly was, have been before it in February 1634; but Humfrey could -hardly have appeared before the Lords Commissioners, as he seems to -have sailed for New England early in the month during which they -were appointed. The meeting which Morton describes, therefore, was -probably that of February 28, 1634; and it would seem to have savored -strongly of the Star Chamber and High Commission. Cradock and Humfrey -were apparently scolded and abused by Laud in the style for which he -was famous, and the admission by the former, that the charter had gone -to America, had led to his being called “an imposterous knave,” and -sharply told to send for it back at once. The well-known foibles of -the Primate had been skilfully played upon by accounts of Winthrop’s -“Amsterdam fantastical ordinances, his preachings, marriages, and other -abusive ceremonies;” and they had much the effect that a red flag is -known to have on a bull. Nothing was now heard of the King’s intention -of severely punishing those who abused “his governor;” but, on the -contrary, Ratcliffe was “comforted with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop’s -ears.” Gorges was governor-general, and with him Morton expected soon -to depart. - -Cradock’s letter, enclosing the order of the Council for the return -of the charter, reached Boston in July. Winthrop was then no longer -governor, having been displaced by Dudley at the previous May election. -As is well known to all students of New England history, the famous -parchment, still in the office of the secretary of the Puritan -Commonwealth, was not sent back.[129] It is unnecessary, however, to -here repeat the story of the struggle over it. Presently Governor -Edward Winslow of Plymouth was despatched to England, as the joint -agent of the two colonies, to look after their endangered interests. -He reached London in the autumn of 1634, bringing with him an evasive -reply to the demand contained in Cradock’s letter. - -Winslow sailed in the middle or latter part of July, and a few days -later, on the 4th of August,[130] Jeffreys came over from Wessagusset -to Boston, bringing to Winthrop the letter which he had shortly before -received from Morton. It was the first intimation the magistrates -had of the Commission and of the appointment of a governor-general. -Winthrop communicated the news to Dudley and the other members of the -Council, and to some of the ministers; and, doubtless, for a time they -all nursed an anxious hope that the exaggerations in the letter were -even greater than they really were. The General Court met on the 25th -of August. While it was still in session, vessels arrived bringing -tidings which dispelled all doubt, and confirmed everything material -that Morton had said. He whom the magistrates had so ignominiously -punished, and so contemptuously driven away, was evidently in a -position to know what those in authority intended. It began to be -evident that the Massachusetts magistrates had underestimated an -opponent. - -A full copy of the Order in Council establishing the board of Lords -Commissioners of Plantations, was now received, and the colonists were -further advised, through their private letters, that ships were being -furnished, and soldiers gotten ready for embarkation in them. It was -given out that these troops and vessels were intended for Virginia, -whither a new governor was about to be sent; but Winthrop wrote that -in Massachusetts the preparation was “suspected to be against us, to -compel us by force to receive a new governor, and the discipline of the -church of England, and the laws of the commissioners.[131]” - -The answer which best expressed the spirit of the colony, in reply to -Laud’s threats, was now found, not in the missive which Winslow had in -charge, but in the act of Morton’s old oppressor, Endicott, when a few -weeks later at Salem he cut the red cross from the standard. It was -an act, however, which seemed to indicate that there was more truth -than Winthrop was disposed to admit in Gardiner and Morton’s charge -that “the ministers and people did continually rail against the state, -church and bishops.”[132] Six months of great alarm and strenuous -preparation now ensued. Steps were taken to get together arms and -ammunition, and defences were ordered at Dorchester and Charlestown, -as well as at Castle Island. The magistrates were even empowered to -impress laborers for the work. In January the ministers were summoned -to Bolton, and the question formally submitted to them: “What ought we -to do if a general governor should be sent out of England?” The reply -was that “we ought not to accept him, but defend our lawful possessions -if we are able.” In April a rumor of strange vessels hovering off -Cape Ann threw the whole province into a tumult. It was supposed that -Governor-general Gorges, with Morton in his train, was at the harbor’s -mouth. It proved to be a false alarm, and after that the excitement -seems gradually to have subsided. - -This was in the spring of 1635. Meanwhile Winslow had reached England -sometime early in the previous autumn. Though he had not brought the -charter with him, its production does not seem to have been again -immediately called for. He probably held out confident assurances -that it would be sent over in the next vessel, as soon as the General -Court met; but it is also probable that, in view of the course which -had now been decided upon, an examination of it was no longer deemed -necessary. The ensuing spring, that of 1635, had been fixed upon by -Gorges and Mason as the time for decisive action. The charter was then -to be vacated, and Gorges was to go out to New England with a force -sufficient to compel obedience. All this, however, implied considerable -preparation. Shipping had to be provided in the first place. A large -vessel was accordingly put upon the stocks. Rumor said, also, that the -new governor-general was to take out with him a force of no less than -one thousand soldiers.[133] Whether this was true or not, there can be -little doubt that all through the winter of 1634-5 active preparations -were on foot in England intended against the Massachusetts colony. - -Besides watching these proceedings Winslow had other business in -London which required his appearance before the Lords Commissioners. -He had presented to them a petition on behalf of the two colonies -for authority to resist certain Dutch and French encroachments. This -proceeding Winthrop had not thought well advised,[134] as he very -shrewdly argued that it implied an absence of authority without such -special authorization, and might thus be drawn into a precedent. -Winslow, however, had none the less submitted the petition, and several -hearings were given upon it. Fully advised as to everything that was -going on before the Lords Commissioners, Gorges did not favor this -move. It authorized military or diplomatic action, the conduct of which -by right belonged to him as governor-general of the region within which -the action was to be taken. He accordingly went to work to circumvent -Winslow. What ensued throws a great deal of light on Morton’s standing -at the time, and the use that was made of him; and it also explains the -significance of certain things in the _New Canaan_. - -Laud, it will be remembered, was the head and moving spirit of the -Lords Commissioners. His word was final in the Board. Upon him Gorges -depended to work all his results; which included not only his own -appointment as governor-general, with full power and authority as -such, but also the necessary supply of men and money to enable him to -establish his supremacy. To secure these ends it was necessary to play -continually on the Primate’s dislike of the Puritans, and his intense -zeal in behalf of all Church forms and ceremonies, including the use -of the Book of Common Prayer. The whole political and historical -significance of the _New Canaan_ lies in this fact. It was a pamphlet -designed to work a given effect in a particular quarter, and came very -near being productive of lasting results. Dedicated in form to the -Lords Commissioners, it was charged with attacks on the Separatists, -and statements of the contempt shown by them to the Book of Common -Prayer. Finally it contained one chapter on the church practices in -New England, which was clearly designed for the special enlightenment -of the Archbishop.[135] In this chapter it is set down as the first -and fundamental tenet of the New England church “that it is the -magistrate’s office absolutely, and not the minister’s, to join the -people in lawful matrimony;” next, that to make use of a ring in -marriage is a relic of popery; and then again “that the Book of Common -Prayer is an idol; and all that use it idolaters.” It now remains to -show how cunningly, when it came to questions of state, Laud was worked -upon by these statements, and what a puppet he became in the hands of -Gorges and Morton. - -Winslow’s suit had prospered. He had submitted to the Lords -Commissioners a plan for accomplishing the end desired without any -charge being imposed on the royal exchequer, and he was on the point of -receiving, as he supposed, a favorable decision. Suddenly the secret -strings were pulled. Bradford best tells the story of what ensued. - - “When Mr. Winslow should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon - the point it was,) and should have been confirmed, the Archbishop - put a stop upon it, and Mr. Winslow, thinking to get it freed, went - to the Board again. But the Bishop, Sir Ferdinando and Captain Mason - had, as it seems, procured Morton to complain. To whose complaints - Mr. Winslow made answer to the good satisfaction of the Board, - who checked Morton, and rebuked him sharply, and also blamed Sir - Ferdinando Gorges and Mason for countenancing him. But the Bishop had - a further end and use of his presence, for he now began to question - Mr. Winslow of many things, as of teaching in the church publicly, of - which Morton accused him and gave evidence that he had seen and heard - him do it; to which Mr. Winslow answered that sometimes (wanting a - minister) he did exercise his gift to help the edification of his - brethren, when they wanted better means, which was not often. Then - about marriage, the which he also confessed, that, having been called - to place of magistracy, he had sometimes married some. And further - told their lordships that marriage was a civil thing, and he found - nowhere in the word of God that it was tied to ministry. Again they - were necessitated so to do, having for a long time together at first - no minister; besides, it was no new thing, for he had been so married - himself in Holland, by the magistrates in their Stadt-House. But - in the end, to be short, for these things the Bishop, by vehement - importunity, got the Board at last to consent to his commitment. So - he was committed to the Fleet, and lay there seventeen weeks, or - thereabout, before he could get to be released. And this was the end - of this petition and this business; only the others’ design was also - frustrated hereby, with other things concurring, which was no small - blessing to people here.”[136] - -For the time being, however, “the others’ design,” as Bradford -describes Gorges’s scheme, so far from being frustrated, moved on -most prosperously. All the friends and agents of the colony were now -driven from the field. Cradock, Saltonstall and Humfrey had departed -the council-chamber with “a pair of cold shoulders.” Winslow was a -prisoner. Morton had demonstrated that his boast in the letter to -Jeffreys, that he would make his opponents “sing _clamavi_ in the -Fleet,” was not an idle one. He had not exaggerated his power. Gorges’s -course was now clear, and his plan developed rapidly. At a meeting -of those still members of the Council for New England, held at Lord -Gorges’s house on the 3d of February, 1635, the next step was taken. -The redivision of the seacoast was agreed upon. It was now divided into -eight parcels, instead of twenty as at the original abortive division -of 1623; and these parcels were assigned to eight several persons, -among whom were the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, and the -Earls of Arundel, Carlisle and Sterling. Arundel alone of these was -one of the Lords Commissioners. Gorges received Maine as his portion; -and Mason got New Hampshire and Cape Ann. Massachusetts, south of -Salem, was assigned to Lord Gorges. - -The division thus agreed on was to take effect simultaneously with the -formal surrender by the Council of its great patent. Ten weeks later, -on the 18th of April, at another meeting at Lord Gorges’s house, a -paper was read and entered upon the records, in which the reasons for -surrendering the patent were set forth. At a subsequent meeting on -the 26th a petition to the King was approved, in which it was prayed -that separate patents might be issued securing to the associates in -severalty the domains they had assigned to each other. A declaration -from the King was also then read, in which the royal intention of -appointing Sir Ferdinando Gorges governor-general of New England was -formally announced. Speaking by the mouth of the King, the Primate did -not propose “to suffer such numbers of people to run to ruin, and to -religious intents to languish, for want of timely remedy and sovereign -assistance.” Curiously enough, also, this typically Laudian sentiment -was enunciated at Whitehall the very day, the 26th of April, 1635, upon -which, on the other side of the Atlantic, the Marblehead fishermen -had brought in word of strange vessels hovering mysteriously upon the -coast, causing the Governor and assistants to hurry to Boston and an -alarm to be spread through all the towns.[137] - -Before proceeding to eject the present occupants of the New England -soil, or to force them to some compromise as an alternative thereto, it -remained for the grantees of the now defunct Council to perfect their -new titles. Proceedings to this end were not delayed. The division had -been agreed upon on the 3d of February, and on the 26th of April the -new patents had been petitioned for. Ten days later Thomas Morton was -“entertained to be solicitor for confirmation of the said deeds under -the great seal, as also to prosecute suit at law for the repealing -of the patent belonging to the Massachusetts Company. And is to have -for fee twenty shillings a term, and such further reward as those who -are interested in the affairs of New England shall think him fit to -deserve, upon the judgment given in the cause.” A month later, on the -7th of June, 1635, the formal surrender of its patent by the Council -took place.[138] - -Morton, however, was not destined to land at Boston in the train of -Governor-general Gorges. The effort of 1634-5 was a mere repetition, -on a larger and more impressive scale, of the effort of 1623. The -latter had resulted in the abortive Robert Gorges expedition, and -the former now set all the courts at Westminster in solemn action. -Neither of them, however, came to anything. They both failed, also, -from the same cause,--want of money. The machinery in each case was -imposing, and there was a great deal of it. Seen from New England -it must have appeared simply overpowering. The King, the Primate, -the Lords Commissioners, the Attorney General, the Court of King’s -Bench, the Great Seal, and a governor-general representing the Duke -of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton and the Earls of Arundel, Carlisle -and Sterling, royal proprietors, were all at work together to bring -about the destruction of an infant colony. When, however, it came to -accomplishing anything in a practical way, it grew apparent by degrees -that behind all this tremendous display of machinery there was nothing -but Sir Ferdinando Gorges,--an active-minded, adventurous soldier, -skilled in Court ways, persistent and full of resource, but with small -means of his own, and no faculty of obtaining means from others. When -it became therefore a question of real action, calling for the sinews -of war, the movement flopped dead in 1635, just as it had stopped in -1623. In 1635 it is true, Gorges had the assistance of Captain John -Mason, who was an energetic man with means at his command, and it was -through him that a ship was to be provided.[139] The building of this -ship, however, without doubt strained to the utmost the resources of -all concerned; and when, in launching, it suffered a mishap, again -probably from insufficient means, they could not make the damage good. -The royal exchequer was then as empty as Gorges’s own purse. The King -was living on benevolences, and on fines levied upon the great nobles -for encroachments on the royal forests. The writs to collect ship-money -were issued in this very year. The next year public offices were sold. -Under these circumstances no assistance could for the present be looked -for from Charles or Laud. As for the noble associates, among whom the -New England coast had just been parcelled out, while perfectly willing -to accept great domains in America, they would venture nothing more to -take actual possession of them in 1635 than they had ventured in 1623. -Nothing at all was to be obtained from that quarter. Speaking of Gorges -and Mason, and the failure of their plans at this time, Winthrop wrote, -“The Lord frustrated their design.” This was the pious way of putting -it. In point of fact, however, the real safety of Massachusetts now -depended on more homely and every-day considerations. Gorges and Mason -could not raise the money absolutely necessary to carry their design -out. - -Nevertheless, though this delay was disappointing, there was no -occasion for despair. Things moved slowly; that was all. Gorges -represented the New England part of that royal system which was to -stand or fall as a whole. In the spring and summer of 1635 it looked -very much as if it was destined to stand. There was then no thought of -a parliament at Court, or expectation of one among the patriots. The -crown lawyers were hunting up precedents which would enable the King to -levy taxes to suit himself. Wentworth had brought Ireland into a state -of perfect subjection. Laud was supreme in England. The prospects for -“Thorough” were never so good. If “Thorough” prevailed in England it -would in Massachusetts. There could be no doubt of that. Meanwhile, -though lack of ready means had put it out of Gorges’s power to go to -New England at once, there was no break or delay in legal proceedings. -In June, 1635, the attorney-general filed in the King’s Bench a writ of -_quo warranto_ against the Massachusetts Bay Company. This was the work -which Thomas Morton had a month before been “entertained to prosecute,” -and the promptness of the attorney-general would seem to indicate -that on Morton’s part at least there was no failure in activity. The -plan was to set the charter aside, not because of any abuse of the -powers lawfully conferred in it, but on the ground that it was void -_ab initio_. Every title to land held under it would thus be vitiated. -In answer to the summons some of the original associates came in and -pleaded, while others made default. Cradock made default. In his case, -therefore, judgment was given at the Michaelmas, or September term, -1635, and the charter was declared void, all the franchises conveyed -in it being resumed by the King.[140] This portion of the legal work -in hand, therefore, that more particularly entrusted to Morton, seems -to have been promptly and efficiently done. As respects the patents -for the domains granted under the last partition, things do not seem -to have moved so rapidly, for towards the close of November a meeting -of the associates of the now dissolved Council was held at the house -of Lord Sterling, and a vote passed that steps should be taken to -get patents to the individual patentees passed the seals as soon as -possible. Morton was in fact reminded of his duties. - -A heavy blow was however impending over Gorges. He himself was now an -elderly man, verging close upon seventy years.[141] He could not have -been as active and as energetic as he once had been, and even his -sanguine disposition must have felt the usual depressing influence -of hope long deferred. Mason had of late been the mainstay of his -enterprise. Only a year before, that resolute man had sent out a large -expedition, numbering some seventy men, to Piscataqua, and he was -contemplating extensive explorations towards Lake Champlain. Morton -eulogized him as a “very good Commonwealth’s man, a true foster-father -and lover of virtue,”[142] and Winthrop referred to him as “the chief -mover in all the attempts against us.”[143] In December, 1635, Mason -died,[144] and not improbably it was the anticipation of his death -which led to that meeting of the Council at which the speedy issuing -of the individual patents was urged. However this may be, the loss of -Mason seems to have been fatal to Gorges’s hopes; it was the lopping -off of the right arm of his undertakings. From that time forward there -was obviously no source from which he could hope to get the money -necessary to enable him to effect anything, except the royal treasury. -Of this, for two or three years yet, until the Scotch troubles -destroyed the last chance of the success of the ship-money scheme, -there seemed a very good prospect. Gorges, however, could not afford to -wait. His remaining time was short. Accordingly, after Mason’s death, -little is heard of him or of the Lords Commissioners. - -During the next seven years, consequently, the traces of Morton are -few. There is a passing glimpse obtained of him in March, 1636, through -a letter from Cradock to Winthrop,[145] from which it appears he was -then in London and actively scheming against the Massachusetts Company. -He would seem at this time to have been in the pay of one George -Cleaves, a man of some importance and subsequently quite prominent in -the early history of Maine. Cleaves apparently had proposed some scheme -to Cradock touching the Massachusetts Company, and Morton came to see -him about it. Thereupon Cradock says, “I having no desire to speak -with Morton alone put him off a turn or two on the exchange, till I -found Mr. Pierce,” etc. Further on in the same letter he speaks of his -“greyffe and disdayne” at the abuse heaped on the Company, and of the -“heavey burdens, there lode on me by T. M.;” and adds, “God forgive him -that is the cause of it.” - -Early in 1637, and in consequence probably of the _quo warranto_ -proceedings, a commission of some sort would appear to have been -granted to certain persons in New England for the government of that -country.[146] How or under what circumstances this was obtained is -nowhere told. There is a mystery about it. Gorges afterwards assured -Winthrop that he knew nothing of it,[147] and only a copy ever reached -America, the original, Winthrop says, being “staid at the seal for -want of paying the fees.” He further says that Cleaves procured this -commission, as also a sort of patent, or, as he calls it, “a protection -under the privy signet for searching out the great lake of Iracoyce.” -From all this it would appear that the whole thing was some impotent -and inconsequential move on the part of Morton; for not only does -Winthrop say that the document was “staid at the seal,” but Cradock -wrote that the matter in reference to which Morton wanted to see him, -on behalf of Cleaves, related to paying the charge “in taking out -somewhat under the seale.” Gorges speaks of Morton as being at that -time Cleaves’s agent; and in the _New Canaan_, which either had just -been published or was then in the press, there is a glowing account of -the “great lake Erocoise,” and its boundless wealth of beaver,[148] -to which apparently the imaginative author had directed Cleaves’s -attention sufficiently to induce him to take out the “protection” which -Winthrop alludes to. - -The year 1637 was the turning-period in the fortunes of King Charles -and of Archbishop Laud, and consequently of Gorges and Morton. -Up to that time everything had gone sufficiently well, if not in -Massachusetts, at least in England, Ireland, and even Scotland. Now, -however, the system began to break down; giving way first, as would -naturally enough be the case, at its weakest point. This was in -Scotland, where the attempt to force Episcopacy on the people resulted -in the famous “stony Sabbath” on the 23d of July. The _New Canaan_ -was probably going through the press during the deceitful period of -profound calm which preceded that eventful day. Though now published, -there is strong internal evidence that the book was written in 1634. -Not only does this appear from the extract from its last page in the -letter to Jeffreys, already referred to,[149] but in another place[150] -there is reference to the expedition of Henry Josselyn for the more -complete discovery of Lake Champlain, which is mentioned as then in -preparation. Henry Josselyn left England about the time Morton was -writing to Jeffreys, or a little earlier, and reached Piscataqua in -June, 1634.[151] Mason, on the other hand, is mentioned as then living, -and as having fitted out the expedition of Josselyn. Mason, however, -it has already been seen, died in December, 1635. Written consequently -after May, 1634, the _New Canaan_, it would seem, received no revision -later than 1635. It represented Morton’s feelings during the time when -he was most confident of an early and triumphant return to New England. -It was published just when the affairs of Charles and Laud were at -their full flood, and before the tide had begun to ebb. - -No mention is found of the _New Canaan_ at the time of its publication. -It is not known, indeed, that a single copy was sent out to New -England. Though it must have caused no little comment and scandal among -the friends and correspondents of the colonists, there is no allusion -to it in their published letters or in the documents of the time, and -in 1644 Winthrop apparently had never seen it. Bradford energetically -refers to it as “an infamouse and scurillous booke against many godly -and cheefe men of the cuntrie; full of lyes and slanders, and fraight -with profane callumnies against their names and persons, and the ways -of God.”[152] A copy of it may, therefore, have been brought over to -Plymouth by one of the agents of the colony, and there passed from hand -to hand. It does not appear, however, that at the time it attracted -any general or considerable notice in America; while in England, of -course, it would have interested only a small class of persons. - -There is one significant reference which would seem to indicate that -the publication of the _New Canaan_ was not agreeable to Gorges. -However much he might attack the charter of the Massachusetts Company, -Sir Ferdinando always showed himself anxious to keep on friendly -terms with the leading men of the colony. In the _Briefe Narration_ -he takes pains to speak of “the patience and wisdom of Mr. Winthrop, -Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others their assistants;”[153] and with -Winthrop he was in correspondence, even authorizing him and others -to act for him in Maine. He deceived no one by this, for Winthrop -afterwards described him as “pretending by his letters and speeches to -seek our welfare;”[154] but he evidently had always in mind that he -was to go out some day to New England as a governor-general, and that -it would not do for him to be too openly hostile to those over whom he -proposed to rule. He regarded them as his people. When, therefore, he -had occasion to write to Winthrop in August, 1637, though he made no -reference to the _New Canaan_, which had probably been published early -in the year, he took pains to say that Morton was “wholely casheered -from intermedlinge with anie our affaires hereafter.”[155] - -It is however open to question whether, in making this statement, -Gorges was not practising a little of that king-craft for which his -master, James I., had been so famous. In 1637 Morton may have been -in disgrace with him; but if so it was a passing disgrace. Four years -later, in 1641, Sir Ferdinando, as “Lord of the Province of Maine,” -indulged his passion for feudal regulation by granting a municipal -charter to the town of Acomenticus, now York. A formidable document of -great import, this momentous state paper was signed and delivered by -the Lord Paramount, much as an English sovereign might have granted -a franchise to his faithful city of London; and accordingly it was -countersigned by three witnesses, one of them a member of his own -family. First of the three witnesses to sign was Thomas Morton.[156] He -evidently was in no disgrace then. - -With the exception of this signature to the Acomenticus charter, there -is no trace to be found of Morton between August 1637, when Gorges -wrote that he had “casheered” him, and the summer of 1643, when he -reappeared once more at Plymouth. During the whole of that time things -evidently went with him, as they did with Charles and Laud, from bad -to worse. Once only had the Lords Commissioners given any signs of -life. This was in the spring of 1638, when on the 4th of April the -Board met at Whitehall. The record of the meeting states that petitions -and complaints from Massachusetts, for want of a settled and orderly -government, were growing more frequent. This is very possible, for -the Antinomian Controversy was then at its height, and indeed, the -very day the Lords Commissioners met, Mrs. Hutchinson, having left -Boston in obedience to Governor Winthrop’s mandate a week before, was -on her way to join her husband and friends in Rhode Island. Under -these circumstances, calling to mind the futile order for the return -of the charter, sent to Winthrop in 1634 through Cradock, and taking -official notice of the result of the _quo warranto_ proceedings, the -Board resolved upon a more decided tone. The clerk in attendance was -instructed to send out to Massachusetts a peremptory demand for the -immediate surrender of the charter. It was to be sent back to London by -the return voyage of the vessel which carried out the missive of the -Board; “it being resolved,” so that missive ran, “that in case of any -further neglect or contempt by them shewed therein, their Lordships -will cause a strict course to be taken against them, and will move his -Majesty to reassume into his own hands the whole plantation.”[157] - -If, as was probably the case, Morton was the secret mover of this -action, it proved to be his last effort. It was completely fruitless -also. When the order reached Boston, sometime in the early summer of -1638, it naturally caused no little alarm, for the apprehension of a -general governor had not yet disappeared. Indeed, on the 12th of April, -“a general fast [had been] kept through all the churches, by advice -from the Court, for seeking the Lord to prevent evil that we feared to -be intended against us from England by a general governor.”[158] With -the missive of the Lords Commissioners, however, came also tidings -of “the troubles which arose in Scotland about the Book of Common -Prayer and the canons which the King would have forced upon the Scotch -churches.”[159] The result was that in August, instead of sending out -the charter, Governor Winthrop, at the direction of the General Court, -wrote “to excuse our not sending of it; for it was resolved to be best -not to send it.”[160] - -Archbishop Laud molested the colony no further. Doubtless Morton yet -endeavored more than once to stir him up to action, and the next year -he received from New England other and bitter complaints of the same -character as those which had come to him before. This time it was the -Rev. George Burdet--a disreputable clergyman, subsequently a thorn -in Gorges’s side as now in that of Winthrop--who wrote to him. The -harassed and anxious Primate could, however, only reply that “by reason -of the much business now lay upon them, [the Lords Commissioners] could -not at present ... redress such disorders as he had informed them -of.”[161] Events in England and Scotland were then moving on rapidly as -well as steadily to their outcome, and Massachusetts was bidden to take -care of itself. - -Nothing more is heard of Morton until the summer of 1643. The Civil -War was then dragging along in its earlier stages, before Fairfax and -Cromwell put their hands to it. It was the summer during which Prince -Rupert took Bristol and the first battle of Newbury was fought,--the -summer made memorable by the deaths of Hampden and Falkland. Gorges had -identified himself with the Royalist side, and now Morton seems to have -been fairly starved out of England. When or how he came to Plymouth we -do not know; but, on the 11th of September, Edward Winslow, whom he -had eight years before “clapte up in the Fleete,”[162] thus wrote to -Winthrop:-- - - “Concerning Morton, our Governor gave way that he should winter - here, but begone as soon as winter breaks up. Captain Standish takes - great offence thereat, especially that he is so near him as Duxbury, - and goeth sometimes a fowling in his ground. He cannot procure the - least respect amongst our people, liveth meanly at four shillings - per week, and content to drink water, so he may diet at that price. - But admit he hath a protection, yet it were worth the while to deal - with him till we see it. The truth is I much question his pretended - employment; for he hath here only showed the frame of a Common-weale - and some old sealed commissions, but no inside known. As for Mr. - Rigby if he be so honest, good and hopefull an instrument as report - passeth on him, he hath good hap to light on two of the arrantest - known knaves that ever trod on New English shore to be his agents - east and west, as Cleaves and Morton: but I shall be jealous on him - till I know him better, and hope others will take heed how they - trust him who investeth such with power who have devoted themselves - to the ruin of the country, as Morton hath. And for my part, (who - if my heart deceive me not can pass by all the evil instrumentally - he brought on me,) would not have this serpent stay amongst us, who - out of doubt in time will get strength to him if he be suffered, who - promiseth large portions of land about New Haven, Narragansett, &c., - to all that will go with him, but hath a promise but of one person - who is old, weak and decrepid, a very atheist and fit companion for - him. But, indeed, Morton is the odium of our people at present, and - if he be suffered, (for we are diversely minded,) it will be just - with God, who hath put him in our hands and we will foster such an - one, that afterward we shall suffer for it.”[163] - -The Rigby referred to in this letter was Mr. Alexander Rigby, an -English gentleman of wealth who, besides being a strong Puritan, was -a member of the Long Parliament, and at one time held a commission -as colonel in the army. Cleaves was the George Cleaves already -mentioned as having come out in 1637, with a protection under the -privy signet.[164] He had then appeared as an agent of Gorges, but -subsequently he had got possession in Maine of the “Plough patent,” -so called, under which the title to a large part of the province was -claimed adversely to Gorges.[165] This patent Cleaves induced Rigby to -buy, and the latter was now endeavoring to get his title recognized, -and ultimately succeeded in so doing. Cleaves, as well as Morton, -enjoyed the reputation of being “a firebrand of dissension,”[166] and -the two had long acted together. As Gorges had joined his fortunes to -the Royalist side, Morton clearly had nothing to gain by pretending -at Plymouth to be his agent or under his protection. So he seems to -have tried to pass himself off as a Commonwealth’s man, commissioned -by Rigby to act in his behalf. Winslow was probably quite right -in suspecting that this was all a pretence. Rigby’s claim was for -territory in Maine. It is not known that he ever had any interests in -Rhode Island or Connecticut. There can, in short, be little doubt that -Morton was now nothing more than a poor, broken-down, disreputable, old -impostor, with some empty envelopes and manufactured credentials in his -pocket. - -At Plymouth, as would naturally be supposed, Morton made no headway. -But the province of Maine was then in an uneasy, troubled condition, -and there was reported to be a strong party for the king in the -neighborhood of Casco Bay. Thither accordingly Morton seems to have -gone in June, 1644.[167] His movements were closely watched, and -Endicott was notified that he would go by sea to Gloucester, hoping to -get a passage from thence to the eastward. A warrant for his arrest was -at once despatched, but apparently he eluded it; nor if he went there, -which, indeed, is doubtful, did Morton long remain in Maine. In August -he was in Rhode Island, and on the 5th of that month he is thus alluded -to in a letter from Coddington to Winthrop:-- - - “For Morton he was [insinuating] who was for the King at his first - coming to Portsmouth, and would report to such as he judged to be of - his mind he was glad [to meet with] so many cavaliers; ... and he had - lands to dispose of to his followers in each Province, and from Cape - Ann to Cape Cod was one.... And that he had wrong in the Bay [to the] - value of two hundred pounds, and made bitter complaints thereof. But - Morton would let it rest till the Governor came over to right him; - and did intimate he knew whose roast his spits and jacks turned.”[168] - -Prospering in Rhode Island no more than at Plymouth, Morton is next -heard of as a prisoner in Boston. How he came within the clutches of -the Massachusetts magistrates is not known; his necessities or his -assurance may have carried him to Boston, or he may have been pounced -upon by Endicott’s officers as he was furtively passing through the -province. In whatever way it came about, he was in custody on the 9th -of September, just five weeks from the time of Coddington’s letter -to Winthrop, and the latter then made the following entry in his -Journal:[169]-- - - “At the court of assistants Thomas Morton was called forth presently - after the lecture, that the country might be satisfied of the justice - of our proceeding against him. There was laid to his charge his - complaint against us at the council board, which he denied. Then we - produced the copy of the bill exhibited by Sir Christopher Gardiner, - etc., wherein we were charged with treason, rebellion, etc., wherein - he was named as a party or witness. He denied that he had any hand - in the information, only was called as a witness. To convince him - to be the principal party, it was showed: 1. That Gardiner had no - occasion to complain against us, for he was kindly used and dismissed - in peace, professing much engagement for the great courtesy he found - here. 2. Morton had set forth a book against us, and had threatened - us, and had prosecuted a _quo warranto_ against us, which he did not - deny. 3. His letter was produced,[170] written soon after to Mr. - Jeffreys, his old acquaintance and intimate friend.” - -This passage is characteristic both of the man and of the time. The -prisoner now arraigned before the magistrates had been set in the -stocks, all his property had been confiscated, and his house had been -burned down before his eyes. He had been sent back to England, under a -warrant, to stand his trial for crimes it was alleged he had committed. -In England he had been released from imprisonment in due course of -law. Having now returned to Massachusetts, he was brought before the -magistrates, “that the country might be satisfied of the justice -of our proceeding against him.” As the result of this proceeding, -which broke down for want of proof, the alleged offender is again -imprisoned, heavily fined, and narrowly escapes a whipping. Under all -these circumstances, it becomes interesting to inquire what the exact -offence alleged against him was. It was stated by Winthrop. He had made -a “complaint against us at the council board.” - -“The council board” thus referred to was the royal Privy Council. It -represented the king, the supreme power in the state, the source from -whence the charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company was derived. The -complaint, therefore, charged to have been made, was made to the common -superior, and it alleged the abuse, by an inferior, of certain powers -and privileges which that superior had granted. It would seem to have -been no easy task for the magistrates to point out, either to the -prisoner or to the country it was proposed to satisfy, any prescriptive -law, much less any penal statute, which made a criminal offence out of -a petition to the acknowledged supreme power in the state, even though -that petition set forth the alleged abuse of charter privileges. - -But it is not probable that this view of the matter ever even suggested -itself to Winthrop and his associates. It does not seem even to have -been urged upon them by the prisoner. On the contrary he appears -to have accepted the inevitable, and practically admitted that a -complaint to the king was in Massachusetts, as Burdet had some years -before asserted, “accounted a perjury and treason in our general -courts,”[171] punishable at the discretion of the magistrates. Morton, -therefore, denied having made the complaint, and the magistrates were -unable to prove it against him. The most singular and unaccountable -feature in the proceedings is that the _New Canaan_ was not put in -evidence. Apparently there was no copy of it to be had. Could one -have been produced, it is scarcely possible that the avowed author of -the libellous strictures on Endicott, then himself governor, should -have escaped condign punishment of some sort from a bench of Puritan -magistrates. But Winthrop merely mentions that he had “set forth a book -against us,” and Maverick says that this was denied and could not be -proved.[172] Had a copy of the _New Canaan_ then been at hand, either -in Boston or at Plymouth, a glance at the titlepage would have proved -who “set [it] forth” beyond possibility of denial. - -The only entry in the Massachusetts records relating to this proceeding -is as follows:-- - - “For answer to Thomas Morton petition, the magistrates have called - him publicly, and have laid divers things to his charge, which he - denies; and therefore they think fit that further evidence be sent - for into England, and that Mr Downing may have instructions to search - out evidence against him, and he to lie in prison in the mean time, - unless he find sufficient bail.”[173] - -This entry is from the records of the General Court, held in November -1644. Among the unpublished documents in the Massachusetts archives -is yet another petition from Morton, bearing no date, but, from the -endorsement upon it, evidently submitted to the General Court of May, -1645, six months later, when Dudley was governor. This petition is as -follows:-- - - _To the honored Court at Boston assembled:_ - - The humble petition of Thomas Morton, prisoner. - - Your petitioner craveth the favour of this honored Court to cast back - your eies and behould what your poore petitioner hath suffered in - these parts. - - First, the petitioner’s house was burnt, and his goodes taken away. - - Secondly, his body clapt into Irons, and sent home in a desperat - ship, unvittled, as if he had been a man worthy of death, which - appeared contrary when he came there. - - Now the petitioner craves this further that you would be pleased to - consider what is laid against him: (taking it for granted to be true) - which is not proved: whether such a poore worme as I had not some - cause to crawle out of this condition above mentioned. - - Thirdly, the petitioner craves this favoure of you, as to view his - actions lately towards New England, whether they have not been - serviceable to some gentlemen in the country; but I will not praise - my selfe. - - Fourthly, the petitioner coming into these parts, which he loveth, - on godly gentlemen’s imployments, and your worshipps having a former - jelosy of him, and a late untrue intelligence of him, your petitioner - has been imprisoned manie Moneths and laid in Irons to the decaying - of his Limbs; Let your petitioner finde soe much favoure, as to see - that you can passe by former offence, which finding the petitioner - hopes he shall stand on his watch to doe you service as God shall - enable him. - -Upon this document, certainly humble enough in tone, appear the -following endorsements:-- - - The house of Deputies desire the honored magistrates to return them - a reason, wherefore the petitioner came not to his triall the last - quarter Courte according to graunte (as they conceave) of a former - petition presented to the Courte by him. - - ROBT. BRIDGES. - - The reason why he came not to his tryall was the not cominge of - evidence out of England against him which we expect by the next ship. - - THO: DUDLEY _Gov^r_ - - The house of Deputies have made choyce of Major Gibbons, and Captain - Jennison to treate with the honored magistrates about this petition - of Morton. - - ROBT. BRIDGES. - -Singularly enough the Major Gibbons to whom Morton’s petition was -thus referred had, in former years, been one of his followers at -Merry-Mount. He was a man of ability and energy, the whole of whose -singular career, as traced in an interesting note of Palfrey’s, will -not bear a too close scrutiny.[174] At the time of Morton’s arrest by -Miles Standish, in 1629, Gibbons was probably one of those belonging -to the Merry-Mount company who had then “gone up into the inlands -to trade with the savages.”[175] During that summer he experienced -religion in a quite unexpected way, and now, in 1645, while his old -master was rotting in the Boston jail, Gibbons was a prosperous -merchant, a deputy to the General Court, and “chief military officer of -the train-band of the town.” Higher military honors and severe business -vicissitudes were in store for him. It nowhere appears whether under -these circumstances Major Gibbons had either the will or the ability to -be of service to his former chief, and Winthrop is the only authority -for what remains of Morton’s story. It is soon told. - - “Having been kept in prison about a year in expectation of further - evidence out of England, he was again called before the court, and - after some debate what to do with him, he was fined 100 pounds, and - set at liberty. He was a charge to the country, for he had nothing, - and we thought not fit to inflict corporal punishment upon him, - being old and crazy, but thought better to fine him and give him his - liberty, as if it had been to procure his fine, but indeed to leave - him opportunity to go out of the jurisdiction, as he did soon after, - and he went to Acomenticus, and living there poor and despised, he - died within two years after.”[176] - -Morton himself asserted that the harsh treatment he underwent in -prison, while waiting for that evidence from England which was to -convict him of some crime, broke down his health and hastened his end. -If he was indeed, as Maverick subsequently stated,[177] kept in jail -and, as he himself says, in irons, through an entire New England -winter, on the prison fare of those days, and without either fire or -bedding, this seems wholly probable. - - * * * * * - -There was about Thomas Morton nothing that was remarkable. On the -contrary he was one of a class of men common enough in the days of -Elizabeth and the Stuarts to have found their way into the literature -of the period, as well as into that more modern romance which -undertakes to deal with it. It is the Alsatian Squire and Wildrake -type. Morton chanced to get out of place. He was a vulgar Royalist -libertine, thrown by accident into the midst of a Puritan community. -He was unable or unwilling to accept the situation, or to take himself -off; and hence followed his misfortunes and his notoriety. Had he in -1625, or even in 1629, gone to Virginia or to New York, he would have -lived in quiet and probably died in poverty, leaving nothing behind to -indicate that he had ever been. As it is, he will receive a mention in -every history of America. - -More recently also certain investigators, who have approached the -subject from a Church of England point of view, have shown some -disposition to adopt Morton’s cause as their own, and to attribute -his persecution, not to his immoral life or illicit trade, but to his -devotion to the Book of Common Prayer.[178] It is another article in -the long impeachment of the founders of New England, and it has even -been alleged that “it still remains for Massachusetts to do justice to -Morton, who had his faults, though he was not the man his enemies, and -notably Bradford, declared him to be.”[179] - -The _New English Canaan_ is the best and only conclusive evidence on -this point. In its pages Morton very clearly shows what he was, and the -nature of “his faults.” He was a born Bohemian, and as he passed on in -life he became an extremely reckless but highly amusing old debauchee -and tippler. When he was writing his book, Archbishop Laud was the -head of the board of Lords Commissioners. On the action of that board -depended all the author’s hopes. In view of this fact, there are, in -the _New Canaan_, few more delightful or characteristic passages than -that in which, describing his arrest by Standish, Morton announces that -it was “because mine host was a man that endeavored to advance the -dignity of the Church of England; which they, on the contrary part, -would labor to vilify with uncivil terms; envying against the sacred -Book of Common Prayer, and mine host that used it in a laudable manner -amongst his family as a practice of piety.”[180] - -The part he was endeavoring to play when he wrote this passage was -one not very congenial to him, and he makes an awkward piece of work -of it. The sudden tone of sanctimony which he infuses into the words -quoted, hardly covers up the leer and gusto with which he had just -been describing the drunkenness and debauchery of Merry-Mount,--how -“the good liquor” had flowed to all comers, while “the lasses in -beaver-coats” had been welcome “night and day;” how “he that played -Proteus, with the help of Priapus, put their noses out of joint;” and -how that “barren doe” became fruitful, who is mysteriously alluded to -as a “goodly creature of incontinency” who had “tried a camp royal in -other parts.” Though, from the point of view before alluded to, it -has been asserted that the Massachusetts magistrates “invented ... -insinuations respecting [Morton’s] treatment of [the Indian] women, -whom, in reality, he had fought to instruct in the principles of -religion,”[181]--though this and other similar assertions have been -made with apparent gravity, yet it is impossible to read the third book -of the _New Canaan_, saturated as it is with drunkenness, ribaldry -and scoffing, without coming to the conclusion that _Don Quixote_, -_Rabelais_ and the _Decameron_ are far more likely to have been in -request at Merry-Mount than the Bible or the Book of Common Prayer. - -Not that the _New Canaan_ is in itself an obscene or even a coarse -book. On the contrary, judged by the standard of its time, it is -singularly the reverse. Indeed it is almost wholly free from either -word or allusion which would offend the taste of the present day. Yet -the writer of the _New Canaan_ was none the less a scoffer, a man of -undevout mind. As to the allegation that his devotion to the Church -of England and its ritual was the cause of his arrest by the Plymouth -authorities, the answer is obvious and decisive. Blackstone was an -Episcopalian, and a devout one, retaining even in his wilderness home -the canonical coat which told of his calling.[182] Maverick and -Walford were Episcopalians; they lived and died such. The settlers -at Wessagusset were Episcopalians. In the dwellings of all these the -religious services of the times, customary among Episcopalians, were -doubtless observed, for they were all religious men. Yet not one of -them was ever in any way molested by the Plymouth people; but, on -the contrary, they one and all received aid and encouragement from -Plymouth. Episcopalians as they were, they all joined in dealing -with Morton as a common enemy and a public danger; and such he -unquestionably was. It was not, then, because he made use of the Common -Prayer that he was first driven from the Massachusetts Bay; it was -because he was a nuisance and a source of danger. That subsequently, -and by the Massachusetts authorities, he was dealt with in a way at -once high-handed and oppressive, has been sufficiently shown in these -pages. Yet it is by no means clear that, under similar circumstances, -he would not have been far more severely and summarily dealt with at a -later period, when the dangers of a frontier life had brought into use -an unwritten code, which evinced even a less regard for life than, in -Morton’s case, the Puritans evinced for property.[183] - -As a literary performance the _New Canaan_, it is unnecessary to say, -has survived through no merits of its own. While it is, on the whole, -a better written book than the _Wonder-Working Providence_, it is not -so well written as Wood’s _Prospect_; and it cannot compare with what -we have from the pens of Smith or Gorges,--much less from those of -Winslow, Winthrop and, above all, Bradford. Indeed, it is amazing how -a man who knew as much as Morton knew of events and places now full of -interest, could have sat down to write about them at all, and then, -after writing so much, have told so little. Rarely stating anything -quite correctly,--the most careless and slipshod of authors,--he took a -positive pleasure in concealing what he meant to say under a cloud of -metaphor. Accordingly, when printed, the _New Canaan_ fell still-born -from the press, the only contemporaneous trace of it which can be -found in English literature being Butler’s often quoted passage in -_Hudibras_, in which the Wessagusset hanging is alluded to.[184] It -is even open to question whether this reference was due to Butler’s -having read the book. The passage referred to is in the second part -of _Hudibras_, which was not published until 1664, twenty-seven years -after the publication of the _New Canaan_. It is perfectly possible -that Butler may have known Morton; for in 1637 the future author of -_Hudibras_ was already twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about -London for six or seven years after that. There are indications that -he knew Ben Jonson;[185] and, indeed, it is scarcely possible that -with his sense of humor and convivial tastes Morton should not often -have met the poets and playwrights of the day at the Mermaid. If he -and the author of _Hudibras_ ever did chance to meet, they must have -proved congenial spirits, for there is much that is Hudibrastic in the -_New Canaan_. Not impossibly, therefore, the idea of a vicarious New -England hanging dwelt for years in the brain of Butler, not as the -reminiscence of a passage he had read in some forgotten book, but as a -vague recollection of an amusing story which he had once heard Morton -tell. - -It is, indeed, the author’s sense of humor, just alluded to, which -gives to the _New Canaan_ its only real distinction among the early -works relating to New England. In this respect it stands by itself. -In all the rest of those works, one often meets with passages of -simplicity, of pathos and of great descriptive power,--never with -anything which was both meant to raise a smile, and does it. The -writers seemed to have no sense of humor, no perception of the -ludicrous. Bradford, for instance, as a passage “rather of mirth -than of weight,” describes how he put a stop to the Christmas games -at Plymouth in 1621. There is a grim solemnity in his very chuckle. -Winthrop gives a long account of the penance of Captain John -Underhill, as he stood upon a stool in the church, “without a band, -in a foul linen cap pulled close to his eyes,” and “blubbering,” -confessed his adultery with the cooper’s wife.[186] Yet he evidently -recorded it with unbroken gravity. Then, in 1644, he mentions that -“two of our ministers’ sons, being students in the college, robbed -two dwelling-houses, in the night, of some 15 pounds. Being found -out, they were ordered by the governors of the college to be there -whipped, which was performed by the president himself--yet they were -about twenty years of age.”[187] If Morton had recorded this incident, -he could not have helped seeing a ludicrous side to it, and he would -have expressed it in some humorous, or at least in some grotesque way. -Winthrop saw the serious side of everything, and the serious side only. -In this he was like all the rest. Such solemnity, such everlasting -consciousness of responsibility to God and man, is grand and perhaps -impressive; but it grows wearisome. It is pleasant to have it broken -at last, even though that which breaks it is in some respects not to -be commended. A touch of ribaldry becomes bearable. Among what are -called _Americana_, therefore, the _New Canaan_ is and will always -remain a refreshing book. It is a connecting link. Poor as it may be, -it is yet all we have to remind us that in literature, also, Bradford -and Winthrop and Cotton were Englishmen of the time of Shakespeare and -Jonson and Butler. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -It remains only to speak of the bibliography of the _New Canaan_, -which at one time excited some discussion, and of the present edition. -Written before the close of 1635, the _New Canaan_ was printed at -Amsterdam in 1637. It has been reprinted but once,--by Force, in the -second volume of his _American Tracts_. The present is, therefore, -the second reprint, and the first annotated edition. For a number of -years it was supposed that copies of the book were in existence with -an alternative titlepage, bearing the imprint of Charles Greene, and -the date of 1632.[188] This supposition was, however, very carefully -examined into by Mr. Winsor in the _Harvard University Literary -Bulletins_ (Nos. 9 and 10, 1878-9, pp. 196, 244), and found to be -partially, at least, groundless. It was due to the fact that Force -made his reprint from a copy of the book in his collection, now in the -Library of Congress. That copy lacked a portion or the whole of the -titlepage; and the missing parts seem to have been supplied, without -mention of the fact being made, from the entry of the book under 1632 -in White Kennet’s _Bibliothecæ Americanæ Primordia_. Apparently the -error originated in the following way. The _New Canaan_ was entered -for copyright in the Stationers’ Registers in London, November 18, -1633, in behalf of Charles Greene, the printer. There is no reason to -suppose that it was then completed, as it may have been entered by -its title alone. If it was, however, completed in part in 1633, the -internal evidence is conclusive that it was both revised[189] and added -to[190] as late as 1634; and, indeed, the Board of Lords Commissioners -for regulating Plantations, to which it is formally dedicated, was not -created until April 10th of that year. Greene did not print the book; -though, as will presently be seen, a certain number of copies may -possibly have been struck off for him with titlepages of their own. The -entry in the Stationers’ Registers was, however, afterwards discovered, -and seems then to have supplied by inference the date of publication, -which could not be learned from certain copies, the titlepages to which -were defective or wanting. The dates given in Lowndes’s _Manual_ would -seem to be simply incorrect.[191] Meanwhile, for reasons probably of -economy, though notice of publication had been given in London, the -book was actually printed in Holland, and the regular titlepage reads: -“Printed at Amsterdam by Jacob Frederick Stam, in the year 1637.” There -are copies, however, the titlepages of which read: “Printed for Charles -Greene, and are sold in Pauls Churchyard,” no date being given.[192] It -is not known that these copies differ in any other respect from those -bearing the usual imprint. The conclusion, therefore, would seem to -be that, as already stated, a number of copies may have been struck -off for Greene with a distinct titlepage. Properly speaking, however, -there seems to have been but one edition of the book. With the -exception of the Force titlepage, which has been shown to be erroneous, -there is no evidence of any copy being in existence bearing an earlier -date than the usual one of Amsterdam, 1637. - -Copies of the _New Canaan_ are extremely rare. Savage, in his notes to -Winthrop (vol. i. p. *34), said that he had then, before 1825, never -heard of but one copy, “which was owned by his Excellency John Q. -Adams.” It is from that copy that the present edition is printed. Mr. -Adams purchased it while in Europe prior to the year 1801. It was that -copy also which was temporarily deposited in the Boston Athenæum in -1810, as mentioned in the _Monthly Anthology_ of that date (vol. viii. -p. 420), referred to in the _Harvard University Library Bulletin_, -(No. 9, p. 196). The Rev. George Whitney, in his _History of Quincy_ -written in 1826, says (p. 11) that another “copy was lately presented -to the Adams Library of the town of Quincy by the Rev. Thaddeus Mason -Harris.”[193] In addition to these, some dozen or twenty other copies -in all are known to exist in various public and private collections in -America and Europe, several of which are enumerated in the _Literary -Bulletin_ just referred to. - -Very many of the errors both in typography and punctuation, with -which the _New Canaan_ abounds, are obviously due to the fact that -it was printed in Amsterdam. The original manuscript it would seem -was no more legible than the manuscript of that period, as it has -come down to us, is usually found to be. At best it was not easy to -decipher. The copy of the _New Canaan_ was then put in the hands of a -compositor imperfectly, if at all, acquainted with English; and, if -the proof-sheets were ever corrected by any one, they certainly were -not corrected by the author or by a proof-reader really familiar with -his writing, or even with the tongue in which he wrote. Accordingly -pen flourishes were mistaken for punctuation marks, and these were -inserted without any regard to the context; familiar words appeared in -unintelligible shapes;[194] small letters were mistaken for capitals, -and capitals for small letters, and one letter was confounded with -another. In addition to these numerous mistakes in deciphering and -following the manuscript, ordinary typographical errors are not -uncommon; though in this respect the _New Canaan_ is less marked by -blemishes than under the circumstances would naturally be supposed. - -Neither is this explanation of the curiously bad press-work of the -_New Canaan_ a mere conjecture. One other composition of Morton’s has -come down to us in the letter to Jeffreys, preserved by Winthrop.[195] -Let any one compare this letter with a chapter from the _New -Canaan_, and he will see at once that, while both are manifestly -productions from the same pen, they have been preserved under wholly -different circumstances. Take, for instance, the following identical -passages,--the one from the _New Canaan_ and the other from the letter -to Jeffreys, and they will sufficiently illustrate this point. - - NEW CANAAN. - - BOOK III. CHAPTER 31. - - And now mine Host being merrily disposed, haveing past many - perillous adventures in that desperat Whales belly, beganne in a - posture like Ionas, and cryed Repent you cruell Seperatists repent, - there are as yet but 40. dayes if Iove vouchsafe to thunder, - Charter and the Kingdome of the Seperatists will fall a sunder: - Repent you cruell Schismaticks repent. - - - LETTER TO JEFFREYS. - - SAVAGE’S WINTHROP, VOL. II. p. *190. - - So that now Jonas being set ashore may safely cry, repent you cruel - separatists, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If Jove - vouchsafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the separatists - will fall asunder. Repent you cruel schismatics, repent. - -The letter to Jeffreys is curiously characteristic of Morton. It -is written in the same inflated, metaphorical, enigmatic style as -the _New Canaan_. It is, however, perfectly intelligible and even -energetic. The reason is obvious. It was correctly copied by a man who -understood what the writer was saying. Accordingly it is as clear as -Winthrop’s own text. The _New Canaan_ would have been equally clear had -it been deciphered at the compositor’s form by a man with Winthrop’s -familiarity with English. - - * * * * * - -There is some reason to think that the fancy for exact reproduction in -typography has of late years been carried to an extreme. Not only have -peculiarities of spelling, capitalization and type, which were really -characteristic of the past, been carefully followed, but abbreviations -and figures have been reproduced in type, which formerly were confined -to manuscripts, and are certainly never found in the better printed -books of the same period. It is certainly desirable in reprinting -quaint works, which it is not supposed will ever pass into the hands of -general readers, to have them appear in the dress of the time to which -they belong. Indeed they cannot be modernized in spelling, the use of -capitals, or even, altogether, in punctuation, without losing something -of their flavor. Yet, this notwithstanding, there is no good reason why -gross and manifest blunders, due to the ignorance of compositors and -the carelessness of proof-readers, should be jealously perpetuated as -if they were sacred things. This assuredly is carrying the spirit of -faithful reproduction to fanaticism. It is Chinese. - -The rule followed, therefore, in the present edition has been to -reproduce the _New Canaan_ as it appeared in the Amsterdam edition of -1637, correcting only the punctuation, and such errors of the press as -are manifest and unmistakable. Very few changes have been made in the -use of capitals, and those only where it is obvious that a letter of -one kind in the copy was mistaken by the compositor for a letter of -another kind. An example of this is found at the top of page *14, where -“Captaine Davis’ fate,” in the author’s manuscript, is made to appear -as “Captain Davis Fate,” in the original text. The compositor evidently -mistook the small _f_, written with the old-fashioned flourish, for -an initial capital. The spelling has in no case been changed except -where the error, as in the case already cited of “muit” for “mint,” is -manifestly due to printers’ blunders. Mistakes of the press, such as -“legg” for “logg” (p. *77) and “vies” for “eies” (p. *152), have been -made right wherever they could be certainly detected. - -No conjectural readings whatever have been inserted in the text. The -few passages, not more than four or five in number, in which, owing -probably to the failure of the compositor to decipher manuscript, -the meaning of the original is not clear, are reproduced exactly. -No liberties whatever have been taken with the original edition in -these cases, and all guesses which are indulged in as to the author’s -meaning, whether by the editor or others, are confined to the notes. In -a few places the text is obviously deficient. Words necessary to the -meaning are omitted in printing. Wherever these have been conjecturally -inserted, the inserted words are in brackets. In a very few cases, -words, which could clearly have found their way into the original only -through inadvertence, have been omitted. Attention is called in the -notes to every such omission. - -The effort in the present edition has, in short, been to make it a -reproduction of the _New Canaan_; but the reproduction was to be an -intelligent, and not a servile one. - -[Illustration] - - - - - NEW ENGLISH CANAAN - _OR_ - NEW CANAAN. - -Containing an Abstract of New England, - -_Composed in three Bookes_. - -The first Booke setting forth the originall of the Natives, their -Manners and Customes, together with their tractable Nature and Love -towards the English. - -The second Booke setting forth the naturall Indowments of the Country, -and what staple Commodities it yealdeth. - -The third Booke setting forth, what people are planted there, their -prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first -planting of it, together with their Tenents and practise of their -Church. - -_Written by_ Thomas Morton of Cliffords Inne gent, _upon tenne yeares -knowledge and experiment of the Country_. - - -[Illustration] - - - Printed at AMSTERDAM, - _By JACOB FREDERICK STAM. - In the Yeare 1637_. - - - - -To the right honorable, the Lords and others of his Majesties most -honorable privy Councell, Commissioners, for the Government of all his -Majesties forraigne Provinces.[196] - - -_Right honorable_, - -The zeale which I beare to the advauncement of the glory of God, the -honor of his Majesty, and the good of the weale publike hath incouraged -mee to compose this abstract, being the modell of a Rich, hopefull and -very beautifull Country worthy the Title of Natures Masterpeece, and -may be lost by too much sufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet {4} -all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring from thence, where I -have indevoured my best, bound by my allegeance, to doe his Majesty -service. This in all humility I present as an offering, wherewith I -prostrate my selfe at your honorable footstoole. If you please to -vouchsafe it may receave a blessing from the Luster of your gracious -Beames, you shall make your vassaile happy, in that hee yet doth live -to shew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to sacrifice his -dearest blood, as becometh a loyall subject, for the honor of his -native Country. Being - - _your humors humble vassaile_ - THOMAS MORTON. - - - - -The Epistle to the Reader. - - -_GENTLE READER_, - -I present to the publike view an abstract of New England, which I have -undertaken to compose by the incouragment of such genious spirits as -have been studious of the inlargment of his Majesties Territories; -being not formerly satisfied by the relations of such as, through -haste, have taken but a superficiall survey thereof: which thing time -hath enabled mee to performe more punctually to the life, and to give a -more exact accompt of what hath been required. I have therefore beene -willing to doe my indevoure to communicat the knowledge which I have -gained and collected together, by mine owne observation in the time of -my many yeares residence in those parts, to my loving Country men: For -the better information of all such as are desirous to be made partakers -of the blessings of God in that fertile Soyle, as well as those {8} -that, out of Curiosity onely, have bin inquisitive after nouelties. -And the rather for that I have observed how divers persons (not so -well affected to the weale publike in mine opinion), out of respect to -their owne private ends, have laboured to keepe both the practise of -the people there, and the Reall worth of that eminent Country concealed -from publike knowledge; both which I have abundantly in this discourse -layd open: yet if it be well accepted, I shall esteeme my selfe -sufficiently rewardded for my undertaking, and rest, - - _Your Wellwisher_. - - THOMAS MORTON. - - - - -In laudem Authoris. - - - T’ Excuse the Author ere the worke be shewne - Is accusation in it selfe alone; - And to commend him might seeme oversight; - So divers are th’ opinions of this age, - So quick and apt, to taxe the moderne stage, - That hard his taske is that must please in all: - Example have wee from great Cæsars fall. - But is the sonne to be dislik’d and blam’d, - Because the mole is of his face asham’d? - The fault is in the beast, not in the sonne; - Give sicke mouthes sweete meates, fy! they relish none. - But to the sound in censure, he commends - His love unto his Country; his true ends, - To modell out a Land of so much worth - As untill now noe traveller setteth[197] forth; - Faire Canaans second selfe, second to none, - Natures rich Magazine till now unknowne. - Then here survay what nature hath in store, - And graunt him love for this. He craves no more. - - R. O. Gen. - - - - -Sir Christoffer Gardiner, Knight.[198] - -In laudem Authoris. - - - _This worke a matchles mirror is, that shewes - The Humors of the seperatiste, and those - So truely personated by thy pen. - I was amaz’d to see’t; herein all men - May plainely see, as in an inter-lude, - Each actor figure; and the scæne well view’d - In Comick,[199] Tragick, and in a pastorall strife,[200] - For tyth of mint[201] and Cummin, shewes their life - Nothing but opposition gainst the right - Of sacred Majestie: men full of spight, - Goodnes abuseing, turning vertue out - Of Dores, to whipping, stocking, and full bent - To plotting mischeife gainst the innocent, - Burning their houses, as if ordained by fate, - In spight of Lawe, to be made ruinate. - This taske is well perform’d, and patience be - Thy present comfort, and thy constancy - Thine honor; and this glasse, where it shall come, - Shall sing thy praises till the day of doome._ - - Sir C. G. - - - - -In laudem Authoris. - - - _Bvt that I rather pitty, I confesse, - The practise of their Church, I could expresse - Myselfe a Satyrist, whose smarting fanges - Should strike it with a palsy, and the panges - Beget a feare to tempt the Majesty - Of those, or mortall Gods. Will they defie - The Thundring Jove? Like children they desire, - Such is their zeale, to sport themselves with fire: - So have I seene an angry Fly presume - To strike a burning taper, and consume - His feeble wings. Why, in an aire so milde, - Are they so monstrous growne up, and so vilde, - That Salvages can of themselves espy - Their errors, brand their names with infamy? - What! is their zeale for blood like Cyrus thirst? - Will they be over head and eares a curst? - A cruell way to found a Church on! noe, - T’is not their zeale but fury blinds them soe, - And pricks their malice on like fier to joyne, - And offer up the sacrifice of Kain. - Jonas, thou hast done well to call these men - Home to repentance, with thy painefull pen._ - - F. C. Armiger. - - - - - NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, - _OR_ - NEW CANAAN. - - - - -_The Author’s Prologue._ - - - If art and industry should doe as much - As Nature hath for Canaan, not such - Another place, for benefit and rest, - In all the universe can be possest. - The more we proove it by discovery, - The more delight each object to the eye - Procures; as if the elements had here - Bin reconcil’d, and pleas’d it should appeare - Like a faire virgin, longing to be sped - And meete her lover in a Nuptiall bed, - Deck’d in rich ornaments t’ advaunce her state - And excellence, being most fortunate - When most enjoy’d: so would our Canaan be - If well imploy’d by art and industry; - Whose offspring now, shewes that her fruitfull wombe, - Not being enjoy’d, is like a glorious tombe, - Admired things producing which there dye, - And ly fast bound in darck obscurity: - The worth of which, in each particuler, - Who list to know, this abstract will declare. - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - - NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, - OR - NEW CANAAN. - - - - -_The first Booke._ - - Containing the originall of the Natives, their manners & Customes, - with their tractable nature and love towards the English. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - _Prooving New England the principall part of all America, and most - commodious and fitt for habitation._ - - -~_Vse of vegetatives._~ - -~_Fish poysonous about the Isle of Sall._~ - -The wise Creator of the universall Globe hath placed a golden meane -betwixt two extreames; I meane the temperate Zones, betwixt the hote -and cold; and every Creature, that participates of Heavens blessings -with in the Compasse of that golden meane, is made most {12} apt and -fit for man to use, who likewise by that wisedome is ordained to be -the Lord of all. This globe may be his glasse, to teach him how to use -moderation and discretion, both in his actions and intentions. The -wise man sayes, give mee neither riches nor poverty; why? Riches might -make him proud like Nebuchadnezar, and poverty despaire like Iobs wife; -but a meane betweene both. So it is likewise in the use of Vegetatives, -that which hath too much Heate or too much Colde, is said to be -venenum: so in the use of sensitives, all those Animals, of what genus -or species soever they be, if they participate of heate or cold in the -superlative are said to be _Inimica naturæ_, as in some Fishes about -the Isle of Sall, and those Ilandes adjoyninge between the Tropickes; -their participatinge of heate and cold, in the superlative, is made -most manifest, one of which poysoned a whole Ships company that eate of -it.[202] And so it is in Vipers, Toades, and Snakes, that have heate or -cold in the superlative degree. - -~_Zona temperata, the Golden meane._~ - -~_Salt aboundeth under the Tropicks._~ - -~_Raine 40. dayes about August betweene Cancer and the Line._~ - -Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold in a -meane, are best and holsomest: And so it is in the choyse of love, -the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is best, and it is -therefore called _Zona temperata_, and is in the golden meane; and -all those landes lying under that Zone, most requisite and fitt for -habitation. In Cosmography, the two extreames are called, the one -_Torrida Zona_, lying betweene the Tropickes, the other _Frigida -Zona_, lying neare the poles: all the landes lying under either of -these Zones, by reason they doe participate too {13} much of heate or -cold, are very inconvenient, and are accompanied with many evils. And -allthough I am not of opinion with Aristotle,[203] that the landes -under _Torrida Zona_ are alltogether uninhabited, I my selfe having -beene so neare the equinoctiall line that I have had the Sunn for my -Zenith and seene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that -it is accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fish and Flesh -both will taint in those partes, notwithstanding the use of Salt which -cannot be wanting there, ordained by natures hande-worke; And that is -a great hinderance to the settinge forth and supply of navigation, the -very Sinewes of a florishing Commonwealth. Then barrennesse, caused -through want of raines, for in most of those partes of the world it -is seldome accustomed to raine untill the time of the Tornathees (as -the Portingals[204] phrase is, who lived there) and then it will raine -about 40. dayes together, which moisture serveth to fructify the earth -for all the yeare after, duringe which time is seene no raine at all: -the heate and cold, and length of day and night, being much alike, -with little difference. And these raines are caused by the turning of -the windes, which else betweene the Tropickes doe blow Trade, that -is allwayes one way. For next the Tropicke of Cancer it is constantly -North-East, and next the Tropicke of Capricorne it is Southwest; so -that the windes comming from the Poles, do keepe the aire in those -partes coole, and make it temperate and the partes habitable, were it -not for those and other inconveniences. - -~_Capt. Davis froze to death._~ - -~_Groene Land too cold for habitation._~ - -{14} This _Torrida Zona_ is good for Grashoppers: and _Zona Temperata_ -for the Ant and Bee. But _Frigida Zona_ [is] good for neither, as by -lamentable experience of Captaine Davis fate is manifest, who in his -inquest of the Northwest passage for the East India trade was frozen to -death.[205] And therefore, for _Frigida Zona_, I agree with Aristotle -that it is unfit for habitation:[206] and I know by the Course of -the cælestiall globe that in Groeneland, many Degrees short of the -Pole Articke, the place is too cold, by reason of the Sunns absence -almost six monethes, and the land under the continuall power of the -frost; which thinge many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull -experience of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the history. I -thinke they will not venture to winter there againe for an India mine. - -~_Sir Ferdinando Gorges the originall cause of plantinge New -England._~ - -And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Articke, so it is -likewise to be found under the Antarticke Pole; yet what hazard will -not an industrious minde and couragious spirit undergoe, according to -that of the Poet: _Impiger extremos currit Mercator ad Indos per mare -pauperiem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes._[207] And all to gett and hord -up like the Ant and the Bee; and yet, as Salomon saith,[208] he cannot -tell whether a foole or a wise man shall enjoy it. Therefore let us -leave these two extreames, with their inconveniences, and indeavour to -finde out this golden meane, so free from any one of them. Behold the -secret wisedome of allmighty God, and love unto our Salomon, to raise -a man of a lardge hart, full of worthy abilities, to be the Index or -Loadstarre, that doth point out {15} unto the English Nation with ease -and comfort how to finde it out. And this the noble minded Gentleman, -Sir Ferdinando Gorges,[209] Knight, zealous for the glory of God, the -honor of his Majesty and the benefit of the weale publicke, hath done -a great worke for the good of his Country. - -~_The Salvages dyed of the plague._~ - -And herein this, the wondrous wisedome and love of God, is shewne, -by sending to the place his Minister, to sweepe away by heapes the -Salvages; and also giving him length of dayes to see the same performed -after his enterprise was begunne, for the propagation of the Church of -Christ. - -This judicious Gentleman hath found this goulden meane to be scituated -about the middle of those two extreames, and for directions you may -proove it thus: Counting the space betweene the Line and either of -the Poles, in true proportion, you shall finde it to be 90. Degrees: -then must we finde the meane to be neare unto the Center of 90. and -that is about 45. Degrees, and then incline unto the Sotherne side of -that Center, properly for the benefit of heate, remembringe that _Sol -& Homo generàt hominem_; and then keepe us on that same side, and see -what Land is to be found there, and we shall easily discerne that new -England is on the South side of that Center. - -~_New Engl. is placed in the golden meane._~ - -~_New England 10. Degrees neerer the line then old England._~ - -~_The Massachussets in the middel of New England._~ - -~_The Windes not so violent in New England._~ - -For that Country doth beginne her boundes at 40. Degrees of Northerne -latitude, and endes at 45. Degrees of the same latitude, and doth -participate of heate and cold indifferently, but is oppressed with -neither: and therefore may be truly sayd to be within the compasse of -that golden meane, most apt and fit {16} for habitation and generation, -being placed by Allmighty God, the great Creator, under that Zone -called _Zona temperata_; and is therefore most fitt for the generation -and habitation of our English nation, of all other, who are more neere -neighbours to the Northerne Pole, whose Land lyeth betweene 50. and -54. Degrees of the selfesame latitude: now this new England, though -it be nearer to the line then that old England by 10. Degrees of -latitude, yet doth not this exceede that other in heate or cold, by -reason of the cituation of it; for as the Coast lyeth, being circularly -Northeast and Southwest, opposite towards the Sunnes risinge, which -makes his course over the Ocean, it can have litle or no reflecting -heat of the Sun-beames, by reason of the continuall motion of the -waters makinge the aire there the cooler and the constanter; so that -for the temperature of the Climent, sweetnesse of the aire, fertility -of the Soile, and small number of the Salvages (which might seeme a -rubb in the way off an effeminate minde,) this Country of new England -is by all judicious men accounted the principall part of all America -for habitation and the commodiousnesse of the Sea, Ships there not -being subject to wormes as in Virginea and other places, and not to be -paraleld in all Christendome. The Massachussets, being the middell -part thereof, is a very beautifull Land, not mountany nor inclininge to -mountany, lyeth in 42. Degrees, and 30. minutes, and hath as yet[210] -the greatest number of inhabitants; and hath a very large bay to it -divided by Islands into 4 great bayes,[211] where shippinge may safely -ride, {17} all windes and weathers, the windes in those partes being -not so violent as in England by many Degrees: for there are no shrubbs -seene to leane from the windes, as by the Sea Coast of England I have -seene them leane, and the groundage is a sandy sleech,[212] free from -rockes to gaule Cables, but is good for anchorage: the rest of the -Planters are disperst among the Coasts betweene 41. and 44. Degrees of -Latitude, and as yet, have [made] very little way into the inland.[213] -The riches of which Country I have set forth in this abstract as in a -Landskipp, for the better information of the Travellers; which hee may -peruse and plainely perceave by the demonstration of it, that it is -nothing inferior to Canaan of Israel, but a kind of paralell to it in -all points. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - _Of the originall of the Natives._ - - -~_The Natives have a mixed language._~ - -~_Pasco Pan greedy gutt._~ - -~_Mona an Island._~ - -In the yeare since the incarnation of Christ, 1622, it was my chance to -be landed in the parts of New England,[214] where I found two sortes -of people, the one Christians, the other Infidels; these I found -most full of humanity, and more friendly then the other: as shall -hereafter be made apparant in Dew-Course by their severall actions -from time to time, whilest I lived among them. After my arrivall in -those partes, I endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes that I could to -find out from what people, or nation, the Natives of {18} New England -might be conjectured originlly to proceede; and by continuance and -conversation amongst them, I attaned to so much of their language, as -by all probable conjecture may make the same manifest: for it hath -been found by divers, and those of good judgement, that the Natives -of this Country doe use very many wordes, both of Greeke and Latine, -to the same signification that the Latins and Greekes have done; as -_en animia_,[215] when an Indian expresseth that hee doth anything -with a good will; and _Pascopan_[216] signifieth gredy gut, this -being the name of an Indian that was so called of a Child, through -the greedinesse of his minde and much eating, for _Pasco_ in Latine -signifieth to feede, and _Pan_ in Greeke signifieth all; and _Pasco -nantum,[217] quasi pasco nondum_, halfe starved, or not eating, as yet; -_Equa coge_,[218] set it upright; _Mona_[219] is an Island in their -language, _quasi Monon_, that is alone, for an Island is a peece or -plott of ground standing alone, and devided from the mane Land by force -of water. - -~_Cos a Whetstone._~ - -~_Pan the Shepheards God._~ - -_Cos_[220] is a Whetstone with them. _Hame_[221] an instrument to take -fish. Many places doe retaine the name of _Pan_, as Pantneket[222] -and _Matta pan_,[223] so that it may be thought that these people -heretofore have had the name of _Pan_ in great reverence and -estimation, and it may bee have worshipped _Pan_ the great God of the -Heathens: Howsoever they doe use no manner of worship at all now: and -it is most likely that the Natives of this Country are descended from -people bred upon that part of the world which is towardes {19} the -Tropicke of Cancer, for they doe still retaine the memory of some of -the Starres one that part of the Cælestiall Globe, as the North-starre, -which with them is called Maske,[224] for Maske in their Language -signifieth a Beare: and they doe divide the windes into eight partes, -and it seemes originally have had some litterature amongst them, which -time hath Cancelled and worne out of use. - -~_Not to proceede from the Tartars._~ - -~_No part of America knowne to be neare Tartary._~ - -~_Why Brutus left Latium._~ - -~_Two nations meetinge make a mixt language._~ - -And whereas it hath beene the opinion of some men, which shall be -nameles, that the Natives of New-England may proceede from the race -of the Tartars, and come from Tartaria into those partes,[225] over -the frozen Sea, I see no probality for any such Conjecture; for as -much as a people once setled must be remooved by compulsion, or else -tempted thereunto in hope of better fortunes, upon commendations of the -place unto which they should be drawne to remoove: and if it may be -thought that these people came over the frozen Sea, then would it be by -compulsion? if so, then by whome, or when? or what part of this mane -continent may be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, -it is yet unknowne: and it is not like, that a people well enough at -ease will of their one accord undertake to travayle over a Sea of -Ice, considering how many difficulties they shall encounter with; as -first, whether there be any Land at the end of their unknowne way, no -Land beinge in view; then want of Food to sustane life in the meane -time upon that Sea of Ice; or {20} how should they doe for Fuell, to -keepe them at night from freezing to death, which will not bee had in -such a place. But it may perhaps be granted that the Natives of this -Country might originally come of the scattred Trojans: For after that -Brutus, who was the forth from Aneas, left Latium upon the conflict -had with the Latines, (where although hee gave them a great overthrow, -to the Slaughter of their grand Captaine and many other of the Heroes -of Latium, yet hee held it more safety to depart unto some other place -and people, then by staying to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or -doubtfull Conquest, which as history maketh mention hee performed,) -this people were dispersed: there is no question but the people that -lived with him, by reason of their conversation with the Græcians and -Latines, had a mixed language that participated of both, whatsoever was -that which was proper to their owne nation at first I know not: for -this is commonly seene where 2. nations traffique together, the one -indevouring to understand the others meaning makes them both many times -speak a mixed language, as is approoved by the Natives of New England, -through the coveteous desire they have to commerce with our nation and -wee with them. - -~_Dædalus the first that used Sayles._~ - -~_Icarus the second that used Sayles._~ - -~_Troy destroyed about Sauls time._~ - -~_The Loadstone in Salomons time._~ - -And when Brutus did depart from Latium, we doe not finde that his whole -number went with him at once, or arrived at one place; and being put to -Sea might encounter with a storme that would carry them out of sight -of Land, and then they might sayle God knoweth whether, and so might -be put upon this {21} Coast, as well as any other. Compasse I beleeve -they had none in those dayes; Sayles they might have, (which Dædalus -the first inventor thereof left to after ages, having taught his Sonne -Icarus the use of it, who to this Cost found how dangerous it is for a -Sonne not to observe the precepts of a wise Father, so that the Icarian -Sea now retaines the memory of it to this day,) and Victuals they might -have good store, and many other things fittinge; oares without all -question they would store themselves with, in such a case; but for the -use of Compasse, there is no mention made of it at that time (which -was much about Sauls time, the first that was made King of Israell.) -Yet it is thought (and that not without good reason for it) that the -use of the Loadstone and Compasse was knowne in Salomons time, for as -much as hee sent Shippes to fetch of the gould of Ophir, to adorne and -bewtify that magnificent Temple of Hierusalem by him built for the -glory of Almighty God, and by his speciall appointment: and it is held -by Cosmographers to be 3. yeares voyage from Hierusalem to Ophir, and -it is conceaved that such a voyage could not have beene performed, -without the helpe of the Loadstone and Compasse. - -And why should any man thinke the Natives of New England to be the -gleanings of all Nations, onely because by the pronunciation and -termination their words seeme to trench upon severall languages, -when time hath not furnished him with the interpretation thereof. -The thinge that must induce a man of reasonable capacity to any -maner of conjecture of {22} their originall, must be the sence and -signification of the words, principally to frame this argument by, -when hee shall drawe to any conclusion thereupon: otherwise hee shall -but runne rounde about a maze (as some of the fantasticall tribe use -to do about the tythe of mint[226] and comin.) Therefore, since I have -had the approbation of Sir Christopher Gardiner,[227] Knight, an able -gentl. that lived amongst them, and of David Tompson,[228] a Scottish -gentl. that likewise was conversant with those people, both Scollers -and Travellers that were diligent in taking notice of these things, -as men of good judgement, and that have bin in those parts any time, -besides others of lesse, now I am bold to conclude that the originall -of the Natives of New England may be well conjectured to be from the -scattered Trojans, after such time as Brutus departed from Latium.[229] - - - - -CHAP. III. - - _Of a great mortality that happened amongst the Natives of New - England, neere about the time that the English came there to plant._ - - -~_Five Frenchmen kept by the Salvages._~ - -It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to inhabit at -new Plimmouth, in New England, that upon some distast given in the -Massachussets bay by Frenchmen, then trading there with the Natives -for beaver, they set upon the men at such advantage that they killed -manie of them, burned their shipp, {23} then riding at Anchor by an -Island there, now called Peddocks Island,[230] in memory of Leonard -Peddock[231] that landed there, (where many wilde Anckies[232] haunted -that time, which hee thought had bin tame,) distributing them unto 5. -Sachems, which were Lords of the severall territories adjoyninge: they -did keepe them so longe as they lived, onely to sport themselves at -them, and made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, which is -the generall worke that they require of a servant.[233] One of these -five men, out livinge the rest, had learned so much of their language -as to rebuke them for their bloudy deede, saying that God would be -angry with them for it, and that hee would in his displeasure destroy -them; but the Salvages (it seemes boasting of their strenght,) replyed -and sayd, that they were so many that God could not kill them.[234] - -~_The Plague fell on the Indians._~ - -~_The livinge not able to bury the dead._~ - -But contrary wise, in short time after the hand of God fell heavily -upon them, with such a mortall stroake that they died on heapes as -they lay in their houses; and the living, that were able to shift for -themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let there Carkases ly -above the ground without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, -there hath been but one left a live to tell what became of the rest; -the livinge being (as it seemes) not able to bury the dead, they -were left for Crowes, Kites and vermin to pray upon. And the bones -and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations made such a -spectacle after my comming into those partes, that, as I travailed in -that Forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to mee a new found -Golgatha. - -~_2 Sam. 24._~ - -{24} But otherwise, it is the custome of those Indian people to bury -their dead ceremoniously and carefully, and then to abandon that -place, because they have no desire the place should put them in minde -of mortality: and this mortality was not ended when the Brownists -of new Plimmouth were setled at Patuxet in New England: and by all -likelyhood the sicknesse that these Indians died of was the Plague, -as by conference with them since my arrivall and habitation in those -partes, I have learned.[235] And by this meanes there is as yet but -a small number of Salvages in New England, to that which hath beene -in former time, and the place is made so much the more fitt for the -English Nation to inhabit in, and erect in it Temples to the glory of -God. - - - - -CHAP. IV. - - _Of their Houses and Habitations._ - - -The Natives of New England are accustomed to build them houses much -like the wild Irish; they gather Poles in the woodes and put the -great end of them in the ground, placinge them in forme of a circle -or circumference, and, bendinge the topps of them in forme of an -Arch, they bind them together with the Barke of Walnut trees, which -is wondrous tuffe, so that they make the same round on the Topp {25} -for the smooke of their fire to assend and passe through; these they -cover with matts, some made of reeds and some of longe flagges, or -sedge, finely sowed together with needles made of the splinter bones -of a Cranes legge, with threeds made of their Indian hempe, which -their groueth naturally, leaving severall places for dores, which are -covered with mats, which may be rowled up and let downe againe at their -pleasures, making use of the severall dores, according as the winde -sitts.[236] The fire is alwayes made in the middest of the house, with -winde fals commonly: yet some times they fell a tree that groweth neere -the house, and, by drawing in the end thereof, maintaine the fire on -both sids, burning the tree by Degrees shorter and shorter, untill it -be all consumed; for it burneth night and day. Their lodging is made -in three places of the house about the fire; they lye upon plankes, -commonly about a foote or 18. inches aboue the ground, raised upon -railes that are borne up upon forks; they lay mats under them, and -Coats of Deares skinnes, otters, beavers, Racownes, and of Beares -hides, all which they have dressed and converted into good lether, -with the haire on, for their coverings: and in this manner they lye -as warme as they desire.[237] In the night they take their rest; in -the day time, either the kettle is on with fish or flesh, by no -allowance, or else the fire is imployed in roasting of fishes, which -they delight in.[238] The aire doeth beget good stomacks, and they -feede continually, and are no niggards of their vittels; for they are -willing that any one shall eate with them. Nay, if any one that shall -come into their {26} houses and there fall a sleepe, when they see him -disposed to lye downe, they will spreade a matt for him of their owne -accord, and lay a roule of skinnes for a boulster, and let him lye. -If hee sleepe untill their meate be dished up, they will set a wooden -boule of meate by him that sleepeth, and wake him saying, Cattup keene -Meckin[239]: That is, If you be hungry, there is meat for you, where if -you will eate you may. Such is their Humanity.[240] - -Likewise, when they are minded to remoove, they carry away the mats -with them; other materiales the place adjoyning will yeald. They use -not to winter and summer in one place, for that would be a reason to -make fuell scarse; but, after the manner of the gentry of Civilized -natives, remoove for their pleasures; some times to their hunting -places, where they remaine keeping good hospitality for that season; -and sometimes to their fishing places, where they abide for that season -likewise: and at the spring, when fish comes in plentifully, they have -meetinges from severall places, where they exercise themselves in -gaminge and playing of juglinge trickes and all manner of Revelles, -which they are deligted in; [so] that it is admirable to behould what -pastime they use of severall kindes, every one striving to surpasse -each other.[241] After this manner they spend their time. - - - - -{27} CHAP. V. - - _Of their Religion._ - - -It has bin a common receaved opinion from Cicero,[242] that there -is no people so barbarous but have some worshipp or other. In this -particular, I am not of opinion therein with Tully; and, surely, if -hee had bin amongst those people so longe as I have bin, and conversed -so much with them touching this matter of Religion, hee would have -changed his opinion. Neither should we have found this error, amongst -the rest, by the helpe of that wodden prospect,[243] if it had not -been so unadvisedly built upon such highe land as that Coast (all -mens judgements in generall,) doth not yeeld, had hee but taken the -judiciall councell of Sir William Alexander, that setts this thing -forth in an exact and conclusive sentence; if hee be not too obstinate? -hee would graunt that worthy writer, that these people are _sine fide, -sine lege, & sine rege_,[244] and hee hath exemplified this thinge by -a familiar demonstration, which I have by longe experience observed to -be true. - -And, me thinks, it is absurd to say they have a kinde of worship, and -not able to demonstrate whome or what it is they are accustomed to -worship. For my part I am more willing to beleeve that the Elephants -(which are reported to be the most intelligible of all beasts) doe -worship the moone, for the reasons {28} given by the author of this -report, as M^r. Thomas May, the minion of the Muses dos recite it in -his continuation of Lucans historicall poem,[245] rather then this man: -to that I must bee constrained, to conclude against him, and Cicero, -that the Natives of New England have no worship nor religion at all; -and I am sure it has been so observed by those that neede not the helpe -of a wodden prospect for the matter. - - - - -CHAP. VI. - - _Of the Indians apparrell._ - - -The Indians in these parts do make their apparrell of the skinnes of -severall sortes of beastes, and commonly of those that doe frequent -those partes where they doe live; yet some of them, for variety, will -have the skinnes of such beasts that frequent the partes of their -neighbors, which they purchase of them by Commerce and Trade. - -~_The Indians make good lether._~ - -~_Indians ingenious workemen for their garments._~ - -~_The modesty of the Indian men._~ - -~_Indians travaile with materials to strike fire at all -times._~ - -These skinnes they convert into very good lether, making the same -plume and soft. Some of these skinnes they dresse with the haire on, -and some with the haire off; the hairy side in winter time they weare -next their bodies, and in warme weather they weare the haire outwardes: -they make likewise some Coates of the Feathers of Turkies, which they -weave together with twine of their owne makinge, very prittily: these -garments they weare like mantels knit over {29} their shoulders, and -put under their arme: they have likewise another sort of mantels, made -of Mose skinnes, which beast is a great large Deere so bigge as a -horse; these skinnes they commonly dresse bare, and make them wondrous -white, and stripe them with size round about the borders, in forme like -lace set on by a Taylor, and some they stripe with size in workes of -severall fashions very curious, according to the severall fantasies of -the workemen, wherein they strive to excell one another: And Mantels -made of Beares skinnes is an usuall wearinge, among the Natives that -live where the Beares doe haunt: they make shooes of Mose skinnes, -which is the principall leather used to that purpose; and for want -of such lether (which is the strongest) they make shooes of Deeres -skinnes, very handsomly and commodious; and, of such deeres skinnes as -they dresse bare, they make stockinges that comes within their shooes, -like a stirrop stockinge, and is fastned above at their belt, which is -about their middell; Every male, after hee attaines unto the age which -they call Pubes, wereth a belt about his middell, and a broad peece of -lether that goeth betweene his leggs and is tuckt up both before and -behinde under that belt; and this they weare to hide their secreats -of nature, which by no meanes they will suffer to be seene, so much -modesty they use in that particular; those garments they allwayes put -on, when they goe a huntinge, to keepe their skinnes from the brush of -the Shrubbs: and when they have their Apparrell one they looke like -Irish in {30} their trouses, the Stockinges joyne so to their breeches. -A good well growne deere skin is of great account with them, and it -must have the tale on, or else they account it defaced; the tale being -three times as long as the tales of our English Deere, yea foure times -so longe, this when they travell is raped round about their body, and, -with a girdle of their making, bound round about their middles, to -which girdle is fastned a bagg, in which his instruments be with which -hee can strike fire upon any occasion.[246] - -Thus with their bow in their left hand, and their quiuer of Arrowes at -their back, hanging one their left shoulder with the lower end of it in -their right hand, they will runne away a dogg trot untill they come to -their journey end; and, in this kinde of ornament, they doe seeme to me -to be hansomer then when they are in English apparrell, their gesture -being answerable to their one habit and not unto ours. - -~_The Indians ashamed of their nakednesse._~ - -Their women have shooes and stockinges to weare likewise when they -please, such as the men have, but the mantle they use to cover their -nakednesse with is much longer then that which the men use; for, as the -men have one Deeres skinn, the women have two soed together at the full -lenght, and it is so lardge that it trailes after them like a great -Ladies trane; and in time I thinke they may have their Pages to beare -them up; and where the men use but one Beares skinn for a Mantle, the -women have two soed together; and if any of their women would at any -time shift one, they take that which they intend to make use of, and -{31} cast it over them round, before they shifte away the other, for -modesty, being unwilling to be seene to discover their nakednesse; and -the one being so cast over, they slip the other from under them in a -decent manner, which is to be noted in people uncivilized; therein they -seeme to have as much modesty as civilized people, and deserve to be -applauded for it.[247] - - - - -CHAP. VII. - - _Of their Child-bearing, and delivery, and what manner of persons - they are._ - - -~_The women big with child very laborious._~ - -~_Children bathed to staine the skinne._~ - -The women of this Country are not suffered to be used for procreation -untill the ripenesse of their age, at which time they weare a redd -cap made of lether, in forme like to our flat caps, and this they -weare for the space of 12 moneths, for all men to take notice of them -that have any minde to a wife; and then it is the custome of some of -their Sachems or Lords of the territories, to have the first say or -maidenhead of the females.[248] Very apt they are to be with childe, -and very laborious when they beare children; yea, when they are as -great as they can be: yet in that case they neither forbeare laboure, -nor travaile; I have seene them in that plight with burthens at their -backs enough to load a horse; yet doe they not miscarry, but have a -faire delivery, and a quick: their women are very good midwifes, and -the women very lusty after {32} delivery, and in a day or two will -travell or trudge about.[249] Their infants are borne with haire on -their heads, and are of complexion white as our nation; but their -mothers in their infancy make a bath of Wallnut leaves, huskes of -Walnuts, and such things as will staine their skinne for ever, wherein -they dip and washe them to make them tawny[250]; the coloure of their -haire is black, and their eyes black. These infants are carried at -their mothers backs by the help of a cradle made of a board forket at -both ends, whereon the childe is fast bound and wrapped in furres; -his knees thrust up towards his bellie, because they may be the more -usefull for them when he sitteth, which is as a dogge does on his -bumme: and this cradle surely preserues them better then the cradles -of our nation, for as much as we finde them well proportioned, not any -of them crooked backed or wry legged: and to give their charracter in -a worde, they are as proper men and women for feature and limbes as -can be found, for flesh and bloud as active: longe handed they are, (I -never sawe a clunchfisted Salvadg amongst them all in my time.)[251] -The colour of their eies being so generally black made a Salvage, that -had a younge infant whose eies were gray, shewed him to us, and said -they were English mens eies; I tould the Father that his sonne was _nan -weeteo_, which is a bastard; hee replied _titta Cheshetue squaa_,[252] -which is, hee could not tell, his wife might play the whore; and this -childe the father desired might have an English name, because of the -litenesse[253] of his eies, which his father had in admiration because -of novelty amongst their nation. - - - - -{33} CHAP. VIII. - - _Of their Reverence, and respect to age._ - - -~_Age honoured among the Indians._~ - -It is a thing to be admired, and indeede made a president, that a -Nation yet uncivilizied should more respect age then some nations -civilized, since there are so many precepts both of divine and -humane writers extant to instruct more Civill Nations: in that -particular, wherein they excell, the younger are allwayes obedient -unto the elder people, and at their commaunds in every respect without -grummbling;[254] in all councels, (as therein they are circumspect -to do their acciones by advise and councell, and not rashly or -inconsiderately,) the younger mens opinion shall be heard, but the old -mens opinion and councell imbraced and followed: besides, as the elder -feede and provide for the younger in infancy, so doe the younger, after -being growne to yeares of manhood, provide for those that be aged: -and in distribution of Acctes the elder men are first served by their -dispensator; and their counsels (especially if they be powahs) are -esteemed as oracles amongst the younger Natives. - -The consideration of these things, mee thinkes, should reduce some of -our irregular young people of civilized Nations, when this story shall -come to their knowledge, to better manners, and make them ashamed of -their former error in this kinde, and to {34} become hereafter more -duetyfull; which I, as a friend, (by observation having found,) have -herein recorded for that purpose. - - - - -CHAP. IX. - - _Of their pretty conjuring tricks._ - - -If we doe not judge amisse of these Salvages in accounting them -witches, yet out of all question we may be bould to conclude them -to be but weake witches, such of them as wee call by the names of -Powahs: some correspondency they have with the Devil out of al doubt, -as by some of their accions, in which they glory, is manifested. -Papasiquineo,[255] that Sachem or Sagamore, is a Powah of greate -estimation amongst all kinde of Salvages there: hee is at their Revels -(which is the time when a great company of Salvages meete from -severall parts of the Country, in amity with their neighbours) hath -advaunced his honor in his feats or jugling tricks (as I may right -tearme them) to the admiration of the spectators, whome hee endevoured -to perswade that he would goe under water to the further side of a -river, to broade for any man to undertake with a breath, which thing -hee performed by swimming over, and deluding the company with casting a -mist before their eies that see him enter in and come out, but no part -of the way hee has bin seene: likewise by our English, in the heat of -all summer to make Ice appeare in a bowle of faire water; first, having -the water set before him, hee hath begunne his incantation according -to their usuall accustome, and before the same has bin ended a thick -Clowde has darkned the {35} aire and, on a sodane, a thunder clap hath -bin heard that has amazed the natives; in an instant hee hath shewed a -firme peece of Ice to flote in the middest of the bowle in the presence -of the vulgar people, which doubtles was done by the agility of Satan, -his consort. - -And by meanes of these sleights, and such like trivial things as these, -they gaine such estimation amongst the rest of the Salvages that it is -thought a very impious matter for any man to derogate from the words -of these Powahs. In so much as hee that should slight them, is thought -to commit a crime no lesse hainous amongst them as sacriledge is with -us, as may appeare by this one passage, which I wil set forth for an -instance. - -~_A Salvage entertained a factor._~ - -~_An Englishman cured of a swelling._~ - -A neighbour of mine that had entertain’d a Salvage into his service, to -be his factor for the beaver trade amongst his countrymen, delivered -unto him divers parcells of commodities fit for them to trade with; -amongst the rest there was one coate of more esteeme then any of the -other, and with this his new entertained marchant man travels amongst -his countrymen to truck them away for beaver: as our custome hath bin, -the Salvage went up into the Country amongst his neighbours for beaver, -and returned with some, but not enough answerable to his Masteers -expectation, but being called to an accompt, and especially for that -one Coate of speciall note, made answer that he had given that coate -to Tantoquineo, a Powah: to which his master in a rage cryed, what -have I to doe with Tantoquineo? The Salvage, very angry at the matter, -cryed, what you speake? you are not a very good man; wil you not give -Tantoq. a coat? whats this? as if he had offered {36} _Tantoquineo_ the -greatest indignity that could be devised: so great is the estimation -and reverence that these people have of these Iugling[256] Powahs, -who are usually sent for when any person is sicke and ill at ease to -recover them, for which they receive rewards as doe our Chirgeons -and Phisitions; and they doe make a trade of it, and boast of their -skill where they come:[257] One amongst the rest did undertake to cure -an Englishman of a swelling of his hand for a parcell of biskett, -which being delivered him hee tooke the party greived into the woods -aside from company, and with the helpe of the devill, (as may be -conjectured,) quickly recovered him of that swelling, and sent him -about his worke againe. - - - - -CHAP. X. - - _Of their duels, and the honourable estimation of victory obtained - thereby._ - - -~_How the Salvages performe theire duells._~ - -These Salvages are not apt to quarrell one with another: yet such hath -bin the occasion that a difference hath happened which hath growne to -that height that it has not bin reconciled otherwise then by combat, -which hath bin performed in this manner: the two champions prepared -for the fight, with their bowes in hand and a quiver full of arrowes -at their backs, they have entered into the field; the Challenger -and challenged have chosen two trees, standing within {37} a little -distance of each other; they have cast lotts for the cheife of the -trees, then either champion setting himselfe behinde his tree watches -an advantage to let fly his shafts, and to gall his enemy; there they -continue shooting at each other; if by chaunce they espie any part -open, they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part, and use much -agility in the performance of the taske they have in hand. Resolute -they are in the execution of their vengeance, when once they have -begunne; and will in no wise be daunted, or seeme to shrinck though -they doe catch a clap with an arrow, but fight it out in this manner -untill one or both be slaine. - -~_Trees marked where they performe a duell._~ - -I have bin shewed the places where such duels have bin performed, -and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall of the Combat, where -that champion hath stood that had the hap to be slaine in the duell: -and they count it the greatest honor that can be to the serviving -Cumbatant, to shew the scares of the wounds received in this kinde of -Conflict, and if it happen to be on the arme, as those parts are most -in danger in these cases, they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon that -place of the arme, as a trophy of honor to their dying day. - - - - -{38} CHAP. XI. - - _Of the maintaining of their Reputation._ - - -Reputation is such a thing that it keepes many men in awe, even amongst -Civilized nations, and is very much stood upon: it is (as one hath -very well noted) the awe of great men and of Kings. And, since I have -observed it to be maintained amongst Salvage people, I cannot chuse -but give an instance thereof in this treatise, to confirme the common -receaved opinion thereof. - -~_A marriage._~ - -The Sachem or Sagamore of Sagus made choise, when hee came to mans -estate, of a Lady of noble discent, Daughter to Papasiquineo, the -Sachem or Sagamore of the territories neare Merrimack River, a man of -the best note and estimation in all those parts, and (as my Countryman -M^r. Wood declares in his prospect) a great Nigromancer; this Lady the -younge Sachem with the consent and good liking of her father marries, -and takes for his wife.[258] Great entertainement hee and his receaved -in those parts at her fathers hands, where they weare fested in the -best manner that might be expected, according to the Custome of their -nation, with reveling and such other solemnities as is usuall amongst -them. The solemnity being ended, Papasiquineo causes a selected number -of his men to waite upon his Daughter home into those parts that did -properly belong to her Lord and husband; where the attendants had -entertainment by the Sachem of Sagus and his Countrymen: the solemnity -being ended, the attendants were gratified. - -~_An ambassage sent from Papasiquineo to his sonne in law, a -Sachem._~ - -Not long after the new married Lady had a great {39} desire to see her -father and her native country, from whence shee came; her Lord willing -to pleasure her and not deny her request, amongst them thought to be -reasonable, commanded a selected number of his owne men to conduct his -Lady to her Father, wher, with great respect, they brought her; and, -having feasted there a while, returned to their owne country againe, -leaving the Lady to continue there at her owne pleasure, amongst her -friends and old acquaintance; where shee passed away the time for -a while, and in the end desired to returne to her Lord againe. Her -father, the old Papasiquineo, having notice of her intent, sent some of -his men on ambassage to the younge Sachem, his sonne in law, to let him -understand that his daughter was not willing to absent her selfe from -his company any longer, and therfore, as the messengers had in charge, -desired the younge Lord to send a convoy for her; but hee, standing -upon tearmes of honor, and the maintaining of his reputation, returned -to his father in law this answere, that, when she departed from him, -hee caused his men to waite upon her to her fathers territories, as -it did become him; but, now shee had an intent to returne, it did -become her father to send her back with a convoy of his own people; and -that it stood not with his reputation to make himself or his men so -servile, to fetch her againe. The old Sachem Papasiquineo, having this -message returned, was inraged to think that his young son in law did -not esteeme him at a higher rate then to capitulate with him about the -matter, and returne[d] him this sharpe reply; that his daughters bloud -and birth deserved more respect then to be so slighted; and, therefore, -if he would have her company, hee were best to send or come for her. - -{40} The younge Sachem, not willing to under value himselfe and being a -man of a stout spirit, did not stick to say that hee should either send -her by his owne Convey, or keepe her; for hee was determined not[259] -to stoope so lowe. - -So much these two Sachems stood upon tearmes of reputation with each -other, the one would not send her, and the other would not send for -her, least it should be any diminishing of honor on his part that -should seeme to comply, that the Lady (when I came out of the Country) -remained still with her father; which is a thinge worth the noting, -that Salvage people should seeke to maintaine their reputation so much -as they doe. - - - - -CHAP. XII. - - _Of their trafficke and trade one with another._ - - -~_Beads instead of Money._~ - -Although these people have not the use of navigation, whereby they -may trafficke as other nations, that are civilized, use to doe, yet -doe they barter for such commodities as they have, and have a kinde -of beads, insteede of money, to buy withall such things as they -want, which they call Wampampeak: and it is of two sorts, the one is -white, the other is of a violet coloure. These are made of the shells -of fishe. The white with them is as silver with us; the other as -our gould: and for these beads they buy and sell, not onely amongst -themselves, but even with us. - -~_The name of their beads Wampampeak._~ - -{41} We have used to sell them any of our commodities for this -Wampampeak, because we know we can have beaver againe of them for it: -and these beads are currant in all the parts of New England, from one -end of the Coast to the other. - -And although some have indevoured by example to have the like made of -the same kinde of shels, yet none hath ever, as yet, attained to any -perfection in the composure of them, but that the Salvages have found -a great difference to be in the one and the other; and have knowne the -counterfett beads from those of their owne making; and have, and doe -slight them.[260] - -The skinnes of beasts are sould and bartered, to such people as have -none of the same kinde in the parts where they live.[261] - -Likewise they have earthen potts of divers sizes, from a quarte to a -gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their vitels in; very stronge, though they be -thin like our Iron potts. - -They have dainty wooden bowles of maple, of highe price amongst them; -and these are dispersed by bartering one with the other, and are but -in certaine parts of the Country made, where the severall trades are -appropriated to the inhabitants of those parts onely. - -So likewise (at the season of the yeare) the Salvages that live by the -Sea side for trade with the inlanders for fresh water, reles curious -silver reles,[262] which are bought up of such as have them not -frequent in other places: chestnuts, and such like usefull {42} things -as one place affordeth, are sould to the inhabitants of another, where -they are a novelty accompted amongst the natives of the land.[263] And -there is no such thing to barter withall, as is their Whampampeake. - - - - -CHAP. XIII. - - _Of their Magazines or Storehowses._ - - -~_What care they take to lay up corne for winter._~ - -These people are not without providence, though they be uncivilized, -but are carefull to preserve foede in store against winter; which is -the corne that they laboure and dresse in the summer. And, although -they eate freely of it, whiles it is growinge, yet have they a care -to keepe a convenient portion thereof to releeve them in the dead of -winter, (like to the Ant and the Bee,) which they put under ground. - -Their barnes are holes made in the earth, that will hold a Hogshead of -corne a peece in them. In these (when their corne is out of the huske -and well dried) they lay their store in greate baskets (which they make -of Sparke[264]) with matts under, about the sides, and on the top; and -putting it into the place made for it, they cover it with earth: and -in this manner it is preserved from destruction or putrifaction; to be -used in case of necessity, and not else.[265] - -{43} And I am perswaded, that if they knew the benefit of Salte[266] -(as they may in time,) and the meanes to make salte meate fresh againe, -they would endeaver to preserve fishe for winter, as well as corne; -and that if any thinge bring them to civility, it will be the use of -Salte, to have foode in store, which is a cheife benefit in a civilized -Commonwealth. - -~_They begg Salte of the English._~ - -These people have begunne already to incline to the use of Salte. Many -of them would begge Salte of mee for to carry home with them, that had -frequented our howses and had been acquainted with our Salte meats: and -Salte I willingly gave them, although I sould them all things else, -onely because they should be delighted with the use there of, and -thinke it a commodity of no value in it selfe, allthough the benefit -was great that might be had by the use of it. - - - - -CHAP. XIV. - - _Of theire Subtilety._ - - -These people are not, as some have thought, a dull, or slender witted -people, but very ingenious, and very subtile. I could give maine -instances to maintaine mine opinion of them in this; but I will onely -relate one, which is a passage worthy to be observed. - -{44} In the Massachussets bay lived Cheecatawback,[267] the Sachem or -Sagamore of those territories, who had large dominions which hee did -appropriate to himselfe. - -Into those parts came a greate company of Salvages from the territories -of Narohiganset, to the number of 100. persons; and in this Sachems -Dominions they intended to winter. - -~_They trade away beavers skinnes for corne._~ - -~_A beaver skinne with his tayle on of great estimacion._~ - -When they went a hunting for turkies they spreade over such a greate -scope of ground that a Turkie could hardily escape them: Deare -they killed up in greate abundance, and feasted their bodies very -plentifully: Beavers they killed by no allowance; the skinnes of those -they traded away at Wassaguscus with my neighboures[268] for corne, and -such other commodities as they had neede of; and my neighboures had a -wonderfull great benefit by their being in those parts. Yea, sometimes -(like genious fellowes) they would present their Marchant with a fatt -beaver skinne, alwayes the tayle was not diminished, but presented full -and whole; although the tayle is a present for a Sachem,[269] and is -of such masculaine vertue that if some of our Ladies knew the benefit -thereof they would desire to have ships sent of purpose to trade for -the tayle alone: it is such a rarity, as is not more esteemed of then -reason doth require. - -~_A subtile plot of a Sachem._~ - -But the Sachem Cheecatawbak, (on whose possessions they usurped, and -converted the commodities thereof to their owne use, contrary to his -likeing,) not being of power to resist them, practised to doe it by a -subtile stratagem. And to that end {45} gave it out amongst us, that -the cause why these other Salvages of the Narohigansets came into these -parts, was to see what strength we were of, and to watch an opportunity -to cut us off, and take that which they found in our custody usefull -for them; And added further, they would burne our howses, and that -they had caught one of his men, named Meshebro, and compelled him -to discover to them where their barnes, Magazines, or storehowses -were, and had taken away his corne; and seemed to be in a pittifull -perplexity about the matter. - -And, the more to adde reputation to this tale, desires that his wifes -and children might be harbered in one of our howses. This was graunted; -and my neighbours put on corslets, headpeeces, and weapons defensive -and offensive. - -This thing being knowne to Cheecatawback, hee caused some of his men to -bring the Narohigansets to trade, that they might see the preparation. -The Salvage, that was a stranger to the plott, simply comming to trade, -and findding his merchants lookes like lobsters, all cladd in harnesse, -was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it. Haste hee made to -trade away his furres, and tooke anything for them, wishing himselfe -well rid of them and of the company in the howse. - -~_A Salvage scared._~ - -But (as the manner has bin) hee must eate some furmety[270] before hee -goe: downe hee sits and eats, and withall had an eie on every side; -and now and then saw a sword or a dagger layd a thwart a head peece, -which hee wondered at, and asked his {46} giude whether the company -were not angry. The guide, (that was privy to his Lords plot) answered -in his language that hee could not tell. But the harmelesse Salvage, -before hee had halfe filled his belly, started up on a sodayne, and -ranne out of the howse in such hast that hee left his furmety there, -and stayed not to looke behinde him who came after: Glad hee was that -he had escaped so. - -The subtile Sachem, hee playd the tragedian, and fained a feare of -being surprised; and sent to see whether the enemies (as the Messenger -termed them) were not in the howse; and comes in a by way with his -wifes and children, and stopps the chinkes of the out howse, for feare -the fire might be seene in the night, and be a meanes to direct his -enemies where to finde them. - -~_A Salvage that had lived 12. Moneths in England sent for an -Ambassador._~ - -And, in the meane time, hee prepared for his Ambassador to his enemies -a Salvage,[271] that had lived 12. moneths in England, to the end it -might adde reputation to his ambassage. This man hee sends to those -intruding Narohigansets, to tell them that they did very great injury -to his Lord, to trench upon his prerogatives: and advised them to put -up their pipes, and begon in time: if they would not, that his Lord -would come upon them, and in his ayd his freinds the English, who were -up in armes already to take his part, and compell them by force to be -gone, if they refused to depart by faire meanes. - -~_A good opportunity of traffick lost by the subtility of a -Sachem._~ - -This message, comming on the neck of that which {47} doubtlesse the -fearefull Salvage had before related of his escape, and what hee had -observed, caused all those hundred Narohigansets (that meant us no -hurt) to be gone with bagg, and baggage. And my neighboures were gulled -by the subtilety of this Sachem, and lost the best trade of beaver that -ever they had for the time; and in the end found theire error in this -kinde of credulity when it was too late. - - - - -CHAP. XV. - - _Of their admirable perfection, in the use of the sences._ - - -This is a thinge not onely observed by mee and diverse of the Salvages -of New England, but, also, by the French men in Nova Francia, and -therefore I am the more incouraged to publish in this Treatice my -observation of them in the use of theire sences: which is a thinge that -I should not easily have bin induced to beleeve, if I my selfe had not -bin an eie witnesse of what I shall relate. - -~_The Salvages have the sence of seeinge better then the -English._~ - -I have observed that the Salvages have the sence of seeing so farre -beyond any of our Nation, that one would allmost beleeve they had -intelligence of the Devill sometimes, when they have tould us of a -shipp at Sea, which they have seene {48} soener by one hower, yea, two -howers sayle, then any English man that stood by of purpose to looke -out, their sight is so excellent. - -Their eies indeede are black as iett; and that coler is accounted the -strongest for sight. And as they excell us in this particular so much -noted, so I thinke they excell us in all the rest. - -~_Salvages that will distinguish a Spaniard from a frenchman -by the smell of the hand._~ - -This I am sure I have well observed, that in the sence of smelling they -have very great perfection; which is confirmed by the opinion of the -French that are planted about Canada, who have made relation that they -are so perfect in the use of that sence, that they will distinguish -between a Spaniard and a Frenchman by the sent of the hand onely.[272] -And I am perswaded that the Author of this Relation has seene very -probable reasons that have induced him to be of that opinion; and I am -the more willing to give credit thereunto, because I have observed in -them so much as that comes to. - -~_A Deare pursued by the view of the foote, hee was found and -killed._~ - -I have seene a Deare passe by me upon a neck of Land, and a Salvage -that has pursued him by the view. I have accompanied him in this -pursuite; and the Salvage, pricking the Deare, comes where hee findes -the view of two deares together, leading several wayes. One, hee was -sure, was fresh, but which (by the sence of seeing) hee could not -judge; therefore, with his knife, hee diggs up the earth of one; and, -by smelling, sayes, that was not of the fresh Deare: then diggs hee up -the other; and viewing and smelling to that, concludes it to be the -view of the fresh Deare, which hee had pursued; and thereby followes -the chase, and killes that {49} Deare, and I did eate part of it with -him: such is their perfection in these two sences. - - - - -CHAP. XVI. - - _Of their acknowledgment of the Creation, and immortality of the - Soule._ - - -~_The beleefe of the Salvages._~ - -Although these Salvages are found to be without Religion, Law, and King -(as Sir William Alexander hath well observed,[273]) yet are they not -altogether without the knowledge of God (historically); for they have -it amongst them by tradition that God made one man and one woman, and -bad them live together and get children, kill deare, beasts, birds, -fish and fowle, and what they would at their pleasure; and that their -posterity was full of evill, and made God so angry that hee let in the -Sea upon them, and drowned the greatest part of them, that were naughty -men, (the Lord destroyed so;) and they went to Sanaconquam, who feeds -upon them (pointing to the Center of the Earth, where they imagine is -the habitation of the Devill:) the other, (which were not destroyed,) -increased the world, and when they died (because they were good) went -to the howse of Kytan, pointing to the setting of the sonne;[274] where -they eate all manner of dainties, and never take paines (as now) to -provide it. - -~_The Sonne called Kytan._~ - -Kytan makes provision (they say) and saves them that laboure; and there -they shall live with him forever, {50} voyd of care.[275] And they are -perswaded that Kytan is hee that makes corne growe, trees growe, and -all manner of fruits. - -~_A Salvage desired to have his sonn brought up to learne the -booke of common prayer._~ - -And that wee that use the booke of Common prayer doo it to declare to -them, that cannot reade, what Kytan has commaunded us, and that wee doe -pray to him with the helpe of that booke;[276] and doe make so much -accompt of it, that a Salvage (who had lived in my howse before hee -had taken a wife, by whome hee had children) made this request to mee, -(knowing that I allwayes used him with much more respect than others,) -that I would let his sonne be brought up in my howse, that hee might be -taught to reade in that booke: which request of his I granted; and hee -was a very joyfull man to thinke that his sonne should thereby (as hee -said) become an Englishman; and then hee would be a good man. - -I asked him who was a good man; his answere was, hee that would not -lye, nor steale. - -These, with them, are all the capitall crimes that can be imagined; all -other are nothing in respect of those;[277] and hee that is free from -these must live with Kytan for ever, in all manner of pleasure. - - - - -{51} CHAP. XVII. - - _Of their Annals and funerals._ - - -~_Their custom in burryinge._~ - -~_Their manner of Monuments._~ - -~_At burrials, they black their faces._~ - -These people, that have by tradition some touch of the immortality of -the soule, have likewise a custome to make some monuments over the -place where the corps is interred: But they put a greate difference -betwene persons of noble, and of ignoble, or obscure, or inferior -discent. For, indeed, in the grave of the more noble they put a planck -in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon, and on each side a -plancke, and a plancke upon the top in forme of a chest, before they -cover the place with earth. This done, they erect some thing over -the grave in forme of a hearse cloath, as was that of Cheekatawbacks -mother, which the Plimmouth planters defaced because they accounted -it an act of superstition; which did breede a brawle as hath bin -before related;[278] for they hold impious and inhumane to deface the -monuments of the dead. They themselves esteeme of it as piaculum; and -have a custome amongst them to keepe their annals and come at certaine -times to lament and bewaile the losse of their freind; and use to black -their faces, which they so weare, instead of a mourning ornament, for -a longer or a shorter time according to the dignity of the person: so -is their annals kept and observed with their accustomed solemnity. -Afterwards they absolutely abandon the place, because they suppose the -sight thereof will but renew their sorrow.[279] - -{52} It was a thing very offensive to them, at our first comming -into those parts, to aske of them for any one that had bin dead; but -of later times it is not so offensively taken to renew the memory of -any deseased person, because by our example (which they are apt to -followe) it is made more familiare unto them; and they marvell to see -no monuments over our dead, and therefore thinke no great Sachem is yet -come into those parts, or not as yet deade; because they see the graves -all alike. - - - - -CHAP. XVIII. - - _Of their Custome in burning the Country, and the reason thereof._ - - -~_The Salvages fire the Country twice a yeare._~ - -The Salvages are accustomed to set fire of the Country in all places -where they come, and to burne it twize a yeare, viz: at the Spring, -and the fall of the leafe. The reason that mooves them to doe so, is -because it would other wise be so overgrowne with underweedes that it -would be all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able in any -wise to passe through the Country out of a beaten path. - -The meanes that they do it with, is with certaine minerall stones, that -they carry about them in baggs made for that purpose of the skinnes -of little beastes, which they convert into good lether, carrying in -the same a peece of touch wood, very excellent {53} for that purpose, -of their owne making.[280] These minerall stones they have from the -Piquenteenes, (which is to the Southward of all the plantations in New -England,) by trade and trafficke with those people. - -The burning of the grasse destroyes the underwoods, and so scorcheth -the elder trees that it shrinkes them, and hinders their grouth very -much: so that hee that will looke to finde large trees and good tymber, -must not depend upon the help of a woodden prospect to finde them on -the upland ground;[281] but must seeke for them, (as I and others -have done,) in the lower grounds, where the grounds are wett, when the -Country is fired, by reason of the snow water that remaines there for a -time, untill the Sunne by continuance of that hath exhaled the vapoures -of the earth, and dried up those places where the fire, (by reason of -the moisture,) can have no power to doe them any hurt: and if he would -endevoure to finde out any goodly Cedars, hee must not seeke for them -on the higher grounds, but make his inquest for them in the vallies, -for the Salvages, by this custome of theirs, have spoiled all the rest: -for this custome hath bin continued from the beginninge. - -And least their firing of the Country in this manner should be an -occasion of damnifying us, and indaingering our habitations, wee our -selves have used carefully about the same times to observe the winds, -and fire the grounds about our owne habitations; to prevent the Dammage -that might happen by any neglect thereof, if the fire should come neere -those howses in our absence. - -{54} For, when the fire is once kindled, it dilates and spreads it -selfe as well against, as with the winde; burning continually night and -day, untill a shower of raine falls to quench it. - -And this custome of firing the Country is the meanes to make it -passable; and by that meanes the trees growe here and there as in our -parks: and makes the Country very beautifull and commodious. - - - - -CHAP. XIX. - - _Of their inclination to Drunkennesse._ - - -Although Drunkennesse be justly termed a vice which the Salvages are -ignorant of, yet the benefit is very great that comes to the planters -by the sale of strong liquor to the Salvages, who are much taken -with the delight of it; for they will pawne their wits, to purchase -the acquaintance of it. Yet in al the commerce that I had with them, -I never proffered them any such thing; nay, I would hardly let any -of them have a drame, unles hee were a Sachem, or a Winnaytue, that -is a rich man, or a man of estimation next in degree to a Sachem or -Sagamore. I alwayes tould them it was amongst us the Sachems drinke. -But they say if I come to the Northerne parts of the Country I shall -have no trade, if I will not supply them with lusty liquors: it is the -life of the trade in all those parts: for it so happened that thus a -Salvage desperately killed himselfe; when hee was drunke, a gunne being -charged and the cock up, hee sets the mouth to his brest, and, putting -back the tricker with his foote, shot himselfe dead.[282] - - - - -CHAP. XX. {55} - - _That the Salvages live a contended life._ - - -A Gentleman and a traveller, that had bin in the parts of New England -for a time, when hee retorned againe, in his discourse of the Country, -wondered, (as hee said,) that the natives of the land lived so poorely -in so rich a Country, like to our Beggers in England. Surely that -Gentleman had not time or leasure whiles hee was there truely to -informe himselfe of the state of that Country, and the happy life the -Salvages would leade weare they once brought to Christianity. - -~_The Salvages want the art of navigation._~ - -I must confesse they want the use and benefit of Navigation, (which is -the very sinnus of a flourishing Commonwealth,) yet are they supplied -with all manner of needefull things for the maintenance of life and -lifelyhood. Foode and rayment are the cheife of all that we make true -use of; and of these they finde no want, but have, and may have, them -in a most plentifull manner.[283] - -If our beggers of England should, with so much ease as they, furnish -themselves with foode at all seasons, there would not be so many -starved in the streets, neither would so many gaoles be stuffed, or -gallouses furnished with poore wretches, as I have seene them. - -{56} But they of this sort of our owne nation, that are fitt to goe to -this Canaan, are not able to transport themselves; and most of them -unwilling to goe from the good ale tap, which is the very loadstone of -the lande by which our English beggers steere theire Course; it is the -Northpole to which the flowre-de-luce of their compasse points. The -more is the pitty that the Commonalty of oure Land are of such leaden -capacities as to neglect so brave a Country, that doth so plentifully -feede maine lusty and a brave, able men, women and children, that have -not the meanes that a Civilized Nation hath to purchase foode and -rayment; which that Country with a little industry will yeeld a man in -a very comfortable measure, without overmuch carking. - -I cannot deny but a civilized Nation hath the preheminence of an -uncivilized, by meanes of those instruments that are found to be common -amongst civile people, and the uncivile want the use of, to make -themselves masters of those ornaments that make such a glorious shew, -that will give a man occasion to cry, _sic transit gloria Mundi_. - -Now since it is but foode and rayment that men that live needeth, -(though not all alike,) why should not the Natives of New England be -sayd to live richly, having no want of either? Cloaths are the badge -of sinne; and the more variety of fashions is but the greater abuse -of the Creature: the beasts of the forrest there doe serve to furnish -them at any time when they please: fish and flesh they have in greate -abundance, which they both roast and boyle. - -{57} They are indeed not served in dishes of plate with variety of -Sauces to procure appetite; that needs not there. The rarity of the -aire, begot by the medicinable quality of the sweete herbes of the -Country, alwayes procures good stomakes to the inhabitants. - -I must needs commend them in this particular, that, though they buy -many commodities of our Nation, yet they keepe but fewe, and those of -speciall use. - -They love not to bee cumbered with many utensilles, and although every -proprietor knowes his owne, yet all things, (so long as they will -last), are used in common amongst them: A bisket cake given to one, -that one breakes it equally into so many parts as there be persons -in his company, and distributes it. Platoes Commonwealth is so much -practised by these people. - -~_They leade a happy life, being voyd of care._~ - -According to humane reason, guided onely by the light of nature, these -people leades the more happy and freer life, being voyde of care, which -torments the mindes of so many Christians: They are not delighted in -baubles, but in usefull things. - -Their naturall drinke is of the Cristall fountaine, and this they take -up in their hands, by joyning them close together. They take up a great -quantity at a time, and drinke at the wrists. It was the sight of such -a feate which made Diogenes hurle away his dishe, and, like one that -would have this principall confirmed, _Natura paucis contentat_, used -a dish no more. - -~_They make use of ordinary things, one of anothers as -common._~ - -{58} I have observed that they will not be troubled with superfluous -commodities. Such things as they finde they are taught by necessity -to make use of, they will make choise of, and seeke to purchase with -industry. So that, in respect that their life is so voyd of care, -and they are so loving also that they make use of those things they -enjoy, (the wife onely excepted,) as common goods, and are therein so -compassionate that, rather than one should starve through want, they -would starve all. Thus doe they passe awaye the time merrily, not -regarding our pompe, (which they see dayly before their faces,) but are -better content with their owne, which some men esteeme so meanely of. - -They may be rather accompted to live richly, wanting nothing that -is needefull; and to be commended for leading a contented life, the -younger being ruled by the Elder, and the Elder ruled by the Powahs, -and the Powahs are ruled by the Devill;[284] and then you may imagin -what good rule is like to be amongst them. - - -_FINIS._ - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, {59} - -OR - -NEW CANAAN. - -_The second Booke._ - - Containing a description of the bewty of the Country with her - naturall indowements, both in the Land and Sea; with the great Lake - of Erocoise. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - _The generall Survey of the Country._ - - -~_A famous Country._~ - -~_Their fountaines are as cleare as Cristall._~ - -~_Greate store of fowles, fish and turtledoves._~ - -In the Moneth of Iune, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my chaunce to arrive -in the parts of New England with 30. Servants, and provision of all -sorts fit for a plantation: and whiles our howses were building, I did -indeavour to take a survey of the {60} Country: The more I looked, the -more I liked it. And when I had more seriously considered of the bewty -of the place, with all her faire indowments, I did not thinke that in -all the knowne world it could be paralel’d, for so many goodly groues -of trees, dainty fine round rising hillucks, delicate faire large -plaines, sweete cristall fountaines, and cleare running streames that -twine in fine meanders through the meads, making so sweete a murmering -noise to heare as would even lull the sences with delight a sleepe, so -pleasantly doe they glide upon the pebble stones, jetting most jocundly -where they doe meete and hand in hand runne downe to Neptunes Court, -to pay the yearely tribute which they owe to him as soveraigne Lord of -all the springs. Contained within the volume of the Land, [are] Fowles -in abundance, Fish in multitude; and [I] discovered, besides, Millions -of Turtledoves one the greene boughes, which sate pecking of the full -ripe pleasant grapes that were supported by the lusty trees, whose -fruitfull loade did cause the armes to bend: [among] which here and -there dispersed, you might see Lillies and of the Daphnean-tree: which -made the Land to mee seeme paradice: for in mine eie t’was Natures -Masterpeece; Her cheifest Magazine of all where lives her store: if -this Land be not rich, then is the whole world poore. - -What I had resolved on, I have really performed; and I have endeavoured -to use this abstract as an instrument, to bee the meanes to communicate -the knowledge which I have gathered, by my many yeares residence in -those parts, unto my Countrymen: {61} to the end that they may the -better perceive their error, who cannot imagine that there is any -Country in the universall world which may be compared unto our native -soyle. I will now discover unto them a Country whose indowments are -by learned men allowed to stand in a paralell with the Israelites -Canaan, which none will deny to be a land farre more excellent then Old -England, in her proper nature. - -This I consider I am bound in duety (as becommeth a Christian man) to -performe for the glory of God, in the first place; next, (according to -Cicero,) to acknowledge that, _Non nobis solum nati sumus, sed partim -patria, partim parentes, partim amici vindicant_.[285] - -For which cause I must approove of the indeavoures of my Country men, -that have bin studious to inlarge the territories of his Majesties -empire by planting Colonies in America. - -And of all other, I must applaude the judgement of those that have -made choise of this part, (whereof I now treat,) being of all other -most absolute, as I will make it appeare hereafter by way of paralell. -Among those that have setled themselvs in new England, some have gone -for their conscience sake, (as they professe,) and I wish that they -may plant the Gospel of Iesus Christ, as becommeth them, sincerely -and without satisme or faction, whatsoever their former or present -practises are, which I intend not to justifie: howsoever, they have -deserved (in mine opinion) some commendationes, in that they have -furnished the Country so commodiously in so short a time; although -it hath bin but for their owne profit, yet posterity will taste the -sweetnes of it, and that very sodainly. - -{62} And since my taske, in this part of mine abstract, is to intreat -of the naturall indowments of the Country, I will make a breife -demonstration of them in order, severally, according to their severall -qualities: and shew you what they are, and what profitable use may be -made of them by industry. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - _What trees are there and how commodious._[286] - - -~_1. Oake._~ - -Oakes are there of two sorts, white and redd;[287] excellent tymber for -the building both of howses and shipping: and they are found to be a -tymber that is more tough then the oak of England. They are excellent -for pipe-staves, and such like vessels; and pipe-staves at the Canary -Ilands are a prime commodity. I have knowne them there at 35. p. the -1000,[288] and will purchase a fraight of wines there before any -commodity in England, their onely wood being pine, of which they are -enforced also to build shippinge; of oackes there is great abundance -in the parts of New England, and they may have a prime place in the -Catalogue of commodities. - -~_2. Ashe._~ - -Ashe[289] there is store, and very good for staves, oares or pikes; and -may have a place in the same Catalogue. - -~_3. Elme._~ - -Elme: of this sort of trees there are some; but there hath not as yet -bin found any quantity to speake of. - -~_4. Beech._~ - -{63} Beech there is of two sorts, redd and white;[290] very excellent -for trenchers or chaires, and also for oares; and may be accompted for -a commodity. - -~_5. Walnutt._~ - -Wallnutt: of this sorte of wood there is infinite store, and there -are 4 sorts:[291] it is an excellent wood, for many uses approoved; -the younger trees are imployed for hoopes, and are the best for that -imployement of all other stuffe whatsoever. The Nutts serve when they -fall to feede our swine, which make them the delicatest bacon of all -other foode: and is therein a cheife commodity. - -~_6. Chestnuts._~ - -Chestnutt: of this sorte there is very greate plenty, the tymber -whereof is excellent for building; and is a very good commodity, -especially in respect of the fruit, both for man and beast. - -~_7. Pine._~ - -Pine: of this sorte there is infinite store in some parts of the -Country.[292] I have travelled 10. miles together where is little or -no other wood growing.[293] And of these may be made rosin, pitch and -tarre, which are such usefull commodities that if wee had them not from -other Countries in Amity with England, our Navigation would decline. -Then how great the commodity of it will be to our Nation, to have it of -our owne, let any man judge. - -~_8. Cedar._~ - -Cedar:[294] of this sorte there is abundaunce; and this wood was such -as Salomon used for the building of that glorious Temple at Hierusalem; -and there are of these Cedars, firre trees and other materialls -necessary for the building of many faire Temples,[295] if there were -any Salomons to be at the Cost of them: and if any man be desirous to -finde out in what part of the {64} Country the best Cedars are, he -must get into the bottom grounds, and in vallies that are wet at the -spring of the yeare, where the moisture preserves them from the fire in -spring time, and not in a woodden prospect.[296] This wood cutts red, -and is good for bedsteads, tables and chests; and may be placed in the -Catalogue of Commodities. - -~_9. Cypres._~ - -Cypres:[297] of this there is great plenty; and vulgarly this tree hath -bin taken for another sort of Cedar; but workemen put a difference -betweene this Cypres, and the Cedar, especially in the colour; for this -is white and that redd white: and likewise in the finenes of the leafe -and the smoothnes of the barque. This wood is also sweeter then Cedar, -and, (as it is in Garrets[298] herball,) a more bewtifull tree; it is -of all other, to my minde, most bewtifull, and cannot be denied to -passe for a commodity. - -~_10. Spruce._~ - -Spruce[299]: of these there are infinite store, especially in the -Northerne parts of the Country; and they have bin approoved by workemen -in England to be more tough then those that they have out of the east -country: from whence wee have them for masts and yards of shippes. - -~_The Spruce of this Country are found to be 3. & 4. fadum -aboute._~ - -The Spruce of this country are found to be 3. and 4. fadum about: and -are reputed able, single, to make masts for the biggest ship that -sayles on the maine Ocean, without peesing; which is more than the East -country can afford.[300] And seeing that Navigation is the very sinneus -of a flourishing Commonwealth, it is fitting to allow the Spruce tree -a principall place in the Catalogue of commodities. - -~_11. Alder._~ - -{65} Alder: of this sorte there is plenty by rivers sides, good for -turners. - -~_12. Birch._~ - -Birch: of this there is plenty in divers parts of the Country. Of the -barck of these the Salvages of the Northerne parts make them delicate -Canowes, so light that two men will transport one of them over Land -whither[301] they list; and yet one of them will transporte tenne or -twelffe Salvages by water at a time. - -~_13. Maple._~ - -Mayple:[302] of those trees there is greate abundance; and these are -very excellent for bowles. The Indians use of it to that purpose; and -is to be accompted a good commodity. - -~_14. Elderne._~ - -Elderne:[303] there is plenty in that Country; of this the Salvages -make their Arrowes, and it hath no strong unsavery sent like our Eldern -in England. - -~_15. Hawthorne._~ - -Hawthorne: of this there is two sorts, one of which beares a well -tasting berry as bigg as ones thumbe, and lookes like little Queene -apples. - -~_16. Vines._~ - -Vines: of this kinde of trees there are that beare grapes of three -colours: that is to say, white, black and red.[304] - -The Country is so apt for vines, that, but for the fire at the spring -of the yeare, the vines would so over spreade the land that one should -not be able to passe for them;[305] the fruit is as bigg, of some, as -a musket bullet, and is excellent in taste. - -~_17. Plummes._~ - -Plumtrees:[306] of this kinde there are many; some that beare fruit as -bigg as our ordinary bullis: others there be that doe beare fruite much -bigger than peare plummes; their colour redd, and their stones flat; -very delitious in taste. - -~_18. Cherries._~ - -{66} Cheritrees there are abundance; but the fruit is as small as our -sloes; but if any of them were replanted and grafted, in an orchard, -they would soone be raised by meanes of such; and the like fruits. - -~_19. Roses._~ - -There is greate abundance of Muske Roses in divers places: the water -distilled excelleth our Rosewater of England. - -~_20. Sassafras and 21. Sarsaperilla._~ - -There is abundance of Sassafras[307] and Sarsaperilla,[308] growing in -divers places of the land; whose budds at the spring doe perfume the -aire. - -Other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited in this -abstract, as goose berries, rasberies, and other beries. - -There is Hempe[309] that naturally groweth, finer then our Hempe of -England. - - - - -CHAP. III. - - _Potthearbes and other herbes for Sallets._ - - -~_Potmarioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, Pursland, Violets, -and Anniseeds._~ - -The Country there naturally affordeth very good pot-herbes and sallet -herbes, and those of a more maskuline vertue then any of the same -species in England; as Potmarioram, Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, -Pursland, Violets, and Anniseeds, in very great abundance: and for the -pott I gathered in summer, dried and crumbled into a bagg to preserve -for winter store. - -~_Hunnisuckles and Balme._~ - -{67} Hunnisuckles, balme, and divers other good herbes are there, that -grow without the industry of man, that are used when occasion serveth -very commodiously.[310] - - - - -CHAP. IV. - - _Of Birds, and fethered fowles._[311] - - -Now that I have breifly shewed the Commodity of the trees, herbes, and -fruits, I will shew you a description of the fowles of the aire; as -most proper in ordinary course. - -~_Swannes._~ - -And first of the Swanne,[312] because shee is the biggest of all the -fowles of that Country. There are of them in Merrimack River, and in -other parts of the country, greate store at the seasons of the yeare. - -The flesh is not much desired of the inhabitants, but the skinnes may -be accompted a commodity fitt for divers uses, both for fethers and -quiles. - -~_Geese, pide, white, and gray._~ - -~_Fethers pay for powther and shott._~ - -There are Geese of three sorts, vize: brant Geese[313] which are pide, -and white Geese[314] which are bigger, and gray Geese[315] which are -as bigg and bigger then the tame Geese of England, with black legges, -black bills, heads and necks black; the flesh farre more excellent then -the Geese of England, wild or tame; yet the purity of the aire is such -that the biggest is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple of -men. There is of them great abundance. I have had often 1000. before -the mouth of my gunne. I never saw any in {68} England, for my part, so -fatt as I have killed there in those parts; the fethers of them makes -a bedd softer then any down bed that I have lyen on, and is there a -very good commodity; the fethers of the Geese, that I have killed in a -short time, have paid for all the powther and shott I have spent in a -yeare, and I have fed my doggs with as fatt Geese there as I have euer -fed upon my selfe in England. - -~_Ducks pide, gray, & black._~ - -Ducks there are of three kindes, pide Ducks, gray Ducks, and black -Ducks in greate abundance: the most about my habitation were black -Ducks:[316] and it was a noted Custome at my howse, to have every mans -Duck upon a trencher; and then you will thinke a man was not hardly -used: they are bigger boddied then the tame Ducks of England: very fatt -and dainty flesh. - -The common doggs fees were the gibletts, unlesse they were boyled now -and than for to make broath. - -~_Teales, greene and blew._~ - -Teales there are of two sorts, greene winged, and blew winged:[317] but -a dainty bird. I have bin much delighted with a rost of these for a -second course. I had plenty in the rivers and ponds about my howse. - -~_Widggens._~ - -Widggens[318] there are, and abundance of other water foule, some such -as I have seene, and [some] such as I have not seene else where before -I came into those parts, which are little regarded. - -~_Simpes._~ - -Simpes[319] there are like our Simpes in all respects, with very litle -difference. I have shot at them onely to see what difference I could -finde betweene them and those of my native Country, and more I did not -regard them. - -~_Sanderlings._~ - -{69} Sanderlings[320] are a dainty bird, more full boddied than a -Snipe; and I was much delighted to feede on them because they were fatt -and easie to come by, because I went but a stepp or to for them: and I -have killed betweene foure and five dozen at a shoot, which would loade -me home. - -Their foode is at ebbing water on the sands, of small seeds that grows -on weeds there, and are very good pastime in August. - -~_Cranes._~ - -Cranes[321] there are greate store, that ever more came there at S. -Davids day, and not before: that day they never would misse. - -These sometimes eate our corne, and doe pay for their presumption -well enough; and serveth there in powther, with turnips, to supply -the place of powthered beefe, and is a goodly bird in a dishe, and no -discommodity. - -~_Turkies._~ - -Turkies[322] there are, which divers times in great flocks have sallied -by our doores; and then a gunne, being commonly in a redinesse, salutes -them with such a courtesie, as makes them take a turne in the Cooke -roome. They daunce by the doore so well. - -Of these there hath bin killed that have weighed forty eight pound a -peece.[323] - -They are by mainy degrees sweeter then the tame Turkies of England, -feede them how you can. - -I had a Salvage who hath taken out his boy in a morning, and they have -brought home their loades about noone. - -{70} I have asked them what number they found in the woods, who have -answered Neent Metawna,[324] which is a thosand that day; the plenty of -them is such in those parts. They are easily killed at rooste, because, -the one being killed, the other sit fast neverthelesse; and this is no -bad commodity. - -~_Pheisants._~ - -There are a kinde of fowles which are commonly called Pheisants,[325] -but whether they be pheysants or no, I will not take upon mee to -determine. They are in forme like our pheisant henne of England. Both -the male and the female are alike; but they are rough footed, and have -stareing fethers about the head and neck; the body is as bigg as the -pheysant henne of England; and are excellent white flesh, and delicate -white meate, yet we seldome bestowe a shoote at them. - -~_Partridges bigger in body as those of England._~ - -Partridges[326] there are, much like our Partridges of England; they -are of the same plumes, but bigger in body. They have not the signe -of the horseshoe on the brest, as the Partridges of England; nor are -they coloured about the heads as those are. They sit on the trees, for -I have seene 40. in one tree at a time: yet at night they fall on the -ground, and sit untill morning so together; and are dainty flesh. - -~_Quailes bigger in body as those in England._~ - -There are quailes[327] also, but bigger then the quailes in England. -They take trees also: for I have numbered 60. upon a tree at a time. -The cocks doe call at the time of the yeare, but with a different note -from the cock quailes of England. - -~_The Larkes sing not._~ - -The Larkes[328] there are like our Larkes of England in all respects: -sauing that they do not use to sing at all. - -~_Owles._~ - -{71} There are Owles of divers kindes: but I did never heare any of -them whop as ours doe. - -~_The Crowes smell & tast of Muske in summer, but not in -winter._~ - -There are Crowes,[329] kights and rooks that doe differ in some -respects from those of England. The Crowes, which I have much admired -what should be the cause, both smell and taste of Muske in summer, but -not in winter. - -~_Hawkes of five sorts._~ - -~_A Lannaret._~ - -There are Hawkes in New England of 5. sorts;[330] and these of all -other fether fowles I must not omitt to speake of, nor neede I to make -any Apology for my selfe concerning any trespasse that I am like to -make upon my judgement, concerning the nature of them, having bin bred -in so genious a way that I had the common use of them in England: and -at my first arrivall in those parts practised to take a Lannaret,[331] -which I reclaimed, trained and made flying in a fortnight, the same -being a passenger at Michuelmas. I found that these are most excellent -Mettell, rank winged, well conditioned, and not tickleish footed; and, -having whoods, bels, luers, and all things fitting, was desirous to -make experiment of that kinde of Hawke before any other. - -And I am perswaded that Nature hath ordained them to be of a farre -better kinde then any that have bin used in England.[332] They have -neither dorre[333] nor worm to feed upon, (as in other parts of the -world,) the Country affording none; the use whereof in other parts -makes the Lannars there more bussardly[334] then they be in New England. - -~_Fawcons._~ - -There are likewise Fawcons[335] and tassell gentles,[336] admirable -well shaped birds; and they will tower up {72} when they purpose to -pray, and, on a sodaine when they esspie their game, they will make -such a cancellere that one would admire to behold them. Some there are -more black then any that have bin used in England. - -The Tassell gent, (but of the least size,[337]) is an ornament for -a person of estimation among the Indians to weare in the knot of his -lock, with the traine upright, the body dried and stretched out. They -take a great pride in the wearing of such an ornament, and give to one -of us, that shall kill them one for that purpose, so much beaver as is -worth three pounds sterling, very willingly. - -These doe us but little trespas, because they pray on such birds as -are by the Sea side, and not on our Chickens. Goshawkes there are, and -Tassels. - -~_Goshawkes well shaped._~ - -The Tassels are short trussed bussards;[338] but the Goshawkes[339] -are well shaped, but they are small; some of white male, and some redd -male, I have seene one with 8. barres in the traine. These fall on our -bigger poultry: the lesser chicken, I thinke they scorne to make their -pray of; for commonly the Cocke goes to wrack. Of these I have seene -many; and if they come to trespasse me, I lay the law to them with the -gunne, and take them dammage fesant. - -~_Marlins small and greate._~ - -There are very many Marlins;[340] some very small, and some so large as -is the Barbary Tassell. - -I have often beheld these pretty birds, how they have scoured after the -black bird, which is a small sized Choffe[341] that eateth the Indian -maisze. - -~_Sparhawkes._~ - -Sparhawkes[342] there are also, the fairest and {73} best shaped -birds that I have ever beheld of that kinde those that are litle, no -use is made of any of them, neither are they regarded. I onely tried -conclusions with a Lannaret at first comming; and, when I found what -was in that bird, I turned him going; but, for so much as I have -observed of those birds, they may be a fitt present for a prince, and -for goodnesse too be preferred before the Barbary, or any other used in -Christendome; and especially the Lannars and Lannarets. - -~_A Hunning bird, is as small as a Beetle. His bill as sharp -as a needle point, and his fethers like silke._~ - -There is a curious bird to see to, called a hunning bird,[343] no -bigger then a great Beetle; that out of question lives upon the Bee, -which hee eateth and catcheth amongst Flowers: For it is his Custome to -frequent those places. Flowers hee cannot feed upon by reason of his -sharp bill, which is like the poynt of a Spannish needle, but shorte. -His fethers have a glosse like silke, and, as hee stirres, they shew -to be of a chaingable coloure: and has bin, and is, admired for shape, -coloure and size. - - - - -CHAP. V. - - _Of the Beasts of the forrest._[344] - - -Now that I have made a rehearsall of the birds and fethered Fowles, -which participate most of aire, I will give you a description of the -beasts; and shew you what beasts are bred in those parts, and what my -experience hath gathered by observation of {74} their kinde and nature. -I begin with the most usefull and most beneficiall beast which is bredd -in those parts, which is the Deare. - -~_Deare of 3. kindes._~ - -There are in this Country three kindes of Deare, of which there are -greate plenty, and those are very usefull. - -~_Mose or red deare._~ - -First, therefore, I will speake of the Elke, which the Salvages call -a Mose:[345] it is a very large Deare, with a very faire head, and a -broade palme, like the palme of a fallow Deares horne, but much bigger, -and is 6. footewide betweene the tipps, which grow curbing downwards: -Hee is of the bignesse of a great horse. - -~_Mose or deare greater than a horse, the height of them 18. -hand fulles._~ - -There have bin of them seene that has bin 18. handfulls highe: hee hath -a bunch of haire under his jawes: hee is not swifte, but stronge and -large in body, and longe legged; in somuch that hee doth use to kneele, -when hee feedeth on grasse. - -~_They bringe forth three faunes at one time._~ - -Hee bringeth forth three faunes, or younge ones, at a time; and, being -made tame, would be good for draught, and more usefull (by reason of -their strength) then the Elke of Raushea.[346] These are found very -frequent in the northerne parts of New England: their flesh is very -good foode, and much better then our redd Deare of England. - -~_They make good lether of the hides of Deare._~ - -Their hids are by the Salvages converted into very good lether, and -dressed as white as milke. - -Of this lether the Salvages make the best shooes; and use to barter -away the skinnes to other Salvages that have none of that kinde of -bests in the parts where they live. Very good buffe may be made of the -{75} hids. I have seene a hide as large as any horse hide that can be -found. There is such abundance of them that the Salvages, at hunting -time, have killed of them so many, that they have bestowed six or -seaven at a time upon one English man whome they have borne affection -to. - -~_The midling Deare or fallow Deare._~ - -There is a second sort of Deare[347] (lesse then the redd Deare of -England, but much bigger then the English fallow Deare) swift of foote, -but of a more darke coloure; with some griseld heares, when his coate -is full growne in the summer season; his hornes grow curving, with a -croked beame, resembling our redd Deare, not with a palme like the -fallow Deare. - -These bringe 3. fawnes at a time,[348] spotted like our fallow Deares -fawnes; the Salvages say, foure; I speake of what I know to be true, -for I have killed in February a doe with three fawnes in her belly, all -heared, and ready to fall; for these Deare fall their fawnes 2. moneths -sooner then the fallow Deare of England. There is such abundance of -them that an hundred have bin found at the spring of the yeare, within -the compasse of a mile. - -~_Trappes to catch the Deare._~ - -The Salvages take these in trappes made of their naturall Hempe, which -they place in the earth where they fell a tree for browse; and when -hee rounds the tree for the browse, if hee tread on the trapp hee is -horsed up by the legg, by meanes of a pole that starts up and catcheth -him.[349] - -Their hides the Saluages use for cloathing, and will give for one hide -killed in season, 2. 3. or 4. beaver skinnes, which will yeild pounds a -peece in that Coun{76}try: so much is the Deares hide prised with them -above the beaver. I have made good merchandize of these. The flesh is -farre sweeter then the venison of England: and hee feedeth fatt and -leane together, as a swine or mutton, where as our Deare of England -feede fatt on the out side: they doe not croake at rutting time, nor -spendle shafte, nor is their flesh discoloured at rutting. Hee, that -will impale ground fitting, may be brought once in the yeare where -with bats and men hee may take so many to put into that parke, as the -hides will pay the chardge of impaleinge. If all these things be well -considered, the Deare, as well as the Mose, may have a principall place -in the catalogue of commodities. - -~_The Humbles was the doggs fee._~ - -I for my part may be bould to tell you, that my howse was not without -the flesh of this sort of Deare winter nor summer: the humbles was ever -my dogges fee, which by the wesell[350] was hanged on the barre in the -chimney, for his diet only: for hee has brought to my stand a brace in -a morning, one after the other before sunne rising, which I have killed. - -~_Roe bucks or Rayne Deare._~ - -There is likewise a third sorte of deare,[351] lesse then the other, -(which are a kinde of rayne deare,) to the southward of all the English -plantations: they are excellent good flesh. And these also bring three -fawnes at a time; and in this particular the Deare of those parts -excell all the knowne Deare of the whole world. - -~_Wolfes pray upon Deare._~ - -On all these the Wolfes doe pray continually. The best meanes they -have to escape the wolfes is by swimming to Islands,[352] or necks -of land, whereby {77} they escape: for the wolfe will not presume to -follow them untill they see them over a river; then, being landed, -(they wayting on the shore,) undertake the water, and so follow with -fresh suite. - -~_Beaver._~ - -The next in mine opinion fit to be spoaken of, is the Beaver;[353] -which is a Beast ordained for land and water both, and hath fore feete -like a cunny, her hinder feete like a goese, mouthed like a cunny, but -short eared like a Serat. [He feeds on] fishe in summer, and wood in -winter; which hee conveyes to his howse built on the water, wherein hee -sitts with his tayle hanging in the water, which else would over heate -and rot off. - -~_The Beavers cut downe trees, with his fore teeth._~ - -Hee cuts the bodies of trees downe with his fore-teeth, which are so -long as a boares tuskes, and with the help of other beavers, (which -hold by each others tayles like a teeme of horses, the hindmost with -the logg on his shoulder stayed by one of his fore feete against his -head,) they draw the logg to the habitation appoynted, placing the -loggs in a square; and so, by pyling one uppon another, they build up -a howse, which with boghes is covered very strongly, and placed in -some pond, to which they make a damme of brush wood, like a hedge, -so stronge that I have gone on the top of it crosse the current of -that pond. The flesh of this beast is excellent foode. The fleece is -a very choise furre, which, (before the Salvages had commerce with -Christians,) they burned of the tayle: this beast is of a masculine -vertue for the advancement of Priapus,[354] and is preserved for a dish -for the Sachems, or Sagamores; who are the princes of the people, but -not Kings, (as is fondly supposed.) - -~_Beaver at 10. shil. a pound._~ - -{78} The skinnes are the best marchantable commodity that can be found, -to cause ready money to be brought into the land, now that they are -raised to 10. shillings a pound.[355] - -~_In 5 yeares one man gott together 1000 p. in good gold._~ - -A servant of mine in 5. yeares was thought to have a 1000. p. in ready -gold gotten by beaver when hee dyed;[356] whatsoever became of it. And -this beast may challenge preheminence in the Catalogue. - -~_The Otter in winter hath a furre as black as Iett._~ - -The Otter[357] of those parts, in winter season, hath a furre so black -as jett; and is a furre of very highe price: a good black skinne is -worth 3. or 4. Angels of gold. The Flesh is eaten by the Salvages: but -how good it is I cannot shew, because it is not eaten by our Nation. -Yet is this a beast that ought to be placed in the number amongst the -Commodities of the Country. - -~_The Luseran as bigg as a hound._~ - -The Luseran, or Luseret,[358] is a beast like a Catt, but so bigg -as a great hound: with a tayle shorter then a Catt. His clawes are -like a Catts. Hee will make a pray of the Deare. His Flesh is dainty -meat, like a lambe: his hide is a choise furre, and accompted a good -commodity. - -~_The Martin is about the bignesse of a Fox._~ - -The Martin[359] is a beast about the bignes of a Foxe. His furre is -chestnutt coloure: and of those there are greate store in the Northerne -parts of the Country, and is a good commodity. - -~_Racowne._~ - -The Racowne[360] is a beast as bigg, full out, as a Foxe, with a -Bushtayle. His Flesh excellent foode: his oyle precious for the -Syattica:[361] his furre course, but the skinnes serve the Salvages -for coats, and is with those people of more esteeme then a coate of -beaver, {79} because of the tayles that (hanging round in their order) -doe adorne the garment, and is therefore so much esteemed of them. His -fore feete are like the feete of an ape; and by the print thereof, in -the time of snow, he is followed to his hole, which is commonly in a -hollow tree; from whence hee is fiered out, and so taken. - -~_The Foxes red and gray._~ - -The Foxes are of two coloures; the one redd, the other gray:[362] these -feede on fish, and are good furre:[363] they doe not stinke, as the -Foxes of England, but their condition for their pray is as the Foxes of -England. - -~_The Wolfes of diverse coloures._~ - -The Wolfes are of divers coloures;[364] some sandy coloured, some -griselled, and some black: their foode is fish, which they catch when -they passe up the rivers into the ponds to spawne, at the spring time. -The Deare are also their pray, and at summer, when they have whelpes, -the bitch will fetch a puppy dogg from our dores to feede their whelpes -with. They are fearefull Curres, and will runne away from a man, (that -meeteth them by chaunce at a banke end,) as fast as any fearefull -dogge.[365] These pray upon the Deare very much. The skinnes are used -by the Salvages, especially the skinne of the black wolfe, which is -esteemed a present for a prince there. - -~_The skin of a black wolfe a present for a prince._~ - -When there ariseth any difference betweene prince and prince, the -prince that desires to be reconciled to his neighboring prince does -endeavour to purchase it by sending him a black wolfes skinne for -a present, and the acceptance of such a present is an assurance of -reconciliation betweene them; and the {80} Salvages will willingly -give 40. beaver skinnes for the purchase of one of these black Wolfes -skinnes:[366] and allthough the beast himselfe be a discommodity, which -other Countries of Christendome are subject unto, yet is the skinne of -the black wolfe worthy the title of a commodity, in that respect that -hath bin declared. - -~_The Beares afraid of a man._~ - -If I should not speake something of the beare,[367] I might happily -leave a scruple in the mindes of some effeminate persone who conceaved -of more dainger in them then there is cause. Therefore, to incourage -them against all Feare and Fortifie their mindes against needles -danger, I will relate what experience hath taught mee concerning them: -they are beasts that doe no harme in those parts; they feede upon -Hurtleburies, Nuts and Fish, especially shell-fish. - -The Beare is a tyrant at a Lobster, and at low water will downe to the -Rocks and groape after them with great diligence. - -~_The Salvages seeing a beare chase him like a dogg and kill -him._~ - -Hee will runne away from a man as fast as a litle dogge. If a couple of -Salvages chaunce to espie him at his banquet, his running away will -not serve his turne, for they will coate him, and chase him betweene -them home to theire howses, where they kill him, to save a laboure in -carrying him farre. His Flesh is esteemed venison, and of a better -taste then beefe.[368] - -His hide is used by the Salvages for garments, and is more commodious -then discommodious; and may passe, (with some allowance,) with the rest. - -~_Muskewashe._~ - -The Muskewashe[369] is a beast that frequenteth the ponds. What hee -eats I cannot finde. Hee is {81} but a small beast, lesse then a Cunny, -and is indeede in those parts no other then a water Ratte; for I have -seene the suckers of them digged out of a banke, and at that age they -neither differed in shape, coloure, nor size, from one of our greate -Ratts. When hee is ould, hee is of the Beavers coloure; and hath passed -in waite with our Chapmen for Beaver. - -The Male of them have stones, which the Salvages, in uncaseing of -them, leave to the skinne, which is a most delicate perfume, and may -compare with any perfume that I know for goodnesse: Then may not this -be excluded the Catalogue. - -~_Porcupines._~ - -This Country, in the North parts thereof, hath many Porcupines,[370] -but I doe not finde the beast any way usefull or hurtfull. - -~_Hedghoggs._~ - -There are in those Northerne parts many Hedgehoggs, of the like nature -to our English Hedghoggs.[371] - -~_Conyes of severall sorts._~ - -Here are greate store of Conyes[372] in those parts, of divers -coloures; some white, some black, and some gray. Those towards the -Southerne parts are very small, but those to the North are as bigg -as the English Cony: their eares are very short. For meate the small -rabbit is as good as any that I have eaten of else where. - -~_Squirils of three sorts._~ - -There are Squirils of three sorts,[373] very different in shape and -condition; one[374] is gray, and hee is as bigg as the lesser Cony, and -keepeth the woods, feeding upon nutts. - -Another is red, and hee haunts our howses and will rob us of our Corne; -but the Catt many times payes him the price of his presumption. - -~_A Flying Squirill._~ - -{82} The third is a little flying Squirill, with batlike winges, which -hee spreads when hee jumpes from tree to tree, and does no harme. - -~_Snakes._~ - -Now because I am upon a treaty of the beasts, I will place this -creature, the snake, amongst the beasts, having my warrant from the -holy Bible; who, (though his posture in his passage be so different -from all other, being of a more subtile and aidry nature, that hee can -make his way without feete, and lifte himselfe above the superficies -of the earth, as hee glids along,) yet may hee not bee ranked with any -but the beasts, notwithstanding hee frequents the water, as well as the -land. - -There are of Snakes divers and of severall kindes, as be with us in -England; but that Country hath not so many as in England have bin -knowne.[375] - -The generall Salvage name of them is Ascowke.[376] - -~_The rattle Snakes._~ - -There is one creeping beast or longe creeple, (as the name is in -Devonshire,) that hath a rattle at his tayle that does discover his -age; for so many yeares as hee hath lived, so many joynts are in that -rattle, which soundeth (when it is in motion,) like pease in a bladder; -and this beast is called a rattle Snake; but the Salvages give him the -name of Sesick,[377] which some take to be the Adder; and it may well -be so, for the Salvages are significiant in their denomination of any -thing, and [it] is no lesse hurtfull than the Adder of England, nor no -more. I have had my dogge venomed with troubling one of these, and so -swelled that I had thought it would have bin his death: but with one -Saucer of Salet oyle powred downe his throate he {83} has recovered, -and the swelling asswaged by the next day. The like experiment hath bin -made upon a boy that hath by chaunce troad upon one of these, and the -boy never the worse. Therefore it is simplicity in any one that shall -tell a bugbeare tale of horrible, or terrible Serpents, that are in -that land.[378] - -~_Mise._~ - -Mise there are good store, and my Lady Woodbees black gray-malkin may -have pastime enough there: but for Rats, the Country by Nature is -troubled with none.[379] - -~_Lyons alwaies in hot Clymats, not in cold._~ - -Lyons there are none in New England:[380] it is contrary to the Nature -of the beast to frequent places accustomed to snow; being like the -Catt, that will hazard the burning of her tayle rather than abide from -the fire. - - - - -CHAP. VI. - - _Of Stones and Minerals._[381] - - -Now, (for as much as I have in a breife abstract shewed you the -Creatures whose specificall Natures doe simpathise with the elements of -fire and aire,) I will come to speake of the Creatures that participate -of earth more then the other two, which is stones. - -~_Marble._~ - -And first of the Marble for building; whereof there is much in those -parts, in so much there is one bay in the land that beareth the name of -Marble harber, because of the plenty of Marble there:[382] and these -{84} are usefull for building of Sumpteous Pallaces. - -~_Limestone._~ - -And because no good building can be made permanent, or durable, without -Lime, I will let you understand that there is good Limestone neere to -the river of Monatoquinte,[383] at Uttaquatock,[384] to my knowledge; -and we hope other places too, (that I have not taken so much notice -of,) may have the like, or better: and those stones are very convenient -for building. - -~_Chalk._~ - -Chalke stones there are neere Squantos Chappell,[385] shewed me by a -Salvage. - -~_Slate._~ - -There is abundance of excellent Slate[386] in divers places of the -Country; and the best that ever I beheld for covering of howses: and -the inhabitants have made good use of these materials for building. - -~_Whetstones._~ - -There is a very usefull Stone in the Land, and as yet there is found -out but one place where they may be had, in the whole Country: Ould -Woodman, (that was choaked at Plimmouth after hee had played the -unhappy Markes man when hee was pursued by a carelesse fellow that was -new come into the Land,) they say laboured to get a patent of it to -himselfe. Hee was beloved of many, and had many sonnes that had a minde -to engrosse that commodity. And I cannot spie any mention made of it -in the woodden prospect.[387] - -Therefore I begin to suspect his aime, that it was for himselfe; and -therefore will I not discover it: it is the Stone so much commended by -_Ovid_, because love delighteth to make his habitation in a building of -those materials, where hee advises those that seeke for love to doe it, -_Duris in Cotibus illum_.[388] - -This stone the Salvages doe call _Cos_;[389] {85} and of these, (on the -North end of Richmond Iland,) are store, and those are very excellent -good for edg’d tooles.[390] I envy not his happinesse. I have bin -there:[391] viewed the place: liked the commodity: but will not plant -so Northerly for that, nor any other commodity that is there to be had. - -~_Loadstones._~ - -There are Loadestones[392] also in the Northerne parts of the land: and -those which were found are very good, and are a commodity worth the -noteing. - -~_Ironstones._~ - -Iron stones[393] there are abundance: and severall sorts of them knowne. - -~_Lead._~ - -Lead ore[394] is there likewise, and hath bin found by the breaking of -the earth, which the Frost hath made mellow. - -~_Blacklead._~ - -Black Leade[395] I have likewise found very good, which the Salvages -use to paint their faces with. - -~_Read lead._~ - -Red Leade[396] is there likewise in great abundance. - -~_Boll._~ - -There is very excellent Boll Armoniack.[397] - -~_Vermilion._~ - -There is most excellent Vermilion.[398] All these things the Salvages -make some litle use of, and doe finde them on the circumference of the -Earth. - -~_Brimstone._~ - -Brimstone[399] mines there are likewise. - -~_Tinne._~ - -Mines of Tinne[400] are likewise knowne to be in those parts: which -will in short time be made use of: and this cannot be accompted a meane -commodity. - -~_Copper._~ - -Copper mines[401] are there found likewise, that will enrich the -Inhabitants. But untill theire younge Cattell be growne hardy labourers -in the yoake, that the Plough and the Wheate may be seene more -plentifully, it is a worke must be forborne. - -~_Silver._~ - -{86} They say there is a Silver, and a gold mine[402] found by Captaine -Littleworth:[403] if hee get a patent of it to himselfe hee will surely -change his name. - - - - -CHAP. VII. - - _Of the Fishes, and what commodity they proove._[404] - - -Among Fishes, first I will begin with the Codd, because it is the most -commodious of all fish, as may appeare by the use which is made of them -in forraigne parts. - -~_Codd._~ - -The Codd fishing is much used in America, (whereof New England is a -part,) in so much as 300. Sayle of shipps, from divers parts, have used -to be imployed yearely in that trade. - -~_15. Shipps at one time for Codd._~ - -I have seene in one Harboure,[405] next Richmond Iland, 15. Sayle of -shipps at one time, that have taken in them driyed Codds for Spaine and -the Straights, and it has bin found that the Saylers have made 15. 18. -20. 22. p. share for a common man. - -~_Oyle mayd of the livers of the Codd._~ - -The Coast aboundeth with such multitudes of Codd[406] that the -inhabitants of New England doe dunge their grounds with Codd; and it -is a commodity better than the golden mines of the Spanish Indies; for -without dried Codd the Spaniard, Portingal and Italian would not be -able to vittel of a shipp for the Sea; and I am sure at the Canaries it -is the principall commodity: which place lyeth neere New Eng{87}land, -very convenient for the vending of this commodity, one hundred of these -being at the price of 300. of New found land Codds: greate store of -traine oyle[407] is mayd of the livers of the Codd, and is a commodity -that without question will enrich the inhabitants of New England -quicly; and is therefore a principall commodity. - -~_A 100 Basse sould for 5. p._~ - -The Basse[408] is an excellent Fish, both fresh and Salte; one hundred -whereof salted, (at a market,) have yeilded 5. p. They are so large, -the head of one will give a good eater a dinner; and for daintinesse of -diet they excell the Mary-bones of Beefe. There are such multitudes, -that I have seene stopped into the river close adjoyning to my howse, -with a sand at one tide, so many as will loade a ship of a 100. Tonnes. - -Other places have greater quantities, in so much as wagers have bin -layed that one should not throw a stone in the water but that hee -should hit a fish. - -I my selfe, at the turning of the tyde, have seene such multitudes -passe out of a pound, that it seemed to mee that one might goe over -their backs drishod. - -These follow the bayte up the rivers, and sometimes are followed for -bayte and chased into the bayes, and shallow waters, by the grand -pise:[409] and these may have also a prime place in the Catalogue of -Commodities. - -~_Mackarell are baite for Basse._~ - -The Mackarels are the baite for the Basse, and these have bin chased -into the shallow waters where so many thousands have shott themselves -a shore with the surfe of the Sea, that whole hogges-heads have bin -taken up on the Sands; and for length, they excell {88} any of other -parts: they have bin measured 18. and 19. inches in length and seaven -in breadth: and are taken with a drayle,[410] (as boats use to passe to -and froe at Sea on businesse,) in very greate quantities all alonge the -Coaste. - -The Fish is good, salted, for store against the winter, as well as -fresh; and to be accounted a good Commodity. - -~_Sturgeon._~ - -This Sturgeon in England is _regalis piscis_;[411] every man in New -England may catch what hee will: there are multitudes of them, and they -are much fatter then those that are brought into England from other -parts, in so much as by reason of their fatnesse they doe not looke -white, but yellow, which made a Cooke presume they were not so good as -them of Roushea: silly fellow that could not understand that it is the -nature of fish salted, or pickelled, the fatter the yellower being best -to preserve.[412] - -For the taste, I have warrant of Ladies of worth, with choise pallats -for the commendations, who liked the taste so well that they esteemed -it beyond the Sturgeon of other parts, and sayd they were deceaved in -the lookes: therefore let the Sturgeon passe for a Commodity. - -~_Salmon._~ - -Of Salmons there is greate abundance: and these may be allowed for a -Commodity, and placed in the Catallogue. - -~_Herrings._~ - -Of Herrings there is greate store, fat and faire: and, (to my minde,) -as good as any I have seene; and these may be preserved, and made a -good commodity at the Canaries. - -~_Great plenty of Eeles._~ - -{89} Of Eeles there is abundance, both in the Salt-waters and in the -fresh: and the fresh water Eele there, (if I may take the judgement -of a London Fishmonger,) is the best that hee hath found in his life -time. I have with 2.[413] eele potts found my howsehold, (being nine -persons, besides doggs,) with them, taking them every tide, (for 4. -moneths space,) and preserving of them for Winter store:[414] and these -may proove a good commodity. - -~_Smelts._~ - -Of Smelts there is such abundance that the Salvages doe take them up in -the rivers with baskets, like sives. - -~_Shadds or Allizes taken to dunge ground._~ - -There is a Fish, (by some called shadds, by some allizes,)[415] that -at the spring of the yeare passe up the rivers to spaune in the ponds; -and are taken in such multitudes in every river, that hath a pond at -the end, that the Inhabitants doung their ground with them. You may see -in one towneship a hundred acres together set with these Fish, every -acre taking 1000. of them: and an acre thus dressed will produce and -yeald so much corne as 3. acres without fish: and, least any Virginea -man would inferre hereupon that the ground of New England is barren, -because they use no fish in setting their corne, I desire them to be -remembred the cause is plaine, in Virginea they have it not to sett. -But this practise is onely for the Indian Maize, (which must be set by -hands,) not for English graine: and this is therefore a commodity there. - -~_Turbut or Hallibut._~ - -There is a large sized fish called Hallibut, or Turbut:[416] some are -taken so bigg that two men have much a doe to hale them into the boate; -but there is {90} such plenty, that the fisher men onely eate the heads -and finnes, and throw away the bodies: such in Paris would yeeld 5. or -6. crownes a peece: and this is no discommodity. - -~_Plaice._~ - -There are excellent Plaice,[417] and easily taken. They, (at flowing -water,) do almost come ashore, so that one may stepp but halfe a foote -deepe and prick them up on the sands and this may passe with some -allowance. - -~_Hake._~ - -Hake[418] is a dainty white fish, and excellent vittell fresh; and may -passe with other commodities, because there are multitudes. - -~_Pilchers._~ - -There are greate store of Pilchers:[419] at Michelmas, in many places, -I have seene the Cormorants[420] in length 3. miles feedinge upon the -Sent. - -~_Lobsters._~ - -Lobsters are there infinite in store in all the parts of the land, and -very excellent. The most use that I made of them, in 5. yeares after I -came there, was but to baite my Hooke for to catch Basse; I had bin so -cloyed with them the first day I went a shore. - -This being knowne, they shall passe for a commodity to the inhabitants; -for the Salvages will meete 500, or 1000. at a place where Lobsters -come in with the tyde, to eate, and save dried for store; abiding in -that place, feasting and sporting, a moneth or 6. weekes together.[421] - -~_Oysters._~ - -There are greate store of Oysters in the entrance of all Rivers: they -are not round as those of England, but excellent fat, and all good. I -have seene an Oyster banke a mile at length. - -~_Mustles._~ - -Mustles there are infinite store; I have often gon {91} to Wassaguscus, -where were excellent Mustles, to eate for variety, the fish is so fat -and large.[422] - -~_Clames._~ - -Clames is a shellfish, which I have seene sold in Westminster for -12. pe. the skore. These our swine feede upon, and of them there is -no want; every shore is full; it makes the swine proove exceedingly, -they will not faile at low water to be with them. The Salvages are -much taken with the delight of this fishe, and are not cloyed, -notwithstanding the plenty: for our swine we finde it a good commodity. - -~_Rarer fish._~ - -Rarer fishes there are. - -~_Freele._~ - -Freeles there are, Cockles and Scallopes;[423] and divers other sorts -of Shellfishe, very good foode. - -Now that I have shewed you what commodities are there to be had in -the Sea, for a Market; I will shew what is in the Land, also, for the -comfort of the inhabitants, wherein it doth abound. And because my -taske is an abstract, I will discover to them the commodity thereof. - -~_Fresh fish, Trouts, Carpes, Breames, Pikes, Roches, -Perches, Tenches, and Eeles._~ - -There are in the rivers, and ponds, very excellent Trouts, Carpes, -Breames, Pikes, Roches, Perches, Tenches, Eeles, and other fishes such -as England doth afford, and as good for variety; yea, many of them much -better; and the Natives of the inland parts doe buy hookes of us, to -catch them with: and I have knowne the time that a Trouts hooke hath -yeelded a beaver skinne, which hath bin a good commodity to those that -have bartered them away. - -These things I offer to your consideration, (curteous Reader,) and -require you to shew mee the like in any part of the knowne world, if -you can. - - - - -{92} CHAP. VIII. - - _Of the goodnes of the Country and the Waters._ - - -~_Foode and Fire._~ - -Now since it is a Country so infinitely blest with foode, and fire, to -roast or boyle our Flesh and Fish, why should any man feare for cold -there, in a Country warmer in the winter than some parts of France, and -neerer the Sunne: unles hee be one of those that Salomon bids goe to -the Ant and the Bee. - -~_Noe Boggs._~ - -~_Perfumed aire with sweet herbes._~ - -There is no boggy ground knowne in all the Country, from whence the -Sunne may exhale unwholsom vapors: But there are divers arematicall -herbes and plants, as Sassafras, Muske Roses, Violets, Balme, Lawrell, -Hunnisuckles, and the like, that with their vapors perfume the aire; -and it has bin a thing much observed that shipps have come from -Virginea where there have bin scarce five men able to hale a rope, -untill they have come within 40. Degrees of latitude and smell the -sweet aire of the shore, where they have suddainly recovered.[424] - -~_Of Waters._~ - -And for the water, therein it excelleth Canaan by much; for the Land -is so apt for Fountaines, a man cannot digg amisse: therefore if -the Abrahams and Lots of our times come thether, there needs be no -contention for wells. - -Besides there are waters of most excellent vertues, worthy admiration. - -~_The Cure of mellancolly at Maremount._~ - -{93} At Ma-re-Mount there was a water,[425] (by mee discovered,) that -is most excellent for the cure of Melancolly probatum. - -~_The cure of Barrennesse._~ - -At Weenasemute is a water, the vertue whereof is to cure barrennesse. -The place taketh his name of that Fountaine which signifieth quick -spring, or quickning spring probatum.[426] - -~_Water procuring a dead sleepe._~ - -~_New Engl. excels Canaan in fountaines._~ - -Neere Squantos Chappell,[427] (a place so by us called,) is a Fountaine -that causeth a dead sleepe for 48. howres to those that drinke 24. -ounces at a draught, and so proportionably. The Salvages, that are -Powahs, at set times use it, and reveale strang things to the vulgar -people by meanes of it. So that in the delicacy of waters, and the -conveniency of them, Canaan came not neere this Country. - -~_Milke and Hony supplied._~ - -As for the Milke and Hony, which that Canaan flowed with, it is -supplyed by the plenty of birds, beasts and Fish; whereof Canaan could -not boast her selfe. - -~_A plain paralell to Canaan._~ - -Yet never the lesse, (since the Milke came by the industry of the first -Inhabitants,) let the cattell be chereshed that are at this time in -New England, and forborne but a litle, I will aske no long time, no -more but untill the Brethren have converted one Salvage and made him -a good Christian, and I may be bold to say Butter and cheese will be -cheaper there then ever it was in Canaan. It is cheaper there then in -old England at this present; for there are store of Cowes, considering -the people, which, (as my intelligence gives,) is 12000.[428] persons: -and in gods name let the people have their desire, who write to their -freinds to come out of Sodome to the land of Canaan, a land that flowes -with Milke and Hony. - -~_The Request for the Nomination of New Canaan._~ - -{94} And I appeale to any man of judgement, whether it be not a Land -that for her excellent indowments of Nature may passe for a plaine -paralell to Canaan of Israell, being in a more temporat Climat, this -being in 40. Degrees and that in 30. - - - - -CHAP. IX. - - _A Perspective to view the Country by._ - - -~_The Soyle._~ - -As for the Soyle, I may be bould to commend the fertility thereof, and -preferre it before the Soyle of England, (our Native Country); and I -neede not to produce more then one argument for proffe thereof, because -it is so infallible. - -~_The grouth of Hempe._~ - -Hempe is a thing by Husband men in generall ageed upon to prosper best -in the most fertile Soyle: and experience hath taught this rule, that -Hempe seede prospers so well in New England that it shewteth up to be -tenne foote high and tenne foote and a halfe, which is twice so high as -the ground in old England produceth it; which argues New England the -more fertile of the two.[429] - -~_The aire._~ - -As for the aire, I will produce but one proffe for the maintenance of -the excellency thereof; which is so generall, as I assure myselfe it -will suffice. - -~_No cold cough or murre._~ - -No man living there was ever knowne to be troubled with a cold, a -cough, or a murre; but many men, comming sick out of Virginea to New -Canaan have instantly recovered with the helpe of the purity {95} of -that aire;[430] no man ever surfeited himselfe either by eating or -drinking. - -~_The plenty of the Land._~ - -As for the plenty of that Land, it is well knowne that no part of Asia, -Affrica or Europe affordeth deare that doe bring forth any more then -one single faune; and in New Canaan the Deare are accustomed to bring -forth 2. and 3. faunes at a time.[431] - -Besides, there are such infinite flocks of Fowle and Multitudes of -fish, both in the fresh waters and also on the Coast, that the like -hath not else where bin discovered by any traveller. - -~_Windes._~ - -The windes there are not so violent as in England; which is prooved -by the trees that grow in the face of the winde by the Sea Coast; for -there they doe not leane from the winde as they doe in England: as we -have heard before.[432] - -~_Raine._~ - -The Raine is there more moderate then in England; which thing I have -noted in all the time of my residence to be so. - -~_The Coast._~ - -The Coast is low Land, and not high Land: and hee is of a weake -capacity that conceaveth otherwise of it, because it cannot be denied -but that boats may come a ground in all places along the Coast, and -especially within the Compas of the Massachusets patent, where the -prospect is fixed.[433] - -~_Harboures._~ - -The Harboures are not to be bettered for safety and goodnesse of -ground, for ancorage, and, (which is worthy observation,) shipping will -not there be furred; neither are they subject to wormes, as in Virginea -and other places. - -~_Scituation._~ - -{96} Let the Scituation also of the Country be considered, (together -with the rest which is discovered in the front of this abstract,) and -then I hope no man will hold this land unworthy to be intituled by the -name of the second Canaan. - -~_The Nomination._~ - -And, since the Seperatists are desirous to have the denomination -thereof, I am become an humble Suter on their behalfe for your -consents, (courteous Readers,) to it, before I doe shew you what Revels -they have kept in New Canaan.[434] - - - - -CHAP. X. - - _Of the Great Lake of Erocoise in New England, and the commodities - thereof._ - - -~_Fowle innumerable._~ - -Westwards from the Massachusetts bay, (which lyeth in 42. Degrees and -30. Minutes of Northerne latitude,) is scituated a very spacious Lake, -(called of the Natives the Lake of Erocoise[435]) which is farre more -excellent then the Lake of Genezereth, in the Country of Palestina, -both in respect of the greatnes and properties thereof, and likewise of -the manifould commodities it yealdeth: the circumference of which Lake -is reputed to be 240. miles at the least: and it is distant from the -Massachussetts bay 300. miles, or there abouts:[436] wherein are very -many faire Islands, where innumerable flocks of severall sorts of Fowle -doe breede, Swannes, Geese, Ducks, Widgines, Teales, and other water -Fowle. - -~_Multitudes of Fish._~ - -~_The prime place of New Canaan._~ - -{97} There are also more abundance of Beavers, Deare and Turkies breed -about the parts of that lake then in any place in all the Country of -New England; and also such multitudes of fish, (which is a great part -of the foode that the Beavers live upon,) that it is a thing to be -admired at: So that about this Lake is the principallst place for a -plantation in all New Canaan, both for pleasure and proffit. - -~_Canada, so named of Monsier de Cane._~ - -Here may very many brave Townes and Citties be erected, which may -have intercourse one with another by water, very commodiously: and it -is of many men of good judgement accounted the prime seate for the -Metropolis of New Canaan.[437] From this Lake, Northwards, is derived -the famous River of Canada, (so named of Monsier de Cane,[438] a French -Lord that first planted a Colony of French in America, there called -Nova Francia,) from whence Captaine Kerke[439] of late, by taking that -plantation, brought home in one shipp, (as a Seaman of his Company -reported in my hearing,) 25000. Beaver skinnes.[440] - -~_Patomack._~ - -And from this Lake, Southwards, trends that goodly River, called of the -Natives Patomack, which dischardgeth herselfe in the parts of Virginea; -from whence it is navigable by shipping of great Burthen up to the -Falls, (which lieth in 41. Degrees and a halfe of North latitude,) and -from the Lake downe to the Falls by a faire current. This River is -navigable for vessels of good Burthen; and thus much hath often bin -related by the Natives, and is of late found to be certaine.[441] - -~_Great heards of Beasts as bigg as Cowes._~ - -{98} They have also made description of great heards of well growne -beasts, that live about the parts of this Lake, such as the Christian -world, (untill this discovery,) hath not bin made acquainted with. -These beasts are of the bignesse of a Cowe; their Flesh being very -good foode, their hides good lether, their fleeces very usefull, being -a kinde of wolle as fine almost as the wolle of the Beaver; and the -Salvages doe make garments thereof. - -It is tenne yeares since first the relation of these things came to the -eares of the English: at which time wee were but slender proficients in -the language of the Natives, and they, (which now have attained to more -perfection of English,) could not then make us rightly apprehend their -meaninge.[442] - -Wee supposed, when they spake of Beasts thereabouts as high as men, -they have made report of men all over hairy like Beavers, in so much -as we questioned them whether they eate of the Beavers, to which they -replyed Matta,[443] (noe) saying they were almost Beavers Brothers. -This relation at that time wee concluded to be fruitles, which, since, -time hath made more apparent. - -~_Henry Ioseline imployed for discovery._~ - -About the parts of this Lake may be made a very greate Commodity by -the trade of furres, to inrich those that shall plant there; a more -compleat discovery of those parts is, (to my knowleadge,) undertaken by -Henry Ioseline,[444] Esquier, sonne of Sir Thomas Ioseline of Kent, -Knight, by the approbation and appointement of that Heroick and very -good Common wealths man, Captaine Iohn Mason,[445] Esquier, a {99} true -foster Father and lover of vertue, (who at his owne chardge,) hath -fitted Master Ioseline and imployed him to that purpose; who no doubt -will performe as much as is expected, if the Dutch, (by gettinge into -those parts before him,) doe not frustrate his so hopefull and laudable -designes. - -It is well knowne they aime at that place, and have a possibility to -attaine unto the end of their desires therein, by meanes of the River -of Mohegan, which of the English is named Hudsons River, where the -Dutch have setled two well fortified plantations already. If that River -be derived from the Lake, as our Country man in his prospect[446] -affirmes it to be, and if they get and fortifie this place also, -they will gleane away the best of the Beaver both from the French and -the English, who have hitherto lived wholely by it; and very many old -planters have gained good estates out of small beginnings by meanes -thereof. - -~_The Dutch have a great trade of Beaver in Hudsons River._~ - -And it is well knowne to some of our Nation that have lived in the -Dutch plantation that the Dutch have gained by Beaver 20000. pound a -yeare.[447] - -The Salvages make report of 3. great Rivers that issue out of this -Lake, 2. of which are to us knowne, the one to be Patomack, the other -Canada: and why may not the third be found there likewise, which they -describe to trend westward, which is conceaved to discharge herselfe -into the South Sea? The Salvages affirme that they have seene shipps in -this Lake with 4. Masts, which have taken from thence for their ladinge -earth, that is conjectured to be some minerall stuffe. - -~_The passage to the East-Indies._~ - -~_The Country of Erocois as fertile as Delta in Ægypt._~ - -{100} There is probability enough for this; and it may well be thought -that so great a confluxe of waters as are there gathered together, must -be vented by some great Rivers; and that if the third River, (which -they have made mention of,) proove to be true, as the other two have -done, there is no doubt but that the passage to the East India may be -obtained without any such daingerous and fruitlesse inquest by the -Norwest, as hetherto hath bin endeavoured: And there is no Traveller of -any resonable capacity but will graunt that about this Lake must be -innumerable springes, and by that meanes many fruitfull and pleasant -pastures all about it. It hath bin observed that the inland part, -(witnes Neepnet,[448]) are more pleasant and fertile then the borders -of the Sea coaste. And the Country about Erocoise is, (not without -good cause,) compared to Delta, the most fertile parte in all Ægypt, -that aboundeth with Rivers and Rivalets derived from Nilus fruitfull -channell, like vaines from the liver; so in each respect is this famous -Lake of Erocoise. - -And, therefore, it would be adjudged an irreparable oversight to -protract time, and suffer the Dutch, (who are but intruders upon his -Majesties most hopefull Country of New England,) to possesse themselves -of that so plesant and commodious Country of Erocoise before us: being, -(as appeareth,) the principall part of all New Canaan for plantation, -and not elsewhere to be paralelld in all the knowne world. - -[Illustration] - - - - -{101} - -NEW CANAANS GENIVS. - -EPILOGVS. - - - _Thou that art by Fates degree, - Or Providence, ordain’d to see - Natures wonder, her rich store - Ne’-r discovered before, - Th’ admired Lake of Erocoise - And fertile Borders, now rejoyce. - See what multitudes of fish - Shee presents to fitt thy dish. - If rich furres thou dost adore, - And of Beaver Fleeces store, - See the Lake where they abound, - And what pleasures els are found. - There chast Leda, free from fire, - Does enjoy her hearts desire; - Mongst the flowry bancks at ease - Live the sporting Najades, - Bigg lim’d Druides, whose browes - Bewtified with greenebowes. - See the Nimphes, how they doe make - Fine Meanders from the Lake, - Twining in and out, as they - Through the pleasant groves make way, - Weaving by the shady trees - Curious Anastomases, - {102} Where the harmeles Turtles breede, - And such usefull Beasts doe feede - As no Traveller can tell - Els where how to paralell. - Colcos golden Fleece reject; - This deserveth best respect. - In sweete Peans let thy voyce, - Sing the praise of Erocoise, - Peans to advaunce her name, - New Canaans everlasting fame._ - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -{103} - -NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, - -OR NEW CANAAN. - -_The Third Booke._ - - Containing a description of the People that are planted there, what - remarkable Accidents have happened there since they were setled, what - Tenents they hould, together with the practise of their Church. - - - - -CHAP. I. - - _Of a great League made with the Plimmouth Planters after their - arrivall, by the Sachem of those Territories._[449] - - -~_A Salvage sent an Ambassador to the English at their -first-comminge._~ - -~_The Sachem feared the Plague._~ - -The Sachem of the Territories where the Planters of New England are -setled, that are the first of the now Inhabitants of New Canaan, not -knowing what they were, or whether they would be freindes or foes, and -{104} being desirous to purchase their freindship that hee might have -the better Assurance of quiet tradinge with them, (which hee conceived -would be very advantagious to him,) was desirous to prepare an -ambassador, with commission to treat on his behalfe, to that purpose; -and having one that had beene in England (taken by a worthlesse -man[450] out of other partes, and after left there by accident,) this -Salvage[451] hee instructed how to behave himselfe in the treaty of -peace; and the more to give him incouragement to adventure his person -amongst these new come inhabitants, which was a thinge hee durst not -himselfe attempt without security or hostage, promised that Salvage -freedome, who had beene detained there as theire Captive: which offer -hee accepted, and accordingly came to the Planters, salutinge them -with wellcome in the English phrase, which was of them admired to -heare a Salvage there speake in their owne language, and used him -great courtesie: to whome hee declared the cause of his comminge, -and contrived the businesse so that hee brought the Sachem and the -English together, betweene whome was a firme league concluded, which -yet continueth. After which league the Sachem, being in company with -the other whome hee had freed and suffered to live with the English, -espijnge a place where a hole had been made in the grounde, where -was their store of powder layed to be preserved from danger of fire, -(under ground,) demaunded of the Salvage what the English had hid there -under ground; who answered the plague;[452] at which hee starteled, -because of the great mortality lately {105} happened by meanes of -the plague,[453] (as it is conceaved,) and the Salvage, the more to -encrease his feare, told the Sachem if he should give offence to the -English party they would let out the plague to destroy them all, which -kept him in great awe. Not longe after, being at varience with another -Sachem borderinge upon his Territories, he came in solemne manner and -intreated the governour that he would let out the plague to destroy the -Sachem and his men who were his enemies, promising that he himselfe -and all his posterity would be their everlasting freindes, so great an -opinion he had of the English. - - - - -CHAP. II. - - _Of the entertainement of Mr. Westons people sent to settle a - plantation there._ - - -~_Court holy bread at Plimmouth._~ - -Master Thomas Weston,[454] a Merchant of London that had been at some -cost to further the Brethren of new Plimmouth in their designes for -these partes, shipped a company of Servants, fitted with provision of -all sorts, for the undertaking of a Plantation to be setled there; -with an intent to follow after them in person. These servants at first -arived at new Plimmouth, where they were entertained with court holy -bread by the Brethren: they were made very wellcome, in shew at least: -there these servants goodes were landed, with promises to be assisted -in the choise of a convenient place; and still the good cheare went -forward, and the strong liquors walked. In the meane time the Brethren -were in consultation what was best for their advantage, singing the -songe, _Frustra sapit, qui sibi non sapit_. - -{106} This plantation would hinder the present practice and future -profit; and Master Weston, an able man, would want for no supplies -upon the returne of Beaver, and so might be a plantation that might -keepe them under, who had a Hope to be the greatest: besides his -people were no chosen Seperatists, but men made choice of at all -adventures, fit to have served for the furtherance of Master Westons -undertakinges: and that was as much as hee neede to care for: ayminge -at Beaver principally for the better effecting of his purpose. Now when -the Plimmouth men began to finde that Master Westons mens store of -provition grew short with feasting, then they hasted them to a place -called Wessaguscus, in a weake case, and there left them fasting. - - - - -CHAP. III. - - _Of a Battle fought at the Massachussets, between the English and the - French._[455] - - -~_The Sachems Oration._~ - -~_A spirit mooving the Sachem to Warre._~ - -~_The grand Captaine makes a speech._~ - -~_The maine Battaile._~ - -~_The feild wonne by the English._~ - -The Planters of Plimmouth, at their last being in those parts, -having defaced the monument of the ded at Pasonagessit, (by taking -away the herse Cloath, which was two greate Beares skinnes sowed -together at full length, and propped up over the grave of Chuatawbacks -mother,[456]) the Sachem of those territories, being inraged at the -same, stirred up his men in his bee halfe to take revenge: and, -having gathered his men together, hee begins to make an oration in -this manner. When last the glorious light of all the {107} skey was -underneath this globe, and Birds grew silent, I began to settle, (as -my custome is,) to take repose; before mine eies were fast closed, -mee thought I saw a vision, (at which my spirit was much troubled,) -and, trembling at that dolefull sight, a spirit cried aloude behold, -my sonne, whom I have cherisht, see the papps that gave thee suck, -the hands that lappd thee warme and fed thee oft, canst thou forget -to take revenge of those uild people that hath my monument defaced in -despitefull manner, disdaining our ancient antiquities and honourable -Customes? See now the Sachems grave lies like unto the common people -of ignoble race, defaced; thy mother doth complaine, implores thy aide -against this theevish people new come hether; if this be suffered I -shall not rest in quiet within my everlasting habitation. This said, -the spirit vanished; and I, all in a sweat, not able scarce to speake, -began to gett some strength, and recollect my spirits that were fled: -all which I thought to let you understand, to have your Councell, and -your aide likewise; this being spoken, straight way arose the grand -Captaine and cried aloud, come, let us to Armes, it doth concerne us -all, let us bid them Battaile; so to Armes they went, and laid weight -for the Plimmouth boate; and, forceinge them to forsake their landinge -place, they seeke another best for their convenience; thither the -Salvages repaire, in hope to have the like successe; but all in vaine, -for the English Captaine warily foresaw, and, perceavinge their plot, -knew the better how to order his men fit for Battaile in that place; -hee, bouldly leading his men on, rainged about the feild to and fro, -{108} and, taking his best advantage, lets fly, and makes the Salvages -give ground: the English followed them fiercely on, and made them take -trees for their shelter, (as their custome is,) from whence their -Captaine let flie a maine; yet no man was hurt; at last, lifting up -his right arm to draw a fatall shaft, (as hee then thought to end this -difference), received a shott upon his elbow,[457] and straight way -fled; by whose example all the army followed the same way, and yealded -up the honor of the day to the English party; who were such a terror to -them after that the Salvages durst never make to a head against them -any more. - - - - -CHAP. IV. - - _Of a Parliament held at Wessaguscus, and the Actes._ - - -~_Some lazy people._~ - -Master Westons Plantation beinge setled at Wessaguscus, his Servants, -many of them lazy persons that would use no endeavour to take the -benefit of the Country, some of them fell sicke and died. - -~_A lusty fellow._~ - -One amongst the rest, an able bodied man that ranged the woodes to see -what it would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian barne, and from -thence did take a capp full of corne; the Salvage owner of it, finding -by the foote some English had bin there, came to the Plantation, and -made complaint after this manner. - -~_A poore complaint. Edward Iohnson a cheife Iudge. Maide a -hainous fact._~ - -~_A fine device._~ - -~_A wise Sentence._~ - -~_To hange a sick man in the others steede._~ - -{109} The cheife Commander of the Company one this occation called a -Parliament of all his people, but those that were sicke and ill at -ease. And wisely now they must consult upon this huge complaint, that -a privy knife or stringe of beades would well enough have qualified; -and Edward Iohnson was a spetiall judge of this businesse; the fact was -there in repetition; construction made that it was fellony, and by the -Lawes of England punished with death; and this in execution must be -put for an example, and likewise to appease the Salvage: when straight -wayes one arose, mooved as it were with some compassion, and said hee -could not well gaine say the former sentence, yet hee had conceaved -within the compasse of his braine an Embrion that was of spetiall -consequence to be delivered and cherished; hee said that it would most -aptly serve to pacifie the Salvages complaint, and save the life of -one that might, (if neede should be,) stand them in some good steede, -being younge and stronge, fit for resistance against an enemy, which -might come unexspected for any thinge they knew. The Oration made was -liked of every one, and hee intreated to proceede to shew the meanes -how this may be performed: sayes hee, you all agree that one must die, -and one shall die; this younge mans cloathes we will take of, and put -upon one that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape -death, such is the disease one him confirmed that die hee must; put the -younge mans cloathes on this man, and let the sick person be hanged in -the others steede: Amen sayes one; and so sayes many more. - -~_Very fit Iustice._~ - -~_A dangerous Attempt._~ - -~_Iesting turned to earnest._~ - -{110} And this had like to have prooved their finall sentence, and, -being there confirmed by Act of Parliament, to after ages for a -President: But that one with a ravenus voyce begunne to croake and -bellow for revenge; and put by that conclusive motion, alledging such -deceipts might be a meanes hereafter to exasperate the mindes of -the complaininge Salvages, and that by his death the Salvages should -see their zeale to Iustice; and therefore hee should die: this was -concluded; yet neverthelesse a scruple was made; now to countermaund -this act, did represent itselfe unto their mindes, which was, how -they should doe to get the mans good wil? this was indeede a spetiall -obstacle: for without that, they all agreed it would be dangerous for -any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mischeife should befall -them every man; hee was a person that in his wrath did seeme to be a -second Sampson, able to beate out their branes with the jawbone of an -Asse: therefore they called the man, and by perswation got him fast -bound in jest; and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest,[458] who -with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all those wise judges of -this Parliament to a pittifull _non plus_, (as it hath beene credibly -reported,) and made the cheife Iudge of them all buckell to him. - - - - -{111} CHAP. V. - - _Of a Massacre made upon the Salvages at Wessaguscus._ - - -~_Good quarters with the Salvages._~ - -~_A plott from Plimmouth._~ - -~_Salvages killed with their one weapons._~ - -After the end of that Parliament, some of the plantation there, about -three persons,[459] went to live with Checatawback and his company; -and had very good quarter, for all the former quarrell with the -Plimmouth planters: they are not like Will Sommers,[460] to take -one for another. There they purposed to stay untill Master Westons -arrivall: but the Plimmouth men, intendinge no good to him, (as appered -by the consequence,) came in the meane time to Wessaguscus, and there -pretended to feast the Salvages of those partes, bringing with them -Porke and thinges for the purpose, which they sett before the Salvages. -They eate thereof without suspition of any mischeife, who were taken -upon a watchword given, and with their owne knives, (hanging about -their neckes,) were by the Plimmouth planters stabd and slaine: one of -which were hanged up there, after the slaughter.[461] - -~_News carried._~ - -~_A revenge._~ - -In the meane time the Sachem had knowledge of this accident, by one -that ranne to his Countrymen, at the Massachussets, and gave them -intelligence of the newes; after which time the Salvages there, -consultinge of the matter, in the night, (when the other English -feareles of danger were a sleepe,) knockt them all in the head, in -revenge of the death of their {112} Countrymen: but if the Plimmouth -Planters had really intended good to Master Weston, or those men, -why had they not kept the Salvages alive in Custody, untill they had -secured the other English? Who, by meanes of this evill mannaginge of -the businesse, lost their lives, and the whole plantation was dissolved -thereupon; as was likely, for feare of a revenge to follow, as a -relatione to this cruell antecedent; and when Master Weston came over -hee found thinges at an evill exigent, by meanes thereof: But could not -tell how it was brought about. - -~_The Salvages call the English cutthroats._~ - -The Salvages of the Massachussets, that could not imagine from -whence these men should come, or to what end, seeing them performe -such unexpected actions; neither could tell by what name properly -to distinguish them; did from that time afterwards call the English -Planters Wotawquenange,[462] which in their language signifieth -stabbers, or Cutthroates: and this name was received by those that came -there after for good, being then unacquainted with the signification -of it, for many yeares following; untill, from a Southerly Indian -that understood English well, I was by demonstration made to conceave -the interpretation of it, and rebucked these other that it was not -forborne: The other callinge us by the name of Wotoquansawge, what that -doth signifie, hee said, hee was not able by any demonstration to -expresse; and my neighbours durst no more, in my hearinge, call us by -the name formerly used, for feare of my displeasure. - - - - -{113} CHAP. VI. - - _Of the surprizinge of a Merchants Shipp in Plimmouth harbour._ - - -~_The Merchant with Supply._~ - -~_A glosse upon the false text._~ - -~_Where two nations meet one must rule the other must be -ruled or no quietnes._~ - -~_A Machivell plot._~ - -~_The Vaile._~ - -~_Shipp and goodes confiscated._~ - -~_When every Conspirator had his share the shipp delivered -againe._~ - -~_Bonds taken not to prosecute._~ - -~_Report Mr. Weston was mad in New England._~ - -~_Honest men in particular._~ - -This Merchant, a man of worth, arrivinge in the parts of New Canaan and -findinge that his Plantation was dissolved, some of his men slaine, -some dead with sicknes, and the rest at Plimmouth, hee was perplexed -in his minde about the matter; comminge as hee did with supply, and -meanes to have rased their fortunes and his one exceedingly: and -seeinge what had happened resolved to make some stay in the Plimmouth -harbour.[463] And this suted to their purpose; wherefore the Brethren -did congratulate with him at his safe arrivall, and their best of -entertainement for a swetning cast, deploring the disaster of his -Plantation, and glozing upon the text, alledging the mischeivous -intent of the Salvages there, which by freindly intelligence of -their neighbours was discovered before it came to be full summed: so -that they lost not all, allthough they saved not all: and this they -pretended to proceede from the Fountaine of love and zeale to him -and Christianity, and to chastise the insolency of the Salvages, of -which that part had some dangerous persons. And this, as an article -of the new creede of Canaan, would they have received of every new -commer there to inhabit, that the Salvages are a dangerous people, -subtill, secreat and mischeivous; and that it is dangerous to live -seperated, but {114} rather together: and so be under their Lee, that -none might trade for Beaver, but at their pleasure, as none doe or -shall doe there: nay they will not be reduced to any other song yet -of the Salvages to the southward of Plimmouth, because they would -have none come there, sayinge that hee that will sit downe there must -come stronge: but I have found the Massachussets Indian more full of -humanity then the Christians; and haue had much better quarter with -them; yet I observed not their humors, but they mine; althoug my great -number that I landed were dissolved, and my Company as few as might -be:[464] for I know that this falls out infallibly where two Nations -meete, one must rule and the other be ruled, before a peace can be -hoped for: and for a Christian to submit to the rule of a Salvage, -you will say, is both shame and dishonor: at least it is my opinion, -and my practice was accordingly, and I have the better quarter by -the meanes thereof. The more Salvages the better quarter, the more -Christians the worser quarter, I found; as all the indifferent minded -Planters can testifie. Now, whiles the Merchant was ruminatinge on this -mishapp, the Plimmouth Planters perceivinge that hee had furnished -himselfe with excellent Commodities, fit for the Merchandise of the -Country, (and holding it good to fish in trobled waters, and so get -a snatch unseene,) practised in secret with some other in the land, -whom they thought apt to imbrace the benefit of such a cheat, and it -was concluded and resolved upon that all this shipp and goodes should -be confiscated, for businesse done by him, the Lord knowes when, or -where:[465] {115} a letter must be framed to them, and handes unto -it, to be there warrant; this should shadow them. That is the first -practise; they will insane a man, and then pretend that Iustice must -be done. They cause the Merchant (secure) to come a shore, and then -take him in hold, shewing they are compelled unto it legally, and enter -strait abord, peruse the Cargazowne, and then deliver up the Charge -of her to their Confederates: and how much lesse this is then Piraty, -let any practise in the Admiralty be judge. The Merchant, his shipp -and goodes confiscated, himselfe a prisoner and threatned so to be -sent and conveyed to England, there to receave the somme of all that -did belonge to him a malefactor, (and a great one to); this hee, good -man, indured with patience longe time, untill the best of all his -goodes were quite dispersed, and every actor [had] his proportion; -the Merchant was [then] inlarged; his shipp, a burthen to the owner -now, his undertakinges in these partes beinge quite overthrowne, was -redelivered, and bondes of him were taken not to prosecute: hee, being -greived hereat, betakes him to drive a trade betweene that and Virginea -many yeares. The brethren, (sharpe witted,) had it spread by and by -amongst his freinds in England, that the man was mad. So thought his -wife, so thought his other freindes that had it from a Planter of the -Towne. So was it thought of those, that did not know the Brethren -could dissemble: why, thus they are all of them honest men in their -particular, and every man, beinge bound to seeke anothers good, shall -in the generall doe the best hee can to effect it, and so they may be -excused I thinke. - - - - -{116} CHAP. VII. - - _Of Thomas Mortons entertainment at Plimmouth, and castinge away upon - an Island._[466] - - -~_Brave entertainement in a wildernes._~ - -~_The meanes._~ - -This man arrived in those parts, and, hearing newes of a Towne that -was much praised, he was desirous to goe thither, and see how thinges -stood; where his entertainement was their best, I dare be bould to -say: for, although they had but 3. Cowes in all,[467] yet had they -fresh butter and a sallet of egges in dainty wise, a dish not common -in a wildernes. There hee bestowed some time in the survey of this -plantation. His new come servants, in the meane time, were tane to -taske, to have their zeale appeare, and questioned what preacher was -among their company; and finding none, did seeme to condole their -estate as if undone, because no man among them had the guift to be in -Ionas steade, nor they the meanes to keepe them in that path so hard to -keepe. - -~_Booke learning despised._~ - -Our Master, say they, reades the Bible and the word of God, and useth -the booke of common prayer: but this is not the meanes, the answere -is: the meanes, they crie, alas, poore Soules where is the meanes? you -seeme as if betrayed, to be without the meanes: how can you be stayed -from fallinge headlonge to perdition? _Facilis descensus averni_:[468] -the booke of common prayer, sayd they, what poore thinge is that, for a -man to reade in a booke? No, no, good sirs, I would you were neere us, -you might receave comfort by in{117}struction: give me a man hath the -guiftes of the spirit, not a booke in hand. I doe profess sayes one, -to live without the meanes is dangerous, the Lord doth know. - -~_Villanous plots of knaves._~ - -~_Prevented by discretion._~ - -~_And discovered in drinke._~ - -~_The Shallop billedged._~ - -~_Two men of the Company cast away swim to shore upon trees._~ - -By these insinuations, like the Serpent, they did creepe and winde -into the good opinion of the illiterate multitude, that were desirous -to be freed and gone to them, no doubdt, (which some of them after -confessed); and little good was to be done one them after this charme -was used: now plotts and factions how they might get loose: and here -was some 35. stout knaves; and some plotted how to steale Master -Westons barque, others, exasperated knavishly to worke, would practise -how to gett theire Master to an Island, and there leave him; which hee -had notice of, and fitted him to try what would be done; and steps -aborde his shallop bound for Cape Anne, to the Massachussets, with an -Hogshead of Wine; Sugar hee tooke along, the Sailes hoist up, and one -of the Conspirators aboard to steere; who in the mid way pretended -foule weather at the harboure mouth, and therefore, for a time, hee -would put in to an Island neere, and make some stay where hee thought -to tempt his Master to walke the woods, and so be gone: but their -Master to prevent them caused the sales and oares to be brought a -shore, to make a tilt if neede should be, and kindled fire, broched -that Hogshed, and caused them fill the can with lusty liqour, Claret -sparklinge neate; which was not suffered to grow pale and flatt, but -tipled of with quick dexterity: the Master makes a shew of keepinge -round, but with close lipps did seeme {118} to make longe draughts, -knowinge the wine would make them Protestants; and so the plot was -then at large disclosed and discovered, and they made drowsie; and the -inconstant windes shiftinge at night did force the kellecke home,[469] -and billedge the boat, that they were forced to leave her so, and cut -downe trees that grew by the shore, to make Caffes: two of them went -over by helpe of a fore saile almost a mile to the maine; the other -two stayed five dayes after, till the windes would serve to fill the -sailes. The first two went to cape Ann by land, and had fowle enough, -and fowle wether by the way; the Islanders had fish enough, shel-fish -and fire to roast, and they could not perish for lacke of foode, and -wine they had to be sure; and by this you see they were not then in -any want: the wine and goodes brought thence; the boat left there so -billedgd that it was not worth the labor to be mended. - - - - -CHAP. VIII. - - _Of the Banishment of Master Iohn Layford, and Iohn Oldam from - Plimmouth._[470] - - -~_A Minister required to renounce his callinge._~ - -Master Layford was at the Merchants chardge sent to Plimmouth -plantation to be their Pastor: But the Brethren, before they would -allow of it, would have him first renounce his calling to the office -of the Ministery, received in England, as hereticall and Papisticall, -(so hee confest,) and then to receive a new callinge from them, after -their fantasticall invention:[471] {119} which hee refused, alledging -and maintaining that his calling as it stood was lawfull, and that -hee would not renounce it; and so Iohn Oldam, his opinion was one the -affirmative; and both together did maintaine the Church of England to -be a true Church, although in some particulars, (they said,) defective; -concludinge so against the Tenents there: and by this meanes cancelled -theire good opinion amonst the number of the Seperatists, that stay -they must not, lest they should be spies: and to fall fowle on this -occation the Brethren thought it would betray their cause, and make it -fall under censure, therefore against Master Layford they had found out -some scandall to be laid on his former corse of life, to blemish that; -and so, to conclude, hee was a spotted beast, and not to be allowed -where they ordained to have the Passover kept so zealously: as for Iohn -Oldam, they could see hee would be passionate and moody, and proove -himselfe a mad Iack in his mood, and as soone mooved to be moody, and -this impatience would Minister advantage to them to be ridd of him. - -~_Impatience confuted by example._~ - -~_New Plimmouth presse money._~ - -~_The Solemnity of banishment._~ - -Hanniball when hee had to doe with Fabius was kept in awe more by the -patience of that one enemy, then by the resolution of the whole army: A -well tempered enemy is a terrible enemy to incounter. They injoyne him -to come to their needeles watch howse in person, and for refusinge give -him a cracked Crowne for presse money, and make the blood run downe -about his eares; a poore trick, yet a good vaile, though Luscus may -see thorough it; and, for his further behaviour in the Case, proceed -to sentence {120} him with banishment, which was performed after a -solemne invention in this manner: A lane of Musketiers was made, and -hee compelled in scorne to passe along betweene, and to receave a bob -upon the bumme be every musketier; and then a board a shallop, and so -convayed to Wessaguscus shoare, and staid at Massachussets: to whome -Iohn Layford and some few more did resort; where Master Layford freely -executed his office and preached every Lords day, and yet maintained -his wife and children foure or five upon his industry there, with the -blessing of God and the plenty of the Land, without the helpe of his -auditory, in an honest and laudable manner; till hee was wearied and -made to leave the Country.[472] - - - - -CHAP. IX. - - _Of a barren doe of Virginea growne fruithfull in New Canaan._[473] - - -Children, and the fruit of the Wombe, are said in holy writt to be an -inheritance that commeth of the Lord; then they must be coupled in Gods -name first, and not as this, and some other, have done. - -~_A great happines comes by propagation._~ - -They are as arrowes in the hand of a Gyant; and happy, saith David, is -the man that hath his quiver full of them; and by that rule, happy is -that Land, and blessed to, that is apt and fit for increase of children. - -I have shewed you before, in the second part of the discourse, how apt -it is for the increase of Minerals, Vegetables, and sensible Creatures. - -Now I will shew you how apt New Canaan is like{121}wise for the -increase of the reasonable Creatures; Children, of all riches, being -the principall: and I give you this for an instance. - -This Country of New Canaan in seaven yeares time could show more -Children livinge, that have beene borne there, then in 27. yeares -could be shewen in Virginea;[474] yet here are but a handful of weomen -landed, to that of Virginea. - -~_More Children in New Canaan in 7. yeares, then in Virginea -in 27._~ - -The Country doth afford such plenty of Lobsters and other delicate -shellfish, and Venus is said to be borne of the Sea; or else it -was some sallet herbe proper to the Climate, or the fountaine at -Weenaseemute[475] made her become teeming here that had tried a campe -royall in other partes where shee had been; and yet never the neere, -till shee came in to New Canaan. - -~_Delivered neare Bussards bay._~ - -~_Dead and buried._~ - -Shee was delivered, (in a voyage to Virginea,) about Bussardes bay, -to west of Cape Cod, where shee had a Sonne borne, but died without -baptisme and was buried; and being a thinge remarkable, had this -Epitaph followinge made of purpose to memorize the worth of the persons. - - -EPITAPH. - - _Time, that bringes all thinges to light, - Doth hide this thinge out of sight: - Yet fame hath left behinde a story, - A hopefull race to shew the glory: - For underneath this heape of stones - Lieth a percell of small bones; - What hope at last can such impes have, - That from the wombe goes to the grave._ - - - - -{122} CHAP. X.[476] - - _Of a man indued with many spetiall guifts sent over to be Master of - the Ceremonies._ - - -~_Stenography one guift._~ - -This was a man approoved of the Brethren, both for his zeale and -guiftes, yet but a Bubble, and at the publike Chardge conveyed to New -England, I thinke to be Master of the Ceremonies betweene the Natives, -and the Planters: for hee applied himselfe cheifly to pen the language -downe in Stenography: But there for want of use, which hee rightly -understood not, all was losse of labor; somethinge it was when next it -came to view, but what hee could not tell. - -~_Oratory another guift._~ - -~_A great Merchant a third guift._~ - -This man, Master Bubble, was in the time of Iohn Oldams absence made -the howse Chaplaine there, and every night hee made use of his guifts, -whose oratory luld his auditory fast a sleepe, as Mercuries pipes did -Argus eies: for, when hee was in, they sayd hee could not tell how to -get out; nay, hee would hardly out till hee were fired out, his zeale -was such: (one fire they say drives out another): hee would become a -great Merchant, and by any thinge that was to be sold so as hee might -have day and be trusted never so litle time: the price it seemed -hee stood not much upon, but the day: for to his freind hee shewed -commodities, so priced as caused him to blame the buyer, till the man -this Bubble did declare that it was tane up at day, {123} and did -rejoyce in the bargaine, insistinge on the day; the day, yea, marry, -quoth his friend, if you have doomesday for payment you are then well -to passe. But if he had not, it were as good hee had; they were payed -all alike. - -~_His day made a common prouerbe._~ - -~_Trophies of honor._~ - -And now this Bubbles day is become a common proverbe. Hee obtained -howse roome at Passonagessit and remooved thether, because it stood -convenient for the Beaver trade: and the rather because the owner of -Passonagessit had no Corne left, and this man seemed a bigg boned man, -and therefore thought to be a good laborer, and to have store of corne; -but, contrary wise, hee had none at all, and hoped upon this freind his -host: thithere were brought the trophies of this Master Bubbles honor, -his water tankard and his Porters basket, but no provision; so that one -gunne did serve to helpe them both to meat; and now the time for fowle -was almost past. - -~_His long grace made the meat cold._~ - -This man and his host at dinner, Bubble begins to say grace; yea, and -a long one to, till all the meate was cold; hee would not give his -host leave to say grace: belike, hee thought mine host past grace, -and further learned as many other Schollers are: but in the usage and -custome of this blinde oratory his host tooke himselfe abused, and the -whiles fell to and had halfe done before this man Bubble would open -his eies to see what stood afore him, which made him more cautius, and -learned that _brevis oratio penetrat Cælum_. Together Bubbles and hee -goes in the Canaw to Nut Island[477] for brants, and there his host -makes a shotte and breakes the winges of many: Bubble, {124} in hast -and single handed, paddels out like a Cow in a cage: his host cals back -to rowe two handed like to a pare of oares; and, before this could be -performed, the fowle had time to swimme to other flockes, and so to -escape: the best part of the pray being lost mayd his host to mutter at -him, and so to parte for that time discontended. - - - - -CHAP. XI. - - _Of a Composition made by the Sachem for a Theft committed by some of - his men, shewinge their honest meaninge._ - - -~_The Salvages betake the howse & take the Corne._~ - -~_A dishonest tricke._~ - -~_A consenting tricke. The Heathen more just, then the -Christians._~ - -The owner of Passonagessit, to have the benefit of company, left his -habitation in the Winter and reposed at Wessaguscus, (to his cost): -meane time, in the Depth of Winter, the neighbour Salvages, accustomed -to buy foode, came to the howse, (for that intent perhaps,) and -peepinge in all the windowes, (then unglased,) espied corne, but no -body to sell the same; and having company and helpe at hand did make a -shift to get into the howse, and, take out corne to serve but for the -present, left enough behinde: the Sachem having knowledge of the facte, -and being advertised likewise of the displeasure that had ben conceaved -by the Proprietor thereof at this offence, prepares a Messenger, the -Salvage that had lived in England, and sends him with commission for -the trespasse of his men, who had tenne skinnes perposed {125} for -it to bee payd by a day certaine: The Sachem, at the time appointed, -bringes the Beaver to Wessaguscus where the owner lived, but just then -was gone abroade: meane time the skinnes were by the Wessaguscus men -gelded, and the better halfe by them juggled away before the owner -came; and hee by the Actors perswaded to bee contended with the rest, -who not so pleased did draw the Sachem then to make a new agreement, -and so to pay his remnant left in hand, and tenne skinnes more by a -new day asigned, and then to bringe them to Passonagessit; but the -Wessaguscus men went the day before to the Salvages with this sayinge, -that they were sent to call upon him there for payement; and received -tenne skinnes, and tooke a Salvage there to justifie that at their -howse the owner stayed the while; hee verified this, because hee saw -the man before at Wessaguscus: the Sachem did beleive the tale, and -at that time delivered up tenne skinnes on that behalfe, in full -dischardge of all demandes against the trespasse and the trespassers, -to them; who consented to him, and them, to the owner, and kept -nine[478] to themselves, and made the Salvage take the tenth, and give -the owner all that yet was to bee had, themselves confessinge their -demaunds for him, and that there was but onely one as yet prepared: so -that by this you may easily perceive the uncivilized people are more -just than the civilized. - - - - -{126} CHAP. XII. - - _Of a voyadge made by the Master of the Ceremonies of New Canaan to - Neepenett, from whence hee came away; and of the manifold dangers hee - escaped._ - - -~_Two Salvage guides conduct Iohn, to Neepenett alone._~ - -~_They take a note of what was in the sack._~ - -~_Mr. Bubble must be found againe or else they shall be -destroyed._~ - -This woorthy member Master Bubble, a new Master of the Ceremonies, -having a conceipt in his head that hee had hatched a new device for -the purchase of Beaver, beyond Imagination, packes up a sacke full of -odde implements, and without any company but a couple of Indians for -guides, (and therefore you may, if you please, beeleive they are so -dangerous as the Brethren of Plimmouth give it out,) hee betakes him -to his progresse into the Inlande for Beaver, with his carriadge on -his shoulders like Milo: his guides and hee in processe of time come -to the place appointed, which was about Neepenett,[479] thereabouts -being more Beavers to be had then this Milo could carry, and both his -journey men: glad hee was good man, and his guides were willing to -pleasure him: there the Salvages stay: night came on, but, before they -were inclined to sleepe, this good man Master Bubble had an evation -crept into his head, by misapplying the Salvages actions, that hee must -needs be gone in all hast, yea and without his errand: hee purposed to -doe it so cunningely that his flight should not {127} be suspected: -hee leaves his shooes in the howse, with all his other implements, -and flies: as hee was on his way, to increase his feare, suggestinge -himselfe that hee was pressed[480] by a company of Indians and that -there shafts were let fly as thick as haile at him, hee puts of his -breeches and puts them one his head, for to save him from the shafts -that flew after him so thick that no man could perceave them, and -cryinge out, avoyd Satan, what have yee to doe with mee! thus running -one his way without his breeches hee was pittifully scratched with -the brush of the underwoods, as hee wandred up and downe in unknowne -wayes: The Salvages in the meane time put up all his implements in -the sack hee left behinde and brought them to Wessaguscus, where they -thought to have found him; but, understanding hee was not returned, -were ferefull what to doe, and what would be conceaved of the English -was become of this mazed man, the Master of the Ceremonies; and were -in consultation of the matter. One of the Salvages was of opinion the -English would suppose him to be made away; fearefull hee was to come -in sight. The other, better acquainted with the English, (having lived -some time in England,[481]) was more confident, and hee perswaded his -fellow that the English would be satisfied with relation of the truth, -as having had testimony of his fidelity. So they boldly adventured to -shew what they had brougt and how the matter stood. The English, (when -the sack was opened,) did take a note in writing of all the particulers -that were in the sack; and heard what was by the Salvages related of -the acci{128}dents: but, when his shoes were showne, it was thought -hee would not have departed without his shoes; and therefore they did -conceave that Master Bubble was made away by some sinister practise of -the Salvages, who unadvisedly had bin culpable of a crime which now -they sought to excuse; and straightly chardged the Salvages to finde -him out againe, and bring him dead, or alive, else their wifes and -children should be destroyed. The poore Salvages, being in a pittifull -perplexity, caused their Countrymen to seeke out for this maz’d man; -who, being in short time found, was brought to Wessaguscus; where hee -made a discourse of his travels, and of the perrillous passages, which -did seeme to be no lesse dangerous then these of that worthy Knight -Errant, Don Quixote,[482] and how miraculously hee had bin preserved; -and, in conclusion, lamented the greate losse of his goods, whereby hee -thought himselfe undone. - -~_Not any thing diminished._~ - -The perticuler whereof being demaunded, it appeared that the Salvages -had not diminished any part of them; no, not so much as one bit of -bread: the number being knowne, and the fragments laid together, it -appeared all the bisket was preserved, and not any diminished at all: -whereby the Master of the Ceremonies was overjoyed, and the whole -Company made themselves merry at his discourse of all his perrillous -adventures. - -And by this you may observe whether the Salvage people are not full of -humanity, or whether they are a dangerous people, as Master Bubble and -the rest of his tribe would perswade you. - - - - -{129} CHAP. XIII. - - _Of a lamentable fit of Mellancolly that the Barren doe fell into, - (after the death of her infant, seeing herselfe despised of her - Sweete hart,) whereof shee was cured._ - - -Whether this goodly creature of incontinency went to worke upon even -termes like Phillis, or noe, it does not appeare by any Indenture -of covenants then extant; whereby shee might legally challenge -the performance of any compleate Marriage at his hands that had -bin tradeing with her, as Demopheon here to fore had bin with his -ostis.[483] - -~_Shee cannot one the sodaine resolve which dore to goe in -att._~ - -Neverthelesse, (for his future advantage,) shee indeavoured, (like -Phillis,) to gaine this Demopheon all to herselfe; who, (as it -seemes,) did meane nothing lesse by leaving her for the next commer, -that had any minde to coole his courage by that meanes; the whipping -post, (as it seemes,) at that time not being in publike use for such -kinde of Cony katchers; but seeing herselfe rejected, shee grew into -such a passion of Mellancolly, on a sodaine, that it was thought shee -would exhibit a petition for redresse to grim Pluto, who had set her a -worke; and knowing that the howse of fate has many entrances, shee was -pusseld to finde the neerest way. Shee could not resolve on a sodaine -which doore would soonest bring her to his presence handsomely. - -{130} If shee should make way with a knife, shee thought shee might -spoyle her drinking in after ages; if by poyson, shee thought it might -prolonge her passage thether; if by drowning, shee thought Caron might -come the while with his boate, and waft her out of sight; if shee -should tie up her complaint in a halter, shee thought the Ropmakers -would take exceptions against her good speede. And in this manner shee -debated with herselfe, and demurred upon the matter: So that shee did -appeare willing enough, but a woman of small resolution. - -Which thing when it was publikely knowne, made many come to comfort -her. One amongst the rest was by hir requested, on her behalfe, to -write to her late unkinde Demopheon. The Gentleman, being merrily -disposed, in steed of writing an heroicall Epistle composed this Elegi, -for a memoriall of some mirth upon the Circumstance of the matter, to -be sent unto hir, as followeth: - - -_CARMEN ELEGIACVM._ - - _Melpomene, (at whose mischeifous love - The screech owles voyce is heard the mandraks grove,) - Commands my pen in an Iambick vaine - To tell a dismall tale, that may constraine - The hart of him to bleede, that shall discerne - How much this foule amisse does him concerne. - Alecto, (grim Alecto,) light thy tortch - To thy beloved sister next the porch - {131} That leads unto the mansion howse of fate, - Whose farewell makes her freind more fortunate. - A Great Squa Sachem can shee poynt to goe - Before grim Minos; and yet no man know - That knives and halters, ponds, and poysonous things - Are alwayes ready, when the Divell once brings - Such deadly sinners to a deepe remorse - Of conscience selfe accusing, that will force - Them to dispaire, like wicked Kain, whiles death - Stands ready with all these to stopp their breath. - The beare comes by that oft hath bayted ben - By many a Satyres whelpe; unlesse you can - Commaund your eies to drop huge milstones forth, - In lamentation of this losse on earth - Of her, of whome so much prayse wee may finde, - Goe when shee will, shee’l leave none like behinde; - Shee was too good for earth, too bad for heaven. - Why then for hell the match is somewhat even._ - -After this, the water of the fountaine at Ma-re Mount was thought fit -to be applyed unto her for a remedy, shee willingly used according to -the quality thereof. - -And when this Elegy came to be divulged, shee was so conscious of -her crime that shee put up her pipes, and with the next shipp shee -packt away to Virginea, (her former habitation,) quite cured of her -mellancolly, with the helpe of the water of the fountaine at Ma-re -Mount. - - - - -{132} CHAP. XIV. - - _Of the Revells of New Canaan._[484] - - -~_A Maypole._~ - -The Inhabitants of Pasonagessit, (having translated the name of their -habitation from that ancient Salvage name to Ma-re Mount,[485] and -being resolved to have the new name confirmed for a memorial to after -ages,) did devise amongst themselves to have it performed in a solemne -manner, with Revels and merriment after the old English custome; [they] -prepared to sett up a Maypole upon the festivall day of Philip and -Iacob, and therefore brewed a barrell of excellent beare and provided a -case of bottles, to be spent, with other good cheare, for all commers -of that day. And because they would have it in a compleat forme, they -had prepared a song fitting to the time and present occasion. And upon -Mayday they brought the Maypole to the place appointed, with drumes, -gunnes, pistols and other fitting instruments, for that purpose; -and there erected it with the help of Salvages, that came thether -of purpose to see the manner of our Revels. A goodly pine tree of -80. foote longe was reared up, with a peare of buckshorns nayled one -somewhat neare unto the top of it: where it stood, as a faire sea marke -for directions how to finde out the way to mine Hoste of Ma-re Mount. - -And because it should more fully appeare to what end it was placed -there, they had a poem in readines made, which was fixed to the -Maypole, to shew the new name confirmed upon that plantation; which, -allthough it were made according to the occurrents {133} of the time, -it, being Enigmattically composed, pusselled the Seperatists most -pittifully to expound it, which, (for the better information of the -reader,) I have here inserted. - - -THE POEM. - -~_The man who brought her over was named Samson Iob._~ - - _Rise Oedipeus, and, if thou canst, unfould - What meanes Caribdis underneath the mould, - When Scilla sollitary on the ground - (Sitting in forme of Niobe) was found, - Till Amphitrites Darling did acquaint - Grim Neptune with the Tenor of her plaint, - And causd him send forth Triton with the sound - Of Trumpet lowd, at which the Seas were found - So full of Protean formes that the bold shore - Presented Scilla a new parramore - So stronge as Sampson and so patient - As Job himselfe, directed thus, by fate, - To comfort Scilla so unfortunate. - I doe professe, by Cupids beautious mother, - Heres Scogans choise[486] for Scilla, and none other; - Though Scilla’s sick with greife, because no signe - Can there be found of vertue masculine. - Esculapius come; I know right well - His laboure’s lost when you may ring her Knell. - The fatall sisters doome none can withstand, - nor Cithareas powre, who poynts to land - With proclamation that the first of May - At Ma-re Mount shall be kept hollyday._ - -~_The Maypole called an Idoll the Calfe of Horeb._~ - -{134} The setting up of this Maypole was a lamentable spectacle to the -precise seperatists, that lived at new Plimmouth. They termed it an -Idoll; yea, they called it the Calfe of Horeb, and stood at defiance -with the place, naming it Mount Dagon; threatning to make it a woefull -mount and not a merry mount. - -The Riddle, for want of Oedipus, they could not expound; onely they -made some explication of part of it, and sayd it was meant by Sampson -Iob, the carpenter of the shipp that brought over a woman to her -husband, that had bin there longe before and thrived so well that hee -sent for her and her children to come to him; where shortly after hee -died: having no reason, but because of the sound of those two words; -when as, (the truth is,) the man they applyed it to was altogether -unknowne to the Author. - -There was likewise a merry song made, which, (to make their Revells -more fashionable,) was sung with a Corus, every man bearing his part; -which they performed in a daunce, hand in hand about the Maypole, -whiles one of the Company sung and filled out the good liquor, like -gammedes and Iupiter. - - -THE SONGE. - - _Cor. - Drinke and be merry, merry, merry boyes; - Let all your delight be in the Hymens ioyes; - Jô to Hymen, now the day is come, - About the merry Maypole take Roome. - Make greene garlons, bring bottles out - And fill sweet Nectar freely about. - {135} Vncover thy head and feare no harme - For hers good liquor to keepe it warme. - Then drinke and be merry, &c. - Iô to Hymen, &c. - Nectar is a thing assign’d - By the Deities owne minde - To cure the hart opprest with greife, - And of good liquors is the cheife. - Then drinke, &c. - Iô to Hymen, &c._ - - _Give to the Mellancolly man - A cup or two of ’t now and than; - This physick will soone revive his bloud, - And make him be of a merrier moode. - Then drinke, &c. - Iô to Hymen, &c. - Give to the Nymphe thats free from scorne - No Irish stuff nor Scotch over worne. - Lasses in beaver coast come away, - Yee shall be welcome to us night and day. - To drinke and be merry &c. - Jô to Hymen, &c._ - -This harmeles mirth made by younge men, (that lived in hope to have -wifes brought over to them, that would save them a laboure to make -a voyage to fetch any over,) was much distasted of the precise -Seperatists, that keepe much a doe about the tyth of Muit and Cummin, -troubling their braines more then reason would require about things -that are indifferent: and from that time sought occasion against my -{136} honest Host of Ma-re Mount, to overthrow his ondertakings and to -destroy his plantation quite and cleane. But because they presumed with -their imaginary gifts, (which they have out of Phaos box,[487]) they -could expound hidden misteries, to convince them of blindnes, as well -in this as in other matters of more consequence, I will illustrate the -poem, according to the true intent of the authors of these Revells, so -much distasted by those Moles. - -Oedipus is generally receaved for the absolute reader of riddles, who -is invoaked: Silla and Caribdis are two dangerous places for seamen to -incounter, neere unto Vennice; and have bin by poets formerly resembled -to man and wife. The like licence the author challenged for a paire of -his nomination, the one lamenting for the losse of the other as Niobe -for her children. Amphitrite is an arme of the Sea, by which the newes -was carried up and downe of a rich widow, now to be tane up or laid -downe. By Triton is the fame spread that caused the Suters to muster, -(as it had bin to Penellope of Greece;) and, the Coast lying circuler, -all our passage to and froe is made more convenient by Sea then Land. -Many aimed at this marke; but hee that played Proteus best and could -comply with her humor must be the man that would carry her; and hee -had need have Sampsons strenght to deale with a Dallila, and as much -patience as Iob that should come there, for a thing that I did observe -in the life-time of the former. - -But marriage and hanging, (they say,) comes by desteny and Scogans -choise[488] tis better [than] none at all. Hee that {137} playd -Proteus, (with the helpe of Priapus,) put their noses out of joynt, as -the Proverbe is. - -And this the whole company of the Revellers at Ma-re Mount knew to -be the true sence and exposition of the riddle that was fixed to -the Maypole, which the Seperatists were at defiance with. Some of -them affirmed that the first institution thereof was in memory of a -whore;[489] not knowing that it was a Trophe erected at first in honor -of Maja, the Lady of learning which they despise, vilifying the two -universities with uncivile termes, accounting what is there obtained by -studdy is but unnecessary learning; not considering that learninge does -inable mens mindes to converse with eliments of a higher nature then is -to be found within the habitation of the Mole. - - - - -CHAP. XV. - - _Of a great Monster supposed to be at Ma-re-Mount; and the - preparation made to destroy it._[490] - - -The Seperatists, envying the prosperity and hope of the Plantation at -Ma-re Mount, (which they perceaved beganne to come forward, and to -be in a good way for gaine in the Beaver trade,) conspired together -against mine Host especially, (who was the owner of that Plantation,) -and made up a party against him; and mustred up what aide they could, -accounting of him as of a great Monster. - -{138} Many threatening speeches were given out both against his person -and his Habitation, which they divulged should be consumed with fire: -And taking advantage of the time when his company, (which seemed little -to regard theire threats,) were gone up into the Inlands to trade with -the Salvages for Beaver, they set upon my honest host at a place called -Wessaguscus, where, by accident, they found him. The inhabitants there -were in good hope of the subvertion of the plantation at Mare Mount, -(which they principally aymed at;) and the rather because mine host -was a man that indeavoured to advaunce the dignity of the Church of -England; which they, (on the contrary part,) would laboure to vilifie -with uncivile termes: enveying against the sacred booke of common -prayer, and mine host that used it in a laudable manner amongst his -family, as a practise of piety. - -There hee would be a meanes to bringe sacks to their mill, (such is the -thirst after Beaver,) and helped the conspiratores to surprise mine -host, (who was there all alone;) and they chardged him, (because they -would seeme to have some reasonable cause against him to sett a glosse -upon their mallice,) with criminall things; which indeede had beene -done by such a person, but was of their conspiracy; mine host demaunded -of the conspirators who it was that was author of that information, -that seemed to be their ground for what they now intended. And because -they answered they would not tell him, hee as peremptorily replyed, -that hee would not say whether he had, or he had not done as they had -bin informed. - -{139} The answere made no matter, (as it seemed,) whether it had bin -negatively or affirmatively made; for they had resolved what hee should -suffer, because, (as they boasted,) they were now become the greater -number: they had shaked of their shackles of servitude, and were become -Masters, and masterles people. - -It appeares they were like beares whelpes in former time, when mine -hosts plantation was of as much strength as theirs, but now, (theirs -being stronger,) they, (like overgrowne beares,) seemed monsterous. In -breife, mine host must indure to be their prisoner untill they could -contrive it so that they might send him for England, (as they said,) -there to suffer according to the merrit of the fact which they intended -to father upon him; supposing, (belike,) it would proove a hainous -crime. - -Much rejoycing was made that they had gotten their cappitall enemy, (as -they concluded him;) whome they purposed to hamper in such sort that -hee should not be able to uphold his plantation at Ma-re Mount. - -The Conspirators sported themselves at my honest host, that meant them -no hurt, and were so joccund that they feasted their bodies, and fell -to tippeling as if they had obtained a great prize; like the Trojans -when they had the custody of Hippeus pinetree horse. - -~_Mine Host got out of prison._~ - -Mine host fained greefe, and could not be perswaded either to eate -or drinke; because hee knew emptines would be a meanes to make him -as watchfull as the Geese kept in the Roman Cappitall: whereon, the -contrary part, the conspirators would be so drowsy that hee might have -an opportunity to give them a {140} slip, insteade of a tester. Six -persons of the conspiracy were set to watch him at Wessaguscus: But -hee kept waking; and in the dead of night, (one lying on the bed for -further suerty,) up gets mine Host and got to the second dore that -hee was to passe, which, notwithstanding the lock, hee got open, and -shut it after him with such violence that it affrighted some of the -conspirators. - -The word, which was given with an alarme, was, ô he’s gon, he’s gon, -what shall wee doe, he’s gon! The rest, (halfe a sleepe,) start up in -a maze, and, like rames, ran theire heads one at another full butt in -the darke. - -~_The Captain tore his clothes._~ - -Theire grande leader, Captaine Shrimp, tooke on most furiously and tore -his clothes for anger, to see the empty nest, and their bird gone. - -The rest were eager to have torne theire haire from theire heads; but -it was so short that it would give them no hold. Now Captaine Shrimp -thought in the losse of this prize, (which hee accoumpted his Master -peece,) all his honor would be lost for ever. - -~_Mine host got home to ma-re mount._~ - -~_Hee provides for his enemies._~ - -In the meane time mine Host was got home to Ma-re Mount through the -woods, eight miles round about the head of the river Monatoquit that -parted the two Plantations, finding his way by the helpe of the -lightening, (for it thundred as hee went terribly;) and there hee -prepared powther, three pounds dried, for his present imployement, and -foure good gunnes for him and the two assistants left at his howse, -with bullets of severall sizes, three hounderd or thereabouts, to be -used if the conspirators should pursue {141} him thether: and these -two persons promised theire aides in the quarrell, and confirmed that -promise with health in good rosa solis. - -Now Captaine Shrimp, the first Captaine in the Land, (as hee supposed,) -must doe some new act to repaire this losse, and, to vindicate his -reputation, who had sustained blemish by this oversight, begins now to -study, how to repaire or survive his honor: in this manner, callinge of -Councell, they conclude. - -Hee takes eight persons more to him, and, (like the nine Worthies of -New Canaan,) they imbarque with preparation against Ma-re-Mount, where -this Monster of a man, as theire phrase was, had his denne; the whole -number, had the rest not bin from home, being but seaven, would have -given Captaine Shrimpe, (a quondam Drummer,) such a wellcome as would -have made him wish for a Drume as bigg as Diogenes tubb, that hee might -have crept into it out of sight. - -Now the nine Worthies are approached, and mine Host prepared: having -intelligence by a Salvage, that hastened in love from Wessaguscus to -give him notice of their intent. - -One of mine Hosts men prooved a craven: the other had prooved his wits -to purchase a little valoure, before mine Host had observed his posture. - -~_A Parly._~ - -{142} The nine worthies comming before the Denne of this supposed -Monster, (this seaven headed hydra, as they termed him,) and began, -like Don Quixote against the Windmill, to beate a parly, and to offer -quarter, if mine Host would yeald; for they resolved to send him for -England; and bad him lay by his armes. - -But hee, (who was the Sonne of a Souldier,) having taken up armes -in his just defence, replyed that hee would not lay by those armes, -because they were so needefull at Sea, if hee should be sent over. Yet, -to save the effusion of so much worty bloud, as would haue issued out -of the vaynes of these 9. worthies of New Canaan, if mine Host should -have played upon them out at his port holes, (for they came within -danger like a flocke of wild geese, as if they had bin tayled one to -another, as coults to be sold at a faier,) mine Host was content to -yeelde upon quarter; and did capitulate with them in what manner it -should be for more certainety, because hee knew what Captaine Shrimpe -was. - -~_Captaine Shrimpe promiseth that no violence should bee -offered to his person._~ - -Hee expressed that no violence should be offered to his person, none -to his goods, nor any of his Howsehold: but that hee should have his -armes, and what els was requisit for the voyage: which theire Herald -retornes, it was agreed upon, and should be performed. - -~_The Worthies rebuked for their unworthy practises._~ - -But mine Host no sooner had set open the dore, and issued out, but -instantly Captaine Shrimpe and the rest of the worties stepped to him, -layd hold of his armes, and had him downe: and so eagerly was every -{143} man bent against him, (not regarding any agreement made with such -a carnall man,) that they fell upon him as if they would have eaten -him: some of them were so violent that they would have a slice with -scabbert, and all for haste; untill an old Souldier, (of the Queenes, -as the Proverbe is,) that was there by accident, clapt his gunne under -the weapons, and sharply rebuked these worthies for their unworthy -practises. So the matter was taken into more deliberate consideration. - -Captaine Shrimpe, and the rest of the nine worthies, made themselves, -(by this outragious riot,) Masters of mine Hoste of Ma-re Mount, and -disposed of what hee had at his plantation. - -This they knew, (in the eye of the Salvages,) would add to their glory, -and diminish the reputation of mine honest Host; whome they practised -to be ridd of upon any termes, as willingly as if hee had bin the very -Hidra of the time. - - - - -CHAP. XVI. - - _How the 9. worthies put mine Host of Ma-re-Mount into the inchaunted - Castle at Plimmouth, and terrified him with the Monster Briareus._ - - -The nine worthies of New Canaan having now the Law in their owne hands, -(there being no generall {144} Governour in the Land; nor none of the -Seperation that regarded the duety they owe their Soveraigne, whose -naturall borne Subjects they were, though translated out of Holland, -from whence they had learned to worke all to their owne ends, and make -a great shewe of Religion, but no humanity,) for they were now to sit -in Counsell on the cause. - -And much it stood mine honest Host upon to be very circumspect, and to -take Eacus[491] to taske; for that his voyce was more allowed of then -both the other: and had not mine Host confounded all the arguments -that Eacus could make in their defence, and confuted him that swaied -the rest, they would have made him unable to drinke in such manner of -merriment any more. So that following this private counsell, given him -by one that knew who ruled the rost, the Hiracano ceased that els would -split his pinace. - -~_Mine host set upon an Island without anything, to shift for -himselfe._~ - -A conclusion was made and sentence given that mine Host should be sent -to England a prisoner. But when hee was brought to the shipps for -that purpose, no man durst be so foole hardy as to undertake carry -him.[492] So these Worthies set mine Host upon an Island, without -gunne, powther, or shot or dogge or so much as a knife to get any -thinge to feede upon, or any other cloathes to shelter him with at -winter then a thinne suite which hee had one at that time. Home hee -could not get to Ma-re-Mount. Upon this Island hee stayed a moneth at -least, and was releeved by Salvages that tooke notice that mine Host -was a Sachem of Passonagessit, and would bringe bottles of strong -liquor to him, and unite themselves {145} into a league of brother hood -with mine Host; so full of humanity are these infidels before those -Christians. - -From this place for England sailed mine Host in a Plimmouth shipp, -(that came into the Land to fish upon the Coast,) that landed him safe -in England at Plimmouth: and hee stayed in England untill the ordinary -time for shipping to set forth for these parts, and then retorned:[493] -Noe man being able to taxe him of any thinge. - -But the Worthies, (in the meane time,) hoped they had bin ridd of him. - - - - -CHAP. XVII. - - _Of the Baccanall Triumphe of the nine worthies of New Canaan._ - - -The Seperatists were not so contended, (when mine Host of Ma-re-Mount -was gone,) but they were as much discontended when hee was retorned -againe: and the rather because theire passages about him, and the -businesse, were so much derided and in songes exemplified: which, (for -better satisfaction of such as are in that kinde affected,) I have set -forth, as it was then in use by the name of the _Baccanall Triumphe_, -as followeth: - - -{146} THE POEM.[494] - -~_Master Ben: Iohnson._~ - - _I sing th’ adventures of nine worthy wights, - And pitty ’tis I cannot call them Knights, - Since they had brawne and braine, and were right able - To be installed of Prince Arthures table; - Yet all of them were Squires of low degree, - The Magi tould of a prodigeous birth - That shortly should be found upon the earth, - By Archimedes art, which they misconster - Vnto their Land would proove a hiddeous monster; - Seaven heades it had, and twice so many feete, - Arguing the body to be wondrous greate, - Besides a forked taile heav’d up on highe - As if it threaten’d battell to the skie. - The Rumor of this fearefull prodigy - Did cause th’ effeminate multitude to cry - For want of great Alcides aide, and stood - Like People that have seene Medusas head. - Great was the greife of hart, great was the mone, - And great the feare conceaved by every one - Of Hydras hiddeous forme and dreadfull powre, - Doubting in time this Monster would devoure - All their best flocks, whose dainty wolle consorts - It selfe with Scarlet in all Princes Courts. - Not Iason nor the adventerous youths of Greece - Did bring from Colcos any richer Fleece. - In Emulation of the Gretian force - These Worthies nine prepar’d a woodden horse, - {147} And, prick’d with pride of like successe, divise - How they may purchase glory by this prize; - And, if they give to Hidreas head the fall, - It will remaine a plat forme unto all - Theire brave atchivements, and in time to comme, - Per fas aut nefas, they’l erect a throne. - Cloubs are turn’d trumps: so now the lott is cast: - With fire and sword to Hidras den they haste, - Mars in th’ assendant, Soll in Cancer now, - And Lerna Lake to Plutos court must bow. - What though they [be] rebuk’d by thundring Iove, - Tis neither Gods nor men that can remove - Their mindes from making this a dismall day. - These nine will now be actors in this play - And Sumon Hidra to appeare anon - Before their witles Combination: - But his undaunted spirit, nursd with meate - Such as the Cecrops gave their babes to eate, - Scorn’d their base accons; for with Cecrops charme - Hee knew he could defend himselfe from harme - Of Minos, Eacus, and Radamand, - Princes of Limbo; who must out of hand - Consult bout Hidra, what must now be done: - Who, having sate in Counsell, one by one - Retorne this answere to the Stiggean feinds; - And first grim Minos spake: most loving freinds, - Hidra prognosticks ruine to our state - And that our Kingdome will grow desolate; - But if one head from thence be tane away - The Body and the members will decay. - {148} To take in hand, quoth[495] Eacus, this taske, - Is such as harebraind Phaeton did aske - Of Phebus, to begird the world about; - Which graunted put the Netherlands to rout; - Presumptious fooles learne wit at too much cost, - For life and laboure both at once hee lost. - Sterne Radamantus, being last to speake, - Made a great hum and thus did silence breake: - What if, with ratling chaines or Iron bands, - Hidra be bound either by feete or hands, - And after, being lashd with smarting rodds, - Hee be conveyd by Stix unto the godds - To be accused on the upper ground - Of Lesæ Majestatis, this crime found - T’will be unpossible from thence, I trowe, - Hidra shall come to trouble us belowe. - This sentence pleasd the friends exceedingly, - That up they tost their bonnets, and did cry, - Long live our Court in great prosperity. - The Sessions ended, some did straight devise - Court Revells, antiques and a world of joyes, - Brave Christmas gambols:[496] there was open hall - Kept to the full, and sport, the Divell and all: - Laboure’s despised, the loomes are laid away, - And this proclaim’d the Stigean Holliday. - In came grim Mino, with his motly beard, - And brought a distillation well prepar’d; - And Eacus, who is as suer as text, - Came in with his preparatives the next; - Then Radamantus, last and principall, - Feasted the Worthies in his sumptuous hall. - {149} There Charon Cerberous and the rout of feinds - Had lap enough: and so their pastims ends._ - - -THE ILLVSTRATIONS. - -Now to illustrate this Poem, and make the sence more plaine, it is to -be considered that the Persons at Ma-re-Mount were seaven, and they had -seaven heads and 14. feete; these were accounted Hidra with the seaven -heads: and the Maypole, with the Hornes nailed neere the topp, was the -forked tayle of this supposed Monster, which they (for want of skill) -imposed: yet feared in time, (if they hindred not mine Host), hee would -hinder the benefit of their Beaver trade, as hee had done, (by meanes -of this helpe,) in Kynyback river finely, ere they were awares; who, -comming too late, were much dismaide to finde that mine Host his boate -had gleaned away all before they came; which Beaver is a fitt companion -for Scarlett: and I beleeve that Iasons golden Fleece was either the -same, or some other Fleece not of so much value. - -This action bred a kinde of hart burning in the Plimmouth Planters, who -after sought occasion against mine Host to overthrowe his undertakings -and to destroy his Plantation; whome they accoumpted a maine enemy to -theire Church and State. - -{150} Now when they had begunne with him, they thought best to -proceede: forasmuch as they thought themselves farre enough from any -controule of Iustice, and therefore resolved to be their owne carvers: -(and the rather because they presumed upon some incouragement they had -from the favourites of their Sect in England:) and with fire and sword, -nine in number, pursued mine Host, who had escaped theire hands, in -scorne of what they intended, and betooke him to his habitation in a -night of great thunder and lightening, when they durst not follow him, -as hardy as these nine worthies seemed to be. - -It was in the Moneth of Iune that these Marshallists had appointed to -goe about this mischeifous project, and deale so crabbidly with mine -Host. - -After a parly, hee capitulated with them about the quarter they -proffered him, if hee would consent to goe for England, there to -answere, (as they pretended,) some thing they could object against him -principall to the generall: But what it would be hee cared not, neither -was it any thing materiall. - -Yet when quarter was agreed upon, they, contrary wise, abused him, and -carried him to theire towne of Plimmouth, where, (if they had thought -hee durst have gone to England,) rather then they would have bin any -more affronted by him they would have dispatched him, as Captaine -Shrimp in a rage profest that hee would doe with his Pistoll, as mine -Host should set his foote into the boate. Howsoever, the cheife Elders -voyce in that place was more powerfull than any of the rest, who -concluded {151} to send mine Host without any other thing to be done -to him. And this being the finall agreement, (contrary to Shrimpe and -others,) the nine Worthies had a great Feast made, and the furmity[497] -pott was provided for the boats gang by no allowance: and all manner of -pastime. - -Captaine Shrimpe was so overjoyed in the performance of this exployt, -that they had, at that time, extraordinary merriment, (a thing not -usuall amongst those presisians); and when the winde served they tooke -mine Host into their Shallop, hoysed Saile, and carried him to the -Northern parts; where they left him upon a Island. - - - - -CHAP. XVIII. - - _Of a Doctor made at a Commencement in New Canaan._[498] - - -~_A Councell called._~ - -The Church of Plimmouth, having due regard to the weale publike and -the Brethren that were to come over, and knowing that they would -be busily imployed to make provision for the cure of Soules, and -therefore might neglect the body for that time, did hold themselves -to be in duety bound to make search for a fitting man, that might be -able, (if so neede requir’d,) to take the chardge upon him in that -place of imployment: and therefore called a Counsell of the whole -Synagoge: amongst which company, they chose out a man that long time -had bin nurst up in the tender bosome of the Church: one that had {152} -speciall gifts: hee could wright and reade; nay, more: hee had tane -the oath of abjuration, which is a speciall stepp, yea, and a maine -degree unto perferment. Him they weane, and out of Phaos boxe[499] fitt -him with speciall guifts of no lesse worth: they stile him Doctor, and -forth they send him to gaine imployement and opinion. - -What luck is it I cannot hit on his name: but I will give you him by -a periphrasis, that you may know him when you meete him next. - -Hee was borne at Wrington, in the County of Somerset, where hee was -bred a Butcher. Hee weares a longe beard, and a Garment like the Greeke -that beggd in Pauls Church.[500] This new made Doctor, comes to Salem -to congratulate:[501] where hee findes some are newly come from Sea, -and ill at ease. - -He takes the patient, and the urinall: eies the State there; finds the -Crasis Syptomes, and the attomi natantes: and tells the patient that -his disease was winde, which hee had tane by gapeing feasting over -board[502] at Sea; but hee would quickly ease him of that greife, and -quite expell the winde. And this hee did performe, with his gifts hee -had: and then hee handled the patient so handsomely, that hee eased him -of all the winde hee had in an instant. - -And yet I hope this man may be forgiven, if hee were made a fitting -Plant for Heaven. - -How hee went to worke with his gifts is a question; yet hee did a great -cure for Captaine Littleworth, hee cured him of a disease called a -wife:[503] and yet I hope this man may be forgiven, if shee were made -a fitting plant for heaven. - -{153} By this meanes hee was allowed 4. p. a moneth, and the chirgeon’s -chest, and made Phisition generall of Salem: where hee exercised his -gifts so well, that of full 42. that there hee tooke to cure, there is -not one has more cause to complaine, or can say black’s his eie. This -saved Captaine Littleworths credit, that had truck’d away the vittels: -though it brought forth a scandall on the Country by it: and then I -hope this man may be forgiven, if they were all made fitting plants for -Heaven. - -But in mine opinion, hee deserves to be set upon a palfrey and lead -up and downe in triumph throw new Canaan, with a coller of Iurdans -about his neck, as was one of like desert in Richard the seconds time -through the streets of London, that men might know where to finde a -Quacksaluer.[504] - - - - -CHAP. XIX. - - _Of the silencing of a Minister in new Canaan._[505] - - -A silenced Minister, out of coveteousnesse,[506] came over into new -Canaan to play the spie: Hee pretended, out of a zealous intent to doe -the Salvages good, and to teach them. Hee brought a great Bundell of -Horne books with him, and carefull hee was, (good man,) to blott out -all the crosses of them, for feare least the people of the land should -become Idolaters. Hee was in hope, with his gifts, to prepare a great -auditory against greate Iosua should arive there. - -{154} Hee applyed himselfe on the weeke dayes to the trade of Beaver, -but it was, (as might seeme,) to purchase the principall benefite of -the Lande, when the time should come; for hee had a hope to be the -Caiphas of the Country: and well hee might, for hee was higher by the -head than any of his tribe that came after him. - -~_This Caiphas that condemneth Covetousnesse, and committeth -it himselfe._~ - -This man, it seemes, played the spie very handsomely; for in the -exercise of his guifts on the Lords day at Weenasimute,[507] hee espied -a Salvage come in with a good Beaver coate, and tooke occasion to -reproove the covetous desire of his auditory to trade for Beaver on -those dayes; which made them all use so much modesty about the matter -for the present, that hee found opportunity, the same day, to take the -Salvage a side into a corner, where (with the helpe of his Wampampeack -hee had in his pocket for that purpose in a readinesse,) hee made a -shifte to get that Beaver coate, which their mouthes watered at; and so -deceaved them all. - -But shortly after, when Iosua[508] came into the Land, hee had soone -spied out Caiphas practice, and put him to silence; and either hee -must put up his pipes and be packing, or forsake Ionas posture, and -play Demas part alltogether.[509] - - - - -{155} CHAP. XX. - - _Of the Practise of the Seperatists to gett a snare to hamper mine - Host of Ma-re-Mount._ - - -~_The generall collection made._~ - -Although the nine Worthies had left mine Hoste upon an Island,[510] in -such an inhumane manner as yee heard before; yet when they understood -that hee had got shipping and was gone to England of his owne accord, -they dispatched letters of advise to an Agent they had there: and by -the next shipp sent after to have a snare made, that might hamper -mine Host so as hee might not any more trouble theire conscience: -and to that end made a generall collection of Beaver to defray the -chardge,[511] and hee was not thought a good Christian that would not -lay much out for that imployment. - -Some contributed three pounds, some foure, some five pounds; and -procured a pretty quantity by that Devise, which should be given to a -cunning man that could make a snare to hamper him. - -~_Noe cost spared for the getting of a skillfull man._~ - -The Agent, (according to his directions,) does his endeavoure, (in -the best manner hee could,) to have this instrument made: and used -no little diligence to have it effected.[512] His reputation stood -upon the taske imposed upon him against mine Host, the onely enemy -(accounted) of their Church and State. - -Much inquiry was made in London, and about, for a skillfull man that -would worke the feate. Noe cost {156} was spared, for gold hee had -good store: first hee inquires of one, and then another: at the last -hee heard newes of a very famous man, one that was excellent at making -subtile instruments, such as that age had never bin acquainted with. - -Hee was well knowne to be the man, that had wit and wondrous skill to -make a cunning instrument where with to save himselfe and his whole -family, if all the world besides should be drown’d; and this the best; -yea, and the best cheap too, for, no good done, the man would nothing -take. - -To him this agent goes, and praies his aide: Declares his cause, and -tells the substance of his greivance, all at large, and laid before his -eies a heape of gold. - -~_The heape of gold._~ - -When all was shewd, that could be she’d, and said, what could be said, -and all too little for to have it done, the agent then did see his gold -refused, his cause despised, and thought himselfe disgraced to leave -the worke undone: so that hee was much dismaid, yet importun’d the -cunning [man], who found no reason to take the taske in hand. - -Hee thought, perhaps, mine Host, (that had the slight to escape from -the nine Worthies, to chaine Argus eies, and by inchauntment make -the doores of the watch tower fly open at an instant,) would not be -hampered, but with much a doe: and so hee was unwilling to be troubled -with that taske. - -~_Mine Host arrived againe in Plimmouth._~ - -The agent wondring to see that his gold would doe no good, did aske the -cunning man if hee could give him no advise? who said, hee would: and -what was that, thinke you? To let mine Host alone. Who, {157} being -ship’d againe for the parts of New Canaan, was put in at Plimmouth -in the very faces of them, to their terrible amazement to see him at -liberty: and told him hee had not yet fully answered the matter they -could object against him. Hee onely made this modest reply, that hee -did perceave they were willfull people, that would never be answered: -and derided them for their practises and losse of laboure.[513] - - - - -CHAP. XXI. - - _Of Captaine Littleworth his new devise for the purchase of Beaver._ - - -~_Charter party Treasorer._~ - -In the meane time, whiles these former passages were, there was a -great swelling fellow, of Littleworth, crept over to Salem, (by the -helpe of Master Charter party,[514] the Tresorer, and Master Ananias -Increase,[515] the Collector for the Company of Seperatists,) to take -upon him their imployments for a time. - -Hee, resolving to make hay whiles the Sonne did shine, first pretended -himselfe to be sent over as cheife Iustice of the Massachussets Bay -and Salem, forsoth, and tooke unto him a councell; and a worthy one no -doubt, for the Cowkeeper of Salem was a prime man in those imployments; -and to ad a Majesty, (as hee thought,) to his new assumed dignity, hee -caused the Patent of the Massachussets, (new brought into the Land,) to -be carried where hee went in his progresse to and froe, as an embleme -of his authority: which {158} the vulgar people, not acquainted with, -thought it to be some instrument of Musick locked up in that covered -case,[516] and thought, (for so some said,) this man of little-worth -had bin a fidler, and the rather because hee had put into the mouthes -of poore silly things, that were sent alonge with him, what skill hee -had in Engines, and in things of quaint devise: all which prooved in -conclusion to be but impostury. - -~_Warrants made by Capt. Littleworth in his name._~ - -This man, thinking none so worthy as himselfe, tooke upon him -infinitely: and made warrants in his owne name, (without relation -to his Majesties authority in that place,) and summoned a generall -apparance at the worshipfull towne of Salem:[517] there in open -assembly was tendered certaine Articles, devised betweene him and -theire new Pastor Master Eager,[518] (that had renounced his old -calling to the Ministry receaved in England, by warrant of Gods -word, and taken a new one there, by their fantasticall way imposed, -and conferred upon him with some speciall guifts had out of Phaos -boxe.)[519] - -To these Articles every Planter, old and new, must signe, or be -expelled from any manner of aboade within the Compas of the Land -contained within that graunt then shewed: which was so large it would -suffice for Elbow roome for more then were in all the Land by 700000. -such an army might have planted them a Colony with [in] that cirquit -which hee challenged, and not contend for roome for their Cattell. But -for all that, hee that should refuse to subscribe, must pack. - -The tenor of the _Articles_ were these: _That in all {159} causes, as -well Ecclesiasticall as Politicall, wee should follow the rule of Gods -word._ - -~_Mine Host subscribed not._~ - -This made a shew of a good intent, and all the assembly, (onely mine -Host replyed,) did subscribe: hee would not, unlesse they would ad -this Caution: _So as nothing be done contrary or repugnant to the -Lawes of the Kingdome of England._ These words hee knew, by former -experience, were necessary, and without these the same would proove a -very mousetrapp to catch some body by his owne consent, (which the rest -nothing suspected,) for the construction of the worde would be made -by them of the Seperation to serve their owne turnes: and if any man -should, in such a case, be accused of a crime, (though in it selfe it -were petty,) they might set it on the tenter hookes of their imaginary -gifts, and stretch it to make it seeme cappitall; which was the reason -why mine Host refused to subscribe. - -~_The Patent._~ - -It was then agreed upon that there should be one generall trade used -within that Patent, (as hee said,) and a generall stock: and every man -to put in a parte: and every man, for his person, to have shares alike: -and for their stock, according to the ratable proportion was put in: -and this to continue for 12. moneths, and then to call an accompt. - -~_All consented but mine Host._~ - -All were united, but mine Host refused: two truckmasters were chosen; -wages prefixed; onely mine Host put in a Caviat that the wages might -be paid out of the cleare proffit, which there in black and white was -plainely put downe. - -{160} But before the end of 6. moneths, the partners in this stock, -(handled by the Truckmasters,) would have an accoumpt: some of them had -perceaved that Wampambeacke could be pocketted up, and the underlings, -(that went in the boats alonge,) would bee neere the Wiser for any -thinge, but what was trucked for Beaver onely. - -~_Insteed of proffit dis-proffit._~ - -The accoumpt being made betweene Captaine Littleworth, and the two -Truckmasters, it was found that instead of increasing the proffit, they -had decreased it; for the principall stock, by this imployment, was -freetted so, that there was a great hole to be seene in the very middle -of it, which cost the partners afterwards one hundred markes to stopp -and make good to Captaine Littleworth. - -But mine Host, that sturred not his foote at all for the matter, did -not onely save his stock from such a Cancar, but gained sixe and seaven -for one: in the meane time hee derided the Contributers for being -catch’d in that snare. - - - - -CHAP. XXII. - - _Of a Sequestration made in New Canaan._[520] - - -Captaine Littleworth, (that had an akeing tooth at mine Host of -Ma-re-Mount,) devised how hee might put a trick upon him, by colour -of a Sequestration; and got some persons to pretend that hee had -corne and other goods of theirs in possession; and the {161} rather -because mine Host had store of corne and hee had improvidently truckt -his store for the present gaine of Beaver; in so much that his people -under his chardge were put to short allowance, which caused some of -them to sicken with conceipt of such useage, and some of them by -the practise of the new entertained Doctor Noddy, with his Imaginary -gifts. They sent therefore to exhibit a petition to grim Minos, Eacus -and Radamant, where they wished to have the author of their greife to -be convented:[521] and they had procured it quickly, if curses would -have caused it: for good prayers would be of no validity, (as they -supposed,) in this extremity. - -~_Commission for corne._~ - -~_Mine Hosts corne & goods carried away by violence._~ - -Now in this extremity Capt. Littleworth gave commission to such as -hee had found ready for such imployments to enter in the howse at -Ma-re-Mount, and, with a shallop, to bring from thence such corne and -other utensilles as in their commission hee had specified. But mine -Host, wary to prevent eminent mischeife, had conveyed his powther -and shott, (and such other things as stood him in most steed for his -present condition,) into the woods for safety: and, whiles this was put -in practise by him, the shallop was landed and the Commissioners entred -the howse, and willfully bent against mine honest Host, that loved good -hospitality. After they had feasted their bodies with that they found -there, they carried all his corne away, with some other of his goods, -contrary to the Lawes of hospitality: a smale parcell of refuse corne -onely excepted, which they left mine Host to keepe Christmas with. - -{162} But when they were gone, mine Host fell to make use of his -gunne, (as one that had a good faculty in the use of that instrument,) -and feasted his body neverthelesse with fowle and venison, which hee -purchased with the helpe of that instrument, the plenty of the Country -and the commodiousnes of the place affording meanes, by the blessing -of God; and hee did but deride Captaine Littleworth, that made his -servants snap shorte in a Country so much abounding with plenty of -foode for an industrious man, with greate variety. - - - - -CHAP. XXIII. - - _Of a great Bonfire made for ioy of the arrivall of great Iosua, - surnamed Temperwell, into the Land of Canaan._[522] - - -Seaven shipps set forth at once, and altogether arrived in the Land of -Canaan, to take a full possession thereof: What are all the 12. Tribes -of new Israell come? No, none but the tribe of Issacar, and some few -scattered Levites of the remnant of those that were descended of old -Elies howse. - -And here comes their Iosua too among them; and they make it a more -miraculous thing for these seaven shipps to set forth together, and -arrive at New Canaan together, then it was for the Israelites to goe -over Iordan drishod: perhaps it was, because they had a wall on the -right hand and a wall on the left hand. - -{163} These Seperatists suppose there was no more difficulty in the -matter then for a man to finde the way to the Counter at noone dayes, -betweene a Sergeant and his yeoman: Now you may thinke mine Host will -be hamperd or never. - -~_Men that come to ridd the land of pollution._~ - -These are the men that come prepared to ridd the Land of all pollution. -These are more subtile then the Cunning, that did refuse a goodly heap -of gold.[523] These men have brought a very snare indeed; and now mine -Host must suffer. The book of Common Prayer, which hee used, to be -despised: and hee must not be spared. - -Now they are come, his doome before hand was concluded on: they have a -warrant now: A cheife one too: and now mine Host must know hee is the -subject of their hatred: the Snare must now be used; this instrument -must not be brought by Iosua in vaine.[524] - -~_A Courte called about mine Host._~ - -A Court is called of purpose for mine host: hee there convented, and -must heare his doome before hee goe: nor will they admitt him to -capitulate, and know wherefore they are so violent to put such things -in practise against a man they never saw before: nor will they allow of -it, though hee decline their Iurisdiction. - -~_A divellish sentence against him._~ - -There they all with one assent put him to silence, crying out, heare -the Governour, heare the Govern: who gave this sentence against mine -Host at first sight: that he should be first put in the Billbowes, -his goods should be all confiscated, his Plantation should be burned -downe to the ground, because the habitation of the wicked should no -more appeare in Israell, and {164} his person banished from those -territories; and this put in execution with all speede.[525] - -~_The Salvages reproove them._~ - -The harmeles Salvages, (his neighboures,) came the while, (greived, -poore silly lambes, to see what they went about,) and did reproove -these Eliphants of witt for their inhumane deede: the Lord above did -open their mouthes like Balams Asse, and made them speake in his -behalfe sentences of unexpected divinity, besides morrallity; and tould -them that god would not love them that burned this good mans howse; and -plainely sayed that they who were new come would finde the want of such -a howses in the winter: so much themselves to him confest. - -~_Epictetus summa totius Philosophiæ._~ - -The smoake that did assend appeared to be the very Sacrifice of Kain. -Mine Host, (that a farre of abourd a ship did there behold this wofull -spectacle,) knew not what hee should doe in this extremity but beare -and forbeare, as Epictetus sayes[526]: it was bootelesse to exclaime. - -Hee did consider then these transitory things are but _ludibria -fortunæ_,[527] as Cicero calls them. All was burnt downe to the -ground, and nothing did remaine but the bare ashes as an embleme of -their cruelty: and unles it could, (like to the Phenix,) rise out of -these ashes and be new againe, (to the immortall glory and renowne of -this fertile Canaan the new,) the stumpes and postes in their black -liveries will mourne; and piety it selfe will add a voyce to the bare -remnant of that Monument, and make it cry for recompence, (or else -revenge,) against the Sect of cruell Schismaticks. - - - - -{165} CHAP. XXIV. - - _Of the digrading and creating gentry in New Canaan._[528] - - -There was a zealous Professor in the Land of Canaan, (growne a great -Merchant in the Beaver trade,) that came over for his conscience sake, -(as other men have done,) and the meanes, (as the phrase is,) who in -his minority had bin prentice to a tombe maker; who, comming to more -ripenes of yeares, (though lesse discretion,) found a kinde of scruple -in his conscience that the trade was in parte against the second -commandement:[529] and therefore left it off wholely, and betooke -himselfe to some other imployments. - -~_An Elder._~ - -In the end hee settled upon this course, where hee had hope of -preferrement, and become one of those things that any Iudas might hange -himselfe upon, that is an Elder. - -Hee had bin a man of some recconing in his time, (as himselfe -would boast,) for hee was an officer, just under the Exchequer at -Westminster, in a place called Phlegeton: there hee was comptroller, -and conversed with noe plebeians, I tell you, but such as have angels -or their attendance, (I meane some Lawyers with appertenances, that is, -Clarks,) with whome a Iugg of Beare and a crusty rolle in the terme is -as currant as a three penny scute at Hall time. - -{166} There is another place thereby, called sticks: these are two -daingerous places, by which the infernall gods doe sweare: but this of -Sticks is the more daingerous of the two, because there, (if a man be -once in,) hee cannot tell how to get out againe handsomely. - -I knew an under sheriff was in unawaires, and hee laboured to be free -of it: yet hee broake his back before he got so farre as quietus -est: There is no such danger in Phlegeton, where this man of so much -recconing was comptroller. - -~_Iosua displeased._~ - -Hee being here, waited an opportunity to be made a gentl. and now it -fell out that a gentl. newly come into the land of Canaan, (before hee -knew what ground hee stood upon,) had incurred the displeasure of great -Iosua so highly that hee must therefore be digraded. - -No reconciliation could be had for him: all hopes were past for that -matter: Where upon this man of much recconing (pretending a graunt of -the approach in avoydance,) helpes the lame dogge over the stile, and -was as jocund on the matter as a Magpie over a Mutton. - -~_Master Temperwell._~ - -Wherefore the Heralls, with Drums, and Trumpets, proclaiming in a very -solemne manner that it was the pleasure of great Iosua, (for divers -and sundry very good causes and considerations, Master Temperwell -thereunto especially mooving,) to take away the title, prerogative and -preheminence of the Delinquent, so unworthy of it, and to place the -same upon a Professor of more recconing: so that it was made {167} a -penall thing for any man after to lifte the same man againe on the top -of that stile, but that hee should stand perpetually digraded from that -prerogative. And the place by this meanes being voyde, this man, of so -much more reckoning, was receaved in like a Cypher to fill up a roome, -and was made a Gentleman of the first head; and his Coate of Armes, -blazon’d and tricked out fit for that purpose, in this Poem following. - - -THE POEM. - - _What ailes Pigmalion? Is it Lunacy; - Or Doteage on his owne Imagery? - Let him remember how hee came from Hell, - That after ages by record may tell - The compleate story to posterity. - Blazon his Coate in forme of Heraldry. - Hee beareth argent alwaies at commaund, ~_Put it this way._~ - A barre between three crusty rolls at hand, - And, for his crest, with froth, there does appeare - Dextra Paw Elevant a Iugg of beare._ - -Now, that it may the more easily be understood, I have here endeavoured -to set it forth in these illustrations following: Pigmalion was an -Image maker, who, doteing on his owne perfection in making the Image of -Venus, grew to be a mazed man, like our Gentleman here of the first -head: and by the figure Antonomasia[530] is hee herein exemplified. - -Hee was translated from a tombe maker to be the {168} tapster at hell, -(which is in Westminster, under the Ex-Chequer office,) for benefit -of the meanes hee translated himselfe into New England, where, by the -help of Beaver and the commaund of a servant or two, hee was advaunced -to the title of a gentleman; where I left him to the exercise of his -guifts. - - - - -CHAP. XXV. - - _Of the manner how the Seperatists doe pay debts to them that are - without._[531] - - -~_Goode Payement._~ - -There was an honest man, one M^r. Innocence Fairecloath,[532] by M^r. -Mathias Charterparty sent over into New Canaan, to raise a very good -marchantable commodity for his benefit; for, whiles the man was bound -by covenant to stay for a time, and to imploy such servants as did -there belong to M^r. Charterparty,[533] hee disdained the tenents of -the Seperatists: and they also, (finding him to be none,) disdained to -be imployed by a carnall man, (as they termed him,) and fought occasion -against him, to doe him a mischeife. Intelligence was conveyed to M^r. -Charterparty that this man was a member of the Church of England, and -therefore, (in their account,) an enemy to their Church and state. And, -(to the end they might have some coloure against him,) some of them -practised to get into his debte, which hee, not mistrusting, suffered, -and gave credit for such Commodity as hee had sold at a price. When the -day of payment came, insteede of monyes, hee, being at that time sick -and weake and stood in neede of the Beaver hee had contracted for, hee -had an Epistle full of zealous exhortations to provide for the soule; -and {169} not to minde these transitory things that perished with the -body, and to bethinke himselfe whether his conscience would be so -prompt to demaund so greate a somme of Beaver as had bin contracted -for. Hee was further exhorted therein to consider hee was but a steward -for a time, and by all likely hood was going to give up an accompt of -his stewardship: and therfore perswaded the creditor not to load his -conscience with such a burthen, which hee was bound by the Gospell to -ease him of (if it were possible;) and for that cause hee had framed -this Epistle in such a freindly maner to put him in minde of it. The -perusall of this, (lap’d in the paper,) was as bad as a potion to the -creditor, to see his debtor Master Subtilety (a zealous professor as -hee thought) to deride him in this extremity, that hee could not chuse, -(in admiration of the deceipt,) but cast out these words: - -Are these youre members? if they be all like these, I beleeve the -Divell was the setter of their Church. - -~_Blasphemy an example for carnall men._~ - -This was called in question when M^r. Fairecloath least thought of -it. Capt. Littleworth must be the man must presse it against him, for -blasphemy against the Church of Salem: and to greate Iosua Temperwell -hee goes with a bitter accusation, to have Master Innocence made an -example for all carnall men to presume to speake the least word that -might tend to the dishonor of the Church of Salem; yea, the mother -Church of all that holy Land. - -And hee convented was before their Synagoge, where no defence would -serve his turne; yet was there none to be seene to accuse him, save the -Court alone. - -{170} The time of his sicknes, nor the urgent cause, were not allowed -to be urg’d for him; but whatsoever could be thought upon against him -was urged, seeing hee was a carnall man, of them that are without. -So that it seemes, by those proceedings there, the matter was -adjudged before he came: Hee onely brought to heare his sentence -in publicke: which was, to have his tongue bored through; his nose -slit; his face branded; his eares cut; his body to be whip’d in -every severall plantation of their Iurisdiction; and a fine of forty -pounds impos’d, with perpetuall banishment: and, (to execute this -vengeance,) Shackles,[534] (the Deacon of Charles Towne,) was as ready -as Mephostophiles, when Doctor Faustus was bent upon mischeife. - -Hee is the purser generall of New Canaan, who, (with his whipp, with -knotts most terrible,) takes this man unto the Counting howse: there -capitulates with him why hee should be so hasty for payment, when -Gods deare children must pay as they are able: and hee weepes, and -sobbes, and his handkercher walkes as a signe of his sorrow for Master -Fairecloaths sinne, that hee should beare no better affection to the -Church and the Saints of New Canaan: and strips Innocence the while, -and comforts him. - -~_Notable Pay._~ - -Though hee be made to stay for payment, hee should not thinke it -longe; the payment would be sure when it did come, and hee should have -his due to a doite; hee should not wish for a token more; And then -tould it him downe in such manner that hee made Fairecloaths Innocent -back like the picture of Rawhead and blowdy bones, and his shirte -like a {171} pudding wifes aperon. In this imployment Shackles takes -a greate felicity, and glories in the practise of it. This cruell -sentence was stoped in part by Sir Christopher Gardiner, (then present -at the execution,) by expostulating with Master Temperwell: who was -content, (with that whipping and the cutting of parte of his eares,) to -send Innocence going, with the losse of all his goods, to pay the fine -imposed, and perpetuall banishment out of their Lands of New Canaan, in -terrorem populi. - -Loe this is the payment you shall get, if you be one of them they -terme, without. - - - - -CHAP. XXVI. - - _Of the Charity of the Seperatists._ - - -Charity is sayd to be the darling of Religion, and is indeed the Marke -of a good Christian: But where we doe finde a Commission for ministring -to the necessity of the Saints, we doe not finde any prohibition -against casting our bread upon the waters, where the unsanctified, as -well as the sanctified, are in possibility to make use of it. - -~_Lame charity._~ - -I cannot perceave that the Seperatists doe allowe of helping our poore, -though they magnify their practise in contributing to the nourishment -of their Saints; For as much as some that are of the number of those -whom they terme without, (though it were in case of sicknesse,) upon -theire landing, when a little fresh {172} victuals would have recovered -their healths, yet could they not finde any charitable assistance from -them. Nay, mine Host of Ma-re-Mount, (if hee might have had the use -of his gunne, powther and shott, and his dogg, which were denied,) -hee doubtles would have preserved such poore helples wretches as were -neglected by those that brought them over; which was so apparent, (as -it seemed,) that one of their owne tribe said, the death of them would -be required at some bodies hands one day, (meaning Master Temperwell.) - -But such good must not come from a carnall man: if it come from a -member, then it is a sanctified worke; if otherwise, it is rejected as -unsanctified. - -But when Shackles[535] wife, and such as had husbands, parents -or freinds, happened to bee sick, mine Hosts helpe was used, and -instruments provided for him to kill fresh vittell with, (wherein hee -was industrious,) and the persons, having fresh vittell, lived. - -So doubtles might many others have bin preserved, but they were of the -number left without; neither will those precise people admit a carnall -man into their howses, though they have made use of his in the like -case; they are such antagonists to those that doe not comply with them, -and seeke to be admitted to be of their Church, that in scorne they -say, you may see what it is to be without. - - - - -CHAP. XXVII. - - _Of the practise of their Church._[536] - - -The Church of the Seperatists is governed by Pastors, Elders and -Deacons, and there is not {173} any of these, though hee be but a Cow -keeper, but is allowed to exercise his guifts in the publik assembly -on the Lords day,[537] so as hee doe not make use of any notes for the -helpe of his memory:[538] for such things, they say, smell of Lampe -oyle, and there must be no such unsavery perfume admitted to come into -the congregation. - -These are all publike preachers. There is amongst these people a -Deakonesse, made of the sisters, that uses her guifts at home in an -assembly of her sexe, by way of repetition or exhortation:[539] such is -their practise. - -The Pastor, (before hee is allowed of,) must disclaime his former -calling to the Ministry, as hereticall; and take a new calling after -their fantasticall inventions: and then hee is admitted to bee their -Pastor. - -The manner of disclaimeing is, to renounce his calling with bitter -execrations, for the time that hee hath heretofore lived in it: -and after his new election, there is great joy conceaved at his -commission.[540] - -And theire Pastors have this preheminence above the Civile Magistrate: -Hee must first consider of the complaint made against a member: and if -hee be disposed to give the partie complained of an admonition, there -is no more to be said: if not; Hee delivers him over to the Magistrate -to deale with him in a course of Iustice, according to theire practise -in cases of that nature.[541] - -{174} Of these pastors I have not knowne many:[542] some I have -observed together with theire carriage in New Canaan, and can informe -you what opinion hath bin conceaved of theire conditions in the -perticuler. There is one who, (as they give it out there that thinke -they speake it to advaunce his worth,) has bin expected to exercise -his gifts in an assembly that stayed his comming, in the middest of -his Iorney falls into a fitt, (which they terme a zealous meditation,) -and was 4. miles past the place appointed before hee came to himselfe, -or did remember where abouts hee went. And how much these things are -different from the actions of mazed men, I leave to any indifferent man -to judge; and if I should say they are all much alike, they that have -seene and heard what I have done, will not condemne mee altogether. - -Now, for as much as by the practise of theire Church every Elder or -Deacon may preach, it is not amisse to discover their practise in that -perticuler, before I part with them.[543] - -~_Lewes the II. sent a Barber Embassador._~ - -It has bin an old saying, and a true, what is bred in the bone will not -out of the flesh, nor the stepping into the pulpit that can make the -person fitt for the imployment. The unfitnes of the person undertaking -to be the Messenger has brought a blemish upon the message, as in the -time of Lewes the Eleventh, King of France, who, (having advaunced his -Barber to place of Honor, and graced him with eminent titles), made -him so presumptuous to undertake an Embassage to treat with forraine -princes of Civile affaires. - -~_The Embassage despised._~ - -But what was the issue? Hee behaved himselfe so {175} unworthily, (yet -as well as his breeding would give him leave,) that both the Messenger -and the message were despised; and had not hee, (being discovered,) -conveyed himselfe out of their territories, they had made him pay for -his barbarous presumption.[544] - -Socrates sayes, _loquere ut te videam_. If a man observe these people -in the exercise of their gifts, hee may thereby discerne the tincture -of their proper calling, the asses eares will peepe through the lyons -hide. I am sorry they cannot discerne their owne infirmities. I will -deale fairely with them, for I will draw their pictures cap a pe, that -you may discerne them plainely from head to foote in their postures, -that so much bewitch, (as I may speake with modesty,) these illiterate -people to be so fantasticall, to take Ionas taske[545] upon them -without sufficient warrant. - -~_A Grocer._~ - -One steps up like the Minister of Iustice with the ballance onely, not -the sword for feare of affrighting his auditory. Hee poynts at a text, -and handles it as evenly as hee can; and teaches the auditory, that the -thing hee has to deliver must be well waied, for it is a very pretious -thing, yes, much more pretious then gold or pearle: and hee will teach -them the meanes how to way things of that excellent worth; that a man -would suppose hee and his auditory were to part stakes by the scale; -and the like distribution they have used about a bag pudding. - -~_A Taylor._~ - -Another, (of a more cutting disposition,) steps in his steed; and hee -takes a text, which hee divides into many parts: (to speake truly) as -many as hee list. The fag end of it hee pares away, as a superfluous -remnant. - -{176} Hee puts his auditory in comfort, that hee will make a garment -for them, and teach them how they shall put it on; and incourages -them to be in love with it, for it is of such a fashion as doth best -become a Christian man. Hee will assuer them that it shall be armor -of proffe against all assaults of Satan. This garment, (sayes hee,) -is not composed as the garments made by a carnall man, that are sowed -with a hot needle and a burning thread; but it is a garment that shall -out last all the garments: and, if they will make use of it as hee -shall direct them, they shall be able, (like saint George,) to terrifie -the greate Dragon, error; and defend truth, which error with her wide -chaps would devoure: whose mouth shall be filled with the shredds and -parings, which hee continually gapes for under the cutting bourd. - -~_A Tapster._~ - -A third, hee supplies the rome: and in the exercise of his guifts -begins with a text that is drawne out of a fountaine that has in it no -dreggs of popery. This shall proove unto you, (says hee,) the Cup of -repentance: it is not like unto the Cup of the Whore of Babilon, who -will make men drunk with the dreggs thereof: It is filled up to the -brim with comfortable joyce, and will proove a comfortable cordiall to -a sick soule, sayes hee. And so hee handles the matter as if hee dealt -by the pinte and the quarte, with Nic and Froth.[546] - -~_A Cobler._~ - -An other, (a very learned man indeed,) goes another way to worke with -his auditory; and exhorts them to walke upright, in the way of their -calling, and not, (like carnall men,) tread awry. And if they should -{177} fayle in the performance of that duety, yet they should seeke -for amendement whiles it was time; and tells them it would bee to late -to seek for help when the shop windowes were shutt up: and pricks them -forward with a freindly admonition not to place theire delight in -worldly pleasures, which will not last, but in time will come to an -end; but so to handle the matter that they may be found to wax better -and better, and then they shall be doublely rewarded for theire worke: -and so closes up the matter in a comfortable manner. - -~_A very patorick._~ - -But stay: Here is one stept up in haste, and, (being not minded to -hold his auditory in expectation of any long discourse,) hee takes -a text; and, (for brevities sake,) divides it into one part: and -then runnes so fast a fore with the matter, that his auditory cannot -follow him. Doubtles his Father was some Irish footeman;[547] by his -speede it seemes so. And it may be at the howre of death, the sonne, -being present, did participat of his Fathers nature, (according to -Pithagoras,)[548] and so the vertue of his Fathers nimble feete being -infused into his braines, might make his tongue out-runne his wit. - -Well, if you marke it, these are speciall gifts indeede: which the -vulgar people are so taken with, that there is no perswading them that -it is so ridiculous. - -This is the meanes, (O the meanes,) that they pursue: This that comes -without premeditation; This is the Suparlative: and hee that does not -approove of this, they say is a very reprobate. - -{178} Many vnwarrantable Tenents they have likewise: some of which -being come to my knowledge I wil here set downe: one wherof, being in -publicke practise maintained, is more notorious then the rest. I will -therefore beginne with that, and convince them of manifest error by the -maintenance of it, which is this: - -~_Tenent I._~ - -That it is the Magistrates office absolutely, (and not the Minsters,) -to joyne the people in lawfull matrimony.[549] And for this they vouch -the History of Ruth, saying Boas was married to Ruth in presence of the -Elders of the people. Herein they mistake the scope of the text. - -2. That it is a relique of popery to make use of a ring in marriage: -and that it is a diabolicall circle for the Divell to daunce in.[550] - -3. That the purification used for weomen after delivery is not to be -used.[551] - -4. That no child shall be baptised whose parents are not receaved into -their Church first.[552] - -5. That no person shall be admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords -supper that is without.[553] - -6. That the booke of Common prayer is an idoll: and all that use it, -Idolaters.[554] - -7. That every man is bound to beleeve a professor upon his bare -affirmation onely, before a Protestant upon oath. - -8. That no person hath any right to Gods creatures, but Gods children -onely, who are themselves: and that all others are but usurpers of the -Creatures. - -9. And that, for the generall good of their Church and commonwealth, -they are to neglect father, mother and all freindship. - -{179} 10. Much a doe they keepe about their Church discipline, as -if that were the most essentiall part of their Religion. Tythes are -banished from thence, all except the tyth of Mint and Commin.[555] - -11. They differ from us something in the creede too, for if they get -the goods of one, that is without, into their hands, hee shall be kept -without remedy for any satisfaction: and they beleeve that this is not -cosenage.[556] - -12. And lastly they differ from us in the manner of praying; for they -winke[557] when they pray, because they thinke themselves so perfect in -the highe way to heaven that they can find it blindfould: so doe not -I.[558] - - - - -CHAP. XXVIII. - - _Of their Policy in publik Iustice._ - - -Now that I have anottomized the two extreame parts of this Politique -Commonwealth, the head and the inferior members, I will shew you the -hart, and reade a short lecture over that too; which is Iustice. - -I have a petition to exhibit to the highe and mighty M^r. Temperwell; -and I have my choise whether I shall make my plaint in a case of -conscience, or bring it with in the Compas of a point in law. And -because I will goe the surest way to worke, at first, I will see how -others are answered in the like kinde, whether it be with hab or nab, -as the Iudge did the Countryman.[559] - -Here comes M^r. Hopewell: his petition is in a case of conscience, -(as hee sayes.) But, see, great Iosua allowes conscience to be of his -side: yet cuts him off with this answere; Law is flat against him. Well -let {180} me see another. I marry: Here comes one Master Doubt-not: -his matter depends, (I am sure,) upon a point in Law: alas, what will -it not doe, looke ye it is affirmed that Law is on his side: but -Conscience, like a blanket, over spreades it. This passage is like to -the Procustes of Roome, mee thinks; and therefore I may very well say -of them, - - _Even so, by racking out the joynts & chopping of the head, - Procustes fitted all his guests unto his Iron bedd._ - -And, if these speede no better, with whome they are freinds, that -neither finde Law nor Conscience to helpe them, I doe not wonder to -see mine Host of Ma-re-Mount speede so ill, that has bin proclaimed an -enemy so many yeares in New Canaan to their Church and State. - - - - -CHAP. XXIX. - - _How mine Host was put into a whales belly._ - - -The Seperatists, (after they had burned Ma-re-Mount they could not get -any shipp to undertake the carriage of mine Host from thence, either -by faire meanes or fowle,) they were inforced, (contrary to their -expectation,) to be troubled with his company:[560] and by that meanes -had time to consider more of the man, then they had done of the matter: -wherein at length it was discovered that they, (by meanes of their -credulity of the intelligence given them in England of the matter, and -the false Carecter of the man,) had runne themselves headlonge into an -error, and had done that on a sodaine which they repented at leasure, -but could not tell which way to help it {181} as it stood now. They -could debate upon it and especially upon two difficult points, whereof -one must be concluded upon: If they sent mine Host away by banishment, -hee is in possibility to survive, to their disgrace for the injury -done: if they suffer him to stay, and put him in _statu quo prius_, all -the vulgar people will conclude they have bin too rashe in burning a -howse that was usefull, and count them men unadvised. - -So that it seemes, (by theire discourse about the matter,) they stood -betwixt Hawke and Bussard: and could not tell which hand to incline -unto. They had founded him secretly: hee was content with it, goe which -way it would. Nay Shackles[561] himselfe, (who was imployed in the -burning of the howse, and therefore feared to be caught in England,) -and others were so forward in putting mine Host _in statu quo prius_, -after they had found their error, (which was so apparent that Luceus -eies would have served to have found it out in lesse time,) that they -would contribute 40. shillings a peece towards it; and affirmed, that -every man according to his ability that had a hand in this black -designe should be taxed to a Contribution in like nature: it would be -done exactly. - -Now, (whiles this was in agitation, and was well urged by some of those -partys to have bin the upshot,) unexpected, (in the depth of winter, -when all shipps were gone out of the land,) in comes M^r. Wethercock, -a proper Mariner; and, they said, he could observe the winde: blow it -high, blow it low, hee was resolved to lye at Hull[562] rather than -incounter such a storme as mine Host had met with: and this was a man -for their turne. - -{182} Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they (who hee knew -had a strong purse, and his conscience waited on the strings of it, if -all the zeale hee had) would beare him out in it: which they professed -they would. Hee undertakes to ridd them of mine Host by one meanes or -another. They gave him the best meanes they could, according to the -present condition of the worke, and letters of credence to the favoures -of that Sect in England; with which, (his busines there being done, and -his shipp cleared,) hee hoyst the Sayles and put to Sea: since which -time mine Host has not troubled the brethren, but onely at the Counsell -table: where now Sub iudice lis est. - - - - -CHAP. XXX. - - _Of Sir Christopher Gardiner Knight, and how hee spedd amongst the - Seperatists._ - - -Sir Christopher Gardiner,[563] (a Knight, that had bin a traveller both -by Sea and Land; a good judicious gentleman in the Mathematticke and -other Sciences usefull for Plantations, Kimistry, &c. and also being a -practicall Enginer,) came into those parts, intending discovery. - -But the Seperatists love not those good parts, when they proceede from -a carnall man, (as they call every good Protestant); in shorte time -[they] had found the meanes to pick a quarrell with him. The meanes is -that they pursue to obtaine what they aime at: the word is there, the -meanes. - -So that, when they finde any man like to proove an enemy to their -Church and state, then straight {183} the meanes must be used for -defence. The first precept in their Politiques is to defame the man -at whom they aime, and then hee is a holy Israelite in their opinions -who can spread that same brodest, like butter upon a loafe: no matter -how thin, it will serve for a vaile: and then this man, (who they have -thus depraved,) is a spotted uncleane leaper: hee must out, least hee -pollute the Land, and them that are cleane. - -If this be one of their guifts, then Machevill[564] had as good gifts -as they. Let them raise a scandall on any, though never so innocent, -yet they know it is never wiped cleane out: the staind marks remaines; -which hath bin well observed by one in these words of his, - - _Stick Candles gainst a Virgin walls white back; - If they’l not burne yet, at the least, they’l black._ - -And thus they dealt with Sir Christopher: and plotted by all the wayes -and meanes they could, to overthrow his undertakings in those parts. - -And therefore I cannot chuse but conclude that these Seperatists have -speciall gifts: for they are given to envy and mallice extremely. - -The knowledge of their defamacion could not please the gentleman well, -when it came to his eare; which would cause him to make some reply, -as they supposed, to take exceptions at, as they did against Faire -cloath:[565] and this would be a meanes, they thought, to blow the -coale, and so to kindle a brand that might fire him out of the Country -too, and send him after mine Host of Ma-re-Mount. - -They take occasion, (some of them,) to come to his howse when hee -was gone up into the Country, and {184} (finding hee was from home,) -so went to worke that they left him neither howse nor habitation nor -servant, nor any thing to help him, if hee should retorne: but of that -they had noe hope, (as they gave it out,) for hee was gone, (as they -affirmed,) to leade a Salvage life, and for that cause tooke no company -with him: and they having considered of the matter, thought it not fit -that any such man should live in so remoate a place, within the Compas -of their patent. So they fired the place, and carried away the persons -and goods. - -Sir Christopher was gone with a guide, (a Salvage,) into the inland -parts for discovery: but, before hee was returned, hee met with a -Salvage that told the guide, Sir Christopher would be killed: Master -Temperwell, (who had now found out matter against him,) would have him -dead or alive. This hee related; and would have the gentleman not to -goe to the place appointed, because of the danger that was supposed. - -But Sir Christopher was nothing dismaid; hee would on, whatsoever come -of it; and so met with the Salvages: and betweene them was a terrible -skermish: But they had the worst of it, and hee scaped well enough. - -The guide was glad of it, and learnd of his fellowes that they were -promised a great reward for what they should doe in this imployment. - -Which thing, (when Sir Christopher understood,) hee gave thanks to God; -and after, (upon this occasion to sollace himselfe,) in his table booke -hee composed this sonnet, which I have here inserted for a memoriall. - - -{185} THE SONNET. - - _Wolfes in Sheeps clothing, why will ye - Think to deceave God that doth see - Your simulated sanctity? - For my part, I doe wish you could - Your owne infirmities behold, - For then you would not be so bold. - Like Sophists, why will you dispute - With wisdome so? You doe confute - None but yourselves. For shame, be mute, - Least great Jehovah, with his powre, - Do come upon you in a howre - When you least think, and you devoure._ - -This Sonnet the Gentleman composed as a testimony of his love towards -them, that were so ill-affected towards him; from whome they might have -receaved much good, if they had bin so wise to have imbraced him in a -loving fashion. - -But they despise the helpe that shall come from a carnall man, (as they -termed him,) who, after his retorne from those designes, finding how -they had used him with such disrespect, tooke shipping, and disposed of -himselfe for England; and discovered their practises in those parts -towards his Majesties true harted Subjects, which they made wery of -their aboade in those parts. - - - - -{186} CHAP. XXXI. - - _Of mine Host of Ma-re-Mount how hee played Ionas after hee had bin - in the Whales belly for a time._ - - -Mine Host of Ma-re-Mount, being put to Sea, had delivered him, for his -releefe by the way, (because the shipp was unvitteled, and the Seamen -put to straight allowance, which could hold out but to the Canaries,) -a part of his owne provision, being two moneths proportion; in all but -3. small peeces of porke, which made him expect to be famished before -the voyage should be ended, by all likelyhood. Yet hee thought hee -would make one good meale, before hee died: like the Colony servant in -Virginea, that, before hee should goe to the gallowes, called to his -wife to set on the loblolly pot, and let him have one good meale before -hee went; who had committed a petty crime, that in those dayes was made -a cappitall offence. - -And now, mine Host being merrily disposed, on went the peeces of porke, -wherewith hee feasted his body, and cherished the poore Sailers; and -got out of them what M^r. Wethercock, their Master, purposed to doe -with him that hee had no more provision: and along they sailed from -place to place, from Iland to Iland, in a pittifull wether beaten ship, -where mine Host was in more dainger, (without all question,) then -Ionas, when hee was in the Whales belly; and it was the great mercy -of God that they had not all perished. Vittelled they were but for a -moneth, when they wayd Ancor and left the first port. - -{187} They were a pray for the enemy for want of powther, if they had -met them: besides the vessell was a very slugg, and so unserviceable -that the Master called a counsell of all the company in generall, to -have theire opinions which way to goe and how to beare the helme, -who all under their hand affirmed the shipp to be unserviceable: so -that, in fine, the Master and men and all were at their wits end about -it: yet they imployed the Carpenters to search and caulke her sides, -and doe theire best whiles they were in her. Nine moneths they made -a shifte to use her, and shifted for supply of vittells at all the -Islands they touched at: though it were so poorely, that all those -helpes, and the short allowance of a bisket a day, and a few Lymons -taken in at the Canaries, served but to bring the vessell in view of -the lands end. - -They were in such a desperat case, that, (if God in his greate mercy -had not favoured them, and disposed the windes faire untill the vessell -was in Plimmouth roade,) they had without question perished; for when -they let drop an Anchor, neere the Island of S. Michaels,[566] not one -bit of foode left, for all that starving allowance of this wretched -Wethercock, that, if hee would have lanched out his beaver, might have -bought more vittells in New England then he, and the whole ship with -the Cargazoun, was worth, (as the passingers hee carried who vittelled -themselves affirmed). But hee played the miserable wretch, and had -possessed his men with the contrary; who repented them of waying anchor -before they knew so much. - -Mine Host of Ma-re-Mount, (after hee had bin in {188} the Whales -belly,) was set a shore, to see if hee would now play Ionas, so -metamorphosed with a longe voyage that hee looked like Lazarus in the -painted cloath. - -But mine Host, (after due consideration of the premisses,) thought it -fitter for him to play Ionas in this kinde, then for the Seperatists to -play Ionas in that kinde as they doe. Hee therefore bid Wethercock tell -the Seperatists, that they would be made in due time to repent those -malitious practises, and so would hee too; for hee was a Seperatist -amongst the Seperatists, as farre as his wit would give him leave; -though when hee came in Company of basket makers, hee would doe his -indevoure to make them pinne the basket, if hee could, as I have -seene him. And now mine Host, being merrily disposed, haveing past -many perillous adventures in that desperat Whales belly, beganne in a -posture like Ionas, and cryed, Repent you cruell Seperatists, repent; -there are as yet but 40. dayes, if Iove vouchsafe to thunder, Charter -and the Kingdome of the Seperatists will fall asunder: Repent you -cruell Schismaticks, repent. And in that posture hee greeted them by -letters retorned into new Canaan; and ever, (as opportunity was fitted -for the purpose,) he was both heard and seene in the posture of Ionas -against them, crying, repent you cruel Seperatists, repent; there are -as yet but 40. dayes; if Iove vouchsafe to thunder, the Charter and -the Kingdome of the Seperatists will fall a sunder: Repent, you cruell -Schismaticks, repent. If you will heare any more of this proclamation -meete him at the next markettowne, for _Cynthius aurem vellet_.[567] - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS - -OF THE THREE BOOKES: - -The Tenents of the first Booke. - - - Chapters. - - 1. _Prooving New England the principall part of all America, and most - commodious and fit for a habitation and generation._ - - 2. _Of the originall of the Natives._ - - 3. _Of a great mortallity happened amongst the Natives._ - - 4. _Of their howses and habitations._ - - 5. _Of their Religion._ - - 6. _Of the Indians apparrell._ - - 7. _Of their Childbearing._ - - 8. _Of their reverence and respect to age._ - - 9. _Of their Juggelling tricks._ - - 10. _Of their Duelles._ - - 11. _Of the maintenance of their reputation._ - - 12. _Of their Traffick and trade one with another._ - - 13. _Of their Magazines and Storehowses._ - - 14. _Of theire Subtilety._ - - 15. _Of their admirable perfection in the use of their sences._ - - 16. _Of their acknowledgement of the creation and immortality of the - Soule._ - - 17. _Of their Annalls and Funeralls._ - - 18. _Of their Custome in burning the Country._ - - 19. _Of their Inclination to drunckennes._ - - 20. _Of their Philosophicall life._ - - -The Tenents of the second Booke. - - Chap. - - 1. _The generall Survey of the Country._ - - 2. _What trees are there and how commodious._ - - 3. _What Potherbes are there and for Sallets._ - - 4. _Of the Birds of the aire and fethered Fowles._ - - 5. _Of the Beasts of the Forrest._ - - 6. _Of Stones and Mineralls._ - - 7. _Of the Fishes and what commodity they proove._ - - 8. _Of the goodnes of the Country and the Fountaines._ - - 9. _A Perspective to view the Country by._ - - 10. _Of the great Lake of Erocoise._ - - -The Tenents of the third Booke. - - Chap. - - 1. _Of a great legue made betweene the Salvages and English._ - - 2. _Of the entertainment of Master Westons people._ - - 3. _Of a great Battaile fought betweene the English and the Indians._ - - 4. _Of a Parliament held at Wessaguscus._ - - 5. _Of a Massacre made upon the Salvages._ - - 6. _Of the Surprizing of a Marchants Shipp._ - - 7. _Of Thomas Mortons Entertainement and wrack._ - - 8. _Of the banishment of Iohn Layford and Iohn Oldam._ - - 9. _Of a barren doe of Virginea growne Fruithfull._ - - 10. _Of the Master of the Ceremonies._ - - 11. _Of a Composition made for a Salvages theft._ - - 12. _Of a voyage made by the Master of the Ceremonies for Beaver._ - - 13. _A lamentable fitt of mellancolly cured._ - - 14. _The Revells of New Canaan._ - - 15. _Of a great Monster supposed to be at Ma-re-Mount._ - - 16. _How the nine Worthies of New Canaan put mine Host of Ma-re-Mount - into an inchaunted Castle._ - - 17. _Of the baccanall Triumphe of New Canaan._ - - 18. _Of a Doctor made at commencement._ - - 19. _Of the silencing of a Minister._ - - 20. _Of a practise to get a snare to hamper mine host of Ma-re-Mount._ - - 21. _Of Captaine Littleworths devise for the purchase of Beaver._ - - 22. _Of a Sequestration in New Canaan._ - - 23. _Of a great bonfire made in New Canaan._ - - 24. _Of the digradinge and creatinge of Gentry._ - - 25. _Of the manner how the Seperatists pay their debts._ - - 26. _Of the Charity of the Seperatists._ - - 27. _Of the practise of their Church._ - - 28. _Of their Policy in publik Iustice._ - - 29. _How mine Host was put into a Whales belly._ - - 30. _How Sir Christopher Gardiner, Knight, speed amongst the - Seperatists._ - - 31. _How mine Host of Ma-re-Mount played Jonas after hee got out - of the Whales belly._ - - -FINIS. - - - - -[Illustration] - -THE PRINCE SOCIETY. - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -OFFICERS - -OF - -THE PRINCE SOCIETY. - -1883. - - -_President._ - - THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M. BOSTON, MASS. - - -_Vice-Presidents._ - - JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M. BOSTON, MASS. - WILLIAM B. TRASK, ESQ. BOSTON, MASS. - THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, LL.D. EXETER, N.H. - JOHN MARSHALL BROWN, A.M. PORTLAND, ME. - - -_Corresponding Secretary._ - - THE REV. HENRY W. FOOTE, A.M. BOSTON, MASS. - - -_Recording Secretary._ - - DAVID GREENE HASKINS, JR., A.M. CAMBRIDGE, MASS. - - -_Treasurer._ - - ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, ESQ. BOSTON, MASS. - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -THE PRINCE SOCIETY. - -1883. - - - The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D. Boston, Mass. - Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B. Quincy, Mass. - Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M. Boston, Mass. - William Sumner Appleton, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Walter T. Avery, Esq. New York, N.Y. - Mr. Thomas Willing Balch Philadelphia, Pa. - George L. Balcom, Esq. Claremont, N.H. - Charles Candee Baldwin, M.A. Cleveland, Ohio. - Samuel L. M. Barlow, Esq. New York, N.Y. - James Phinney Baxter, A.M. Portland, Me. - The Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D. Exeter, N.H. - John J. Bell, A.M. Exeter, N.H. - Samuel Lane Boardman, Esq. Boston, Mass. - The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D. Augusta, Me. - J. Carson Brevoort, LL.D. Brooklyn, N.Y. - The Rev. Phillips Brooks, D.D. Boston, Mass. - Sidney Brooks, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Horace Brown, A.B., LL.B. Salem, Mass. - Mrs. John Carter Brown Providence, R.I. - John Marshall Brown, A.M. Portland, Me. - Joseph O. Brown, Esq. New York, N.Y. - Philip Henry Brown, A.M. Portland, Me. - Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Esq. Boston, Mass. - George Bement Butler, Esq. New York, N.Y. - The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M. Chelsea, Mass. - The Hon. William Eaton Chandler, A.M. Washington, D.C. - George Bigelow Chafe, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Clarence H. Clark, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. - Gen. John S. Clark Auburn, N.Y. - The Hon. Samuel Crocker Cobb Boston, Mass. - Ethan N. Coburn, Esq. Charlestown, Mass. - Jeremiah Colburn, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Deloraine P. Corey, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Erastus Corning, Esq. Albany, N.Y. - Ellery Bicknell Crane, Esq. Worcester, Mass. - Abram E. Cutter, Esq. Charlestown, Mass. - William M. Darlington, Esq. Pittsburg, Pa. - John Ward Dean, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Charles Deane, LL.D. Cambridge, Mass. - Edward Denham, Esq. New Bedford, Mass. - John Charles Dent, Esq. Toronto, Canada. - Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, A.M. New Haven, Ct. - The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D. Boston, Mass. - Samuel Adams Drake, Esq. Melrose, Mass. - Henry Thayer Drowne, Esq. New York, N.Y. - Henry H. Edes, Esq. Charlestown, Mass. - Jonathan Edwards, A.B., M.D. New Haven, Ct. - William Henry Egle, A.M, M.D. Harrisburgh, Pa. - Janus G. Elder, Esq. Lewiston, Me. - Samuel Eliot, LL.D. Boston, Mass. - Alfred Langdon Elwyn, M.D. Philadelphia, Pa. - James Emott, Esq. New York, N.Y. - The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL. D. New York, N.Y. - Joseph Story Fay, Esq. Woods Holl, Mass. - John S. H. Fogg, M.D. Boston, Mass. - The Rev. Henry W. Foote, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Samuel P. Fowler, Esq. Danvers, Mass. - James E. Gale, Esq. Haverhill, Mass. - Isaac D. Garfield, Esq. Syracuse, N.Y. - Marcus D. Gilman, Esq. Montpelier, Vt. - The Hon. John E. Godfrey Bangor, Me. - Abner C. Goodell, Jr., A.M. Salem, Mass. - Elbridge H. Goss, Esq. Boston, Mass. - The Hon. Justice Horace Gray, LL.D. Boston, Mass. - William W. Greenough, A.B. Boston, Mass. - Isaac J. Greenwood, A.M. New York, N.Y. - Charles H. Guild, Esq. Somerville, Mass. - David Greene Haskins, Jr., A.M. Cambridge, Mass. - The Hon. Francis B. Hayes, A.M. Boston, Mass. - The Hon. Rutherford B. Hayes, LL.D. Fremont, Ohio. - Thomas Wentworth Higginson, A.M. Cambridge, Mass. - W. Scott Hill, M.D. Augusta, Me. - James F. Hunnewell, Esq. Charlestown, Mass. - Theodore Irwin, Esq. Oswego, N.Y. - The Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M. Lawrence, Mass. - The Hon. Clark Jillson Worcester, Mass. - Mr. Sawyer Junior Nashua, N.H. - George Lamb, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Edward F. De Lancey, Esq. New York, N.Y. - William B. Lapham, M.D. Augusta, Me. - Henry Lee, A.M. Boston, Mass. - John A. Lewis, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Henry Cabot Lodge, Ph.D. Boston, Mass. - Orsamus H. Marshall, Esq. Buffalo, N.Y. - William T. R. Marvin, A.M. Boston, Mass. - William F. Matchett, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Frederic W. G. May, Esq. Boston, Mass. - John Norris McClintock, A.M. Concord, N.H. - The Rev. James H. Means, D.D. Boston, Mass. - George H. Moore, LL.D. New York, N.Y. - The Rev. James De Normandie, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Prof. Charles E. Norton, A.M. Cambridge, Mass. - John H. Osborne, Esq. Auburn, N.Y. - George T. Paine, Esq. Providence, R.I. - Nathaniel Paine, Esq. Worcester, Mass. - John Carver Palfrey, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Daniel Parish, Jr., Esq. New York, N.Y. - Francis Parkman, LL.D. Boston, Mass. - Augustus T. Perkins, A.M. Boston, Mass. - The Rt. Rev. William Stevens Perry, D.D., LL.D. Davenport, Iowa. - William Frederic Poole, LL.D. Chicago, Ill. - Rear Admiral George Henry Preble, U. S. N. Brookline, Mass. - Samuel S. Purple, M.D. New York, N.Y. - Edward Ashton Rollins, A.M. Philadelphia, Pa. - The Hon. Nathaniel Foster Safford, A.M. Milton, Mass. - Joshua Montgomery Sears, A.B. Boston, Mass. - John Gilmary Shea, LL.D. Elizabeth, N.J. - The Hon. Mark Skinner Chicago, Ill. - The Rev. Carlos Slafter, A.M. Boston, Mass. - The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Charles C. Smith, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Oliver Bliss Stebbins, Esq. Boston, Mass. - George Stevens, Esq. Lowell, Mass. - George Stewart, Jr., Esq. Quebec, Canada. - Russell Sturgis, A.M. London, Eng. - William B. Trask, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Joseph B. Walker, A.M. Concord, N.H. - William Henry Wardwell, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Miss Rachel Wetherill Philadelphia, Pa. - Henry Wheatland, A.M., M.D. Salem, Mass. - John Gardner White, A.M. Cambridge, Mass. - William Adee Whitehead, A.M. Newark, N.J. - William H. Whitmore, A.M. Boston, Mass. - Henry Austin Whitney, A.M. Boston, Mass. - The Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, Ph.D. Boston, Mass. - Henry Winsor, Esq. Philadelphia, Pa. - The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D. Boston, Mass. - Charles Levi Woodbury, Esq. Boston, Mass. - Ashbel Woodward, M.D. Franklin, Ct. - J. Otis Woodward, Esq. Albany, N.Y. - - -LIBRARIES. - - American Antiquarian Society Worcester, Mass. - Amherst College Library Amherst, Mass. - Astor Library New York, N.Y. - Bibliothèque Nationale Paris, France - Bodleian Library Oxford, Eng. - Boston Athenæum Boston, Mass. - Boston Library Society Boston, Mass. - British Museum London, Eng. - Concord Public Library Concord, Mass. - Eben Dale Sutton Reference Library Peabody, Mass. - Free Public Library Worcester, Mass. - Free Public Library of Toronto Toronto, Canada. - Gloucester Public Library Gloucester, Mass. - Grosvenor Library Buffalo, N.Y. - Harvard College Library Cambridge, Mass. - Historical Society of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, Pa. - Library Company of Philadelphia Philadelphia, Pa. - Library of Parliament Ottawa, Canada. - Library of the State Department Washington, D.C. - Literary and Historical Society of Quebec Quebec, Canada. - Long Island Historical Society Brooklyn, N.Y. - Maine Historical Society Portland, Me. - Maryland Historical Society Baltimore, Md. - Massachusetts Historical Society Boston, Mass. - Mercantile Library New York, N.Y. - Minnesota Historical Society St. Paul, Minn. - Newburyport Public Library, Peabody Fund Newburyport, Mass. - New England Historic Genealogical Society Boston, Mass. - Newton Free Library Newton, Mass. - New York Society Library New York, N.Y. - Peabody Institute of the City of Baltimore Baltimore, Md. - Plymouth Public Library Plymouth, Mass. - Portsmouth Athenæum Portsmouth, N.H. - Public Library of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio. - Public Library of the City of Boston Boston, Mass. - Redwood Library Newport, R.I. - State Historical Society of Wisconsin Madison, Wis. - State Library of Massachusetts Boston, Mass. - State Library of New York Albany, N.Y. - State Library of Rhode Island Providence, R.I. - State Library of Vermont Montpelier, Vt. - Williams College Library Williamstown, Mass. - Woburn Public Library Woburn, Mass. - Yale College Library New Haven, Ct. - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY. - - -NEW ENGLAND’S PROSPECT. - -A true, lively and experimentall description of that part of _America_, -commonly called Nevv England: discovering the State of that Countrie, -both as it stands to our new-come _English_ Planters; and to the old -Natiue Inhabitants. By WILLIAM WOOD. London, 1634. Preface by Charles -Deane, LL.D. - - -THE HUTCHINSON PAPERS. - -A Collection of Original Papers relative to the History of the Colony -of Massachusetts-Bay. Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by -William H. Whitmore, A.M., and William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols. - - -JOHN DUNTON’S LETTERS FROM NEW ENGLAND. - -Letters written from New England A.D. 1686. By John Dunton in which are -described his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the characters -of his friends and acquaintances. Now first published from the Original -Manuscript in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Edited by William H. -Whitmore, A.M. - - -THE ANDROS TRACTS. - -Being a Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers issued during -the period between the overthrow of the Andros Government and the -establishment of the second Charter of Massachusetts. Reprinted from -the original editions and manuscripts. With a Memoir of Sir Edmund -Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M. 3 vols. - - -SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER AND AMERICAN COLONIZATION. - -Including three Royal Charters, issued in 1621, 1625, 1628; a Tract -entitled an Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624; -a Patent, from the Great Council for New England, of Long Island, and a -part of the present State of Maine; a Roll of the Knights Baronets of -New Scotland; with a Memoir of Sir William Alexander, by the editor, -the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. - - -JOHN WHEELWRIGHT. - -Including his Fast-day Sermon, 1637; his Mercurius Americanus, 1645, -and other writings; with a paper on the genuineness of the Indian deed -of 1629, and a Memoir by the editor, Charles H. Bell, A.M. - - -VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN TO AMERICA. - -Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Western voyages by -Northmen in the tenth and eleventh centuries, in an English translation -by North Ludlow Beamish; with a Synopsis of the historical evidence -and the opinion of Professor Rafn as to the places visited by the -Scandinavians on the coast of America. Edited, with an Introduction, by -the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. - - -THE VOYAGES OF SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN. - -Including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, -and in that of 1619; translated from the French by Charles P. Otis, -Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and historical illustrations, by the Rev. -Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 3 vols. - - -NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, OR NEW CANAAN. - -Containing an abstract of New England, composed in three books. I. The -first setting forth the Originall of the Natives, their Manners and -Customes, together with their tractable Nature and Love towards the -English. II. The Natural Indowments of the Countrie, and what Staple -Commodities it yieldeth. III. What People are planted there, their -Prosperity, what remarkable Accidents have happened since the first -planting of it, together with their Tenents and practice of their -Church. Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords Inne, Gent, upon ten -Years Knowledge and Experiment of the Country, 1632. Edited, with an -Introduction and historical illustrations, by Charles Francis Adams, -Jr., A.B. - - -VOLUMES IN PREPARATION. - -1. CAPTAIN JOHN MASON, the founder of New Hampshire, including his -Tract on Newfoundland, 1620, the several American Charters in which he -was a Grantee, and other papers; and a Memoir by the late Charles W. -Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with historical illustrations, by John Ward Dean, -A.M. - -2. SIR FERDINANDO GORGES, including his Tract entitled A Brief -Narration, 1658, American Charters granted to him, and other papers; -with historical Illustrations and a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. -Slafter, A.M. - -3. SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT, including his Discourse to prove a Passage -by the North-West to Cathaia and the East Indies; his Letters Patent -to discover and possess lands in North America, granted by Queen -Elizabeth, June 11, 1578. With historical Illustrations and a Memoir. - -4. SIR WALTER RALEGH AND HIS COLONY IN AMERICA. Containing the Royal -Charter of Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ralegh for discovering and -planting of new lands and countries, March 25, 1584, with letters, -discourses, and narratives of the Voyages made to Virginia at his -charges, with original descriptions of the country, commodities, and -inhabitants. Edited, with a Memoir and historical illustrations, by the -Rev. Increase N. Tarbox, D.D. - - - - -[Illustration] - -INDEX. - -[Illustration] - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -INDEX. - - - A. - - Aberdecest, 130, _n._ - - Acomenticus: - charter granted to, by Gorges, 81; - Morton dies at, 91. - - Adams, John: - on name of Merry-Mount, 14, _n._; - on fate of Wollaston, 15; - on Thomas Morton, 95, _n._; - injuries to library of, 101, _n._ - - Adams, John Q., 101. - - Adders, 213. - - Ælianus, 345, _n._ - - Air of New England, 121, 137, 177, 190. - - Alcides, 292. - - Alecto, 275. - - Alexander, Sir William, quoted, 140, 167. - - Alder, the, 186. - - Allen, J. A., notes on wild animals of New England by, 199-215. - - Allerton, Isaac: - his course toward Morton in England, 35, 303; - his mission to England in 1629, 36; - carries Morton back to Plymouth, 36; - tries to obtain charter for Plymouth, 52; - brings over goods, 289, _n._ - - Allize, 225. - - Alsatian Squire, the, 92. - - Amphitrite, 277, 281. - - Animals, wild of New England, chapter on, 199-215. - - Antinomian controversy, 81, 323, _n._ - - Antonomasia, 316. - - _Anúnime_, 123, _n._ - - Arbor-vitæ, 185, _n._ - - Archimedes, 291. - - Argus eyes, 303. - - Aristotle, cited, 117, 118. - - Armoniack, 219. - - Arms. (_See_ Fire-arms.) - - Arthur’s Table, King, 290. - - Arundel, Earl of, 60, 70. - - _Ascowke_, 213. - - Ash, the, 183. - - Aspinwall, William, 319, _n._ - - Audubon, John James, quoted, 131, _n._, 192, _n._ - - Auk, the great, formerly found in Boston Bay, 131, _n._ - - - B. - - Bacchanal Triumph, poem, 290-4. - - Bagnall, Walter, 22, 206, _n._, 218, _n._ - - Baptism, 331, _n._ - - “Barren doe, the,” 94, 264-6, 272-7. - - Barrowe, Henry, on Common Prayer, 332, _n._ - - Bass, 222. - - Beach, the, 183. - - Bears: used by Indians, 142-4; - value of skins of, 205; - description of, 209; - Indian methods of hunting, 210; - flesh of, 210. - - Beaver: value of skins of, 22, 205, 295; - gain in, 32, 282; - regulation of trade in, 39, 306; - virtues of tails of, 162, 205; - description of, 204; - muskrats passed for, 211; - Dutch trade in, 239, _n._; - a theft compounded in, 269; - plenty of, at Nipnet, 270; - compared to Jason’s Fleece, 295. - - Bible, the, 94, 212, 260. - - Bibliography of _New Canaan_, 99. - - Billington, John, 217. - - Birch, the, 186. - - Birds, chapter on, 189-99. - - Black-lead, 219. - - Blackstone, William: moves from Wessagusset to Boston, 24; - contributes to Morton’s arrest, 30; - an Episcopalian, 94. - - Bluefish, 222. - - Bole Armoniack, 219. - - Book of Common Prayer, 22, 68, 82, 168, 260, 283, 311; - an idol, 69, 332; - Morton persecuted for using, 92-5. - - _Book of Sports_, 260, _n._ - - Boston Bay: savages about in 1625, 11; - settlers about in 1628, 24; - description of in 1630, 122; - great auks seen in, 131, _n._; - French vessel wrecked in, 131, _n._ - - Bradford, John, on Common Prayer, 332, _n._ - - Bradford, Governor William: cited, 1, 6, 13, 18, 20, 22, 25, 27, - 31, 35, 36, 37, 46, 49, 52, 79, 92, 133, _n._, 205, _n._, - 217, _n._, 323, _n._, 325, _n._, 330, _n._, 332, _n._; - letters of, on arrest of Morton, 30; - generally correct, 49; - literary skill of, 96; - absence of humor in, 97, 98; - referred to as Rhadamant, 291, _n._ - - Brant, 189, 268. - - Breames, 227. - - Brereton, Sir William, grant to, from John Gorges, 34. - - Brewster, William, notes on birds by, 189-99, _n._, 226, _n._ - - Briareus, 288. - - Bridges, Robert, 90. - - Bright, Rev. Francis, 300, _n._, 325, _n._ - - Brimstone, 220. - - Bristol, 2. - - Brown, Peter, 214. - - Browne, Robert, 323, _n._ - - Brutus, supposed descent of Indians from, 126, 127, 129. - - Bubble, 266-8, 270-3. - - Buckingham, Duke of, 178, _n._ - - Burdet, Rev. George, corresponds with Laud, 83, 88. - - Burglary, 319, _n._ - - Burning undergrowth: Indian custom of, 172, 184, 186; - protection against, 173. - - Bursley, John, at Wessagusset, 24, 31, 162, _n._ - - Buzzard’s Bay, 266. - - Butler, Samuel, 96, 98, 251, _n._ - - - C. - - Caen, William and Emery de, 235, _n._ - - Caiaphas, 300, 302, _n._ - - Cain, 312. - - Campbell, Lord: on royal proclamations, 26; - cited, 35. - - Canada: derivation of name, 235; - first conquest of, 235, _n._ - - Canary Islands: as a market, 182, 222; - Morton at, 342-3. - - Cane, 275. - - Caunoŭnicus, funeral rites of his son, 170, _n._ - - Cape Ann: Lyford moves to, 24; - Morton at, 261. - - Cape Cod, 21, 23, 226; - French vessel wrecked on, 131, _n._ - - Cape Verde Islands, 116, 117, _n._ - - Carheil, Father, cited, 17. - - Caribdis, 277, 280. - - _Cattup Keen_, 137, _n._ - - Carlisle, Earl of, 70. - - Casco Bay, 221; - royalists about, 85. - - _Cau-ompsk_, 124, _n._ - - Cecrops, 293. - - Cedars: at Mount Wollaston, 10; - where to be found large, 173; - abundance and size of, 184; - white, 185, _n._ - - Cerberus, 294. - - Chalk-stones, 216. - - Champlain, lake: protection for discovery of, 77; - Morton on, 78; - Josselyn’s expedition to discover, 79; - when named, 234, _n._ (_See_ Erocoise.) - - Champlain: his _Voyages_ quoted, 149, _n._, 150, _n._; - his map, 236, _n._ - - Charity of the Separatists, 320. - - _Charity_, the, comes to New England in June, 1622, 7, 130. - - _Chauquaqock_, 254, _n._ - - Charles I.: corruption of court of, 52; - character and government of, 54; - financial straits of, in 1635, 73; - turning point in fortunes of, 78. - - Charlestown: settlement of, 34, 300, _n._; - deacons of church of, 319. - - Charon, 274. - - Charter party, 304, 316, 317. (_See_ Cradock, Matthew.) - - Chastity, absence of, among Indians, 16, 17, 145, _n._ - - Chelsea, 229, 300. - - _Cheshetue_, 148. - - Chestnut, the, 183. - - Chickatawbut, dwelling-place of, 11; - cunning of, 162, _n._; - his mother’s grave despoiled, 170, 247; - speech of, 247-9; - Weston’s men living with, 252. - - Chingachgook, 213, _n._ - - Christmas, 18, 97; - “brave gambols,” 294. - - Church practices in New England, 69, 260, 262, 322-34. - - Church of England: Winthrop’s detestation of, 63; - and Morton, 92; - and Lyford, 263; - dignity of, advanced in New England by Morton, 283; - Ratcliff a member of, 317. - - Churching of women, 331, _n._ - - Cicero, quoted, 139, 181, 312. - - Cithyrea, 278. - - Clams, 227. - - Clarendon, Lord, cited, 52. - - Clayton’s _Virginia_, cited, 199, _n._, 208, _n._, 210, _n._, - 214, _n._ - - Cleaves, George: Morton in employ of, 77; - in employ of Rigby, 84; - “a fire-brand of dissension,” 85. - - Clerk, Roger, 300, _n._ - - Cockles, 227. - - Coddington, Governor William, writes to Winthrop about Morton, 85. - - Cod-fish, 221; - markets for, 222; - superiority of New England, _ib._ - - Cod-liver oil, 222. - - Coins, old, found at Richmond Island, 218, _n._ - - Coke, Sir Edward, on proclamations, 26, 35. - - Colchos, 292. - - Commissions, system of, in favor at court of Charles I., 57. - - Conies, 204, 210, 211. - - Common Prayer: Book of, treatment of in Massachusetts, 69; - trouble occasioned by in Scotland, 82; - Morton’s use of, cause of his persecution, 92, 260, 283; - reference to in _New Canaan_, 93, 169; - an idol, 332, _n._ - - Connecticut, Blue Laws of, 252, _n._ - - Copper, 220. - - Cormorants, 226. - - _Cos_, 124, 217. - - Cottington, Lord, 60. - - Cotton, John, 98. - - Council for New England: efforts of to settle the Massachusetts, 2; - grant to Robert Gorges, 3; - secures proclamation about sale of fire-arms to Indians, 20; - gives patent to Company of Massachusetts Bay, 31; - quarrel of with Massachusetts Company, 33; - unequal to the emergency in 1634, 59; - plan for dividing territory of, 59; - divides New England, 70; - surrender of patent by, 72; - records of quoted, 130, _n._, 196, _n._; - issues patent to Walter Bagnall, 219, _n._ - - Court: held at Salem, 306; - at Boston, to try Morton, 311. - - Cradock, Governor Matthew, 298, _n._; - before Privy Council, 51, 56; - “an imposterous knave,” 62; - default of in _quo warranto_ proceedings, 75; - on Morton, 77; - Master Charterparty 304, _n._, 316, 317. - - Cranes, 192. - - Cromwell, Oliver, 83. - - Crows, 195. - - Crow-blackbirds, 198. - - Cupid, 278. - - Cypress-trees, 185. - - Cynthius, 345. - - - D. - - Dagon, 32, _n._ - - Davis, Captain John, 104, 118, _n._ - - Deaconess, 323. - - Deacons, 322. - - Deane, Charles: cited, 30, 56; - accuracy of, 56. - - _Decameron_, 94. - - De Costa, B. F.: quoted, 92-4; - referred to, 100. - - Deer: skins of, 135, 142-3, 202; - killed by Indians, 162; - followed by scent, 166; - kinds of, 200-2; - preyed on by wolves, 204, 208; - and luzerans, 206. - - Deer-traps, 202. - - Deer Island, 155, _n._, 204, _n._ - - Delilah, 281. - - Demas, part of, 302, _n._ - - Demophoön, 273. - - Dermer, Captain Thomas: redeems captives, 131, _n._; - quoted concerning pestilence of 1616, 133, _n._ - - Devil, the: estimation of among Indians, 139, _n._, 150, _n._, - 165, 167; - rules the Powows, 178. - - Dexter, Rev. H. M., 244, _n._ - - Diogenes, 178; - tub of, 286. - - Dodge, General, cited, 169, _n._, 174, _n._ - - “Doe, the barren,” 94, 264-6, 272-7. - - Dog-fish, 223, _n._ - - _Don Quixote_, 94, 272, 286. - - Dorchester, Lord, 53. - - Dorset, Earl of, 60. - - Dover, N. H., Hiltons at, 30. - - Downing, Emanuel: before Privy Council, 51; - account of, 52; - instructed to find evidence against Morton, 88; - on humming-bird, 198, _n._ - - Drails, 223. - - Drunkenness, Indian tendency to, 174. - - Ducks: kinds of, 190; - preyed on by luzeran, 206, _n._ - - Dudley, Governor Thomas, 43, 80, 90; - cited, 4, 46. - - Duxbury, 84. - - - E. - - Eacus, 288, 293, 294, 309. - - Eager, Pastor Master. (_See_ Skelton.) - - East Indies, 239. - - Edmunds, Sir Thomas, 60. - - Eels, 224. - - Egypt, 240. - - Elder-tree, the, 186. - - Elders of church, 313, 322. - - Elephants, their supposed religion, 141, _n._ - - Elias house, 310. - - Eliot, Dr. John, 326, _n._ - - Eliot, John, quoted, 124, 129, _n._ - - Elk, 200, _n._ - - Ellis, Rev. Dr. G. E., quoted, 145, _n._ - - Elm, the, 183. - - _En animia_, 123. - - Endicott, John: arrival of, at Salem, 31; - visits Mt. Wollaston, 32; - occupies the Gorges grant, 34; - his instructions, 38, 40, 45; - meets “old planters,” 39, 306; - attempts to reärrest Morton, 43; - derided by Morton, 45; - mutilates royal standard, 66; - issues warrant to arrest Morton, 86; - governor, 88; - libelled in _New Canaan_, 88, 304; - called Littleworth, 220, 298-9, 304, 306, 308, 318; - Morton’s animosity to, 220, _n._; - cured of a wife, 298, _n._; - sends settlers to Charlestown, 300, _n._; - at Salem, 303-7; - and the charter case, 305; - fraud imputed to, 308; - punishes Ratcliff, 316; - second marriage of, 330, _n._ - - Epictetus, 312, _n._ - - Episcopalians: take up Morton’s cause, 92; - in early Massachusetts, 95, 218, _n._ - - Erocoise, lake of, 78, 234-7, 240, 241. (_See_ Champlain.) - - Esculapius, 278. - - Executions. (_See_ Hanging.) - - Exercising in church, by lay members, 262, _n._, 322-30. - - - F. - - Faircloath, Innocence (_See_ Ratcliff.) - - Fairfax, Lord, 83. - - Falcons and falconry, 6, 196. - - Falkland, Lord, 83. - - Falstaff, 278, _n._ - - Faustus, Dr., 319. - - Fire-arms: supplied to Indians, 20, 95; - trade in forbidden, 21; - in hands of Indians in 1628, 25. - - Firing the country. (_See_ Burning.) - - Fish, poisonous in the tropics, 116, _n._; - kinds of in New England, 221-8. - - Fisheries, vessels engaged in, 221. - - Fitcher: a partner of Wollaston, 4; - left in charge at Mt. Wollaston and expelled by Morton, 13. - - Finch, Sir John, 35. - - Flora, patroness of May-day, 19, 281. - - Flounders, 226. - - Flowers in New England, 228. - - Footmen, running, 329. - - Force’s _Tracts_, 99. - - Foxes, 206-8. - - Fox-skins, value of, 205, _n._, 207, _n._ - - Franchise, the, in Massachusetts, 331, _n._ - - Freeles, 227. - - French authority, on Indians’ senses, 166. - - Frenchmen, captured, among Indians, 131, _n._ - - “Froth, Nick and,” 328, _n._ - - Fuller, Dr. Samuel: dies of pestilence, 133, _n._; - supposed to be alluded to as Eacus, 288, 291, _n._, 309; - note on, 297; - at Salem, 298. - - Furmety, 163, _n._; 296. - - Furs: profit of trade in, 22, 32; - regulation of trade in, 39; - Indian use of, 141-4; - prices of, 205, _n._, 207, _n._, 209. (_See_ Beaver, Deer, Bear.) - - - G. - - Galena, found in Woburn, 219, _n._ - - Ganymede, 279. - - Gardiner, Sir Christopher: before Privy Council, 50, 86; - his prefatory verses to _New English Canaan_, 112; - on descent of Indians, 128; - intercedes for Ratcliff, 320; - note on, 338; - adventures of, 338-42; - sonnet by, 341. - - Geese: descriptions of, 189-90; - preyed on by luzeran, 206, _n._ - - Gellius, Aulus, quoted, 312, _n._ - - Gentry, created and degraded by Winthrop, 313. - - Gerard’s _Herbal_, referred to, 185. - - Ghent, 236. - - Gibbons, Major Edward, 90-1. - - _Gifte_, the, 44, 289. - - Gloucester, Morton at, 86. - - Golgotha, a new-found, 133. - - Goodman, John: adventure of, with a wolf, 208, _n._; - hears lions roar, 214, _n._ - - Gookin, Daniel, quoted, 160, 174. - - Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 2, 3, 36, 47, 95; - procures issues of proclamation on fire-arms, 21; - his curiosity as to New England, 32; - Morton ingratiates himself with, 36; - in correspondence with Morton, 41, 47; - intrigues against Massachusetts, 49; - failure in, 53; - works through Court influences, 54; - renews complaints against Massachusetts, 56; - shapes Laud’s policy to New England, 58; - his plan, 58; - to be governor-general, 59; - his influence with Lords Commissioners, 60; - represents “thorough” in New England, 60, 74; - thought to be on the New England coast in 1635, 66; - his plans in 1635, 67; - circumvents Winslow, 68; - grantee of Maine from Council for New England, 71; - appointed by King, governor-general, 71; - failure of, caused by want of money, 72; - age of, 75, _n._; - death of Mason fatal to plans of, 76; - publication of _New Canaan_ not agreeable to, 80; - pretends to be friendly to Massachusetts, 80; - “casheers” Morton, 80; - grants charter to Acomenticus, 81; - career of, 119, _n._; - eulogized, 189; - Sir C. Gardiner, an agent of, 338, _n._ - - Gorges, John: succeeds to R. Gorges’s grant, 33; - deeds land to Brereton and Oldham, 34, 40. - - Gorges, Lord, 71. - - Gorges, Captain Robert, 2, 33, 143, 162; - arrives in Boston Bay, 3; - extent of his grant, 3; - returns to England, 4; - validity of grant to, denied, 34; - arrests Weston, 257, _n._ - - Goshawks, 197. - - Gover, Anna, 298. - - Grant, John, 62. - - Grapes in New England, 186. - - Gray, Professor Asa, 182, 188. - - Greek, supposed resemblance of Indian words to, 123, 126. - - Greene, Charles, 99-101. - - Greene, Richard, in charge of Wessagusset settlement, 7. - - Greenland, excessive cold of, 118. - - Grouse in New England, 194, _n._ - - - H. - - “Habbe or nabbe,” 335. - - Hacche, Roger atte, 300, _n._ - - Hake, 226. - - Hale, Robert, 319, _n._ - - Halibut, 225. - - _Hame_, 124. - - Hamilton, Marquis of, 70. - - Hampden, John, 83. - - _Handmaid_, the, Morton’s voyage in, 45, 342-5. - - Hanging: the Weymouth, 217, 249-52; - early in Massachusetts, 217, _n._; - in Virginia, 342. - - Hannibal, 263. - - Hares, 204. - - Harris, Rev. Thaddeus Mason, 101, _n._ - - Harvard University: Library bulletin referred to, 99-100; - students at, whipped, 319, _n._ - - Hawks and falcons in New England, 195-7. - - “Hawk and buzzard,” 336. - - Hawthorn-trees, 186. - - Heath-hen, 194, _n._ - - Hebrew tribes, 310; - origin of Indians traced to, 129, _n._ - - Hedgehogs, 211. - - Hemlock-trees, 185, _n._ - - Hemp in New England, 187, 202, 231. - - Herbs of New England, 188, 228. - - Herons, 192. - - Herring, 224. - - Hickory, 183, _n._ - - Higginson, Rev. F., quoted, 213, _n._, 221, _n._, 232, _n._, 300, _n._ - - Higginson, T. W., quoted, 312, _n._ - - Hiltons, the: at Piscataqua, 23; - contribute to Morton’s arrest, 30. - - “Hippeus pine-tree horse,” 284. - - Holbein, Hans, 253, _n._ - - Holland, 70, 288. - - Hollis, Sir William, 253, _n._ - - Horace, quoted, 119. - - Horeb, the calf of, 278. - - Horse-mackerel, 223, _n._ - - Howes, Edward, 317, _n._ - - Howes, Edward, Jr., 334, _n._ - - _Hudibras_, 96, 251, _n._, 339, _n._ - - Hudson, Hendrick, voyages and fate of, 118, _n._ - - Hudson, the, 236, _n._, 238. - - Hull, so called in 1628, 24, 337, _n._ - - Hume, David, on royal proclamations, 26. - - Humfrey, John: before Privy Council, 51; - “an imposterous knave,” 62, 64; - goes to New England, 64; - Gorges refers to patience of, 80. - - Humming-bird, 102, _n._, 198. - - Hunt, Captain Thomas, 244, _n._ - - Hutchinson, Mrs. Ann, 81, 323, _n._ - - Hyde, Sir Nicholas, 35. - - Hydra, 286, 287, 292, 293. - - - I. - - Indians: Morton’s popularity with, 10; - number in Massachusetts, 11; - modesty of women, 16; - desire for guns and spirits, 20; - fire-arms among, 20, 25; - pestilence of 1616 among, 120, 133, _n._; - origin of, 123-9; - language of, 123; - descendants of Hebrew tribes, 129, _n._; - Frenchmen captives among, 131; - their wigwams, 134-8; - their eating, 137, _n._; - their hospitality, 137, _n._; - their games and removals, 138; - their religion, 139-41, 167; - their dress, 141-5; - their trade, 141, 157-9; - their modesty, 142; - their children born white, 147, _n._; - their bodies well shaped, 147; - color of their eyes, 148, 165; - their respect to age, 148-50; - their conjuring tricks, 150-3; - their duels, 153-4; - their money, 157-9; - their manufactures, 159; - their storehouses, 160; - their baskets, 160; - did not use salt, 161; - their cunning, 161-5; - acuteness of their senses, 165-6; - distinguish French from Spanish by smell, 166; - crimes among, 169; - their funerals, 169-71; - thievery among, 169; - their custom of firing the country, 172; - distant commerce of, 172, 220, _n._, 237; - contented life of, 175; - superiority to English beggars, 175-6; - utensils and method of drinking, 177; - deer-traps of, 202; - method of hunting bears, 209-10; - lobster-feasts of, 226; - belied by Plymouth people, 256; - compound theft at Wessagusset, 269; - accompany Bubble to Nipnet, 270; - return his property, 272; - witness Morton’s punishment, 312; - reprove punishment of Morton, 312. (_See_ Massachusetts.) - - Indian women: absence of chastity among, 16, 17, 145; - Morton’s relations with, 94; - their dress, 144; - their modesty, 145; - their child-bearing, 145-8; - their care of their infants, 147. - - Ireland, no venomous beasts in, 48. - - Irocoise, the great lake. (_See_ Champlain.) - - Iron-stones, 219. - - Iroquois, 234. - - Isles of Shoals, Morton at, 29, 296, 302. - - Israelites, 310; - origin of Indians traced to, 129, _n._, 160, _n._ - - - J. - - Jackals, 207, _n._, 214, _n._ - - James I., 16, 35; - sends snake-stones to Virginia, 214, _n._ - - Jason, 292; - Golden Fleece of, 295. - - Jeffreys, William: at Wessagusset, 24, 31, 162, _n._; - corresponds with Gorges, 60, _n._; - letters of Morton to, 61, 86; - carries letters to Winthrop, 65; - letters from quoted, 102. - - Jews, origin of Indians traced to, 129, _n._ - - Job, 281. - - Johnson, Edward, 250. - - Jonah, 103, 302, 327, 342-5. - - Jonson, Ben, 98; - may have met Morton, 96; - note on “poem,” 290, 312, _n._; - quoted, 335, _n._ - - Jordan, 310. - - Josselyn, Captain John, quoted, 16, _n._, 133, _n._, 136, _n._, - 137, _n._, 147, _n._, 158, _n._, 160, _n._, 171, _n._, - 182, _n._, 185, _n._, 189, _n._, 191, _n._, 198, _n._, - 201, _n._, 205, _n._, 206, _n._, 210, _n._, 212, _n._, - 214, _n._, 217, _n._, 221, _n._, 232, _n._, 235, _n._ - - - Josselyn, Henry, 237; - date of expedition of, to New Hampshire, 79, 238. - - “Jove, let, vouchsafe to thunder,” 62, 103, 113, 345. - - Jupiter, 279. - - - K. - - _Kantántowwit_, 168, _n._ - - Kennebec: Morton follows Plymouth people to the, 23, 295; - Plymouth grant on the, 36. - - Kennet, White, 99. - - Kytan, an Indian god, 139, _n._, 167, _n._, 168, 169. - - Killock, 262. - - King’s Bench, warrant did not run in Massachusetts, 47. - - Kirk, David, Louis and Thomas, conquest of Canada by, 235, _n._ - - _Kodtup Kēn_, 137, _n._ - - _Koüs_, 124, _n._ - - - L. - - Laconia, 235, 238, _n._ - - Lannerets, 196, 198. - - Larks, 195. - - Latin, supposed similarity with Indian tongue, 123-6. - - Laud, Archbishop William: becomes Primate, 55; - influence of, 57; - head of Lords Commissioners, 58, 60, 93, 322; - played upon by Gorges, 64; - and Morton, 68, 93, 322-34; - New England not to be suffered to languish, 71; - supreme in England in 1635, 74; - his fortunes turn, 78; - corresponds with Burdet, 83; - orders Common Prayer to be used, 333, _n._ - - Lazarus, 344. - - Lead ore, 219. - - Leadstones, 219. - - Learning, vilified in New England, 282. - - Leather, made by Indians, 142, 201. - - Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_ quoted, 147, 322-34. - - Lenox, Duke of, 70. - - Lerna, lake, 292. - - Lewis, Alonzo, quoted, 129. - - Libertines, New England will not brook, 48. - - Lime, 215. - - Limestone in Weymouth, 216, _n._ - - Lions in New England, 214. - - Littleworth. (_See_ Endicott.) - - Lobsters, 209, 226, 265. - - Lords Commissioners of Plantations: appointment of board of, 58, 100; - who composed, 60; - powers of, 60; - news of appointment of, in Massachusetts, 65; - last meeting of, 81; - Morton’s dependence on, 93; - dedication of _New Canaan_ to, 109, 322. - - Louis XI., 326. - - Lowndes’s _Manual_, 100. - - Lucan, 141. - - Luscus, 263. - - Luzerans: description of, 206; - value of furs of, 205, _n._ - - Lyford, Rev. John: - at Hull, 24, 264; - moves to Cape Ann, 24; - at Plymouth, 262-4, 332, _n._ - - Lyman, Theodore, notes on fish, 221-8. - - - M. - - Machiavelli, 339. - - _Macháug_, 237, _n._ - - Mackerel, 223. - - Mackerel-shark, 223, _n._ - - Maine: trading-stations in, 23, 218, 221; - royalists in, 85. - - Maja, 281. - - Manchester, Earl of, 60. - - _Manittóoes_, 207, _n._ - - Maple, 186. - - Marble in New England, 215. - - Marblehead, quality of stone at, 215, _n._ - - Ma-re-Mount, 14. (_See_ Merry Mount.) - - Marlins, 198. - - Marriage in Massachusetts, a civil contract, 69, 330. - - Mars, 292. - - Martens: value of furs of, 205, _n._; - described, 206. - - _Mary & John_, arrival of at Hull, 42. - - _Maske_, the North Star, 125. - - Mason, Captain John: hostile to Massachusetts, 49; - grantee of New Hampshire from Council of New England, 71; - builds ships to take governor-general to New England, 73; - financial needs of, 74; - death of, and note on, 76, 238. - - Massachusetts: latent spirit of rebellion in, in 1632, 51, 66; - emigration to, in 1634, 55; - panic in, in 1635, 66, 71; - preparations against, in 1635, 67; - church practices in, 69, 322-34; - complaints against, in 1638, 81; - appeals to king a misdemeanor in, 87; - location and advantages of, 112; - elk seen in, 200, _n._; - population of, in 1632-7, 230; - baptism limited to franchise in, 331, _n._; - description of community in, 334, _n._; - justice in, 334-6. - - Massachusetts Charter: attack on in Privy Council, in 1632, 49; - obtained by influence, 52; - sent for by Privy Council, 56; - second attack on, 58, 61; - not returned to England, 64; - plan for vacating, 67; - _quo warranto_ proceedings to set aside, 75; - demand for return of, in 1638, 82. - - Massachusetts Company: grant to, 31; - difficulty of, with Council of New England, 33; - procures charter, 34; - “old planters,” jealousy of, 38; - instructions of, to Endicott, 38, 40, 45; - policy of, to, 39; - regulates trade in furs, 39; - complaints against, 50; - treasurer of, 305; - patent-case of, 305. - - Massachusetts Indians: number of, 11; - Weston’s men killed by, 252, _n._; - humanity of, 256. - - Massasoit: a night in his lodge, 136, _n._; - detains Samoset, 244, _n._ - - Mather, Cotton, quoted, 129, _n._, 132, _n._, 150, _n._, 152, _n._, - 160, _n._, 175, _n._, 331, _n._ - - _Matta_, 237. - - _Mattapan_, 12, 124. - - Maverick, Rev. John, 325, _n._ - - Maverick, Samuel: says that Morton had a patent, 8; - moves from Wessagusset to Noddle’s Island, 24; - in connection with Morton’s arrest, 30; - his assessment for charge of Morton’s arrest, 30; - cited, 46; - refers to Morton’s arraignment at Boston, 88; - an Episcopalian, 94. - - May, Thomas, quoted, 141, _n._ - - Mayberry, S. P., on Walter Bagnall, 218, _n._ - - May-day festivities: immorality of, 18; - at Mount Wollaston, 18, 276-82. - - May-pole, the: of Merry-Mount, 17, 270, 295; - custom of erecting, 17; - cut down by Endicott, 32. - - Medusa, 292. - - _Meechin_, 137. - - Melpomene, 275. - - Menhaden, 225, _n._, 226, _n._ - - Mephistopheles, 319. - - Mermaid, the, 97. - - Merriam, Mr., identifies simpes as woodcock, 191, _n._ - - Merry-Mount: fountain at, 276; - Mayday at, 276-84; - to be made a woeful mount, 278; - monster at, 282. (_See_ Mt. Wollaston.) - - _Metawna_, 194, _n._ - - Mice, 214. - - Milo, 270. - - Milton, John, quoted, 129. - - Minerals of New England, 215-21. - - Ministers: ordination of, at Plymouth, 262; - at Salem, 300, _n._, 306; - use of notes by, 322, _n._; - ordination of, in New England, 324; - superior to magistrates in New England, _ib._; - first in New England, 325, _n._; - absent-mindedness of a, _ib._; - did not marry in New England, 330. - - Ministers’ sons, whipped, 319, _n._ - - Minos, 275, 293, 294, 309. - - Mint and Cummin, tithes of, 102, 111, 280, 333. - - _Mittànnug_, 193, _n._ - - _Mona_, 124. - - Monatoquit, 9, 28, 285; - limestone near to, 216. - - Money, Indian. (_See_ Wampum.) - - Monsall, Ralph, 319, _n._ - - _Monthly Anthology_, 101, 320. - - Moose, description and uses of, 142, 200. - - Morell, Rev. William, quoted, 143, _n._ - - Morton, Nathaniel, cited, 5. - - Morton, Thomas: comes to Massachusetts with Wollaston, 1; - suspected of murder, 2, 15, 46; - his previous life, 4-5; - his acquaintance with classics, 4, 345, _n._; - his first coming to New England, 6; - his silence about Wollaston, 13; - inaccuracy of, 14, 63, 96, 123, _n._, 335, _n._; - his fondness for field sports, 15; - his treatment of Indians, 16, 256; - relations of, with Indian women, 16; - his verses, 19; - supplies Indians with guns, 20; - silence of, on subject, 21; - trades in Maine, 23; - visits Wessagusset, 24; - number of his neighbors, 25; - remonstrated with for sale of fire-arms, 25; - on proclamations, 26; - arrest of, by Standish, 27, 282-6; - escape of, 28, 283; - taken to Plymouth, 29, 296; - sent to England, 29, 289; - cost of arrest of, 30, 302; - reaches England, 31; - not proceeded against, 35, 303; - could have been proceeded against in Star Chamber, 35; - ingratiates himself with Gorges, 36; - and Allerton, 36, 325; - good results of, 37; - returns to Plymouth, 37, 304; - to Mount Wollaston, 38; - refuses to sign agreement, 39, 307; - disregards trade regulations, 40, 308; - an agent of Gorges, 41; - profits of, 41, 308; - attempt to re-arrest, 41, 308; - re-arrest of, 43; - trial and sentence of, 44; - sent back to England, 45; - charges against him, 46; - punishment of, 46-8, 311, 312; - a warrant for his arrest from King’s Bench, 47, 311; - a “libertine,” 48; - driven away from Massachusetts, 49, 336-7; - in Exeter jail, 49; - allies himself to enemies of Massachusetts Charter, 50; - makes complaint before Privy Council, 50; - gives reason of failure of complaint, 54; - forwards more complaints, 56; - elation of, in 1634, 60; - his letters to William Jeffreys, 61; - crying as Jonas, 61, 103, 344; - plays on Laud’s foibles, 64, 93, 322-34, _n._, _n._; - has Winslow put in Fleet prison, 69; - Solicitor of Council for New England, 72; - promptness of, in legal proceedings, 75; - on Captain John Mason, 76; - Cradock on, 77; - in pay of Cleaves, 77; - in disgrace with Gorges, 80; - witnesses Acomenticus charter, 81; - starved out of England, 83; - at Plymouth in 1643, 84; - pretends to be a Commonwealth’s man, 85; - goes to Maine, 85; - to Rhode Island, 85; - to Boston, 86; - arraigned, 86; - extraordinary proceedings against, 87; - petition of, 88-90; - imprisonment, release and death of, 91; - a man out of place, 92; - Episcopalian defenders of, 92; - “his faults,” 93; - oppressively dealt with in Massachusetts, 94; - small literary merit of, 95; - may have met Butler and Jonson, 96; - sense of humor of, 97; - style of, 103; - at Richmond Island, 218; - uses Common Prayer, 260, 311; - at Cape Ann, 261; - at Nut Island, 268; - date of arrest, 295; - references of, to Winthrop, 310, _n._, 321; - gets game for settlers, 321; - at Salem, 325, _n._; - at Canary Islands, 342; - his voyage to England, 342-5. - - Mount Dagon, 32, 278. - - Mount Wollaston: why so called, 1; - character and number of settlers at, 8, 286, 294; - description and sketch of, 9-10; - view from, 12; - location of, 15; - morals at, 17; - May-day festivities at, 18; - a refuge of runaways, 22, 23; - within grant to Massachusetts Company, 31; - destruction of house at, 45; - Common Prayer at, 94, 283; - fountain at, 229; - monster at, 282. - - Muskrats, 204; - value of skins of, 205, _n._; - description of, 210. - - Muscles, 227. - - _Munnoh_, 124, _n._ - - - N. - - _Nan weeteo_, 148, _n._ - - Nantasket, 24, 25, 30, 325, _n._, 337, _n._ - - Nanepashemet, 155. - - Naumkeag, 25, 30. - - Nebuchadnezzar, 116. - - _Necut_, 193, _n._ - - _Neent_, 194, _n._ - - Neptune, 277. - - Netherlands, 293. - - _New Canaan_: political significance of, 68; - as a political pamphlet, 68, 322, _n._; - reference to Lake Irocoise in, 78; - where written, 78, 233, _n._; - referred to by Bradford, 79; - latest revision of, 79; - no copies of, get to New England, 79, 88; - publication of, not agreeable to Gorges, 80; - referred to by Winthrop, 86; - references to Book of Common Prayer in, 93; - ribaldry of, 94; - criticism of, 95-6; - referred to in _Hudibras_, 96; - humor in, 97; - a connecting link, 98; - bibliography of, 99-101; - titlepages of, 100; - printing of, 102; - cause of errors in, 103; - rules for present edition of, 104. - - New England: emigration to, in 1634, 55; - royal policy towards, 57; - church practices in, 69; - division of, in 1635, 70; - commission for governing, in 1637, 77; - location and temperature of, 120-1; - winds not violent in, 122, 232; - plenty of, 175; - air of, 177; - beauty of, 180; - motives of settlers in, 181; - no boggy ground in, 228; - perfumed air of, 228, 231-2; - superiority of, to Virginia, 228, 229, 233, 265; - natural waters of, 229; - population of, 230; - fertility of, 231; - people of, never have colds, 232; - rainfall of, 233; - coast and harbors of, _ib._; - fecundity of women in, 265; - universities vilified in, 282. (_See_ Council for New England.) - - _New English Canaan._ (_See_ _New Canaan_.) - - New Hampshire, population of, in 1634, 230, _n._ - - Newburyport: galena found in, 219, _n._; - silver ore, 220, _n._ - - Newcomein, John, 216-7. - - Niagara Falls, 236. - - “Nick and Froth,” 328, _n._ - - Nilus, 240. - - Niobe, 277, 281. - - Nipnets, 240, 270. - - _Nneesnneánna_, 193, _n._ - - Noddy, Doctor, 309. - - _Nokehick_, 175, _n._ - - North Star, the Indian name of, 125, _n._ - - Northwest passage, interest in the, in 1632, 118, _n._, 239. - - “Noses out of joint,” 94, 281. - - Notes used in preaching, 322. - - Nourse, H. S., on Elk in South Lancaster, Mass., 200, _n._ - - Nowell, Increase, 305, _n._ - - Nut Island, 268. - - Nuttall’s _Ornithology_, cited, 194, _n._ - - - O. - - Oaks in New England, 182. - - Oates, Jack, 253, _n._ - - Œdipus, 277, 280. - - Oil, cod-liver, 222. - - “Old Planters,” jealousy of Massachusetts Company, 38. - - Oldham, John, 40; - at Hull, 24; - takes Morton to England, 29-32; - his promises of gain in New England, 32; - his scheme for trading, 33; - does not press matters against Morton, 33, 36; - receives grant from John Gorges, 34; - tries to organize expedition, 34; - “a jack in his mood,” 40; - his treatment at Plymouth, 262-4. - - Oliver le Daim, 326. - - _Om_, 124, _n._ - - Ordination. (_See_ Ministers.) - - Otters, value of furs of, 205, _n._, 206. - - Ounce, the, 206, _n._ - - Ovid, quoted, 217, 273. - - Owls, 195. - - Oysters, 227. - - - P. - - Palfrey, J. G., quoted, 140, _n._, 148, _n._ - - “Pan the Shepherds’ God,” 124. - - Papasiquineo. (_See_ Pasconaway.) - - Parkman, Francis, quoted, 16, 17, 136, _n._, 140, _n._, 145, _n._, - 158, _n._, 166, _n._, 168, _n._, 234, _n._ - - Partridges, 194. - - Pasconaway, the sachem, 150, _n._; - his tricks and incantations, 151; - his daughter’s marriage, 154-5. - - _Pascopan_, 124. - - _Paskanontam_, 124, _n._ - - Passonagessit: description of, 9; - signification of name, 14, 276; - grave at, desecrated, 247; - Master Bubble at, 267; - revels at, 276-82; - mine host, sachem of, 289. (_See_ Mt. Wollaston.) - - Pastors. (_See_ Ministers.) - - Patent of Massachusetts: granted, 31; - brought over by Endicott, 305; - its case, _ib._, _n._ - - Paul’s Walk, 298, _n._ - - Pawtucket, 124. - - Peabody, W. B. O., referred to, 189, 192. - - Peddock, Leonard, 130, _n._ - - Peddock’s Island, 130, _n._ - - Pemaquid, 244. - - Penelope, 281. - - _Pennacook, the Bridal of_, 155, _n._ - - Pestilence among Indians in 1616-7, 11, 120, 130-4; - nature of, 133, _n._; - Squanto’s fraud about, 245. - - Phaethon, 293. - - Phaos box, 280, 297; - explained, 345, _n._ - - _Pharsalia_, May’s continuation of, quoted, 141, _n._ - - Pheasants, 194. - - Phillips, Rev. George, 326. - - Phillips Creek, Weymouth, site of Wessagusset settlement, 3. - - Phlegethon, 314. - - Phœbus, 293. - - Phyllis 273. - - Pike, 227. - - Pilchers, 226. - - Pillory and whetstone, 300, _n._ - - Pine-trees, 184. - - Pipe-staves as merchandise, 182. - - Piscataqua, 30; - Hiltons and Thomson at, 22, 25, 255, _n._ - - Plague. (_See_ Pestilence.) - - Plaice, 226. - - Plantations, Foreign, board of Lords Commissioners of. (_See_ Lords - Commissioners.) - - Plato, Indians practise Commonwealth of, 177. - - “Plough patent” in Maine, 85. - - Plymouth, 30; - settlers at, in 1628, 25; - Morton carried to, 29; - Indians about destroyed by pestilence, 133, _n._; - Billington hanged at, 217, _n._; - population of, in 1634, 230, _n._; - Samoset’s appearance at, 244; - treatment of Weston at, 245-6, 255-7; - people of, at Passonagessit 247, _n._; - Morton visits, 259; - cattle at, 260; - Lyford and Oldham at, 262-4; - reordination of ministers at, 262; - no vessel arrives at, in June 1628, 289, _n._; - Christmas at, 294, _n._; - Morton arrives again at, 304; - ministers at, 325, _n._; - Book of Common Prayer at, 332, _n._ - - Pocahontas, “a well-featured but wanton young girl,” 145, _n._ - - Porcupines, 211. - - Portland, Earl of, 60. - - Portland Harbor, 221, _n._ - - Potomac, the, 236, 239. - - Powahs, Indian, 139, _n._, 150, _n._, 152, _n._ - - Pratt, Phineas, cited, 131, _n._, 132, _n._ - - Praying, manner of, 334. - - Priapus, 94, 205, 281. - - Privy Council: petition to, against Massachusetts Company, 51; - order of, stopping emigration to New England, 56, 333, _n._ - - Proclamations, royal: about fire-arms, 20; - not law, 26; - violation of, punishable in Star Chamber, 35. - - Procrustes, 335. - - Proteus, 94, 281. - - Purchase, Mr., cures himself of sciatica, 207, _n._ - - Purification of women, 331. - - Putnam, F. W., 131, _n._, 227, _n._ - - Pygmalion, 315. - - Pythagoras, 329, _n._ - - - Q. - - Quacksalver, punishment of, 299. - - Quail, in New England, 194. - - Quebec, capture of, by Kirk, 235, _n._ - - Quincy: seal of town of, 10; - slate in, 216, _n._ - - _Quo warranto_ proceedings to set aside Massachusetts Charter, 74, - 77, 82, 86. - - - R. - - Rabbits, 204, 211. - - Rabelais, 94. - - Raccoon, 207. - - Rasdall: a partner of Wollaston, 1; - follows him to Virginia, 13; - disappears, 15. - - Ratcliff, Philip: before Privy Council, 50; - thought a lunatic, 56; - promised cropping of Winthrop’s ears, 62, 64; - called Faircloath, 316, 340; - punishment of, 316-8. - - Rattlesnakes, 213; - antidotes to poison of, 213, 214, _n._ - - Rats, 214. - - Razor-shell, 227. - - Readings, conjectural, 105. - - Red-lead, 219. - - Reordination. (_See_ Ministers.) - - Reproductions, slavishness of, 104. - - Reynolds, Dr. John, 331, _n._ - - Rhadamanthus, 293, 294, 309. - - Rhode Island, Morton in, 86. - - Richmond Island: Walter Bagnall at, 200, _n._, 218, _n._; - coins found on, _ib._; - whetstones at, 217; - vessels at, 221. - - Rigby, Alexander, 84. - - Ring, use of, in marriage, 331. - - Rogers, Mr., preacher at Plymouth, 325, _n._ - - Running footmen, 329, _n._ - - Rupert, Prince, 83. - - - S. - - Sables, value of, 205, _n._ - - Sal, Isle of, 116, _n._, 117, _n._, 343, _n._ - - Salem: suffering at, in 1629-30, 42; - a doctor made at, 298; - Dr. Fuller at, 299; - Endicott holds a court at, 306; - ordination of ministers at, 306; - Morton at, 306, 325, _n._; - church of, abused by Ratcliff, 317, _n._; - church of, vilified, 317-8; - use of Common Prayer at, 332, _n._ - - Salmon, 224. - - Salt: abundance of, in tropics, 117; - use of, unknown among Indians, 161, 175, _n._; - given to them by Morton, 161. - - Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 43; - before Privy Council, 51, 61. - - Samoset, 244, _n._ - - Samson, 281. - - Sanaconquam, an Indian god, 167. - - Sanderling, 191. - - Sandpiper, 191. - - Sargent, Professor C. S., 182, _n._ - - Savage, James, cited, 30, _n._ - - Scallops, 227. - - Scent, acuteness of Indian, 166. - - Sciatica, cured by raccoon grease, 207. - - Scogan, John, 278; - choice of, 281. - - Scotland: policy of Charles I. breaks down in, 78; - troubles of 1638 in, 82. - - Scylla, 278, 280. - - Sea-sickness, 298. - - Sequestration, in _New Canaan_, 308. - - Serat, 204. - - _Sesick_, 213. - - Shackles: possibly Aspinwall, 319; - whips Faircloath, 320; - fed by Morton, 321; - burns Morton’s house, 337. - - Shad, 225. - - Shakespeare, William, 98. - - Shawmut, 12. - - Shaler, Professor N. S., notes by, 215-20. - - Shell-heaps: at Cotuit, 131, _n._; - origin of, 226, _n._ - - Ships, number of engaged in fisheries, 221. - - Shoals, Isles of, 29, 289, 296, 302. - - Shrimpe, Captaine. (_See_ Standish.) - - Silver in New England, 220, _n._ - - Simpes, 191. - - Skelton, Rev. Samuel, 39, 300, _n._, 325, _n._; - called Eager, 306. - - Slafter, Rev. E. F., quoted, 234, _n._ - - Slate: in Quincy and Weymouth, 216, _n._; - at Richmond Island, 217, _n._ - - Smart, Captain, brings over falcons to the king, 196, _n._ - - Smelts, 225. - - Smith, John, 95; - quoted, 1, _n._, 136, _n._, 144, _n._, 147, _n._, 150, _n._ - - Smith, Ralfe, 325, _n._ - - Snakes, 212. - - Snipes, 191. - - Socrates, quoted, 327. - - Solomon: sayings of, quoted, 119, 127, 228; - referred to, 184. - - Sommers, Will, 253. - - South Lancaster, Mass., elks in, 200, _n._ - - South Sea, 239. - - “Sparke,” 160. - - Sparrow-hawks, 198. - - Spruce-trees, 185. - - Squanto, 271, _n._; - made use of by Chickatawbut, 164; - kidnapped, 244, _n._ - - Squanto’s Chappel: chalkstones at, 216; - fountain at, 229. - - Squantum, 12, 216, 229; - slate at, 216, _n._ - - Squidraket, Sagamore, 218, _n._ - - Squirrels, 212. - - St. Michaels, 343. - - St. Paul’s Church, 298. - - Stam, Jacob Frederick, 100. - - Standish, Miles: kills Indians at Wessagusset, 11; - sent to arrest Morton, 27; - threatens to shoot him, 29, 296; - takes offence at Morton, in 1643, 84; - at Wessagusset, 247, _n._; - Captain Shrimpe, 285-7, 291, _n._, 296; - a quondam drummer, 286; - called Minos, 291, _n._ - - Star Chamber, court of, 35. - - Stenography, 266. - - Sterling, Earl of, 70. - - Stones, chapter on, 215-20. - - Strachey, Edward, quoted, 145, _n._, 147, _n._, 208, _n._, - 210, _n._, 215, _n._ - - Strafford, Earl of, 60, 74. - - Stubbs, his _Anatomy of Abuses_ cited, 18. - - Students of Harvard College, whipped, 319, _n._ - - Sturgeon, 223. - - Styx, 293, 314. - - _Swan_, the, Weston’s vessel, 257, _n._ - - Swans, 189. - - Swift, Lindsay, quoted, 328, _n._, 335, _n._, 345, _n._ - - - T. - - Tantoquineo, 152. - - Tartars, supposed descent of Indians from, 125. - - Tassell gentles, 196-7. - - Teal, kinds of, in New England, 190. - - Temperwell, Joshua. (_See_ Winthrop, John.) - - Thomson, David: at Piscataqua, 24; - moves to Boston Bay, 24; - on origin of Indians, 128; - authorities concerning, 128. - - “Thorough,” Gorges policy, the New England branch of, 60, 74. - - Tin, in New England, 220. - - _Titta_, 148. - - Tithes, 333. - - Tornadoes, 217. - - Trade with Indians, liquor the life of, 20, 174. (_See_ Fire-arms.) - - Trade: profits of in New England, 32; - regulations of Massachusetts Company, 39; - disregarded by Morton, 40, 306, 308. - - Trade-winds, effect of, 118. - - Traps, to take deer, 202. - - Trees: effect of burning underbrush on, 172; - where to look for large, 172; - of New England, 182-7. - - Triton, 281. - - Trojans, supposed descent of Indians from the, 126-7, 129. - - Trout, 227. - - Trumbull, J. Hammond: on name of Passonagessit, 14; - notes by, on Indian words, 123, 124, 137, 148, 160, 167, 229; - his notes to _Plaine Dealing_ referred to, 322-34. - - Turbot, 225. - - Turkeys: garments made of feathers of, 142, 144, _n._; - hunted by Indians, 162; - wild, in New England, 192. - - Turtledoves, 180. - - Tuttle, C. W., 238, _n._ - - - U. - - Universities, vilified in New England, 281-2. - - Uttaquatock, 216. - - - V. - - Venice, 281. - - Venus, 265, 315, 345. - - Vermilion, 219. - - Virgil, quoted, 217, 260, 345. - - Virginia: prices of furs in, in 1650, 205, _n._; - wolves in, 208, _n._; - corn not planted in, 225; - inferiority of, to New England, 228, 229, _n._, 233, 265; - the “barren doe” of, 264, 276; - population of, 265; - execution in, 342. - - - W. - - Walnut, the, 183. - - Wampum, 157-9, 301. - - Wampumpeack. (_See_ Wampum.) - - Warham, Rev. John, 322, _n._, 325, _n._ - - Warwick, Earl of, had no influence at Court, 52. - - Washburne, John, 305, _n._ - - Walford, Thomas: moves from Wessagusset to Mishawum, 24; - an Episcopalian, 94. - - Wessagusset: plantations at, 2, 246; - Robert Gorges at, 3; - dispersion of his settlement, 4; - Indians killed at, by Standish, 11, 247, _n._; - locality of, 12; - separation of settlers at, in 1628, 24; - Morton arrested at, 27, 282, 290, _n._; - Episcopalians, 95; - those dwelling at, 162, _n._; - muscle-bank at, 227; - skirmish at, 247; - the hanging at, 249-51; - settlers killed at, 253-4; - Lyford at, 264; - Morton at, in winter, 268; - Indians compound theft at, 269; - bring Bubble’s things to, 271. (_See_ Weymouth.) - - Weston, Andrew: comes to New England in _Charity_, 7; - takes an Indian boy back to England, 130, _n._; - date of his voyage, 130, _n._ - - Weston, Thomas: establishes a plantation at Wessagusset, 2; - account of, 245-6; - his men killed by Indians, 252; - comes to New England, 255-7; - treatment of, 257-9, 261. - - Wethercock, Mr., 337, 342-3. - - Weymouth, 2; - slate and limestone in, 216, _n._ (_See_ Wessagusset.) - - Whetstones, 124, 216; - at Richmond Island, 217; - punishment of pillory and, 299, _n._ (_See_ _Cos_.) - - Whipping-post, 274, 319, _n._ - - White, William and Susannah, 330, _n._ - - Whitney, Professor J. D., on Isle of Sal and poisonous fish, 116. - - Whitney, George, quoted, 101. - - Whittier, J. G., 155, _n._ - - Widgeon, 191. - - Widow, the, 323. (_See_ Deaconess.) - - Wiggin, Thomas: cited in regard to Morton, 5; - before Privy Council, 52; - quoted, 320, _n._ - - Wigwams, described, 134-8. - - Wildrake, 92. - - Williams, Edward, quoted, 182, _n._ - - Williams, Roger, quoted, 16, 17, 124, _n._, 125, _n._, 136, _n._, - 137, _n._, 146, _n._, 149, _n._, 158, _n._, 159, _n._, - 168, _n._, 171, _n._, 194, _n._, 202, _n._, 207, _n._, - 221, _n._, 232, _n._ - - Willis, William, 218, _n._ - - Wilson, Rev. John, 325, _n._ - - Winnisimmet, 25, 30, _n._, 300, _n._, 301; - origin of name of, 229, _n._; - fountain at, 229, 265. - - Winnepurkitt, the marriage of, 155. - - Winslow, Governor Edward, 95; - quoted, 16, 125, _n._, 140, _n._, 145, _n._, 149, _n._; - sent to England in 1634, 64; - sails, 65; - reaches London, 67; - petitions Lords Commissioners, 68; - put in Fleet prison, 69, 322, _n._; - describes Morton at Plymouth in 1648, 84; - goes on mission to Massasoit, 136, _n._; - marriage of, 330, _n._ - - Winsor, Justin, 99. - - Winthrop, Governor John, 43, 81, 95; - arrival of, in New England, 42, 310; - imposes sentence on Morton, 44, 311; - has warrant for Morton’s arrest, 47, 311; - criticism of, on complaint to Privy Council, 50; - rejoices over failure of complaint, 53; - “King Winthrop,” 63; - receives letter of Morton to Jeffreys, 65; - Gorges refers to patience of, 80; - excuses not sending out charter in 1638, 83; - on arrest of Morton in 1644, 86; - quoted, 91, 150, _n._, 218, _n._, 230, _n._; - absence of humor in, 98; - course towards Bagnall, 218, _n._; - called Joshua, 301; - referred to as Temperwell, 302, 310, 314, 318, 320, 335, 340; - degrades gentry, 313; - has Ratcliff whipped, 320; - responsible for wants of settlement, 321; - upon civil marriages, 330, _n._; - on Book of Common Prayer, 332, _n._; - methods of, as judge, 334-6; - course towards Sir C. Gardiner, 340. - - “Without, them that are,” 316, 321, 332. - - Woburn: galena found in, 219; - silver ore, 220, _n._ - - Wollaston, facts concerning name of, 1, _n._ (_See_ Mount Wollaston.) - - Wollaston, Captain: settles at Massachusetts, 1; - composition of his company, 4; - leaves Massachusetts, 12; - sells his servants in Virginia, 13; - tradition as to death of, 15. - - Wolves: deer persecuted by, 203; - black, value of furs of, 207, _n._, 209; - description of, 208-9. - - _Wonder-Working Providence_, quoted, 94, 300, _n._ - - Wood, William, 217. - - Woodcock, 191, _n._ - - Woodman, “Auld,” 216. - - Wood’s _Prospect_: quoted, 16, 95, 129, 137, _n._, 138, _n._, - 139, _n._, 140, _n._, 143, _n._, 150, _n._, 160, _n._, - 168, _n._, 184, _n._, 186, _n._, 189, _n._, 191, _n._, - 192, _n._, 198, _n._, 200, _n._, 206, _n._, 208, _n._, - 210, _n._, 213, _n._, 223, _n._, 224, _n._, 230, _n._, - 238, _n._; - referred to, 139, 141, 154, 172, 182, _n._, 184, _n._, 200, _n._, - 217, 221, _n._, 233; - when written, 233. - - Worcester: black-lead found in, 219, _n._; - country of Nipnets, 240, _n._ - - _Wotawquenauge_, 254. - - Wrentham, black-lead found in, 219, _n._ - - Wrington, Samuel Fuller born in, 298. - - _Wunanumau_, 123. - - - Y. - - York, Archbishop of, 60. - - York, Maine. (_See_ Acomenticus.) - - - Z. - - Zones, the: New England, how placed in, 115-22; - Aristotle’s theory of, 117. - - - - -Council of the Prince Society. - -1883. - - - EDMUND F. SLAFTER. - JOHN WARD DEAN. - WILLIAM B. TRASK. - CHARLES H. BELL. - JOHN MARSHALL BROWN. - HENRY W. FOOTE. - DAVID GREENE HASKINS, JR. - ELBRIDGE H. GOSS. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - -[1] Bradford, pp. 235-6. - -[2] A Captain Wolliston is mentioned by Smith (_Description of New -England_, III. Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vi. p. 136) as the lieutenant -of “one Captain Barra, an English pirate, in a small ship, with some -twelve pieces of ordnance, about thirty men and near all starved,” whom -Smith encountered in 1615, while a captive in the hands of the French -freebooters. Though it has found a place in biographical dictionaries -on account of two eminent men of one family from Staffordshire who -bore it, the name of Wollaston is rarely met with. It is not found, -for instance, in the present directories of either Boston or New York, -and but twice in that of Philadelphia. It has been given to islands in -both the Arctic and the Antarctic oceans, but the family to which it -belonged seems to have originated in an inland English county. (Lower’s -_Patronymica Britannica_). The Captain, or Lieutenant, Wolliston, -therefore, whom Smith fell in with in 1615 may have been, and probably -was, the same who ten years later gave his name to the hill on Quincy -Bay. It is not likely that two Captain Wollastons were sea-adventurers -at the same time. That it actually was the same man is, however, matter -of pure surmise. - -[3] Bradford, p. 154. - -[4] _Infra_, *44, *124-127, *138. - -[5] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 321. - -[6] _N. E. Memorial_, p. 160. - -[7] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. viii. p. 323. - -[8] _Infra_, *13, *71, 343, _note_. - -[9] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401, n. - -[10] Bradford, p. 236. - -[11] _Infra_, *17, 130, _note_ 2, *59. - -[12] Bradford, p. 118. - -[13] Bradford, p. 120. - -[14] Young’s _Chron. of Pl._, p. 299. - -[15] _Infra_, *60. - -[16] _Infra_, *113-118. - -[17] Palfrey, vol. i. p 397. - -[18] _Lowell Inst. Lectures_ of Mass. Hist. Soc. 1869, p. 147. Samuel -Maverick, however, writing to Lord Clarendon in the year 1661, asserts -that Morton had a patent. _Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc._ 1869, p. 40. - -[19] Palfrey (vol. i. p. 222) speaks of it as “a bluff.” This is an -error. The slope from where Morton’s house stood to the water is very -gradual. - -[20] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 395. - -[21] _Infra_, *51, 106. - -[22] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 305. - -[23] This View of Mount Wollaston is taken from Rev. Dr. William P. -Lunt’s _Two Discourses on Occasion of the Two Hundredth Anniversary of -the Gathering of the First Congregational Church, Quincy_, (p. 37). It -represents the place very accurately as it appeared in 1840, and as -it is supposed to have appeared from the time of the first settlement -until recently. The single tree was a lofty red-cedar, which must -have been there when Wollaston landed, as it was a large tree of a -long-lived species, and died from age about 1850. The trunk is still -(1882) standing; and, though all the bark has dropped off, it measures -some 66 inches in circumference. The central part of the above cut, -including the tree, has been adopted as a seal for the town of Quincy, -with the motto “MANET.” - -[24] _Infra_, *115-18. - -[25] _Infra_, *59. - -[26] _Infra_, *114. - -[27] Bradford, pp. 236-7. - -[28] _Infra_, *103, *117. - -[29] _Infra_, *141-9. - -[30] Morton uniformly speaks of the place as Ma-re-Mount, and John -Adams on this point commented in his notes as follows:--“The Fathers -of Plymouth, Dorchester, Charlestown, &c., I suppose would not allow -the name to be Ma-re-Mount, but insisted upon calling it Merry-Mount, -for the same reason that the common people in England will not call -gentlemen’s ornamental grounds gardens, but insist upon calling them -pleasure-grounds, _i. e._, to excite envy and make them unpopular.” - -Ma-re-Mount, however, was a characteristic bit of Latin punning on -Morton’s part, designed to tease his more austere neighbors. He himself -says (_Infra_, *132): “The inhabitants of Passonagessit, having -translated the name of their habitation from that ancient salvage name -to Ma-re-Mount ... the precise seperatists that lived at New Plimmouth -stood at defiance with the place threatening to make it a woefull mount -and not a merry mount.” (_Infra_, *134.) In view of the situation of -the place, Ma-re-Mount was a very appropriate name, but it may well be -questioned whether it was ever so called by any human being besides -Morton, or by him except in print. Bradford calls it Merie-mounte. -(p. 237.) The expression used by Morton, that they “translated the -name” from Passonagessit to Ma-re-Mount, would naturally suggest that -the Indian name might find its equivalent in the Latin one, and mean -simply “a hill by the sea.” On this point, however, J. Hammond Trumbull -writes: “Morton’s ‘Passonagessit’ has been a puzzle to me every time -it has caught my eye since I first marked it twenty years ago or more -with double (??). Morton, as he shows in chap. ii. of book I., could -not write the most simple Indian word without a blunder. What _may_ -have been the name he makes ‘Passonagessit’ we cannot guess, unless -it survives in some early record. There is no trace of ‘sea,’ or -‘water,’ or ‘mount’ in it. If it stands for _Pasco-naig-és-it_, it -means ‘at [a place] near the little point,’ but I know so little of the -local topography that I hesitate to suggest this interpretation.” The -rendering here suggested by Dr. Trumbull does apply sufficiently well -to the locality. Mount Wollaston is a part of the neck which connects -the peninsulas locally known in Quincy as Germantown and Hough’s Neck -with the mainland. - -[31] Bradford, p. 253. - -[32] Whitney’s _Hist. of Quincy_, p. 18. - -[33] _Infra_, *55. - -[34] Josselyn says of the “Indesses,” as he calls them, “All of them -are of a modest demeanor, considering their savage breeding; and -indeed do shame our _English_ rusticks whose rudeness in many things -exceedeth theirs.” (_Two Voyages_, pp. 12, 45.) When the Massachusets -Indian women, in September, 1621, sold the furs from their backs to the -first party of explorers from Plymouth, Winslow, who wrote the account -of that expedition, says that they “tied boughs about them, but with -great shamefacedness, for indeed they are more modest than some of our -English women are.” (_Mourt_, p. 59.) See also, to the same effect, -Wood’s _Prospect_, (p. 82.) It suggests, indeed, a curious inquiry -as to what were the customs among the ruder classes of the British -females during the Elizabethan period, when all the writers agree in -speaking of the Indian women in this way. Roger Williams, for instance, -referring to their clothing, says: “Both men and women within doores, -leave off their beasts skin, or English cloth, and so (excepting their -little apron) are wholly naked; yet but few of the women but will keepe -their skin or cloth (though loose) neare to them, ready to gather it up -about them. Custome hath used their minds and bodies to it, and in such -a freedom from any wantonnesse that I have never seen that wantonnesse -amongst them as, (with griefe) I have heard of in Europe.” (_Key_, pp. -110-11.) And he adds, “More particular: - - “Many thousand proper Men and Women, - I have seen met in one place: - Almost all naked, yet not one - Thought want of clothes disgrace.” - -In Parkman’s _Jesuits in North America_ (ch. iv.) there is a very -graphic account of the missionary Le Jeune’s experience among the -Algonquins, in which he describes the interior of the wigwam on a -winter’s evening. “Heated to suffocation, the sorcerer, in the closest -possible approach to nudity, lay on his back, with his right knee -planted upright and his left leg crossed on it, discoursing volubly -to the company, who, on their part, listened in postures scarcely -less remote from decency.” Le Jeune says, “Les filles et les jeunes -femmes sont à l’exterieur tres honnestement couvertes, mais entre elles -leurs discours sont puants, comme des cloaques;” and Parkman adds, -“The social manners of remote tribes of the present time correspond -perfectly with Le Jeune’s account of those of the Montagnais.” See also -_Voyages of Champlain_, Prince Soc., vol. iii. pp. 168-70. - -[35] Parkman says that “chastity in women was recognized as a virtue -by many tribes.” (_Jesuits in North America_, p. xxxiv.) Of the New -England Indians Williams remarks,--“Single fornications they count no -sin, but after marriage then they count it heinous for either of them -to be false.” (_Key_, p. 138.) Judging by an incident mentioned by -Morton, however, adultery does not seem to have been looked upon as a -very grave offense among the Indians of the vicinity in which he lived. -(_Infra_, *32.) On the general subject of morality among young Indian -women, especially in the vicinity of trading-posts, see Parkman’s -_Jesuits in North America_ (pp. xxxiv, xlii) and the letter from Father -Carheil to the Intendant Champigny, in _The Old Régime in Canada_ (p. -427). - -[36] _Infra_, *135. - -[37] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. p. 62. - -[38] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. p. 478. - -[39] Hazlitt’s _Popular Antiquities of Great Britain_, p. 121. See also -on this subject, Strutt’s _Sports and Pastimes_, p. 352. - -[40] _Infra_, *132-7. - -[41] Bradford, p. 237. - -[42] Bradford, p. 238. - -[43] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi, p. 70. See also note 202 in -Trumbull’s ed. of Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_, p. 117. - -[44] Bradford, p. 240. - -[45] _Infra_, *78, 218, _n._ - -[46] _Infra_, *137. - -[47] Bradford, p. 204. - -[48] _Ib._ p. 233. - -[49] _Infra_, *149. - -[50] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 83. - -[51] _Infra_, *124. - -[52] _Infra_, *181. - -[53] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii, pp. 63, 64. - -[54] Bradford, p. 241. - -[55] XII. Coke, p. 75. - -[56] _Hist. of England_ (Edition of Harper Bros.) vol. iv. p. 280. - -[57] _Lives of the Chief Justices_, vol. i. p. 283. See also a paper on -“Royal Proclamations,” in Disraeli’s _Curiosities of Literature_ (ed. -1863), vol. iii., p. 371. - -[58] Bradford, p. 241-2. - -[59] _Infra_, *137-43. - -[60] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. pp. 63-4. - -[61] _Infra_, *150. - -[62] _Infra_, *144, 155. - -[63] The letters in full are in Bradford’s _Letter-Book_, III. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. pp. 62-4. - -[64] The names of neither Maverick nor Walford appear in this list, -though in his history Bradford especially mentions Winnisimmet (p. 241) -as one of the places the settlers at which contributed to the charge. -They may, as Savage suggests, (_Winthrop_, vol. i. p. *43 n.) have -been included with Blackstone, though, considering what Maverick’s -means were, this does not seem probable. Edward Hilton lived at Dover, -eight miles above Piscataqua. (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 315. -_Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc. 1875-6_, pp. 362-8.) Mr. Deane suggests that -Little Harbor, the place formerly occupied by Thomson, was meant by -Piscataqua. (_Ib._, 368.) The locality of Bursley and Jeffreys greatly -confused the authorities for a time, but it no longer seems open to -question. (_Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc. 1878_, p. 198.) - -[65] Hazard, vol. i. p. 243. - -[66] Bradford, p. 238; _Infra_, *134. Dagon was the sea-god of the -Philistines, upon the occasion of whose feast, at Gaza, Samson pulled -down the pillars of the temple. _Judges_, xvi. - -[67] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79. - -[68] Oldham’s “vast conceits of extraordinary gain of three for one” -afterwards caused “no small distraction” to the sober-minded governor -and assistants of the Massachusetts Company. Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, -p. 147. - -[69] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 80. - -[70] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 171; Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 6. - -[71] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 147. - -[72] Bradford, p. 243. - -[73] _Infra_, *156. - -[74] _Supra_, p. 26. - -[75] XII. Coke, p. 76. - -[76] Campbell’s _Chief Justices_, vol. ii. p. 42. - -[77] Campbell’s _Lord Chancellors_, vol. iii. p. 256. - -[78] Bradford, p. 237. - -[79] Bradford, p. 250. - -[80] _Infra_, *157. - -[81] Bradford, p. 252. - -[82] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. p. 63. - -[83] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 145. - -[84] _Infra_, *158-9. - -[85] Hazard, vol. i. p. 252. - -[86] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. 96, 148. - -[87] _Infra_, *119. - -[88] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57. - -[89] _Infra_, *160. - -[90] _Infra_, *161. - -[91] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 311. - -[92] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *30. - -[93] _Records_, vol. i. p. 74. - -[94] _Infra_, *163. - -[95] _Records_, vol i. p. 75. - -[96] _Infra_, *163. - -[97] _Coll. of N. Y. Hist. Soc._ (1869), p. 42. - -[98] _Infra_, *186-7. - -[99] Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 321; _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, -1860-2, p. 133. - -[100] Bradford, p. 253. - -[101] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57. - -[102] Morton says (_Infra_, *163) “the Snare must now be used; this -instrument must not be brought by Iosua [Winthrop] in vaine.” - -[103] _Mass. Hist. Soc._, Lowell Inst. Lectures (1869), p. 377. - -[104] I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 250. - -[105] Bradford, p. 253. - -[106] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 336. - -[107] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *102. - -[108] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 391. - -[109] Bradford, pp. 251-2. - -[110] Clarendon’s _Rebellion_, B. III. § 27; B. VI. § 404. - -[111] Winthrop. vol. i. p. *100. Downing sent a detailed account of the -hearing, now lost, to Winthrop; see Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 2. - -[112] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 33, n. - -[113] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 392. - -[114] Bradford, p. 297. - -[115] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *190. - -[116] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 338. - -[117] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 80. - -[118] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 338. The reference here, as -at some other places, is to Deane’s chapter on “The Charter of King -Charles I.” As a rule, in works of this description, dealing with the -sources of history, it is not permissible to refer to contemporaneous -authorities. Mr. Deane, however, so far as New England history is -concerned, may fairly be made an exception to this rule. His knowledge -is so exhaustive and his accuracy so great that a reference to him I -consider just as good and as permissible as a reference to the original -authorities. - -[119] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *56, n. - -[120] Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 391-3. - -[121] _Briefe Narration_, III. Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vi. p. 82. -Hazard, vol. i. p. 390-4. - -[122] _Proc. of Amer. Antiq. Soc._, 1867, p. 124. Winthrop, vol. ii. p. -233. Hazard, vol. i. p. 347. - -[123] Hazard, vol. i. p. 347. - -[124] William Jeffreys was one of the Robert Gorges Company. He had -contributed to the cost of arresting Morton in 1628 and sending him -to England. Morton, in writing to him, could not but have been aware -of this; but not improbably, during the time of his return to Mount -Wollaston in 1630, he had seen more of Jeffreys, and found that he -too, like the rest of the “old planters,” looked on the Massachusetts -Company with jealousy and apprehension. At that time, indeed, -Jeffreys was in active correspondence with Gorges, and outspoken in -his complaints. (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 3.) Hence the -familiarity of the address. It is apparent from the letter, however, -that Morton, when he wrote it, was so sure of his position and so -elated with a sense of his own importance that he could not contain -himself. He could not resist the desire to let his old acquaintances in -America know what an important personage he had become, and he probably -hoped they would show the letter to Winthrop and every one else. It was -a childish outbreak of delight and vanity. - -[125] There is some confusion about these dates. The letter itself -is dated the 1st of May, and the commission is here said on that day -to have passed the great seal. The commissioners may have designated -Gorges as governor-general at this time, and ordered a commission -as such to be at once made out to him; but a year later the King’s -intention of appointing him was formally announced. (_Proc. of Amer. -Antiq. Soc._, 1867, p. 120.) The probability is that the business -relating to the colonies was regarded as of little moment and done in -the most careless and irregular way, hardly a record even of it being -kept. Some proceedings were thus begun and not carried out, and other -things were done twice. - -[126] Morton is here quoting from the _New Canaan_, (p. *188) and its -very last page. It would seem, therefore, now to have been written, -though it was not published until three years later. (See _Infra_, pp. -78-9.) - -[127] _Supra_, pp. 44-5. - -[128] This letter is in Hubbard, pp. 428-30 (II. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. vi.), and in Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. *190-1. The readings do not -materially differ, but the punctuation has been corrected and the -spelling is modern. - -[129] _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 379, n. - -[130] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *137. - -[131] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *143. - -[132] _Ib._, vol i. p. *102. - -[133] _Autobiography of Sir Simonds D’Ewes_, vol. ii. p. 118. - -[134] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *172. - -[135] _Infra_, pp. *172-9. - -[136] Bradford, pp. 329-30. - -[137] _Supra_, p. 66. Winthrop, vol. i. p. *157. - -[138] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401 n. _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 341. - -[139] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *161, *187. - -[140] Palfrey, vol. i. p. 403. _Mem. Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 343. - -[141] In January, 1640, Richard Vines wrote to Governor Winthrop, of -Sir Ferdinando, that he was then “nere 80 yeares ould.” (IV. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. 342.) This can hardly be correct, however, -as subsequently he served on the royal side in the civil wars, and -was among the prisoners taken by Fairfax when he stormed Bristol in -September, 1645. (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iii. p. 342.) He must, -however, have then been a very old man, as fifty-four years before, in -1591, he had distinguished himself at the siege of Rouen, in Essex’s -English contingent. (Devereux’s _Earls of Essex_, vol. i. p. 271). - -[142] _Infra_, *98. - -[143] See further on this subject, Winthrop, vol. i. pp. *161, *187; -which is also referred to in the same work, vol. ii. p. *12. - -[144] Hazard, vol. i. p. 400. - -[145] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 127. - -[146] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *231. - -[147] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. 330. - -[148] _Infra_, *96-100. - -[149] _Supra_, 62, _n._ - -[150] _Infra_, *98. - -[151] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *137. - -[152] Bradford, p. 254. - -[153] III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 81. - -[154] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *12. - -[155] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. 331. - -[156] Hazard, vol. i. p. 474. - -[157] Hutchinson’s _State Papers_, p. 106. - -[158] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *264. - -[159] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *266. - -[160] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *269. - -[161] _Ib._, p. *298. - -[162] Bradford, p. 375. - -[163] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 175. - -[164] _Supra_, p. 77. - -[165] See Mr. Deane’s note on the “Plough patent,” in IV. _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, vol. vii. pp. 88-96. Also the note on Cleaves, _Ib._ p. 363. -D’Israeli (_Curiosities of Literature_, vol. iii. p. 488) gives a -singular anecdote of Rigby. - -[166] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. 343. - -[167] IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 148. - -[168] Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 147, _n._ - -[169] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *189. - -[170] _Supra_, 61-3. - -[171] Winthrop, vol. i. p. *298. - -[172] _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1869, p. 40. - -[173] _Records_, vol. ii. p. 90. - -[174] _Hist. of New England_, vol. ii. p. 225. - -[175] _Infra_, *138. - -[176] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *192. - -[177] _New York Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1869, p. 40. - -[178] “It is undeniable that Morton became an object of aversion -largely for the reason that he used the Prayer Book.” (_Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, vol. viii. p. 83.) - -[179] White’s _Memoirs of the Protestant Episcopal Church_, p. xxii. -_n._ See also Oliver’s _Puritan Commonwealth_, pp. 37-9. - -[180] _Infra_, *138. See, also, *50, 332, _note_ 2. - -[181] _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vol. viii. p. 89. - -[182] _Wonder-Working Providence_, p. 30. - -[183] “Such a rake as Morton, such an addle-headed fellow as he -represents himself to be, could not be cordial with the first people -from Leyden, or with those who came over with the patent, from -London or the West of England. I can hardly conceive that his being -a Churchman, or reading his prayers from a Book of Common Prayer, -could be any great offence. His fun, his songs and his revels were -provoking enough, no doubt. But his commerce with the Indians in arms -and ammunition, and his instructions to those savages in the use of -them, were serious and dangerous offences, which struck at the lives -of the new-comers, and threatened the utter extirpation of all the -plantations.” (_Notes of John Adams_, 1802.) - -[184] _Infra_, 249-52, and _note_. - -[185] _Infra_, 290, _note_. - -[186] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *14. - -[187] Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *166. - -[188] See Deane’s note to Bradford, p. 254. - -[189] _Harvard Univ. Library Bulletin_, No. 10, p. 244. - -[190] _Supra_, pp. 78-9. - -[191] _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, vol. viii. p. 94, n. - -[192] Mr. DeCosta says that the titlepage of the copy in the Library of -the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel reads in this way. _Mag. -of Amer. Hist._, vol. viii. p. 94, n. 4. - -[193] This copy was in the Adams Library for many years, and until -within a quite recent period. It cannot, however, now (1882) be found. -It would appear to have been stolen, together with many other volumes -and almost innumerable autographs, which formerly lent a peculiar value -to the John Adams Collection, given by him in 1822 to the town of -Quincy. - -[194] “Mint and cumin” uniformly appears as “muit and cummin;” -“humming-bird” as “hunning-bird.” - -[195] _Ante_, pp. 61-3. - -[196] In regard to the Board of Lords Commissioners of 1634, see -_supra_, 57-60. The royal letter patent in the original Latin is in -Hazard, vol. i. pp. 344-7. There are translations of it in Hubbard (pp. -264-8) and in Bradford (pp. 456-8), together with notes by Harris in -his edition of the former, and by Deane in the latter. - -[197] [seth.] Wherever in this edition an apparently obvious misprint -in the text of 1637 has been, as in the present case, corrected, the -misprinted word, as it appears in the original, is printed between -brackets as a foot-note. - -[198] In regard to Sir Christopher Gardiner, see _infra_, *182-4 and -_note_. - -[199] [_Connick._] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[200] [_stife._] - -[201] [_muit._] - -[202] The Isle of Sall appears on the map in the _Geography_ of Peter -Heylyn, London, 1674, as one of the Cape Verde Islands. It is called in -the text Insula Salis, and on other old maps Isle of Sal, or Ilha do -Sal. There are some ten islands in the group. Professor J. D. Whitney -writes that several islands are known by the name of Sall, and that the -one referred to by Morton is probably that off the north shore of Cuba. -“A good deal has been written about the poisonous fishes of the waters -about the island of Cuba. The disease produced by eating poisonous fish -is called _ciguatera_, and the fish itself is said to be _ciguato_. -All that is definitely known about the matter seems to be that quite -a large number of species of fish in that region are believed to be -liable to some disease, the nature and course of which is unknown; and -that those who eat the fish thus diseased are themselves liable to be -attacked by the malady called _ciguatera_.” - -[203] Morton here apparently refers at second hand to Aristotle’s -_resumé_ of the ancient belief of five zones, two only of which were -habitable. _Meteorologica_, B. II. ch. v. § 11. - -[204] From this passage it would appear that the Isle of Sall and the -tropical waters, which Morton in this chapter refers to as having been -visited by him, were in the neighborhood of the Western and Cape Verde -Islands. In his time the word _tornado_ had probably not been adopted -into the English language, and in writing it Morton gives to the letter -_d_ the peculiar Western Island or Portuguese pronunciation. - -[205] Morton here confounds Davis with Hudson. Davis’s three voyages -were made in 1585-6-7, and it was in the first of them that he -discovered the straits which bear his name. He afterwards made five -voyages to the East Indies, in the last of which he was killed in a -fight with some Japanese on the coast of Malacca. Hudson made four -voyages between 1607 and 1610, during the last of which he passed a -winter, frozen in, near the entrance to Hudson Bay. His crew mutinied, -and turned him adrift in an open boat, on the 22d of July, 1610. He was -never heard of again; and it is his “fate,” probably, which Morton had -in mind. No other noted discoverer of the Northwest Passage was lost -prior to 1634. The discovery of that passage, however, then excited as -active an interest as it has since, or does now. In 1632 Edward Howes -sent out to Governor Winthrop a printed “Treatise of the North-West -Passage” (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 480) which is still in -the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. - -[206] The phrase in the _Meteorologica_ (_ubi supra_, 117, _note_ -1.) is, “the parts under the Bear (_i.e._, north) by cold are -uninhabitable.” - -[207] - - Impiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos, - Per mare pauperiem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes. - - HORACE, _Epist._ I. ll. 45-6. - - -[208] “18. Yea, I hated all my labor which I had taken under the sun: -because I should leave it unto the man that shall be after me. - -“19. And who knoweth whether he shall be a wise man or a fool?” - - _Ecclesiastes_, ch. ii. vers. 18, 19. - - -[209] Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of Ashton Phillips in Somerset, has -already been frequently referred to in the introductory portions of -this volume. Of an old West Country family and pure English descent, -he was born about the year 1560 (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii. p. -329). He early devoted himself to a military and naval life, and in -1591 served under Essex at the siege of Rouen. Subsequently he is said -to have been wounded, either at Amiens, or during the siege of Paris -by Henry IV. In consequence of his services he was appointed by Queen -Elizabeth royal governor of Plymouth, and in 1597 was designated as -one of the staff of Essex in the Ferrol expedition, with the title of -Sergeant-Major. In 1601 he was concerned in Essex’s insurrection, and -was one of the principal witnesses against the Earl at his trial. After -a considerable period of imprisonment he was released, and, on the -accession of James I., was reappointed governor of Plymouth. In 1605 he -became interested in American discovery and colonization, and in 1607 -he was one of the projectors of the Popham colony in Maine. During the -next thirteen years he was engaged in fishing and trading ventures to -New England, and indefatigable in collecting information as to America. -(Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79.) In 1620 he procured from James I. the great -patent of the Council for New England. In 1623 he sent out the Robert -Gorges expedition which settled itself at Wessagusset. (_Supra_, 2-4.) -His subsequent connection with Morton, and his intrigues against the -Massachusetts colony and charter, have been sufficiently referred to in -this volume. During the Civil War Gorges espoused the royal side, and -was made a prisoner when Fairfax captured Bristol in August 1645. He -died probably about the 10th of May 1647, as he was buried on the 14th -of that month. - -In regard to Gorges, see Belknap’s _American Biography_; Folsom’s -_Catalogue of Original Documents in the English Archives relating -to the Early History of the State of Maine_; Williamson’s _Maine_; -Palfrey’s _New England_ (vol. i.); Poole’s Introduction to Johnson’s -_Wonder Working Providence_; Devereux’s _Earls of Essex_ (vol. i.); and -the _Briefe Narration_ (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 44), and -Gorges’s own letters, to Winthrop and others, in the _Winthrop Papers_. -(IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vii.) - -[210] That is, in 1634. See _supra_, 78. - -[211] These are the Inner Harbor (Boston), so called, and Dorchester, -Quincy, and Weymouth bays. The latter includes all the inlets south and -west of Nut and Pettuck’s islands and Hull, among which is Hingham Bay. - -[212] “Sleetch, _n._ The thick mud or slush lying at the bottom of -rivers.” _Webster._ - -[213] [iland.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[214] _Supra_, 6-7. - -[215] In the letter already quoted from (_Supra_, 14), Mr. J. H. -Trumbull remarked that “Morton, as he shows in chap. ii. of book -I., could not write the most simple Indian word without a blunder.” -As respects the words which Morton believed to be Indian-Greek, Mr. -Trumbull has further kindly furnished the following notes: “_En -animia_--_Wunanumau_, as Eliot wrote it, signifies ‘he is well -disposed, or well minded toward another,’ or ‘is pleased with’ him. -There is another word, nearly related, which Morton may have had in -mind, meaning ‘to help,’ ‘do a favor to,’--_aninumeh_, ‘help me’ -(Eliot), _anúnime_ (R. Williams).” - -[216] “_Paskanontam_ (Eliot), ‘he suffers from hunger,’ ‘is starving.’ -In Eliot’s orthography, _paskuppoo_ would signify ‘he eats hungrily,’ -or ‘as if starving,’ and from this comes the verbal _Paskup-wen_ or -_Paskuppoo-en_ ‘a starving eater’--Morton’s ‘greedy gut.’” - -[217] “Eliot’s _paskanontam_, as above, which is well enough translated -by ‘halfe starved.’” - -[218] “I can make nothing of these words. They certainly do _not_ mean -‘set it upright.’” - -[219] “An island is _munnoh_ (Eliot).” - -[220] “Here Morton mistook the word. _Cos_ is, probably, _Koüs_ -(Eliot), ‘sharp-pointed,’ or, from the same root, _mukqs_, (Eliot), -_mucks_ (R. Williams), ‘an awl,’ used for boring wampum, beads, &c.; -_cau-ompsk_ (R. Williams) was ‘a whetstone,’ _i. e._, a sharpening -stone.” - -[221] “_Om_ (_aum_, Eliot), is fish-hook; _aumau-i_, ‘he is fishing’ -(with hook and line,) R. Williams; whence _omaën_, (Eliot) ‘a -fisherman.’” - -[222] “Probably misprinted for _Pantucket_--the equivalent of -_Pautucket_, meaning ‘at the fall’ of the river. (The _n_ was not -distinctly sounded, but represents the nasalization of the preceding -vowel.)” - -[223] “_Mattapan_ means ‘sitting down’--or ‘a _setting_ down’--and -usually designates the end of a ‘carry’ or portage, where the canoes -were put in water again.” - -[224] Winslow, in his Relations, says of the Indians: “The people -are very ingenious and observative; they keep account of time by the -moon, and winters or summers; they know divers of the stars by name; -in particular they know the north star, and call it _maske_, which -is to say, _the bear_.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 365-6.) See -also to the same effect, Roger Williams’s _Key_ (_Publications of the -Narragansett Club_, vol. i.) and Mr. Trumbull’s note (p. 105). Mr. -Trumbull now further adds: “The name (_maske_) was given to Ursa Major -or Charles’s Wain, not to the North Star; and by nearly all Algonkin -tribes. An interesting note on this point can be found in Hopkins’s -_Hist. Memorials of the Housatonic Indians_ (p. 11), and another in -Dawson’s _Acadian Geology_ (2d ed. p. 675), showing that the Micmacs -still know that constellation as _Mooin_, ‘the bear.’” - -[225] Roger Williams, in the preface to his _Key_ (p. 23), says: “Wise -and judicious men, with whom I have discoursed, maintain their [the -Indians] original to be northward from Tartaria.” The Asiatic origin -of the North American Indians was a necessary part of the scriptural -dogma of the origin and descent of man. It is safe, however, to assert -that, first and last, every possible theory on this subject has been -carefully elaborated. It is not necessary, in connection with the _New -Canaan_, to enter into the discussion, as the views of those, from St. -Gregory to Voltaire, who have taken part in it, have been laboriously -collected by Drake in his _Book of Indians_ (ch. ii.). - -[226] [muit.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[227] See _Infra_ *182-4 and _note_. - -[228] David Thomson occupied the island in Boston Harbor, which still -bears his name, from some time in 1625, apparently, until his death in -1628 (_supra_, 24). He left a widow and an only son, who inherited the -island. Originally, Thomson seems to have been a messenger, or possibly -an agent, of the Council for New England. In November, 1622, a patent, -covering a considerable tract of land, was issued to him, and the next -year, he then being apparently a young man and newly married, he came -out and established himself at Piscataqua, whence he afterwards moved -to Boston Harbor. All that is known of Thomson can be found in Mr. -Deane’s _Notes to an Indenture, &c._, in the _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, -1876 (pp. 358-81). See also, _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1878 (p. 204), -and _Memorial History of Boston_ (vol. i. p. 83). - -[229] Morton’s attempt to trace the origin of the North American -Indians from Brutus, and the support he finds for his theory in the -resemblance of some Indian to Greek words, there being no reason to -suppose that Brutus or the Latins had any acquaintance with Greek, -reads like a humorous satire on the historical methods in vogue with -the writers of his time. Until within the last century there were two -historical events, or events assumed to be historical, to one or the -other of which it was deemed safe to refer the origin of any modern -nation. These events were the Siege of Troy and the Flood,--the profane -and the sacred beginnings of modern history. Morton wrote in 1635, -and his mind naturally had recourse to the profane theory. Fifteen -years later, Milton began his history of England, and at the outset -came in contact with Brutus. “That which we have,” he then remarks, -“of oldest seeming, hath by the greater part of judicious antiquaries -been long rejected for a modern fable.” He nevertheless “determined to -bestow the telling over even of these reputed tales, ... seeing that -ofttimes relations heretofore accounted fabulous have been after found -to contain in them many footsteps and reliques of something true; as -what we read in poets of the flood, and giants little believed, till -undoubted witnesses taught us that all was not feigned.” Then passing -on, he says: “After the flood, and the dispersing of nations, as they -journeyed leisurely from the East, Gomer, the eldest son of Japhet, -and his offspring, as by authorities, arguments and affinity of divers -names is generally believed, were the first that peopled all these -west and northern climes.” Coming down to Brutus and the whole progeny -of kings, and following Geoffrey of Monmouth, Milton then recounts -in detail the marriages, voyages, adventures and mishaps of the -descendants of Æneas until Brutus reached an “island, not yet Britain -but Albion, in a manner desert and inhospitable; kept only by a remnant -of giants, whose excessive force and tyranny had destroyed the rest. -These Brutus destroys,” and, after this, “in a chosen place, builds -Troja Nova, changed in time to Trinovantum, now London.” - -The superiority of Morton’s historical method to Milton’s, or to that -in use in Milton’s time, is obvious. Accepting the common origin, he -premises that he does _not_ find that “when Brutus did depart from -Latium his whole number went with him at once.” Accordingly, some of -them being put to sea, “_might_ encounter with a storm,” and then being -carried out of sight of land, “they _might_ sail God knoweth whether, -and so _might_ be put on this coast, as well as any other.” And hence -the author is “bold to conclude that the original of the natives of New -England may be well conjectured to be from the scattered Trojans, after -such time as Brutus departed from Latium.” - -It would be easy to quote from many serious productions, -contemporaneous with the _New Canaan_ and a century after it, examples -of the same method of daring historical hypothesis; a single instance -will, however, suffice. In his history of Lynn, written in 1829, the -Rev. Alonzo Lewis says (p. 21): “The Indians are supposed by some to be -the remnants of the long lost ten tribes of Israel; and their existence -in tribes, the similarity of some of their customs, and the likeness of -many words in their language, seem to favor this opinion.” - -More sensible than either Thomas Morton or Mr. Lewis, William Wood, in -writing his _New England’s Prospect_, in 1633, remarks (p. 78), that -“Some have thought they [the Indians] might be of the dispersed Jews, -because some of their words be near unto the Hebrew; but by the same -rule they may conclude them to be some of the gleanings of all nations, -because they have words which sound after the Greek, Latin, French, and -other tongues.” - -There is in the _Magnalia_ (book III. part iii.) a lengthy but highly -characteristic passage, in which Mather recounts the points of -resemblance which the evangelist Eliot saw between the Indians and “the -posterity of the dispersed and rejected Israelites.” - -[230] Peddock’s, or Pettick’s, Island, still so called, is one of the -largest islands in Boston Bay. It lies directly opposite to George’s -Island and Hull, from which last it is separated by a narrow channel, -and is between Weymouth and Quincy bays, on the east and west. See -Shurtleff’s _Description of Boston_, p. 557. - -[231] Leonard Peddock seems to have been in the employment of the -Council for New England. In the records of the Council for the 8th of -November, 1622, is the following entry: “Mr. Thomson is ordered to -pay unto Leo: Peddock £10 towards his paynes for his last Imployments -to New England.” Subsequently, on the 19th of the same month: “It is -ordered that a Letter be written from the Counsell to Mr. Weston, to -deliver to Leonard Peddock, a boy Native of New England called papa -Whinett belonging to Abbadakest, Sachem of Massachusetts, which boy -Mr Peddock is to carry over with him” (_Proceedings of the American -Antiquarian Society_, April, 1867, pp. 70, 74). - -Andrew Weston had returned to England in the _Charity_, leaving -Wessagussett in September, 1622 (_supra_, 7). He would seem to have -brought over the Indian boy in question with him. From the entry in the -records of the Council for New England, just quoted, it would appear -that Leonard Peddock was in New England during the summer of 1622. The -reference to him in the text is additional evidence that Morton was -there at the same time, and in company with Weston. - -[232] This is undoubtedly a misprint for Auckies, which was a sailor’s -corruption for Auks. The Great Auk (_Alca impennis_) is probably -referred to. This bird, now supposed to be extinct, was formerly common -on the New England coast. Audubon, writing in 1838, says: “An old -gunner, residing on Chelsea Beach, near Boston, told me that he well -remembered the time when the Penguins were plentiful about Nahant and -some other islands in the bay.” (_Am. Ornithological Biog._, vol. iv. -p. 316.) Professor Orton, alluding to this passage, in the _American -Naturalist_ (1869, p. 540), expresses the opinion that the Razor-billed -Auk was the bird referred to; but Professor F. W. Putnam adds, in -a foot-note, that “the ‘old hunter’ was undoubtedly correct in his -statement, as we have bones of the species taken from the shell-heaps -of Marblehead, Eagle Hill in Ipswich, and Plum Island.” Dr. Jeffries -Wyman found them in the shell-heaps at Cotuit. See _Mem. Hist. of -Boston_, vol. i. p. 12. - -There is an elaborate paper on the Great Auk, under the title of “The -Garefowl and its Historians,” by Professor Alfred Newton, in the -_Natural History Review_ for 1865, p. 467. - -[233] Morton would seem to be mistaken in this statement. Between 1614 -and 1619 two French vessels were lost on the Massachusetts coast. -One was wrecked on Cape Cod, and the crew, who succeeded in getting -on shore, were most of them killed by the savages, and the remainder -enslaved in the way described in the text. Two of these captives were -subsequently redeemed by Captain Dermer (Bradford, p. 98). The other -vessel was captured by the savages in Boston Bay, and burned. This is -the vessel referred to by Morton as riding at anchor off Peddock’s -Island. The circumstances of the capture are described in Phinehas -Pratt’s narrative (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. pp. 479, 489). -All the crew, he says, were killed, and the ship, after grounding, was -burned. Pratt’s statement is distinct, and agrees with Bradford’s, -that the captives among the Indians were the survivors from the vessel -wrecked on Cape Cod, not from that captured in Boston Bay. - -[234] Pratt’s account of this survivor among the French crew is to -be found in IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. pp. 479, 489. He says -that “one of them was wont to read much in a book (some say it was the -New Testament), and that the Indians enquiring of him what his book -said, he told them it did intimate that there was a people like French -men that would come into the country and drive out the Indians.” The -account given by Mather (_Magnalia_, B. I. ch. ii. § 6) is curiously -like that in the text. After quoting the substance of Pratt’s statement -he adds: “These infidels then blasphemously replied, ‘God could not -kill them;’ which blasphemous mistake was confuted by a horrible and -unusual plague, whereby they were consumed in such vast multitudes that -our first planters found the land almost covered with their unburied -carcases; and they that were left alive were smitten into awful and -humble regards of the English by the terrors which the remembrance of -the Frenchman’s prophecy had imprinted on them.” - -Pratt, whom Mather followed, claims to have derived his knowledge -of these events during the winter of 1622-3 directly from savages -concerned in them. The probability is that the tradition of the French -captive, and his book and prophecy, was a common one among the settlers -both at Plymouth and about Boston Bay. Pratt apparently had a habit, as -he grew old, of appropriating to his own account many of the earlier -and more striking incidents of colonial history. (Mather’s _Early New -England_, p. 17.) - -[235] The mysterious pestilence, which in the years 1616 and 1617 swept -away the New England Indians from the Penobscot to Narragansett Bay, is -mentioned by all the earlier writers, and its character has recently -been somewhat discussed. There can be no doubt that it practically -destroyed the tribes, especially the Massachusetts and the Pokanokets, -among which it raged. The former were reduced from a powerful people, -able, it is said, to muster three thousand warriors, to a mere remnant -a few hundred strong. The Pokanokets were in some localities, notably -at Plymouth, actually exterminated, and the country left devoid of -inhabitants (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 148; Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 183). Winslow gave a description of the desolation created -by this pestilence, and of the number of the unburied dead, very like -that in the text (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 183, 206). On this -subject, see also, Bradford, pp. 102, 325; Johnson, p. 16; Wood’s -_Prospect_, p. 72; III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 57. - -No definite conclusion as to the nature of this pestilence has -been reached by medical men. It has been suggested that it was the -yellow-fever (Palfrey, vol. i. p. 99, _n_). As, however, it raged -equally in the depth of the severest winter as in summer, this could -not have been the case (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 57; -Bradford, p. 325). Other modern medical authorities have inclined to -the opinion that it was a visitation of small-pox (Dr. Holmes in _Mass. -Hist. Soc._, _Low. Inst. Lect._, 1869, p. 261; Dr. Green’s _Centennial -Address before the Mass. Med. Soc._, June 7, 1881, p. 12). In support -of this hypothesis Captain Thomas Dermer is quoted, who, sailing along -the coast in 1619-20, wrote “we might perceive the sores of some that -had escaped, who described the spots of such as usually die” (Purchas, -vol. iv. p. 1778). On the other hand, none of the contemporaneous -writers who speak of the disease ever call it the small-pox, though -all of them were perfectly familiar with small-pox, and a very large -portion of them probably bore its marks. Dermer speaks of it as “the -plague.” Bradford, when the same pestilence raged on the Connecticut, -described it as “an infectious fever.” Dr. Fuller, the first New -England physician, then died of it (Bradford, p. 314). He could not but -have been familiar with the small-pox and its symptoms; and it would -seem most improbable that he should have died of that disease among his -dying neighbors, and not have known what was killing him. Moreover, -in 1633-4 the small-pox did rage among the Indians, and Bradford, in -giving a fearfully graphic account of its ravages, adds, “they [the -Indians] fear it more than the plague.” Josselyn also draws the same -distinction, saying (_Two Voyages_, p. 123): “Not long before the -English came into the country, happened a great mortality amongst [the -Indians]; especially where the English afterwards planted, the East and -Northern parts were sore smitten by the contagion; first by the plague, -afterwards, when the English came, by the small-pox.” - -It would seem, therefore, that the pestilence of 1616-7 was clearly not -the small-pox. More probably it was, as Bradford says, “an infectious -fever,” or some form of malignant typhus, due to the wretched sanitary -condition of the Indian villages, which had become over-crowded, owing -to that prosperous condition of the tribes which Smith describes as -existing at the time of his visit to the coast in 1614 (III. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. vi. p. 109). - -[236] “Their houses, which they call wigwams, are built with poles -pitcht into the ground of a round form for most part, sometimes square. -They bind down the tops of their poles, leaving a hole for smoak to go -out at, the rest they cover with the bark of trees, and line the inside -of their wigwams with mats made of rushes painted with several colors. -One good post they set up in the middle that reaches to the hole in the -top, with a staff across before it; at a convenient height, they knock -in a pin upon which they hang their kettle. Beneath that they set up a -broad stone for a back which keepeth the post from burning. Round by -the walls they spread their mats and skins where the men sleep whilst -their women dress their victuals. They have commonly two doors, one -opening to the south, the other to the north, and, according as the -wind sets, they close up one door with bark and hang a deers skin or -the like before the other. Towns they have none, being always removing -from one place to another for conveniency of food, sometimes to those -places where one sort of fish is most plentiful, other whiles where -others are. I have seen half a hundred of their wigwams together in a -piece of ground and they show prettily; within a day or two or a week -they have been all dispersed.” (Josselyn’s _Voyages_, p. 126). See also -Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 144. - -[237] Giving in his _Key_ (p. 48) the Indian combination of words -signifying “let us lay on wood,” Roger Williams adds: “This they do -plentifully when they lie down to sleep winter and summer, abundance -they have and abundance they lay on: their fire is instead of our -bed-clothes. And so, themselves and any that have any occasion to lodge -with them, must be content to turn often to the fire, if the night be -cold, and they who first wake must repair the fire.” Elsewhere he says: -“God was pleased to give me a painful, patient spirit, to lodge with -them in their filthy, smoky holes.” See also Gookin’s _Indians_, I. -_Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 150. - -When Stephen Hopkins and Edward Winslow were sent on their mission to -Massasoit, in June, 1621, they say of their entertainment on the night -they arrived at his lodge: “Late it grew, but victuals he offered none; -for indeed he had not any, being he came so newly home. So we desired -to go to rest: he layd us on the bed with himself and his wife, they -at the one end and we at the other, it being only planks layd a foot -from the ground, and a thin mat upon them. Two more of his chief men, -for want of room, pressed by and upon us; so that we were worse weary -of our lodging than of our journey.” (_Mourt_, p. 45). Two nights of -this entertainment sufficed for the embassadors who “feared we should -either be light-headed for want of sleep, for what with bad lodging, -the savages barbarous singing, (for they use to sing themselves -asleep,) lice and fleas within doors, and musketos without, we could -hardly sleep all the time of our being there.” (_Ib._, p. 46) Another -observer remarked of the New England Indians: “Tame cattle they have -none, excepting Lice, and Dogs of a wild breed” (Josselyn’s _Voyages_, -p. 127); and to the same effect Roger Williams notes (_Key_, p. 74): -“In middle of summer, because of the abundance of fleas, which the dust -of the house breeds, they [the Indians] will fly and remove on a sudden -to a fresh place.” - -Smith, describing the Virginia Indians, says (_True Travels_, vol. -i. p. 130): “Their houses are built like our arbors, of small young -springs bowed and tyed, and so close covered with mats, or the barkes -of trees very handsomely, that nothwithstanding either winde, raine, or -weather, they are as warm as stoves, but very smoaky, yet at the toppe -of the house there is a hole made for the smoake to go into right over -the fire. - -“Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reeds covered with -a mat, borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood. -On these round about the house they lie heads and points, one by the -other, against the fire, some covered with mats, some with skins, and -some stark naked lie on the ground, from six to twenty in a house.” - -In Parkman’s _Jesuits in North America_ there is a lively account -of Le Jeune’s experience in passing the winter of 1633-4 among the -Algonquins: “Put aside the bear-skin, and enter the hut. Here, in -a space some thirteen feet square, were packed nineteen savages, -men, women and children, with their dogs, crouched, squatted, -coiled like hedge-hogs, or lying on their backs, with knees drawn -up perpendicularly to keep their feet out of the fire.... The bark -covering was full of crevices, through which the icy blasts streamed -in upon him from all sides; and the hole above, at once window and -chimney, was so large, that, as he [Le Jeune] lay, he could watch the -stars as well as in the open air. While the fire in the midst, fed -with fat pine-knots, scorched him on one side, on the other he had -much ado to keep himself from freezing. At times, however, the crowded -hut seemed heated to the temperature of an oven. But these evils were -light when compared to the intolerable plague of smoke. During a -snow-storm, and often at other times, the wigwam was filled with fumes -so dense, stifling, and acrid, that all its inmates were forced to lie -flat on their faces, breathing through mouths in contact with the cold -earth. Their throats and mouths felt as if on fire; their scorched -eyes streamed with tears.... The dogs were not an unmixed evil, for by -sleeping on and around [Le Jeune], they kept him warm at night; but, as -an offset to this good service, they walked, ran and jumped over him as -he lay” (pp. 27-8). - -[238] In regard to the food of the Indians and their alternate gluttony -and abstinence, see Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, pp. 129-30; Wood’s -_Prospect_, p. 57. Wood’s account of the Indians is usually the best. -As respects eating, he says: “At home they will eate till their bellies -stand South, ready to split with fulnesse: it being their fashion, to -eate all at sometimes, and sometimes nothing at all in two or three -days, wise providence being a stranger to their wilder dayes.” - -[239] “_Cattup keen?_ ‘Are you hungry?’ _Meechin_, ‘meat;’ or, as -an Indian would be more likely to say, _Meech_, ‘eat.’ In Eliot’s -orthography, _Kodtup kēn?_ _Meechum_, ‘victuals, food,’ or _meech_, -‘eat.’”--_J. H. Trumbull._ - -[240] In regard to the hospitality of the Indians, Wood says -(_Prospect_, p. 59): “Though they be sometimes scanted, yet are they as -free as Emperors, both to their countrymen and English, be he stranger -or mere acquaintance; counting it a great discourtesie not to eat of -their high conceited delicates, and sup of their un-oat-meal’d broth, -made thick with fishes, fowles and beasts boiled all together; some -remaining raw, the rest converted by over-much seething to a loathed -mass, not halfe so good as _Irish Boniclapper_.” See also Gookin’s -_Indians_, I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 153. - -So also Roger Williams (_Key_, ch. ii. and iii.): “If any stranger came -in, they presently give him to eat of what they have; many a time, -and at all times of the night (as I have fallen in travel, upon their -houses) where nothing hath been ready, have themselves and their wives, -risen to prepare me some refreshing.” - -“In Summer-time I have knowne them lye abroad often themselves, to make -room for strangers, English, or others.” - - “_I have known them leave their House and Mat - to lodge a friend or stranger, - Where Jewes and Christians oft have sent - Christ Jesus to the manger._” - - -[241] In regard to the games and removals of the Indians, see -Williams’s _Key_, chs. xi. and xxviii.; Smith’s _True Travels_, vol. i. -p. 133; Gookin’s _Indians_, I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 153; and -Wood’s _Prospect_; pp. 63, 73-5. Wood gives an excellent description -of the Indian game of foot-ball: “Their goals be a mile long placed -on the sands, which are as even as a board; their ball is no bigger -than a hand-ball, which sometimes they mount in the air with their -naked feet, sometimes it is swayed by the multitude; sometimes also -it is two days before they get a goal; then they mark the ground they -win, and begin the next day.... Though they play never so fiercely to -outward appearance, yet anger-boiling blood never streams in their -cooler veins; if any man be thrown, he laughs out his foil, there is -no seeking of revenge, no quarrelling, no bloody noses, scratched -faces, black eyes, broken shins, no bruised members or crushed ribs, -the lamentable effects of rage; but the goal being won, the goods on -the one side lost; friends they were at the foot-ball, and friends they -must meet at the kettle.” To the same effect see Strachey’s _Historie_, -p. 78. - -[242] Ipsisque in hominibus nulla gens est neque tam immansueta, neque -tam fera, quæ non, etiam si ignoret qualem habere deum deceat, tamen -habendum sciat (_De Legibus_, Lib. I. § 8). - -Quæ est enim gens, aut quod genus hominum, quod non habeat sine -doctrinâ anticipationem quandam deorum? (_De Natura Deorum_, Lib. I. § -16). - -[243] The reference here is to Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_ (p. 70). -In regard to the time when this work was written and published, see -Mr. Deane’s preface to the edition in the publications of the Prince -Society. Morton makes numerous references to it in the _New Canaan_ -(_infra_, *38, 53, 64, 84, 99). The present reference is one of the -few unintelligible passages in the book. Wood’s language, to which -Morton apparently takes exception, is as follows: “As it is natural to -all mortals to worship something, so do these people; but exactly to -describe to whom their worship is chiefly bent, is very difficult; they -acknowledge especially two, Ketan, who is their good God, to whom they -sacrifice after their garners be full with a good crop: upon this God -likewise they invocate for fair weather, for rain in time of drought, -and for the recovery of their sick; but if they do not hear them, then -they verify the old verse, _Flectere si nequeo Superes, Acheronta -movebo_, their Pow-wows betaking themselves to their exorcisms and -unromantick charms ... by God’s permission, through the Devil’s help, -their charms are of force to produce effects of wonderment.” Morton -would seem to have wished to depreciate Wood, as an authority on New -England, and so, playing upon his name and the title of his book, he -implied that he had taken a much more elevated view of the religious -development of the Indians than could be justified either by the actual -facts, or the judgment of the best informed. - -Being unintelligible, the passage, from the word “neither” to the -end of the paragraph, is reproduced here in all respects, including -punctuation, as it is in the text of the original edition. - -[244] There is no expression of this nature to be found anywhere in -those writings of Sir William Alexander which have come down to us and -are included in the publications of the Prince Society. He may have -used the expression quoted in conversation, or in a letter. Winslow, in -Mourt, says: “They [the savages] are a people without any religion, or -knowledge of any God” (p. 61). This statement he subsequently, however, -retracted in his _Good News_ (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 355), where -he says, “therein I erred, though we could then gather no better.” - -The subject of the religion of the North American aborigines has -been treated by Parkman in the introduction to the _Jesuits in -North America_ (pp. lxvii.-lxxxix.), and he concludes that “the -primitive Indian, yielding his untutored homage to an All-pervading -grand Omnipotent Spirit, is a dream of poets, rhetoricians and -sentimentalists.” To the same effect Palfrey, at the close of his -vigorous discussion of the same subject (vol. i. p. 45), declares that -the devout Indian of the “untutored mind is as fabulous as the griffin -or the centaur.” - -[245] Thomas May, better known as the historian and secretary of -the Long Parliament, was born in 1595 and died in 1650. In 1627 he -published a translation of Lucan’s _Pharsalia_, with a _supplementum_, -or continuation (1630), by himself in seven books. This continuation -he subsequently translated into Latin, and it is included in Lemaire’s -edition of the _Pharsalia_ in his _Bibliotheca Classica Latina_ (Paris, -1832). The passage to which Morton refers is in the third book of the -continuation (ll. 108-78). The following are some of the verses:-- - - “But in a higher kind (as some relate) - Do Elephants with men communicate. - (If you believe it) a religion - They have, and monthly do adore the Moon, - Besides the loftie Nabathæan wood, - Of vast extent, Amylo’s gentle flood, - Gliding along, the sandie mould combines. - Thither, as oft as waxing Cynthia shines - In her first borrowed light, from out the wood, - Come all the Elephants, and in the floud - Washing themselves (as if to purifie) - They prostrate fall; and when religiously - They have adored the Moon, return again - Into the woods with joy.” - - -[246] In his Latin poem on New England, which the Rev. William Morell -wrote during his eighteen months’ residence at Wessagusset as the -spiritual head of the Robert Gorges settlement of 1623, there is a -description of the Indian and his garments. The following is the -author’s English rendering of his more elegant Latin original:-- - - “Whose hayre is cut with greeces, yet a locke - Is left; the left side bound up in a knott: - Their males small labour but great pleasure know, - Who nimbly and expertly draw the bow; - Traind up to suffer cruell heat and cold, - Or what attempt so ere may make them bold; - Of body straight, tall, strong, mantled in skin - Of deare or bever, with the hayre-side in; - An otter skin their right armes doth keepe warme, - To keepe them fit for use, and free from harme; - A girdle set with formes of birds or beasts, - Begirts their waste, which gentle gives them ease. - Each one doth modestly bind up his shame, - And deare-skin start-ups reach up to the same; - A kind of _pinsen_ keeps their feet from cold, - Which after travels they put off, up-fold, - Themselves they warme, their ungirt limbes they rest - In straw, and houses, like to sties.” - - I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 131. - -Wood’s description of the Indian apparel is very like Morton’s. He -says, however: “The chiefe reasons they render why they will not -conforme to our English apparell are because their women cannot wash -them when they be soyled, and their meanes will not reach to buy new -when they have done with their old; and they confidently beleeve, -the English will not be so liberall as to furnish them upon gifture: -therefore they had rather goe naked than be lousie, and bring their -bodies out of their old tune, making them more tender by a new acquired -habit, which poverty would constrain them to leave.” (_Prospect_, p. -56). - -The description given by Winslow (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 365) -is very similar to Morell’s. See also Gookin’s _Indians_, I. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 152; Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, pp. 128-9, and -Williams’s _Key_, ch. xx. - -Smith (_True Travels_, vol. i. p. 129) says: “For their apparell, -they are sometimes covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in -winter are dressed with the hayre, but in Sommer without. The better -sort use large mantels of Deare skins, not much differing in fashion -from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with white beads, some with -copper, others painted after their manner. But the common sort have -scarce to cover their nakednesse, but with grasse, the leaves of trees -or such like. We have seene some use mantels made of Turkey feathers so -prettily wrought and woven with threads that nothing could be discerned -but the feathers.” - -[247] _Supra_, 16, _note_. - -[248] Speaking of a ceremony common to the Algonquins and the Hurons, -of propitiating their fishing-nets by formally marrying them every year -to two young girls, Parkman says: “As it was indispensable that the -brides should be virgins, mere children were chosen” (_The Jesuits in -North America_, p. lxix. _note_). The subject of female chastity among -the Indians has already been referred to (_supra_, p. 17), and it is -extremely questionable whether they had any conception of it. Winslow, -in his _Good News_ (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 364) says:--“When -a maid is taken in marriage, she first cutteth her hair, and after -weareth a covering on her head, till her hair be grown out. Their -women are diversely disposed; some as modest, as they will scarce talk -one with another in the company of men, being very chaste also; yet -others seem light, lascivious, and wanton.... Some common strumpets -there are, as well as in other places; but they are such as either -never married, or widows, or put away for adultery; for no man will -keep such an one to wife.” Strachey (_Historie_, p. 65), says of the -Virginians: “Their younger women goe not shadowed [clothed] amongst -their owne companie, until they be nigh eleaven or twelve returnes of -the leafe old, nor are they much ashamed thereof, and therefore would -the before remembered Pochahuntas, a well featured, but wanton yong -girle, Powhatan’s daughter, sometymes resorting to our fort, of the age -then of eleven or twelve yeares, get the boyes forth with her into the -markett place, and make them wheele, falling on their hands, turning up -their heeles upwards, whome she would followe, and wheele so her self, -naked as she was, all the fort over; but being over twelve yeares, they -put on a kind of semecinctum lethern apron (as doe our artificers or -handycrafts men) before their bellies, and are very shamefac’t to be -seen bare.” Ellis, in his _Red Man and White Man_ (p. 185), remarks on -this point: “The obscenity of the savages is unchecked in its revolting -and disgusting exhibitions. Sensuality seeks no covert.” - -Under these circumstances it is unnecessary to say that Morton’s -statements as to the red cap and the Sachem’s privilege are pure -fiction, and what Parkman says of the Hurons is probably true of the -Massachusetts,--their women were wantons before marriage and household -drudges after it. (_Jesuits in North America_, p. xxxv). - -[249] To the same effect Roger Williams says: “Most of them count it a -shame for a woman in travell to make complaint, and many of them are -scarcely heard to groane. I have often known in one quarter of an hour -a woman merry in the house, and delivered and merry again: and within -two dayes abroad, and after foure or five dayes at worke.” (_Key_, ch. -xxiii.). See also Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, p. 127. Wood’s account is -almost as comprehensive, though not quite so detailed and graphic as -Josselyn’s: “They likewise sew their husband’s shooes, and weave mats -of Turkie feathers; besides all their ordinary household drudgery which -dayly lies upon them, so that a bigge belly hinders no businesse nor -a childbirth takes much time, but the young infant being greased and -footed, wrapped in a Beaver skin, bound to his goode behaviour with his -feete up to his bumme, upon a board two foot long and one foot broade, -his face exposed to all nipping weather, this little _Pappouse_ travels -about with his bare-footed mother, to paddle in the Icie Clammbanks -after three or four daies of age have sealed his passe-board and his -mother’s recovery.” (_Prospect_, p. 82). See also Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 358. - -[250] The idea that the Indian was born white was very commonly -entertained in the first half of the seventeenth century. Lechford, in -his _Plaine Dealing_, says (p. 50): “They are of complexion swarthy and -tawny; their children are borne white, but they bedaube them with oyle, -and colours, presently.” Josselyn also speaks of the Indians “dying -[their children] with a liquor of boiled Hemlock-Bark” (_Two Voyages_, -p. 128). Speaking of the Virginia women, Smith says: “To make [their -children] hardie, in the coldest mornings they them wash in the rivers, -and by paynting and oyntments so tanne their skinnes, that after a year -or two, no weather will hurt them.” (_True Travels_, vol. i. p. 131). -Strachey gives a more particular account of the supposed process: The -Indians “are generally of a cullour browne or rather tawny, which they -cast themselves into with a kind of arsenick stone, ... and of the same -hue are their women; howbeit, yt is supposed neither of them naturally -borne so discouloured; for Captain Smith (lyving somtymes amongst them) -affirmeth how they are from the womb indifferent white, but as the men, -so doe the women, dye and disguise themselves into this tawny cowler, -esteeming yt the best beauty to be neerest such a kynd of murrey as -a sodden quince is of (to liken yt to the neerest coulor I can), for -which they daily anoint both face and bodyes all over with such a kind -of fucus or unguent as can cast them into that stayne.” (_Historie_, p. -63). - -[251] “If there was noticed a remarkable exemption from physical -deformities, this was probably not the effect of any peculiar -congenital force or completeness, but of circumstances which forbade -the prolongation of any imperfect life. The deaf, blind or lame child -was too burdensome to be reared, and according to a savage estimate -of usefulness and enjoyment, its prolonged life would not requite its -nurture.” Palfrey, vol. i. p. 23. - -[252] Mr. Trumbull writes: “Morton’s _nan weeteo_ stands for Eliot’s -_nanwetee_ (_nanwetue_, Cotton), ‘a bastard.’ _Titta_ should be -_tatta_, a word common among Indians, which is well enough translated -by Morton. Eliot renders it ‘I know not,’ and R. Williams adds to this -meaning, ‘I cannot tell; it may be so.’ - -“_Cheshetue_ is unknown to me, but I am inclined to believe that Morton -heard something like it, in the connection and substantially with the -meaning he gives it,--some adjective of dispraise, qualifying _squaa_, -or, as we write it, _squaw_.” - -[253] [likenesse.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[254] The observations of Roger Williams led him to a different -conclusion: “Their affections, especially to their children, are very -strong.... This extreme affection, together with want of learning, -makes their children saucie, bold and undutifull. I once came into a -house, and requested some water to drink; the father bid his sonne (of -some 8 yeeres of age) to fetch some water: the boy refused, and would -not stir; I told the father, that I would correct my child, if he -should so disobey me &c. Upon this the father took up a sticke, the boy -another, and flew at his father: upon my persuasion, the poore father -made him smart a little, throw down his stick, and run for water, and -the father confessed the benefits of correction, and the evill of their -too indulgent affections.” (_Key_, ch. v.) - -To the same effect Champlain wrote (_Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 170): “The -children have great freedom among these tribes. The fathers and mothers -indulge them too much, and never punish them. Accordingly they are so -bad and of so vicious a nature, that they often strike their mothers -and others. The most vicious, when they have acquired the strength -and power, strike their fathers. They do this whenever the father or -mother does anything that does not please them. This is a sort of curse -that God inflicts upon them.” Winslow, on the other hand, in his _Good -News_, lends some support to Morton’s statement in the text. He says: -“The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all mean offices, whilst -they are together, although they be strangers.” (Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 363.) - -[255] This Sachem, “the most noted powow and sorcerer of all the -country,” is better known by the name of Passaconaway. There is quite -an account of him in Drake’s _Book of the Indians_ (B. III. ch. vii). -He is the Pissacannawa mentioned by Wood in his _Prospect_ (p. 70), -of whom the savages reported that he could “make the water burn, the -rocks move, the trees dance, metamorphize himself into a flaming man.” -Morton says of the Indian conjurers, “some correspondency they have -with the Devil out of all doubt;” Wood, to the same effect, remarks -that “by God’s permission, through the Devil’s helpe, their charmes -are of force to produce effects of wonderment;” Smith declares of the -Indians, “their chiefe God they worship is the Devil” (_True Travels_, -vol. i. p. 138); Mather intimates that it was the devil who seduced the -first inhabitants of America into it (_Magnalia_, B. I. ch. i. § 3), -and Winthrop, describing the great freshet of 1638, records that the -Indians “being pawawing in this tempest, the Devil came and fetched -away five of them” (vol. i. p. *293). - -See also Gookin’s _Indians_, I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 154; -Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 356; and Champlain’s _Voyages_, vol. iii. -p. 171. Champlain says the Indians do not worship any God; “they have, -however, some respect for the devil.” - -[256] [Ingling.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[257] In regard to the Indian Powaws, priests, or medicine men, and -their methods of dealing with the sick, see the detailed account in -Champlain’s _Voyages_, vol. iii. pp. 171-8; Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, -p. 134; Wood’s _Prospect_, p. 71; Williams’s _Key_, ch. xxxi.; Gookin’s -_Indians_, I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 154; Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, pp. 317, 357; Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_, (Trumbull’s ed.) p. -117; Parkman’s _Jesuits in North America_, pp. lxxxiv.-lxxxvii.; also -_Magnalia_, B. III. part. iii., where Mather says: “In most of their -dangerous distempers, it is a _powaw_ that must be sent for; that is, -a priest who has more familiarity with Satan than his neighbors; this -conjurer comes and roars and howls and uses magical ceremonies over the -sick man, and will be well paid for it when he is done; if this don’t -effect the cure, the ‘man’s time is come, and there’s an end.’” For a -summary in Indian medical practice, see further, Ellis’s _Red Man and -White Man_, pp. 127-33. - -[258] Passaconoway, already referred to (_supra_, p. 150, _note_), -dwelt at a place called Pennakook, and his dominions extended over the -sachems living upon the Piscataqua and its branches. The young Sachem -of Saugus was named Winnepurkitt, and was commonly known among the -English as George Rumney-marsh. He was a son of Nanepashemet, and at -one time proprietor of Deer Island in Boston Harbor. (Drake’s _Book of -the Indians_, ed. 1851, pp. 105, 111, 278.) The incident in the text -has been made the subject of a poem, _The Bridal of Pennacook_, by -Whittier, and Drake repeats it; but as Winnepurkitt is said by Drake to -have been born in 1616, and to have succeeded Montowampate as Sachem in -1633, and as Morton, at the close of the present chapter, declares that -“the lady, when I came out of the country [in 1630], remained still -with her father,” the whole story would seem to be not only highly -inconsistent with what we know of Indian life and habits, but also at -variance with facts and dates. - -[259] [not determined.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[260] Josselyn’s account of the Indian wampum is written, more than any -other which has come down to us, in the spirit of the _New Canaan_: -“Their Merchandize are their beads, which are their money, of these -there are two sorts, blew Beads and white Beads, the first is their -Gold, the last their Silver, these they work out of certain shells so -cunningly that neither _Jew_ nor Devil can counterfeit, they dril them -and string them, and make many curious works with them to adorn the -persons of their Sagamores and principal men and young women, as Belts, -Girdles, Tablets, Borders for their womens hair, Bracelets, Necklaces, -and links to hang in their ears. Prince _Phillip_, a little before I -came for England, coming to Boston, had a coat on and Buskins set thick -with these Beads in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt of the same; -his Accoutrements were valued at Twenty pounds. The English Merchant -giveth them ten shillings a fathom for their white, and as much more or -near upon for their blew beads.” (_Two Voyages_, pp. 142-3.) - -There is a much better description of wampum in Lawson’s account of -Carolina, quoted by Drake (_Book of the Indians_, p. 328), in which -he says that wampum was current money among the Indians “all over the -continent, as far as the bay of Mexico.” Lawson’s explanation of the -fact that wampum was not counterfeited to any considerable extent is -much more natural than Morton’s. It cost more to counterfeit it than -it was worth. “To make this _Peak_ it cost the English five or ten -times as much as they could get for it; whereas it cost the Indians -nothing, because they set no value upon their time, and therefore have -no competitors to fear, or that others will take its manufacture out of -their hands.” - -Roger Williams (_Key_, ch. xxvi.) devotes considerable space to this -subject, and says: “They [the Indians] hang these strings of money -about their necks and wrists; as also upon the necks and wrists of -their wives and children. They make [girdles] curiously of one, two, -three, foure and five inches thickness and more, of this money which -(sometimes to the value of ten pounds and more) they weare about their -middle and as a scarfe about their shoulders and breasts. Yea, the -Princes make rich Caps and Aprons (or small breeches) of these Beads -thus curiously strung into many formes and figures: their blacke and -white finely mixt together.” See also Trumbull’s notes in his edition -of the _Key_, and Palfrey, vol. i. p. 31. Parkman (_Jesuits in North -America_, pp. xxxi., lxi.) says of wampum: “This was at once their -currency, their ornament, their pen, ink and parchment.” He describes -the uses to which it was put among the Hurons and Iroquois, but adds: -“The art [of working it] soon fell into disuse, however; for wampum -better than their own was brought them by the traders, besides abundant -imitations in glass and porcelain.” - -[261] “How have foule hands (in smoakie houses) the first handling of -these Furres which are often worne upon the hands of Queens and heads -of Princes!” (Williams’s _Key_, p. 158.) - -[262] There is obviously some corruption of the original manuscript -here, but I have been unable to obtain any even plausible suggestion of -what word may have been turned into “reles” through the compositor’s -inability to decipher copy. - -[263] There is not much to be said on the manufactures, utensils and -trade of the New England aborigines. Gookin (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. i. p. 151) has a comprehensive paragraph on the subject, and there -is a passage in Josselyn (_Two Voyages_, p. 143). See also Williams’s -_Key_, ch. xxv. - -[264] Josselyn also speaks of “baskets, bags and mats woven with -_Sparke_.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 143.) “Spart,” Mr. Trumbull writes, “was -a northern English name for the dwarf-rush, and (as ‘spart’ in the -glossaries) for osiers, and I _guess_, Morton’s and Josselyn’s _sparke_ -is another form of that name.” Gookin says (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. i. p. 151): “Some of their baskets are made of rushes; some, of -bents; others, of maize-husks; others, of a kind of silk grass; others, -of a kind of wild hemp; and some, of barks of trees.” - -[265] Wood says of the Indian women: “Their corn being ripe, they -gather it, and drying it hard in the Sun, conveigh it to their barnes, -which be great holes digged in the ground in forme of a brasse pot, -seeled with rinds of trees, wherein they put their corne, covering -it from the inquisitive search of their gurmundizing husbands, who -would eate up both their allowed portion, and reserved seed, if they -knew where to finde it. But our hogges having found a way to unhindge -their barne doores, and robbe their garners, they are glad to implore -their husbands helpe to roule the bodies of trees over their holes, -to prevent these pioneers, whose theevery they as much hate as their -flesh.” (_Prospect_, p. 81.) Mather also, in enumerating the points -of resemblance between the Indians and the Israelites, (_Magnalia_, -B. III. part iii.) says: “They have, too, a great unkindness for our -_swine_; but I suppose that is because the hogs devour the clams, which -are a dainty with them.” - -[266] See Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, p. 148; also, _infra_, 175, -_n._ - -[267] This Sachem has already been sufficiently referred to (_Supra_, -p. 11.) All that is known concerning him can be found in Drake’s _Book -of the Indians_, (ed. 1851), pp. 107-9. - -[268] Morton’s neighbors at Wessaguscus were William Jeffrey, John -Bursley and such others of the Robert Gorges expedition of 1623 as -still remained there. (_Supra_, 4, 24, 30.) See also _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._ 1878, p. 198. - -[269] _Infra_, *77. - -[270] “Frumenty, _n._ [Also _furmenty_ and _fumety_; from Lat. -_frumentum_]. Food made of wheat boiled in milk, and seasoned with -sugar, cinnamon, &c.” _Webster._ - -[271] Squanto. See _infra_, *104. - -[272] In reference to this passage, Mr. Francis Parkman writes: “I have -searched my memory in vain for anything in the early French writers -answering to Morton’s statement. I don’t think that Cartier, Champlain, -Biard, Lescarbot or Le Jeune, the principal writers before 1635, make -the extraordinary assertions in question. In fact, as there were no -Spaniards in Canada, and likely to be none on French vessels going -there, Indians of those parts would hardly have the opportunity of -distinguishing between them by smell or otherwise. Indeed, they did not -know the existence of such a nation.” - -[273] _Supra_, *27, _note_. - -[274] “Kytan was an appellation of the greatest _manito_. The word -signifies ‘greatest’ or ‘pre-eminent.’ See my note (p. 207) in -Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_ (p. 120), where is mention of ‘Kitan, their -good god.’ Roger Williams in a letter to Thomas Thorowgood, 1635, names -‘their god Kuttand to the south-west’ (_Jewes in America_, 1650, p. 6) -but in his _Key_, he writes the name Cautantowit (_To the Reader_, p. -24.) i. e., _Keihte-anito_--‘greatest manito.’ - -“I have not met with the name _Sanaconquam_ elsewhere: at least I do -not remember seeing it except in Morton. The derivation is apparently -from a word meaning to press upon, to op-press, to crush, or the like.” -(_Manuscript Letter of J. H. Trumbull_, June 25, 1882.) - -See, also, authorities referred to _supra_, p. 140, _note_, and also -Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, pp. 134-9. Morell has a passage on the -Indian’s methods of worship in his poem. (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. -i. p. 136.) - -[275] Roger Williams says: “They will relate how they have it from -their Fathers, that Kantántowwit made one man and woman of a stone, -which disliking, he broke them in pieces, and made another man and -woman of a tree, which were the Fountaines of all mankind.” (_Key_, ch. -xxi.) - -“They believe that the soules of men and women goe to the Sou-west, -their great and good men and women to Cantántowwit his House, where -they have hopes (as the Turks have) of carnal Joyes: Murtherers, -theeves and Lyers, their souls (say they) wander restlesse abroad.” -(_Ib._) - -Wood, enlarging on this, says: “Yet do they hold the immortality of -the never-dying soul, that it shall passe to the South-west _Elysium_, -concerning which their _Indian_ faith jumps much with the _Turkish -Alchoran_, holding it to be a kind of Paradise, wherein they shall -everlastingly abide, solacing themselves in odoriferous Gardens, -fruitfull corn-fields, green meadows, bathing their hides in the coole -streams of pleasant Rivers, and shelter themselves from heat and cold -in the sumptuous Pallaces framed by the skill of Natures curious -contrivement. Concluding that neither care nor pain shall molest them -but that Natures bounty wil administer all things with a voluntary -contribution from the overflowing storehouse of their _Elysian_ -Hospital, at the portall whereof they say lies a great Dog, whose -churlish snarlings deny a _Pax intrantibus_ to unworthy intruders.” -(_Prospect_, p. 79.) - -Parkman says: “The primitive Indian believed in the immortality of the -soul, but he did not always believe in a state of future reward and -punishment.” (_Jesuits in North America_, p. lxxx.) Referring to a -case in which one of the Jesuits quoted an Indian as saying “there was -no future life,” Parkman adds: “It would be difficult to find another -instance of the kind.” - -The romantic view of the Indian on this point was taken by Arnold, in -his _History of Rhode Island_ (vol. i. p. 78), and the realistic view -by Palfrey, in his _New England_ (vol. i. p. 49); and, though writing -at the same time, the two seem to be controverting each other. See -Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man_, p. 115. - -[276] _Supra_, p. 93. - -[277] Roger Williams, also, in a passage just quoted (_supra_, 168, -_note_), speaks of the future punishment supposed, among the New -England Indians, to be allotted to thieves and liars. Josselyn, on the -other hand, describes them as “very fingurative or theevish” (_Two -Voyages_, p. 125); and Gookin says: “They are naturally much addicted -to lying and speaking untruth: and unto stealing, especially from the -English” (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 149). Winslow describes -the severe punishments inflicted for theft (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, -p. 364). Dodge, in his _Wild Indians_ (pp. 63-5), explains this -discrepancy in the authorities. He says: “All these authors are both -right and wrong. In their own bands, Indians are perfectly honest.... -It [theft] is the sole unpardonable crime among Indians.” He then -describes, like Winslow, the severity of the punishments inflicted for -thefts; “but,” he adds, “this wonderfully exceptional honesty extends -no further than to the members of his immediate band. To all outside of -it, the Indian is not only one of the most arrant thieves in the world, -but this quality or faculty is held in the highest estimation.” - -[278] The reference is to ch. iii. of the Third Booke (_infra_, -*106-8). This passage would seem to indicate that the third book of -the _New Canaan_ was written first, and that the two other books were -prepared subsequently, probably in imitation of Wood’s _Prospect_. (See -_supra_, 78.) - -[279] “Yea, I saw with mine owne eyes that at my late comming forth -of the Countrey, the chiefe and most aged peaceable Father of the -countrey, Caunoŭnicus, having buried his sonne, he burned his owne -Palace, and all his goods in it, (amongst them to a great value) in a -sollemne remembrance of his sonne, and in a kind of humble Expiation -to the Gods, who, (as they believe) had taken his sonne from him.” -(Williams’s _Key_, ch. xxxii.) In the same passage Williams says: -“Upon the Grave is spread the Mat that the party died on, the Dish he -ate in, and, sometimes, a faire Coat of skin hung upon the next tree -to the Grave, which none will touch, but suffer it there to rot with -the dead.” See also Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 142, 143, 154, 363; -Strachey’s _Historie_, p. 90. - -“In times of general Mortality they omit the Ceremonies of burying, -exposing their dead Carkases to the Beasts of prey. But at other times -they dig a Pit and set the diseased therein upon his breech upright, -and, throwing in the earth, cover it with the sods and bind them -down with sticks, driving in two stakes at each end; their mournings -are somewhat like the howlings of the Irish, seldom at the grave -but in the Wigwam where the party dyed, blaming the Devil for his -hard-heartedness, and concluding with rude prayers to him to afflict -them no further.” (Josselyn, _Two Voyages_, p. 132.) There is a highly -characteristic passage to the same effect in Wood’s _Prospect_, p. 79. - -[280] _Supra_, 143. - -[281] The reference is to Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, p. 13; -where, also, the Indian custom of firing the country in November is -described. - -[282] Gookin says: “This beastly sin of drunkenness could not be -charged upon the Indians before the English and other Christian -nations, as Dutch, French, and Spaniards, came to dwell in America: -which nations, especially the English in New-England, have cause to be -greatly humbled before God, that they have been, and are, instrumental -to cause these Indians to commit this great evil and beastly sin of -drunkenness.” (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. i. p. 151.) - -In regard to the peculiarities of Indian drunkenness, see Dodge’s -_Wild Indians_, pp. 333-5. What is there said of the Indians of “the -plains” is probably true of all the northern American Indians. “This -passion for intoxication amounts almost to an insanity.... To drink -liquor as a beverage, for the gratification of taste, or for the sake -of pleasurable conviviality, is something of which the Indian can form -no conception. His idea of pleasure in the use of strong drink is to -get drunk, and the quicker and more complete that effect, the better he -likes it.” - -[283] “They live in a country where _we_ now have all the conveniences -of human life: but as for _them_, their _housing_ is nothing but a few -_mats_ tyed about _poles_ fastened in the earth, where a good _fire_ -is their _bed-clothes_ in the coldest seasons; their _clothing_ is but -a skin of a beast, covering their _hind-parts_, their _fore-parts_ -having but a little apron, where nature calls for secrecy; their _diet_ -has not a greater dainty than their _Nokehick_, that is a spoonful of -their _parched meal_, with a spoonful of _water_, which will strengthen -them to travel a day to-gether; except we should mention the flesh of -_deers_, _bears_, _mose_, _rackoons_, and the like, which they have -when they can _catch_ them; as also a little _fish_, which, if they -would preserve, it was by _drying_, not by _salting_; for they had not -a grain of _salt_ in the world, I think, till we bestowed it on them.” -_Magnalia_, B. III. part iii. In his _Letters and Notes on the North -American Indians_ (_Letter No. 17_) Catlin comments on the failure -of the Indians to make any use of salt, even in localities where it -abounds. See _supra_, 161. - -[284] The relations supposed to exist between the Indians and the devil -have been referred to in a previous note, _supra_, 150. It is, however, -a somewhat curious fact that the aboriginal hierarchy, suggested in -the text, had a few years before found its exact political counterpart -in the talk of the English people. “‘Who governs the land?’ it was -asked. ‘Why, the King.’ ‘And who governs the King?’ ‘Why, the Duke of -Buckingham.’ ‘And who governs the Duke?’ ‘Why, the Devil.’” (Ewald’s -_Stories from the State Papers_, vol. ii. p. 117.) - -[285] “Sed quoniam, (ut præclare scriptum est a Platone) non nobis -solum nati sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria, vindicat, partem -amici.” _De Officiis_, Lib. I. § 7. The words “partem parentes” are not -in the original, but have been inserted by modern scholars as rendering -the quotation from Plato more correct. - -[286] In annotating this chapter I have been indebted to Professors -Asa Gray and C. S. Sargent of Harvard University for assistance, they -having sent me several of the more technical notes. This and the five -following chapters of the _New Canaan_ have a certain interest as being -among the earliest memoranda on the trees, animals, birds, fish and -geology of Massachusetts. The only earlier publication of at all a -similar character is Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, which appeared -in 1634, and contained the result of observations made during the four -years 1629 to 1633. Morton’s acquaintance with the country was earlier -and longer than Wood’s, but the _New Canaan_ was not published until -three years after the _Prospect_, which it followed closely in its -description of the country and its products. Josselyn’s first voyage -was made in 1638, and his stay in New England covered a period of -fifteen months, July, 1638, to October, 1639. His second visit was in -1663, and lasted until 1671. The _New England’s Rarities_ was published -in 1672, and the _Two Voyages_ in 1674. Josselyn’s alone of these works -can make any pretence to a scientific character or nomenclature, but -the four taken together constitute the whole body of early New England -natural history and geology. Only occasional reference to this class of -subjects is found in other writers. - -[287] The White Oake includes, no doubt, _Quercus alba_ and _bicolor_, -and the Redd Oake, _Quercus rubra_, _tinctoria_ and _coccinea_. - -[288] Edward Williams, in his _Virginia_ (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. -11. p. 14), written in 1650, says: “Nor are Pipestaves and Clapboard -a despicable commodity, of which one man may with ease make fifteen -thousand yearely, which in the countrey itselfe are sold for 4 l. in -the _Canaries_ for twenty pound the thousand, and by this means the -labour of one man will yeeld him 60 l. _per annum_, at the lowest -Market.” - -[289] Probably _Fraxinus Americana_, although two other species of Ash -are common in Massachusetts, the Red and the Black Ash (_F. pubescens_ -and _sambucifolia_). - -[290] It is interesting to note that, at this early day, two forms of -our one species of Beech were distinguished by the color of the wood, -a distinction which has often been adopted by Botanists and is still -considered by mechanics and woodsmen. - -[291] This refers, no doubt, to our different species of Hickory, -although the Butternut (_Juglans cinerea_) is common in Massachusetts. - -[292] Both the White and the Pitch Pine (_Pinus strobus_, and _rigida_) -are probably referred to. - -[293] “For I have seene of these stately high growne trees, ten miles -together close by the River side, from whence by shipping they might -be conveyed to any desired Port.” (Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, p. -15.) - -[294] The Red Cedar (_Juniperus virginia_). - -[295] This is clearly a contemptuous reference to Wood, who in his -_Prospect_ (p. 15) had said, “The Cedar tree is a tree of no great -growth, not bearing above a foote and a halfe square at the most, -neither is it very high. I suppose they be much inferiour to the Cedars -of _Lebenon_, so much commended in holy writ.” - -[296] _Supra_, 173. - -[297] The White Cedar (_Chamaecyparis thyoides_); or perhaps Arbor-Vitæ -(_Thuja occindentalis_), which is the “more bewtifull tree.” - -[298] A misprint for Gerard, whose _Herball, or Generall Historie of -Plants_, was published in 1597, and Johnson’s edition of it in 1633. - -[299] This probably includes both the Black Spruce (_Picea nigra_) and -the Hemlock (_Truga canadensis_). - -[300] “Spruce is a goodly Tree, of which they make Masts for Ships, -and Sail Yards: It is generally conceived by those that have skill in -Building of Ships, that here is absolutely the best Trees in the World, -many of them being three Fathom about, and of great length.” (Josselyn, -_Rarities_, p. 63.) “At _Pascataway_ there is now a Spruce-tree brought -down to the water-side by our Mass-men of an incredible bigness, and so -long that no Skipper durst ever yet adventure to ship it, but there it -lyes and Rots.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 67.) - -[301] [whether.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[302] Probably the Sugar, Red and White Maples are intended: _Acer -saccharinum_, _rubrum_ and _dasycarpum_. It is singular that no -reference to the manufacture of maple sugar by the Indians occurs. - -[303] (Elder) _Sambucus Canadensis_. - -[304] Wood (_Prospect_, p. 15) says, “Two sorts, Red and White.” None -of our native Grape vines bear White grapes. - -[305] _Supra_, 173. - -[306] Perhaps our little Beach plum (_P. maritima_) is intended. The -wild American Plum-tree is probably not a native of Massachusetts, -although it was early cultivated by the aborigines and settlers. - -[307] (_Sassafras officinale._) - -[308] The Ginseng (_Aralia quinquefolia_), or the Wild Sarsaparilla -(_Aralia nudicaulis_). - -[309] In Chapter IX. of this Book (_infra_, *94) Morton again refers to -the growth of hemp in New England, as evidence of the fertility of the -soil. He declares “that it shewteth up to be tenne foote high and tenne -foote and a halfe.” Thomas Wiggin, also, in writing of New England -in November, 1632, says: “As good hempe and fflax as in any parte of -the world, growes there naturally.” (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. -viii. p. 322.) Hemp, however, is not native to New England or America. -That spoken of must have been grown from seed brought over by the -colonists. Morton may have seen it growing in garden soil at Plymouth -and Wessagusset, but that any field of it ever reached a height of ten -or ten and a half feet in eastern Massachusetts is very questionable. - -[310] Professor Gray of Harvard University has furnished me the -following note on this chapter:-- - -“Unlike Josselyn, the author evidently was not an herbalist, and -wrote at random. His pot-marjoram, thyme and balm, though not to be -specifically identified, and none of them of the same species as in -England, must be represented by our American pennyroyal (_Hedeoma -pulegioides_), a native mint (_Mentha borealis_), wild basil -(_Pycnanthemum_), and a species of _Monarda_, sometimes called balm, -all sweet herbs of the New England coast. Alexander is hardly to -be guessed. Angelica as a genus occurs here, but not the officinal -species. Wild sarsaparilla (_Aralia nudicaulis_) was probably in view. -Purslane is interesting in this connection, adding as it does to the -probability that this plant was in the country before the settlement. -There are no Anniseeds in New England, and it is impossible to guess -what the author meant. It was probably a random statement founded -on nothing in particular. The Honeysuckles were doubtless the two -species of _Azalea_ to which the name is still applied.” Wood also says -(_Prospect_, pp. 11, 12), “There is likewise growing all manner of -Hearbes for meate and medicine, and not only in planted Gardens, but in -the woods, without either the art or helpe of man, as sweete Marjoram, -Purselane, Sorrell, Peneriall, Yarrow, Myrtle, Saxifarilla, Bayes, &c.” -See also Mr. Tuckerman’s introductory matter and notes, in his edition -of _New England’s Rarities_ [1865], and Professor Gray’s chapter (vol. -i. ch. ii.) on the Flora of Boston and vicinity, and the changes it has -undergone, in the _Memorial History of Boston_. - -[311] For the greater part of the notes to this chapter, and for all -those of a technical character, I am indebted to Mr. William Brewster, -of Cambridge. To his notes I have added a few references to, and -extracts from, other early works more or less contemporaneous with the -_New Canaan_. - -[312] Probably the Whistling Swan (_Cygnus Americanus_), now a rare -visitor to New England. Wood, also, in his poetical enumeration of -birds and fowls (_Prospect_, p. 23), speaks of - - “The Silver Swan that tunes her mournfull breath, - To sing the dirge of her approaching death.” - -Further on (p. 26) he says, “There be likewise many Swannes which -frequent the fresh ponds and rivers, seldome consorting themselves with -Duckes and Geese; these be very good meate, the price of one is six -shillings.” In his enumeration of birds of New England, Josselyn (_Two -Voyages_, p. 100) mentions “_Hookers_ or wild-_Swans_.” This bird is -not included in Peabody’s _Report on the Ornithol. of Massachusetts_ -(1839). - -[313] The Brant (_Bernicla brenta_), common at the present day. - -[314] The Snow Goose (_Anser hyperboreus_), now rare in New England, -although common throughout the West. - -[315] The Canada Goose (_Bernicla Canadensis_). - -[316] The Black Duck (_Anas obscura_), still abundant. The identity -of the other two is doubtful: the Pide Duck may have been the Pied or -Labrador Duck (_Camptolæmus Labradorius_), a species formerly common -but now nearly if not wholly extinct; the Gray Duck is probably the -Pintail (_Dafila acuta_). - -[317] The Green-winged Teal (_Querquedula Carolinensis_) and the -Blue-winged Teal (_Querquedula discors_), both noted for the delicacy -of their flesh. - -[318] Probably the American Widgeon, or Baldpate (_Mareca Americana_). -The name Widgeon is sometimes applied to other species, however. - -[319] Probably some species of web-footed bird, but exactly what is not -clear. Mr. Merriam, in his _Review of the Birds of Connecticut_ (pp. -104-5), identifies Morton’s Simpe as the American Woodcock (_Philohela -minor_), but in this he is doubtless in error. In the first place, -it is not likely that a keen sportsman like Morton would have shot -woodcock merely out of curiosity, and “more did not regard them;” in -the second place, Josselyn, in enumerating the different sorts of -ducks, speaks of “_Widgeons_, _Simps_, _Teal_, Blew wing’d and green -wing’d.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 101.) But for the reference in the next -paragraph in the text, and the disparaging manner in which the bird in -question is alluded to, it would be inferred that Simpes was a natural -misprint for Snipes. That, however, is clearly not the case. - -[320] The Sanderling (_Calidris arenaria_), a common Sandpiper, -peculiar in lacking the usual hind toe. The context indicates that -other shore birds were included under this name. “There are little -Birds that frequent the Sea-shore in flocks called _Sanderlins_, they -are about the bigness of a _Sparrow_, and in the fall of the leaf will -be all fat; when I was first in the Countrie the _English_ cut them -into small pieces to put into their Puddings instead of suet. I have -known twelve score and above kill’d at two shots.” (Josselyn’s _Two -Voyages_, p. 102.) To precisely the same effect Wood says (_Prospect_, -p. 27), “I myselfe have killed twelve score at two shootes.” - -[321] Neither the Whooping Crane (_Grus Americana_) nor the Sandhill -Crane (_Grus pratensis_) is now found in New England. The latter -is probably the species referred to here. Our large Heron (_Ardea -herodias_) is often called Crane by country people, but it does not eat -corn, and “in a dishe” would hardly be considered “a goodly bird.” - -[322] The Wild Turkey (_Meleagris gallipavo Americana_) is mentioned by -all the early writers as an abundant bird; but it disappeared almost as -rapidly as the Indians, before the encroachment of the white settlers. -Peabody, writing in 1839 (_Report on the Fishes, Reptiles, and Birds of -Massachusetts_, p. 352), says: “It is still found occasionally in our -western mountains, and also on the Holyoke range, where some are taken -every year.” Its total extinction probably occurred only a few years -later. - -[323] Probably an exaggeration, although Audubon mentions one that -weighed thirty-six pounds; the ordinary weight of the full-grown male -is from fifteen to twenty pounds, a gobbler weighing twenty-five pounds -being an unusually large bird. Yet Morton’s statement is fully borne -out by other contemporary authorities. Wood says, “The Turky is a very -large bird, of a blacke colour, yet white in flesh; much bigger then -our English Turky. He hath the use of his long legs so ready, that he -can runne as fast as a Dogge, and flye as well as a Goose: of these -sometimes there will be forty, three-score and an hundred of a flocke, -sometimes more and sometimes lesse; their feeding is Acorns, Hawes, and -Berries, some of them get a haunt to frequent our _English_ corne: In -Winter when the Snow covers the ground, they resort to the Sea-shore -to looke for Shrimps, and such small fishes at low tides. Such as love -Turkie hunting must follow it in Winter after a new falne Snow, when -he may follow them by their tracts; some have killed ten or a dozen -in halfe a day; if they can be found towards an evening, and watched -where they peirch, if one came about ten or eleaven of the clocke, -he may shoote as often as he will, they will sit, unlesse they be -slenderly wounded. These Turkies remain all the yeare long. The price -of a good Turkie cocke is foure shillings: and he is well worth it, for -he may be in weight forty pound; a Hen two shillings.” (_New England’s -Prospect_, p. 24.) So also Josselyn: “I have heard several credible -persons affirm, they have seen _Turkie Cocks_ that have weighed forty, -yea sixty pounds; but out of my personal experimental knowledge I -can assure you, that I have eaten my share of a _Turkie Cock_, that -when he was pull’d and garbidg’d, weighed thirty pound.” He adds, -however, that even then [1670] “the _English_ and the _Indians_ having -now destroyed the breed, so that ’tis very rare to meet with a wild -_Turkie_ in the Woods.” (_New England’s Rarities_, p. 9.) See also _Two -Voyages_, p. 99, where the same writer says: “If you would preserve the -young Chickens alive, you must give them no water, for if they come to -have their fill of water, they will drop away strangely, and you will -never be able to rear any of them.” John Clayton, in his _Letter to -the Royal Society_ [1688], says of Virginia: “There be wild Turkies -extream large; they talk of Turkies that have been kill’d, that have -weigh’d betwixt 50 and 60 Pound weight; the largest that ever I saw, -weigh’d something better than 38 Pound.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. -12, p. 30.) Williams, in his _Virginia_ [1650], speaks of “infinites -of wilde Turkeyes, which have been knowne to weigh fifty pound weight, -ordinarily forty.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 11, p. 12.) See also -Strachey’s _Historie_, p. 125; Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 253. - -[324] In regard to this expression Mr. Trumbull writes: “_Metawna_ -is _mittànnug_ (R. Williams), _muttannunk_ (Eliot),--Englished by ‘a -thousand;’ but to the Indians less definite, ‘a great many,’ more -than he could count. _Neent_ is possibly a misprint for _necut_ -(_nequt_, Eliot), ‘one,’--but, more likely, stands for ‘I have,’ or its -equivalent, ‘there is to me.’ Roger Williams (p. 164) puts the numeral -first, _nneesnneánna_, ‘I have killed two,’--_shwinneánna_, [‘I have -killed] three,’” &c. - -[325] The Pheasant of Morton and other early writers has been -supposed by ornithologists to be the Prairie Hen or Pinnated Grouse -(_Cupidonia cupido_), a species which, however, has dark not “white -flesh,”--“formerly ... so common on the ancient busky site of the city -of Boston, that laboring people or servants stipulated with their -employers, not to have the _Heath-Hen_ brought to table oftener then -a few times in the week.” (Nuttall’s _Ornithology_, vol. i. p. 800.) -There is good evidence that this bird once ranged over a large part of -Southern New England; it is still found on Martha’s Vineyard, where it -is carefully protected and is not uncommon. Elsewhere it does not now -occur much to the eastward of Illinois. - -[326] The Ruffed Grouse (_Bonasa umbella_). - -[327] The American Partridge, Quail, or Bob White (_Ortyx Virginiana_). - -[328] Of doubtful application. Our Horned Lark (_Eremophila alpestris_) -is the nearest North American ally of the English Skylark, but it is -so differently colored that Morton probably had in mind some other -species, perhaps the Titlark (_Anthus ludovicianus_). - -[329] Three species of Crows are found in New England: the Raven -(_Corvus carnivorus_), now confined to the northern parts of Maine, -New Hampshire, and Vermont; the Common Crow (_Corvus Americanus_); -and the Fish Crow (_Corvus ossifragus_), which occasionally wanders -to Massachusetts from its true home in the Middle and Southern -States. The latter may have been the Rook. “Kight” is a dubious -appellation, possibly referring to the Swallow-tailed Kite (_Nauclerus -furcatus_), now a rare straggler from the South, but formerly, as some -ornithologists believe, of regular occurrence in New England. - -[330] The descriptions given for these Hawks are too vague to be of -much use in determining species. A clew is often furnished by familiar -terms of falconry, which, we may assume, would be naturally applied -to American representatives of Old World forms. Morton, however, -uses these terms very loosely, or, perhaps, with a regard to fine -distinctions of meaning not now understood. In such a case nothing can -be done beyond pointing out their accepted significance and probable -application. - -[331] The male of _Falco lanarius_, a Falcon found in the southern -and south-eastern parts of Europe, as well as in Western Asia and the -adjoining portions of Africa. An American variety, the Prairie Falcon -(_Falco lanarius polyagrus_), has a wide range in the West, but is not -known to have occurred to the eastward of Illinois. The bird referred -to by Morton is doubtless the Duck Hawk (_Falco peregrinus_), an allied -species not uncommon in New England. - -[332] In the records of the Council for New England, under date of -the 26th of November, 1635, or about the time that Morton was writing -the _New Canaan_, is the following entry: “The Hawks brought over by -Capt. Smart are to be presented to his Majesty on Saturday next, by -the Lords of those Provinces. And the said Captain to be recommended -to his Majestys service upon occasion of employments for his care and -industry used to bring them over, and for other his services done in -those parts.” - -[333] The Cockchafer. - -[334] _I. e._, like the Buzzard-Hawks of the genus _Buteo_, a sluggish -tribe of _Raptores_. - -[335] Properly of general application to the genus _Falco_; if used -specifically here there is no clew to its precise meaning. - -[336] Usually written _tercel_, and sometimes _tiercel_ or _tiërcel_. -The male of any hawk, so termed because he is a third smaller than the -female, or, as some have thought, because it was believed that every -third bird hatched was a male. The name, as used in falconry, almost -always refers to the male Goshawk (_Astur palumbarius_), while with the -addition of _gentil_, or _gentle_, it indicated the female or young of -this species. The bird alluded to here is probably the American Goshawk -(_Astur atricapillus_). - -[337] The American Sparrow Hawk (_Falco sparverius_), a small and -richly colored Falcon, would be likely to be used for such a purpose. - -[338] If not applied to the male Goshawk (see note on “tassel -gentles”), perhaps referring to Hawks of the genus _Buteo_, represented -in New England by three species, _Buteo borealis_, _B. lineatus_ and -_B. Pennsylvanicus_. - -[339] If Morton always uses _tassel_ in its commonly accepted sense -(see preceding notes), another application must be sought for the -present name. The accompanying text may relate to the Marsh Hawk -(_Circus cyaneus Hudsonius_), the adult male of which is our whitest -New England Hawk, and the young or female perhaps the reddest. The -Marsh Hawk does not prey on full-grown poultry, but it may have been -credited with depredations committed by other species, a piece of -injustice by no means uncommon at the present day. - -[340] The Pigeon Hawk (_Falco columbarius_) is the New England -representative of the European Merlin (_Falco regulus_). - -[341] Probably the Crow Blackbird (_Quiscalus purpureus æneus_). - -[342] The Sharp-shinned Hawk (_Accipiter fuscus_), a common New England -species closely allied to the European Sparrow Hawk (_Accipiter -nisus_). Our Cooper’s Hawk (_Accipiter cooperi_) also may be referred -to under this name. - -[343] The Ruby-throated Humming-bird (_Trochilus colubris_), our only -New England species. The Humming-birds are peculiar to the New World; -hence the wonder and interest with which they were regarded by the -early explorers and colonists. There is a letter from Emanuel Downing -to John Winthrop, Jr., of the 21st of November, 1632, in which is this -paragraph: “You have a litle bird in your contrie that makes a humminge -noyse, a little bigger then a bee, I pray send me one of them over, -perfect in his fethers, in a little box.” (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. vi. p. 40^e.) There are many descriptions of this bird in the -earlier writers, though none that I have found so early as Downing’s -letter. Wood says: “The Humbird is one of the wonders of the Countrey, -being no bigger than a Hornet, yet hath all the dimensions of a Bird, -as bill and wings, with quils, Spider-like legges, small clawes: For -colour, shee is glorious as the Raine-bow; as shee flies, shee makes -a little humming noise like a humble bee: wherefore she is called the -Humbird.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 24.) Josselyn’s description -is especially good: “The _Humming Bird_, the least of all Birds, -little bigger than a _Dor_, of variable glittering Colours, they feed -upon Honey, which they suck out of Blossoms and Flowers with their -long Needle-like Bills; they sleep all Winter, and are not to be seen -till the Spring, at which time they breed in little Nests, made up -like a bottom of soft, Silk-like matter, their Eggs no bigger than a -white Pease, they hatch three or four at a time, and are proper to -this Country.” (_New England’s Rarities_, p. 6.) See also Clayton’s -_Letter_, &c. (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 33). - -[344] For all the technical and scientific notes to this chapter I am -indebted to Mr. Joel A. Allen, of the Museum of Comparative Zoölogy of -Harvard College. To the matter contributed by him I have merely added, -as in the immediately preceding chapters, extracts from other writers, -more or less contemporaneous with Morton, which seemed to me to be -illustrative of the text, or in the same spirit with it. This chapter -of Morton’s is more complete, though probably of less value, than -Wood’s and Josselyn’s chapters on the same subject. - -[345] The _Elke_ here mentioned is the Moose (_Alces malchis_) of -American writers; it is specifically the same as the elk of Northern -Europe. From Wood’s account (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 18), it would -seem that the moose in Morton’s time ranged into eastern Massachusetts, -though not found now south of northern Maine. The moose has but a -single fawn at a birth, not three as stated in the text. - -Mr. Allen then adds to the above note: “I have met with no published -record of the occurrence of the American Elk, or Wapiti Deer (_Cervus -Canadensis_), in eastern Massachusetts. Since publishing a statement -to this effect (_Mem. Hist. Boston_, vol. i. p. 10), however, I have -learned through the kindness of a correspondent (Henry S. Nourse, -Esq., of South Lancaster, Mass.,) that early in the eighteenth century -sixteen elk were seen near a brook in South Lancaster, one of which -was killed. The tradition is supported by the fact that the antlers of -the individual killed were preserved in the family of the lucky hunter -(Jonas Fairbanks) for a long period, and afterwards placed on the top -of a guide-board, where they still remain, moss-grown and weather-worn -by eighty years of sun and storm. Since the receipt of Mr. Nourse’s -letter (dated Feb. 25, 1882), his account has been corroborated by -information from another source. That the antlers mentioned belonged to -an elk and not to a moose is beyond question.” - -[346] “The _English_ have some thoughts of keeping them tame, and to -accustome them to the yoake, which will be a great commoditie: First, -because they are so fruitfull, bringing forth three at a time, being -likewise very uberous. Secondly, because they will live in Winter -without any fodder. There be not many of these in the _Massachusetts -Bay_, but forty miles to the Northeast there be great store of them.” -(_New England’s Prospect_, p. 18.) There are very good descriptions of -the Moose, and the methods pursued in hunting them, in Gorges’s _Brief -Relation_ (II. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. ix. p. 18) and in Josselyn’s -_Two Voyages_, (pp. 88, 137). See, also, _New England’s Rarities_, p. -19. - -[347] The common Virginian Deer (_Cariacus Virginianus_), formerly more -or less abundant throughout the eastern half of the United States. - -[348] The number of fawns produced at a birth is commonly two, -sometimes one, and still more rarely three; although three is stated -to be the usual number in various seventeenth-century accounts of the -natural productions of New England, Virginia, &c. - -[349] Mourt, in his _Relation_ (p. 8), records how Governor William -Bradford, of Plymouth, was caught in one of these traps, and “horsed up -by the leg,” when the first party from the _Mayflower_ was exploring -Cape Cod in November, 1620. Wood says: “An _English_ Mare being strayed -from her owner, and growne wild by her long sojourning in the woods -ranging up and down with the wild crew, stumbled into one of these -traps which stopt her speed, hanging her like _Mahomet’s_ tombe, -betwixt earth and heaven; the morning being come the _Indians_ went to -looke what good successe their Venison trapps had brought them, but -seeing such a long scutted Deere, praunce in their Meritotter, they -bade her good morrow, crying out, what cheere what cheere, _Englishmans -squaw_ horse; having no better epithete than to call her a woman horse, -but being loath to kill her, and as fearefull to approach neere the -friscadoes of her Iron heeles, they posted to the _English_ to tell -them how the case stood or hung with their squaw horse, who unhorsed -their Mare, and brought her to her former tamenesse, which since hath -brought many a good foale, and performed much good service.” (_New -England’s Prospect_, p. 75.) Williams, in his _Key_ (ch. xxvii.), -describes how the deer caught in these traps were torn and devoured -by wolves before the Indians came to secure them. See, also, Colonel -Norwood’s _Voyage to Virginia_. (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 10, p. 39.) - -[350] _Wesil_, obsolete for _weasand_. - -[351] The “third sort of Deere,” of which the author evidently had no -personal knowledge, is doubtless a myth, as the Virginia Deer is the -only species of small deer found in the United States, _south_ of New -England, east of the Mississippi River. The statement that it is “lesse -then the other” (_i. e._ Virginian Deer), together with the southern -habitat assigned it, preclude reference to the Caribou of northern New -England, which the name “rayne deare” otherwise suggests. - -[352] “They desire to be neare the Sea, so that they may swimme to -the Islands when they are chased by the Woolves.” (_New England’s -Prospect_, p. 18.) Deer Island is consequently a very common name along -the New England coast; and of the island bearing that name in Boston -harbor, now the site of the city reformatory institutions, Wood says: -“This Iland is so called, because of the Deare which often swimme -thither from the Maine, when they are chased by the woolves: some have -killed sixteene Deere in a day upon this Iland.” Young’s _Chron. of -Mass._, p. 405. See, also, Shurtleff’s _Description of Boston_, p. 464. - -[353] The Beaver (_Castor fiber_). The account of the way “they draw -the logg to the habitation appoynted” is a fanciful exaggeration, -hardly less ridiculous than the preceding statement about the -precaution the animal takes in winter to preserve his tail! - -_Cunny_, mentioned in the first paragraph, is doubtless a -seventeenth-century barbarism for _cony_, a name at this time commonly -applied to the rabbit. The context, both here and in the account of -the _muskewashe_, seems to imply this, although the word is correctly -written _cony_ in the paragraph relating to Hares. In some of the early -accounts of Virginia, published in the first half of the seventeenth -century, _hares_ and _cunnies_ are enumerated in the lists of animals, -where the latter name evidently means _cony_ or _rabbit_. _Serat_, in -the same paragraph, is a term of much greater obscurity of application. - -[354] “The tail, as I have said in another Treatise, is very fat and -of a masculine vertue, as good as _Eringo’s_ or _Satyrion_-Roots.” -(Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, p. 93.) - -[355] Bradford, writing of the year 1636, gives the following prices: -“The coat beaver usualy at 20_s._ per pound, and some at 24_s._; the -skin at 15 and sometimes 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It may -be the last year might be something lower” (p. 346). In 1671 Josselyn -says: “A black Bears Skin heretofore was worth forty shillings, now you -may have one for ten.” (_Rarities_, p. 14.) The following prices were -named as ruling in Virginia in 1650; (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 11, p. -52.) - -“Sables, from 8_s._ the payre, to 20_s._ a payre. - -“Otter skins, from 3_s._ to 5_s._ a piece. - -“Luzernes, from 2_s._ to 10. a piece. - -“Martins the best, 4_s._ a piece. - -“Fox skins, 6_d._ a piece. - -“Muske Rats skins, 2_s._ a dozen. - -“Bever skins that are full growne, in season, are worth 7_s._ a piece. - -“Bever skins, not in season, to allow two skins for one, and of the -lesser, three for one. - -“Old Bever skins in mantles, gloves or caps, the more worne the better, -so they be full of fur, the pound weight is 6_s._” See _infra_, 207, -_note_ 4, and also *80. - -[356] The servant here referred to was probably Walter Bagnall, of -Richmond Island, who was killed by Indians, Oct. 3, 1631. See _infra_, -218, _note_ 1. - -[357] The common Otter (_Lutra Canadensis_), now of rare occurrence in -the more settled parts of southern New England. - -[358] The _Luseran_, or _Luseret_, is the Bay Lynx, or Wild-cat (_Lynx -rufus_). - -“The Ounce or the wild Cat, is as big as a mungrell dogge; this -creature is by nature feirce, and more dangerous to bee met withall -than any other creature, not feering either dogge or man; he useth to -kill Deere which he thus effecteth: Knowing the Deeres tracts, he will -lie lurking in long weedes, the Deere passing by he suddenly leapes -upon his backe, from thence gets to his necke, and scratcheth out his -throate: he hath likewise a devise to get Geese, for being much of the -colour of a Goose, he will place himselfe close by the water, holding -up his bob taile, which is like a Goose necke; the Geese seeing this -counterfeiting Goose, approch nigh to visit him, who with a sudden -jerke apprehends his mistrustlesse prey.” (_New England’s Prospect_, -pp. 19, 20.) Josselyn says: “I once found six whole Ducks in the belly -of one I killed by a Pond side.” (_Rarities_, p. 16.) - -[359] The _Martin_. Under this name are doubtless confounded the -Marten (_Mustela Americana_) and the Fisher (_M. Pennanti_). The size, -however, even in case the Fisher alone were referred to, is greatly -overstated. - -[360] The _Racowne_ is the common well-known Raccoon (_Procyon lotor_). - -[361] Josselyn says of the Raccoon: “their grease is soveraign for -wounds with bruises, aches, streins, bruises; and to anoint after -broken bones and dislocations.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 85.) A little -further on (p. 92) he notes: “One Mr. _Purchase_ cured himself of the -_Sciatica_ with _Bears_-greese, keeping some of it continually in his -groine.” - -[362] The _Redd Fox_ is our common Red Fox (_Vulpes vulgaris_, -var. _Pennsylvanicus_). The _Gray Fox_ is doubtless the Virginian -or Gray Fox (_Urocyon cinereoargentatus_) of the South and West, -an animal formerly occurring in New England but long since nearly -extirpated. This is inferred from Josselyn’s account of the _Jaccal_ -(_New England’s Rarities_, p. 22), rather than from any clew given -in Morton’s text. The absence of strong scent referred to relates -to the Gray Fox, a character mentioned by Josselyn in his brief but -sufficiently explicit description of his Jaccal. - -[363] “The Indians say they have black foxes, which they have often -seen, but never could take any of them. They say they are Manittóoes, -that is Gods, spirits, or divine powers, as they say of every thing -which they cannot comprehend.” (Williams’s _Key_, ch. xvii.) The black -fox-skin, Josselyn says (_Rarities_, p. 21), “heretofore was wont to be -valued at fifty and sixty pound, but now you may have them for twenty -shillings; indeed there is not any in _New England_ that are perfectly -black, but silver hair’d, that is sprinkled with gray hairs.” The black -wolf’s skin, he says (_ib._ p. 16), “is worth a _Beaver_ Skin among the -_Indians_, being highly esteemed for helping old Aches in old people, -worn as a Coat.” Of the foxes Wood remarks: “Some of these be blacke; -their furre is of much esteeme.” (_Prospect_, p. 19.) Elsewhere he says -that the fur of a black wolf was “worth five or sixe pounds Sterling.” -(_Ib._ 20.) - -See, also, _supra_, 205, _note_ 2. - -[364] The _Wolf_ is the large Gray Wolf (_Canis lupus_), formerly -abundant throughout New England, and well known to vary in color as -mentioned by Morton. - -[365] “They be made much like a Mungrell, being big boned, lanke -paunched, deepe breasted, having a thicke necke and head, pricke -eares, and long snoute, with dangerous teeth, long staring haire, and -a great bush taile.... It is observed that they have no joynts from -their head to the taile, which prevents them from leaping or sudden -turning.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 20.) See Josselyn’s _Rarities_, -p. 14, and _Two Voyages_, p. 83. He says: “They commonly go in routs, -a rout of Wolves is 12 or more, sometimes by couples.” Of the Virginia -species, Clayton says: “Wolves there are great store; you may hear a -Company Hunting in an Evening, and yelping like a pack of Beagles; -but they are very cowardly, and dare scarce venture on anything that -faces them; yet if hungry will pull down a good large Sheep that flies -from them. I never heard that any of them adventured to set on Man or -Child.” (III. _Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 37.) According to Strachey, -these Virginia wolves were “not much bigger then English foxes.” -(_Historie_, p. 125.) Wood, however, says that the Massachusetts wolves -cared “no more for an ordinary Mastiffe, than an ordinary Mastiffe -cares for a Curre; many good dogges have been spoyled by them.” Shortly -after the landing from the _Mayflower_ at Plymouth, John Goodman, -one evening in January, “went abroad to use his lame feet, that were -pitifully ill with the cold he had got, having a little spaniel with -him. A little way from the plantation two great wolves ran after the -dog; the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs for succour. He had -nothing in his hand, but took up a stick and threw at one of them and -hit him, and they presently ran both away, but came again. He got a -pale-board in his hand; and they set both on their tails grinning at -him a good while; and went their way and left him.” (Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 178.) - -[366] _Supra_, 205, _note_ 2, and 207, _note_ 4. - -[367] The common Black Bear (_Ursus Americanus_). - -[368] “For Beares they be common, being a great black kind of Beare, -which be most fierce in Strawberry time, at which time they have young -ones; at this time likewise they will goe upright like a man, and clime -trees, and swim to the Islands: which if the _Indians_ see, there -will be more sportful Beare bayting than Paris Garden can afford. For -seeing the Beares take water, an _Indian_ will leape after him, where -they goe to water cuffes for bloody noses, and scratched sides; in the -end the man gets the victory, riding the Beare over the watery plaine -till he can beare him no longer.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 17.) -“He makes his Denn amongst thick Bushes, thrusting in here and there -store of _moss_, which being covered with snow and melting in the -daytime with heat of the Sun, in the night is frozen into a thick coat -of Ice; the mouth of his Den is very narrow, here they lye single, -never two in a Den all winter. The _Indian_ as soon as he finds them, -creeps in upon all four, seizes with his left hand upon the neck of -the sleeping _Bear_, drags him to the mouth of the Den, where with a -club or small hatchet in his right hand he knocks out his brains before -he can open his eyes to see his enemy.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 91.) Wood -adds that bear’s flesh was “accounted very good meete, esteemed of -all men above Venison.” Clayton says that “their flesh is commended -for a very rich sort of Pork.” (_Virginia_, III. _Force’s Tracts_ No. -12, p. 37.) “Beares there be manie towardes the sea-coast, which the -Indians hunt most greedily; for indeed they love them above all other -their flesh, and therefore hardly sell any of them unto us, unles upon -large proffers of copper, beads and hatchetts. We have eaten of them, -and they are very toothsome sweet venison, as good to be eaten as the -flesh of a calfe of two yeares old; howbeit they are very little in -comparison of those of Muscovia and Tartaria.” (Strachey’s _Historie_, -p. 123.) See, also, Josselyn’s _New England’s Rarities_, pp. 13-14, and -_Two Voyages_, pp. 91-2. - -[369] The well-known Muskrat or Musquash (_Fiber zibethicus_) of our -ponds. The “stones” are the oder glands. In respect to _Cunny_, see -_supra_ 204, _note_ 2. - -[370] The _Porcupine_ is the Canadian Porcupine (_Erethizon dorsatus_). - -[371] The _Hedgehogg_ is the same as the Porcupine, the author being -in error in regarding it as “of the like nature to our English -Hedgehoggs.” The English Hedgehog belongs to a very different order of -mammals, and has no representative in America. - -[372] The _Conyes_ are Hares, the small ones of the “Southerne parts” -being the little Gray Hare or Wood Rabbit (_Lepus sylvaticus_) of -southern New England. Those of “the North” are the Varying Hare (_Lepus -Americanus_), or White Rabbit, which is brown in summer and white in -winter. The reference to _black_ ones is an error, wild black hares -being unknown except in cases of Melanism, which are of extremely rare -occurrence. We have no _species_ of hare which is black. Rabbit, it may -be added, is a name not strictly applicable to any indigenous mammal of -America, it being the vernacular specific designation of an Old World -species of hare. - -[373] The “_Squirils_ of three sorts” are (1) the Gray Squirrel -(_Sciurus Carolinensis_); (2) the Red Squirrel, or Chickaree (_S. -Hudsonius_); (3) the Flying Squirrel (_Sciuropterus volucellus_). A -fourth kind, the Striped Squirrel, or Chipmunk (_Tamias striatus_) is -not mentioned. The “batlike winges” are of course neither batlike, nor -even wings at all, but merely a narrow furred membrane extending along -the sides of the body, from the fore to the hind limbs. - -[374] [and] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[375] “1639. _May_, which fell out to be extream hot and foggie, about -the middle of _May_, I kill’d within a stones throw of our house, above -four score Snakes, some of them as big as the small of my leg, black -of colour, and three yards long, with a sharp horn on the tip of their -tail two inches in length.” (Josselyn’s _Two Voyages_, pp. 22-3.) - -[376] Mr. J. H. Trumbull writes: “Morton’s _ascowke_ is Eliot’s -_askook_, R. Williams’s _askùg_, ‘a snake.’ In Zeifberger’s Delaware, -_achgook_; whence (through Heckewelder) Cooper’s _Chingachgook_, ‘the -Great Serpent,’ in the _Last of the Mohicans_.” - -[377] Williams, in his _Key_, gives the name as _Sések_. See, also, -Mr. Trumbull’s note in his edition of the _Key_ (p. 130), in the -publications of the Narragansett Society. Wood gives it as _seasicke_. -(_Prospect_, p. 86.) - -[378] The stories first told in Europe of the Rattlesnake (_Crotalus -durissus_) were of the most exaggerated kind. He was described as a -reptile of prodigious size, which could fly, and which poisoned by -its breath. (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 39.) The first mention of -this snake in Massachusetts is found in Higginson’s _New England’s -Plantation_ [1630]. It is as follows: “This country being very full of -woods and wildernesses, doth also much abound with snakes and serpents, -of strange colors and huge greatness. Yea, there are some serpents, -called rattlesnakes, that have rattles in their tails, that will not -fly from a man as others will, but will fly upon him and sting him so -mortally that he will die within a quarter of an hour after, except -the party stinged have about him some of the root of an herb called -snake-weed to bite on, and then he shall receive no harm.” (Young’s -_Chron. of Mass._, p. 255.) Wood gives an admirable description of the -rattlesnake (_Prospect_, pp. 38-9), and also speaks of “the Antidote -to expel the poyson, which is a root caled Snake weede, which must -be champed, the spittle swallowed, and the roote applied to the -sore.... Five or six men have been bitten by them, which by using of -snakeweede were all cured, never any yet losing his life by them.” -Josselyn, in his _Rarities_ (p. 39), says: “The _Indians_ when weary -with travelling, will take them up with their bare hands, laying hold -with one hand behind their Head, with the other taking hold of their -Tail, and with their teeth tear off the Skin of their backs, and feed -upon them alive; which they say refresheth them.” He further says that -the heart of the rattlesnake “swallowed fresh” (_Rarities_, p. 39), -or “dried and pulverized and drunk with wine or beer” (_Voyages_, p. -114), is an antidote against its poison. In Clayton’s _Virginia_ (III. -_Force’s Tracts_, No. 12, p. 39), there is a very entertaining passage, -too long to extract, on Rattlesnakes, and the use of East India -snake-stones “that were sent [to Virginia] by King _James_ the Second, -the Queen, and some of the Nobility, purposely to try their Virtue and -Efficacy,” at curing the bite of vipers, &c. - -[379] The _Mice_, which our author found in “good store,” belong -chiefly to three species,--namely, the common short-tailed Meadow -Mouse (_Arvicola riparius_), the White-footed Mouse, or Deer Mouse -(_Hesperomys leucopus_), and the Long-tailed Jumping Mouse, or Kangaroo -Mouse (_Zapus Hudsonius_). The common House Mouse (_Mus musculus_) -is an exotic pest, which doubtless had not at that time made its -appearance. Morton is quite right in stating: “but for Rats, the -Country by Nature is troubled with none.” The Black Rat (_Mus rattus_) -was quite early introduced, but the Gray, Wharf, or Norway Rat (_Mus -decumanus_) probably did not make its appearance till fully a century -after Morton wrote his _New English Canaan_. - -[380] Morton, as was natural for a keen sportsman who had himself been -in the tropics, was wiser on the subject of Lions than other Englishmen -in New England. From the first landing at Plymouth, when John Goodman -and Peter Browne, getting lost in the woods, heard “two lions roaring -exceedingly,” down to 1639, when Josselyn heard “of a young Lyon (not -long before) kill’d at Pascataway by an Indian,” there were vague -stories of these animals having been either seen or heard in the New -England woods. Josselyn argued on the great probability that there were -lions because there were jackals (_Rarities_, p. 21); and Wood said -that “the Virginians saw an old Lyon in their Plantation, who having -lost his Iackall, which was wont to hunt his prey, was brought so poore -that he could goe no further.” (_Prospect_, p. 17.) Strachey speaks of -having found the skins and claws of lions in the hands of the Indians. -(_Historie_, p. 124.) The animal referred to in all these cases was -doubtless the Panther or Catamount (_Felis concolor_). On this subject -see also Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 176, _note_; Tuckerman’s _New -England’s Rarities_, p. 57, _note_; and the _Mem. History of Boston_, -vol. i. p. 9. - -[381] For the scientific and technical notes to this chapter I am -indebted to Professor N. S. Shaler of Harvard University. As in the -three preceding chapters, certain other notes of my own have been -added, which are of a wholly different character, and will readily be -distinguished from Professor Shaler’s. - -[382] The marble of Marble Harbor, or Marblehead, is not, in the -present sense of the word, a marble at all, but is, in fact, a -porphyry. In the old sense of the word it designated any smooth-striped -or spotted stones, such as are found there. - -[383] No limestone, good or bad, is known to exist on the Monatoquit -now; the nearest limestone is at Bear (or Bare) Hill, in Stoneham. - -[384] There is a locality in East Braintree, included in the Wainwright -estate, at the foot of Wyman’s Hill and facing the Weymouth Fore-river, -into which the Monatoquit flows, where is a quarry from which stone -bearing some external resemblance to limestone was formerly taken for -ballast. This place has always been locally called the Quaw, though the -origin and meaning of the name have never been known. It would seem -that this must be the place referred to in the text, and that Quaw, or -Quor, is a corruption of the Indian Attaquatock. - -[385] There are no “chalke stones” at Squanto’s Chapelle, _i.e._, -Squantum, or anywhere else in this part of the world. Morton may -possibly have mistaken pebbles of decayed felspar for chalk. - -[386] There is some slate in Quincy and Weymouth that _might_ be used -for roofing, and a quarry of it was long worked for material for -gravestones, &c., on Squantum Bay, a mile or so from Mount Wollaston; -but it is slate of a very poor sort. The nearest workable slate is in -Vermont and Maine. - -[387] This passage is more than usually confused, even for Morton. -It is difficult to say whether he is perpetrating a clumsy joke, or -indulging in a malicious insinuation. John Billington was hanged at -Plymouth in September, 1630, being apparently the second person so -executed in what is now Massachusetts, the first having been executed -at Weymouth during the winter of 1622-3. (_Infra_, *108-10.) The -man shot by Billington, and for whose murder he was hung, was John -New-comin (Bradford, p. 277), whence Morton’s play upon the name. -Billington had two sons, but he was by no means “beloved.” As Bradford, -writing about him as early as 1625, said, “he is a knave,” adding -prophetically “and so will live and die.” (Savage’s _Winthrop_, vol. i. -p. *36). Why Morton should have called him “Ould Woodman” is not clear. -From his immediately going on to talk of the “woodden prospect,” and -the wish of its author to secure for himself a monopoly of the Richmond -Island whetstones, which “Ould Woodman labored to get a patent of,” -it would seem as if he had intended to convey the idea that William -Wood, the author of the _New England’s Prospect_, was one of the “many -sonnes” of “Old Woodman,” who had been hanged at Plymouth. That such -was Morton’s intention, however, is not clear. The passage is muddled, -but not necessarily malicious. - -[388] The words quoted are not Ovid’s, but Virgil’s. _Eclogues_, viii. -43. - -[389] _Supra_, 124. - -[390] Josselyn, in his _Two Voyages_ (p. 202), speaks of the “excellent -whetstones” then (1670) found at Richmond Island. - -“There is a species of slate quite abundant on Richmond’s Island, and -some other Islands in Casco Bay, which has been used for oil-stones. -Josselyn, in his _Voyages_, says that ‘tables of slate could be got out -long enough for a dozen men to sit at.’” See a communication on this -passage of the _New Canaan_, signed J. P. B., in the _Portland Press_ -of January 2, 1883. Professor Shaler adds: “It is interesting to note -the fact that Morton saw that whetstones could be made the basis for -trade. Stones suitable for this purpose are rare in Europe, and to-day -a New Hampshire company ships large quantities to Europe and even to -Australia.” - -[391] Richmond Island lies directly south-east of Cape Elizabeth and -close to it. From what Morton says in the next chapter and elsewhere -(_infra_, *149), it would seem that before his arrest by Standish in -June, 1628,--that is, in the summer of 1627,--he had a fur station on -the coast of Maine. (_Supra_, 23.) Winthrop, writing under date of -October 22, 1631, mentions the murder of “Walter Bagnall, called Great -Watt, and one John P---- who kept with him,” by the Indians at Richmond -Island. He adds: “This Bagnall was sometimes servant to one in the bay, -and these three years had dwelt alone in the said isle, and had gotten -about £400 most in goods. He was a wicked fellow, and had much wronged -the Indians.” (Winthrop, vol. i. p. *63). Bagnall would, from this, -appear to have been one of Morton’s servants at Mount Wollaston, as he -alone in “the bay,” at that time, had any number of servants, or was -engaged in trade on the Maine coast. As Bagnall was killed in 1631, and -had then lived alone at Richmond Island three years, he seems to have -taken up his abode there in 1628, the time of the breaking up of the -company at Mount Wollaston by Standish and Endicott, and the settlement -at Richmond Island was thus the Maine offshoot of that at Merry-mount. -Bagnall was probably that one of Morton’s servants who, he says, was -reputed, when he died, to have made a thousand pounds in the fur trade -in five years, “whatsoever became of it.” (_Supra_, *78). Morton’s -expression here of “five years” agrees with Winthrop’s “three years,” -and confirms this surmise. Bagnall had died in 1631. Morton had gotten -control at Mount Wollaston in 1626. (_Supra_, 15.) Bagnall had remained -there as his servant two years, until 1628; then had been frightened -away and gone to Richmond Island, where he had lived three years more, -as Winthrop says,--making in all Morton’s five years. In his phrase -“whatsoever became of it” Morton characteristically throws out an -insinuation in regard to Bagnall’s possessions. He probably meant to -imply some underhand proceeding to get hold of them on the part of the -Massachusetts Bay people. Recently a theory has been advanced in the -Maine press, that Bagnall was an Episcopalian, and competitor in trade -of the Massachusetts Company; and that Winthrop and his associates, -not being able otherwise to get rid of him, compassed his death by -indirect means. (See a letter of S. P. Mayberry in _Portland Press_ of -Jan. 9, 1883.) Winthrop says that most of the possessions in question -were in goods. A portion would naturally be in the form of money, and -it was left for the present generation to form a most plausible surmise -as to “whatsoever became” of some of this money. On May 11, 1855, an -old stone pot was turned up by the ploughshare, on Richmond Island, -containing fifty-two coins; and Mr. Willis, the historian of Portland, -then took occasion, in a letter to the Massachusetts Historical Society -(_Proceedings_, May 1857, pp. 183-8), to “express the belief that the -money [was] connected with the fate of Walter Bagnall, who was killed -by Sagamore Squidraket and his party, Oct. 3, 1631.” There was nothing -to show that any of the coins were of a later date than 1631. A patent -for Richmond Island, together with fifteen hundred acres on the main -land, was issued to Bagnall by the Council for New England, Dec. 2, -1631, just three months after his death. (_Records of the Council_, pp. -51-2.) Morton was then in England, and unquestionably in communication -with Gorges. (_Supra_, 49.) - -[392] Doubtless the magnetic iron oxides. None of these are known to me -nearer than in the mountains forming the westerly part of the Berkshire -Hills, from New York City to the Adirondacks, except in Cumberland, R. -I., where there is some iron of this nature. - -[393] No ironstones are known around Massachusetts bay; the nearest -deposits are in Rhode Island. - -[394] Small quantities of galena ore have been found in Woburn and that -vicinity. There are some localities near Newburyport where the savages -may have found small quantities of galena. - -[395] Black leade is doubtless plumbago, or graphite; it is found in -Wrentham and in Worcester, Mass., as well as at various points in Rhode -Island. - -[396] Red leade is doubtless an ochre, such as may have been found near -Cranston, R. I. - -[397] Boll armoniack is the _Bolus armeniaca_ of the old apothecaries. -_Bolus_ is the prefix to several old pharmacopial names, having lost -its original special signification and come to be a given term for all -lumpy substances. Here it means a sort of reddish clay, such as may -be used for marking,--a clayey ochre such as may have come from about -Providence, R. I. - -[398] Vermilion oxide of mercury is not known to occur this side of the -Rocky Mountains. It is likely that he mistook some brilliant ochre for -true vermilion. It may be, however, that the aborigines traded for it -with western tribes. Their copper implements probably came from Lake -Superior. Many evidences of almost as wide a commerce could be adduced. - -[399] Brimstone, or sulphur, does not exist in its metallic state this -side of the Cordilleras. He may have seen some pyrite-bearing schists, -such as occur in Maine, which in dumping give a sulphuric smell. - -[400] Tin does not occur in this region. Some localities are known in -Maine and elsewhere in New England, but they could hardly have been -found by the Savages, or known to Morton. - -[401] Copper in its metallic state, the only form in which he would -have recognized it, does not occur about Massachusetts Bay. A very -little of it has been found in Cumberland, R. I., in the valley of the -Blackstone River. - -[402] No silver, except when combined with lead and zinc ore, has ever -been found in this district. Some occurs in the district from Woburn to -Newburyport. Metallic silver could not have been known to the natives. -The nearest localities for metallic gold are the streams of Vermont, -New Hampshire, and western Maine, in which district placer gold occurs -in considerable quantities, and some auriferous quartz veins are known. - -Professor Shaler adds to his foregoing notes: “The general impression -which I get from the writer is that he was a bad observer, but not more -untruthful than most of the seventeenth century travellers. He does not -say that gold or silver had been seen by him, and limits his hearsay -evidence to a single mine. Except for the extraordinary stuff about -the whetstones,--wherein we may perhaps see something of the _Maypole_ -humor,--it is, for its time, a rather sober and reasonable story.” - -[403] This is the name by which Morton invariably designates John -Endicott. For reasons which have been explained in the preliminary -matter to this edition of the _New Canaan_ (_supra_, pp. 38-42), its -author felt--and, as will be seen, never missed an opportunity to -express--a peculiar bitterness towards Endicott. - -[404] For the notes to this chapter I am indebted to Theodore Lyman, -of the Massachusetts Fish Commission. Higginson, in his _New England’s -Plantation_, has a passage on Fish (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. -248-51), and Williams, in his _Key_, devotes a chapter (xix.) to the -same subject. Wood again, in his _Prospect_ (pp. 27-31), deals with -it in his peculiar manner, and Josselyn, both in his _Voyages_ (pp. -104-15) and in his _Rarities_ (pp. 22-37), devotes a good deal of -space to the enumeration of the different kinds of New England fishes, -their peculiarities, and the methods of taking them. In editing the -_Rarities_, Mr. Tuckerman remarked that he had “little to offer in -elucidation of the list [of fishes], which, indeed, in good part, -appears sufficiently intelligible,”--a remark equally applicable to the -present chapter of the _New Canaan_. - -[405] Portland Harbor. See _supra_, 218, _note_ 1. - -[406] This proves that the _local_ Cod, _i. e._, those that breed close -to the shore, have much decreased; and this partly by over-fishing, and -partly by the falling-off of their food in the form of young fishes -coming to the sea from rivers and brooks. - -[407] This is perhaps the first mention in America of cod-liver oil, -now so much used in medicine. - -[408] The Striped Bass (_Labrax_). The Bass mentioned four paragraphs -below, as chasing mackerel “into the shallow waters,” may perhaps be -the Bluefish (_Temnodon_). - -[409] This is either an expression which has wholly passed out of -use, or else a misprint. Probably the latter. It may, however, also -be surmised that Morton characteristically coined a word from the -Latin, and here meant to refer to the various large fish in New England -waters, such as the Horse Mackerel (_Thynnus secundo dorsalis_), the -Mackerel Shark (_Lamna punctata_), and the common Dogfish (_Acanthias -Americanus_), all of which follow schools of mackerel, bass, &c., into -shoal waters and prey upon them. - -[410] “These Macrills are taken with drailes, which is a long small -line, with a lead and a hooke at the end of it, being baited with -a peece of a red cloath.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 30.) This -instrument still bears the same name and is used in the same way. - -[411] When caught in the Thames, within the jurisdiction of the Lord -Mayor of London, the Sturgeon (_Acipenser_) is a royal fish reserved -for the sovereign. “The Sturgeon is a Regal fish too, I have seen of -them that have been sixteen foot in lenghth.” (Jossel., _Two Voyages_, -p. 105.) - -[412] But little attention has been paid as yet in the United States to -the Sturgeon fisheries, in spite of their great abundance. - -[413] [jieele.] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[414] “There be a greate store of Salt water Eeles, especially in such -places where grasse growes: for to take these there be certaine Eele -pots made of Osyers, which must be baited with a peece of Lobster, -into which the Eeles entering cannot returne backe againe; some take -a bushell in a night in this maner, eating as many as they have neede -of for the present, and salt up the rest against Winter. These Eeles -be not of so luscious a tast as they be in England, neither are they -so aguish, but are both wholsom for the body, and delightfull for the -taste.” (_New England’s Prospect_, p. 30.) - -[415] Morton confounds the Shad (_Alosa præstabilis_), or Allize -(corruption of the French _Alose_), with the smaller Alewife. This, -with the Smelt and the Eel, are among the few shore fishes that are -still found in comparative plenty. The Menhaden is used in our time to -set corn. - -[416] At the present time the Halibut (_Hippoglossus_) is seldom -caught near the shore or in shoal water. It is taken by the Gloucester -fishermen along the outer banks, in depths of a hundred to two hundred -fathoms. The New England Turbot (_Lophopsetta_) of our coasts is a -different fish, and rarely ventures to the north of Cape Cod. The -fishermen frequently sell our turbot as chicken-halibut. - -[417] The Flounder (_Pseudopleuronectes_), whereof there are several -species. - -[418] Hake (_Phycis_) are still somewhat common. - -[419] Morton probably means the Menhaden (_Brevoortia_). The European -Pilchard, the adult of the Sardine, is not found on our coast. - -[420] Probably the Double-crested Cormorant (_Phalacrocorax dilophus_). -The Common Cormorant (_P. carbo_) also occurs in New England, but it -is rare to the southward of Maine. Both species breed abundantly on -rocky shores about the Gulf of St. Lawrence and northward, visiting New -England waters during the autumn and winter. While with us they are -exclusively maritime, frequenting by choice the vicinity of outlying -ledges and small, rocky islands. When passing from place to place, they -often fly in large flocks, which are usually arranged in long lines or -single files. They live on fish, which they capture by diving. - -[421] This paragraph, and the one on clams immediately following -it, throw considerable light on the formation of the shell-heaps, a -question which has been recently much discussed. See the paper of -Professor F. W. Putnam, read at the meeting of the Maine Historical -Society in Portland, in December, 1882, which will appear in the report -of the proceedings of that meeting in the Collections of the Society. - -[422] We, in this country, have not retained the European taste for -mussels and for razor-shells (_Solen_). - -[423] The eating of scallops (_Pecten_) has been revived within a few -years. - -[424] A strong spirit of emulation existed in the early years of -the seventeenth century, between the advocates of New England and -those of Virginia, as sites for colonization. Morton was always a -stanch New Englander, and in this chapter, as well as in those which -immediately precede and follow it, he loses no opportunity to assert -the superiority of the Massachusetts climate and products over those -of the country further south. It is needless to point out that his -advocacy led him into ludicrously wild statements. - -[425] There is no natural spring of any kind at Mount Wollaston, though -water is easily obtained by digging. - -[426] Winnisimmet, the Indian name of Chelsea. Upon the significance -of the name Mr. Trumbull writes: “I have my doubts about Morton’s -Weenasemute, but am inclined to believe that his interpretation is -founded on fact. _Ashim_ (= _asim_, in local dialect) is once used by -Eliot (_Cant._ iv. 12) for ‘fountain.’ It denotes a place from which -water (for drinking) is taken. _Winn’ashim_, or _Winn’asim_, means ‘the -good fountain,’ or spring; and _Winn’asim-ut_ (or _et_) is ‘at the good -spring.’ The efficacy of the water ‘to cure barrenness’ may have been -Morton’s embellishment, but not improbably was an Indian belief.” - -[427] Squantum, in Quincy. - -[428] This is a gross exaggeration. Thomas Wiggin, in November, -1622, wrote: “For the plantation in Mattachusetts, the English there -being about 2000 people, yonge and old.” (III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. viii. p. 322.) Writing on May 22, 1634, about the time Morton -referred to (_Supra_, 78), Governor Winthrop says: “For the number -of our people, we never took any surveigh of them, nor doe we intend -it, except inforced throughe urgent occasion (David’s example stickes -somewhat with us) but I esteeme them to be in all about 4000: soules -and upwarde.” (_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, Dec. 14, 1882.) So in the -_New England’s Prospect_ (p. 42), Wood speaks of the population of -Massachusetts as “foure thousand soules.” In the spring of 1634 there -may have been five hundred persons in the Plymouth colony, and as many -more in New Hampshire and Maine, making a total New England population -of five thousand at the time Morton was writing. When the _New Canaan_ -was published, however, in 1637, the population undoubtedly was as -large as 12,000. - -[429] _Supra_, 187, _note_ 4. - -[430] This astounding proposition was in the early days of the -settlement not peculiar to Morton. Higginson, in his _New Englands -Plantation_, speaks of the “extraordinary clear and dry air, that is -of a most healing nature to all such as are of a cold, melancholy, -phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body,” and concludes what he has to -say on the subject with his often-quoted sentiment that “a sup of -New-England’s air is better than a whole draught of Old England’s -ale.” (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. 251-2.) Williams, too, says -in his _Key_ (ch. xiii.): “The _Nor-West_ wind (which occasioneth -_New-England_ cold) comes over the cold frozen Land, and over many -millions of Loads of Snow: and yet the pure wholesomnesse of the Aire -is wonderfull, and the warmth of the Sunne, such in the sharpest -weather, that I have often seen the Natives Children runne about starke -naked in the coldest dayes.” Again, in the pamphlet entitled _New -England’s First Fruits_, printed in London in 1643, it was stated, -in reply to the objection of extreme winter cold, that “the cold -there is no impediment to health, but very wholsome for our bodies, -insomuch that all sorts generally, weake and strong, had scarce ever -such measure of health in all their lives as there.... Men are seldome -troubled in winter with coughes and Rheumes.” (I. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, -vol. i. p. 249.) Josselyn, however, writing nearly thirty years later, -remarks: “Some of our _New-England_ writers affirm that the _English_ -are never, or very rarely, heard to sneeze or cough, as ordinarily they -do in _England_, which is not true.” (_Two Voyages_, p. 184.) - -[431] _Supra_, 201, _note_ 2. - -[432] _Supra_, *17. - -[433] Wood in his _Prospect_ (p. 2), referring to the approach to -Boston Bay from Cape Anne, had said: “The surrounding shore being high, -and showing many white Cliffes, in a most pleasant prospect.” - -[434] The Second Book of the _New Canaan_, it would seem, originally -ended with this chapter. The next chapter was an afterthought of the -author, written before December, 1635, as is evident from the allusions -in it to events then taking place. (_Supra_, 78.) Wood’s _Prospect_ was -published in 1634, and the constant references to it in the first two -books of the _New Canaan_ show that they were both written subsequent -to its publication, probably during that year. In the Third Book there -are no allusions to the _Prospect_, and the reference to the Third -Book in the Second (_Supra_, *51), to which attention has already been -called, show that it must have been written before the others, and -probably during the year 1633. It would seem to have been completed in -May, 1634. There is, however, also a reference to be found in the Third -Book to the Second (_Infra_, *120), but it was probably interpolated -during a revisal of the manuscript. - -[435] Now Lake Champlain. “By the Indians north of the St. Lawrence -and the Lakes, it was called the Lake of the Iroquois, as likewise the -River Richelieu, connecting it and the River St. Lawrence, they called -the River of the Iroquois. Champlain discovered the lake in 1609, and -gave it his own name. (_Voyages_, Prince Soc. ed., vol. ii. pp. 210-20; -Parkman’s _Pioneers of France_, p. 316.) On some of the early maps it -is put down ‘Lake Champlain or Irocoise.’ It is so called in Purchas’s -_Pilgrims_ (vol. iv. p. 1643). The region about the lake was sometimes -called Irocosia. The Iroquois lived on the south of the lake, and, as -their enemies on the north approached them through this lake, they -naturally called it the Lake of the Iroquois.” (_MS. letter of Rev. E. -F. Slafter._) - -[436] The measurement and distance here given are very nearly correct. -Lake Champlain is 126 miles long by about 14 in width at its broadest -part. Burlington is not far from 240 miles from Boston. - -[437] In regard to the imaginary attractions and advantages of Laconia -and its great lake, see Belknap’s _American Biography_, vol. i. p. 377. - -[438] The two brothers, William and Emery de Caen, became prominent -in the history of Canadian settlement in 1621, and remained so for a -number of years. They did not, however, plant a colony of French in -America, nor was the name of Canada, or of its famous river, derived -from their name. On this point see Parkman’s _Pioneers of France_, -pp. 184, _note_, and 391-5. Morton’s derivation of the name Canada -is entitled to much the same weight as his derivation of the names -Pantucket and Mattapan. (_Supra_, 124.) It was not, however, peculiar -to him as, forty years later, Josselyn also speaks (_Rarities_, p. 5) -of “the River _Canada_, (so called from Monsieur _Cane_).” - -[439] On the breaking out of the war between England and France -in 1627, under the influence of Buckingham, Sir William Alexander -had been instrumental in organizing an expedition to seize the -French possessions in America. At its head were three Huguenots of -Dieppe,--David, Louis and Thomas Kirk, brothers. The expedition was -successful, and on the 20th of July, 1629, Champlain surrendered Quebec -to Louis Kirk. Daniel Kirk, the admiral of the expedition, returned to -England in November of the same year; but his brother Thomas remained -in Canada and held Quebec as an English conquest until July, 1632, -when, in accordance with the conditions of the peace of April 14, 1629, -it was restored to France. See Kirke’s _First English Conquest of -Canada_, pp. 63-93; Parkman’s _Pioneers of France_, pp. 401-11; also -Mr. Deane’s note in _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._ for 1875-6, pp. 376-7. - -[440] The number of beaver-skins really carried to England by Kirk was -seven thousand. (Kirke’s _First English Conquest of Canada_, p. 85.) - -[441] It is unnecessary to say that Morton was here writing at random. -He confounds the Potomac with the Hudson, though, a few paragraphs -further on (_Infra_, *99), he states the facts in regard to the latter -river correctly; and the latitude he gives has no significance, being -that of Poughkeepsie, on the Hudson, and Cleveland, on Lake Erie. The -Potomac nowhere flows so far north as 40°. The falls referred to are -probably those of Niagara. They had not then been discovered (Parkman’s -_Jesuits in North America_, p. 142), though vague reports concerning -them had reached the French through the Indians, and they are plainly -indicated on Champlain’s map of 1629. (_Voyages_, Prince Soc. ed., -vol. i. p. 271, _note_.) Some loose stories in regard to the rivers, -falls, lakes and islands of the interior had been picked up by Morton, -probably in his talks with seamen and others who had taken part in -Kirk’s expedition. He certainly fell in with these in London, and it -is more than likely that at the house of Gorges he saw Champlain’s -map of 1629; though upon that the falls are placed at 43-1/2 degrees -of latitude, instead of at 41-1/2. In 1634 there was no other map. On -the strength of the information thus gathered, he made the statements -contained in this chapter. The little he knew had been obtained in -England, after his return there in 1631; for the Massachusetts Indians -can hardly have known much of the remote interior, and in 1630 no -attempts even at exploration away from the seashore had been made by -the straggling occupants of the New England coast. - -[442] The stories here referred to probably came from the Indians of -Connecticut and Maine, and referred to the rivers and lakes of New -England, but were afterwards supposed to have had a wider significance. - -[443] Williams (_Key_, 64) gives _Macháug_ as the Indian word for _No_, -but it really signifies _no-thing_ (_Key_, 182). _Matta_, as Morton -gives it, is the simple negative. - -[444] Henry Josselyn was a brother of John Josselyn, author of _New -Englands Rarities_ and the _Two Voyages to New England_, frequently -quoted in the notes to this edition of the _New Canaan_. He came out -from England in the interest of Mason, as stated in the text, in 1634, -and passed the remainder of his life in Maine, living at Black Point -in the town of Scarborough. He died in 1683. He was deputy-governor of -the province, and one of the most active and influential men in it, -holding, through all changes of proprietorship and government, the -most important offices. See Mr. Tuckerman’s Introduction to the _New -Englands Rarities_; _Hist. of Cumberland County, Maine_, p. 362. - -[445] Of Captain John Mason of New Hampshire and the Laconia -enterprise, it is not necessary to speak at length in this connection. -Mason was the most prominent character in the early history of New -Hampshire, and the loss which his death, in December 1635, entailed -on the projects of Gorges and Morton has already been referred to -(_Supra_, 76). The late Charles W. Tuttle, of Boston was at the -time of his death engaged in preparing a life of Mason, which would -unquestionably have been a valuable addition to the history of the -settlement of New England. The material he had collected is now in the -possession of his family. In regard to the Laconia Company and its -projects, see Belknap’s _American Biography_, under the title _Gorges_, -and Mr. Deane’s note in the _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1875-6, pp. -376-80. - -[446] Wood’s statement here referred to is found on the first page of -the _Prospect_, and is as follows: “The Place whereon the _English_ -have built their Colonies, is judged by those who have best skill in -discovery, either to bee an Island, surrounded on the North side with -the spacious River _Cannada_, and on the South with _Hudsons_ River, or -else a _Peninsula_, these two Rivers overlapping one another, having -their rise from the great Lakes which are not farre off one another, as -the _Indians_ doe certainly informe us.” - -[447] In 1631 no less than 15,174 skins, the greater portion beaver, -were exported from the New Netherlands, valued at about £12,000. -(O’Callaghan’s _New Netherland_, p. 139.) - -[448] The Nipmucks, or Nipnets, inhabited the present county of -Worcester. (_Hist. of Worcester County_, vol. i. p. 8.) - -[449] This is a confused, rambling account of the familiar Indian -incidents which took place during the first year after the landing at -Plymouth. There is nothing of historical value in it, and nothing which -has not been more accurately and better told by Bradford, Winslow, -Mourt and Smith. - -[450] Captain Thomas Hunt, who commanded one of the vessels of Smith’s -squadron, in his voyage of 1614. (Bradford, p. 95.) - -[451] Morton, in this chapter, confounds Samoset with Squanto. It was -Squanto who was kidnapped by Hunt and had been in England, but it was -Samoset who walked into the Plymouth settlement, on the 26th of March -[N. S.], 1621, and saluted the planters with “wellcome in the English -phrase.” Squanto was a native of Plymouth, but Samoset belonged at -Pemaquid, in Maine. (Mourt, Dexter’s ed., _note_ 295, p. 83.) Hence -Morton speaks of his having been detained by Massasoit as a captive. He -apparently came to Massachusetts the year before on Captain Dermer’s -vessel, in company with Squanto. Dr. Dexter is seriously in error in -his account of Squanto in _note_ 315 of his edition of Mourt. Squanto -could not have been one of the Weymouth captives of 1605. - -[452] This is the familiar anecdote of Squanto. (Bradford, p. 113; -Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 292.) - -[453] See _supra_, 133, _note_. - -[454] The most connected account of Thomas Weston and his abortive -plantation at Wessagusset, already referred to (_Supra_, 2), is -that contained in Adams’s _Address on the 250th Anniversary of the -Settlement of Weymouth_, pp. 5-22. Winslow in Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, Bradford, and Phinehas Pratt (IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. -iv.) are the original authorities. - -[455] This is a wholly confused and misleading account of the skirmish -which took place between the Plymouth party, under command of Miles -Standish, and the Massachusetts Indians living near Wessagusset, -immediately after the killing of Pecksuot and Wituwamat, in March, -1623. The correct account of the affair is in Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 341. Why Morton speaks of it as a battle between the English -and the French is inexplicable. - -[456] See _supra_, pp. 11, 162, 170. The Plymouth people may have -despoiled the grave of Chickatawbut’s mother of its bear-skins during -some one of their earlier visits to Boston Bay. Their last visit to -those parts, prior to the “battle” spoken of in this chapter, was -in November, 1622 (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._ p. 302), when they got -little in the way of supplies, and heard nothing but complaints from -the Indians of Weston’s people, who had then been several months at -Wessagusset. It is far more probable that these latter stripped the -grave at Passonagessit. In any event there can be little doubt that -Morton himself had visited the spot while taking his “survey of the -country” during the previous summer (_Supra_, 6), and it is quite clear -that the despoiling the grave had no connection with the subsequent -“battle,” in which Chickatawbut took no part. - -[457] “Insomuch as our men could have but one certain mark, and then -but the arm and half face of a notable villain, as he drew [his bow] at -Captain Standish; who, together with another both discharged at once at -him, and brake his arm.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 341.) - -[458] This is the famous Wessagusset hanging which Butler introduced -into his poem of _Hudibras_ (Canto II. lines 409-36), in the passage -already referred to (_Supra_, 96). It is as follows:-- - - “Our Brethren of New-England use - Choice malefactors to excuse, - And hang the Guiltless in their stead, - Of whom the Churches have less need; - As lately ’t happen’d: In a town - There liv’d a Cobler, and but one, - That out of Doctrine could cut Use, - And mend men’s lives as well as shoes. - This precious Brother having slain, - In times of peace an Indian, - (Not out of malice, but mere zeal, - Because he was an Infidel), - The mighty Tottipottymoy - Sent to our Elders an envoy, - Complaining sorely of the breach - Of league held forth by Brother Patch, - Against the articles in force - Between both churches, his and ours, - For which he craved the Saints to render - Into his hands, or hang th’ offender; - But they maturely having weigh’d - They had no more but him o’ th’ trade, - (A man that served them in a double - Capacity, to teach and cobble), - Resolv’d to spare him; yet to do - The Indian Hoghan Moghan too - Impartial justice, in his stead did - Hang an old Weaver that was bed rid.” - -That a man was hung at Wessagusset, in March 1623, for stealing corn -from the Indians, there can be no doubt. There is equally little -doubt that it was the real thief who was hung. (Pratt’s _Relation_, -IV. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. p. 491; Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, -p. 332; Bradford, p. 130.) I have already (_Supra_, 96) given my own -theory as to how the incident came to take the shape it did in Butler’s -poem. He wrote, I think, from a vague recollection of an amusing -traveller’s-story, which he had heard told somewhere years before. -There is no reason to suppose that he had ever seen the _New Canaan_. - -It has always been assumed that Butler’s version of the affair,--the -vicarious execution version,--coming out as it did in 1664, at a period -of violent reaction against Puritanism, and when the New England -colonies were in extreme popular disfavor,--obtained a foothold in -English popular tradition; much such a foothold, in fact, as the -Connecticut Blue Laws. It was an intangible something, always at -hand to be cast as a mocking reproach in the face of a sanctimonious -community. As such it was sure to be resented and disproved; but never -by any disproof could it be exorcised from the popular mind, or finally -set at rest. This may have been the case, and the references to the -matter in Hutchinson (vol. i. p. 6, _note_), in Hubbard (p. 77), and in -Grahame (Ed. 1845, vol. i. p. 202, _note_), certainly look that way. -I do not remember, however, to have myself ever met this particular -charge among the many and singular charges, much more absurd, which -English writers have from time to time gravely advanced against -America. In Uring’s _Voyages_ (p. 116-8) there is a singular account of -a similar vicarious execution, which never could have met the eye of -the author of _Hudibras_, inasmuch as it was not published until 1726; -but it shows that either some such event did take place, or that its -having taken place was at one period a stock traveller’s-tale. - -[459] Three of Weston’s company were among the Massachusetts Indians -at the time of the Wessagusset killing; one of the three had -before domesticated himself with them; the other two, disregarding -Standish’s orders, had straggled off, the day before the massacre, -to a neighboring Indian village. After the massacre the savages put -all three to death by torture. (Pratt’s _Narrative_, IV. _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, vol. iv. p. 486; Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 344.) - -[460] Will Sommers was the famous jester and court fool of Henry VIII. -His witticisms are frequently met with in the plays and annals of the -period; and the portrait, said to be by Holbein and of him, looking -through a window and tapping on the glass, was formerly a prominent -feature in the gallery at Hampton Court. It is very questionable, -however, whether the story alluded to in the text belongs to Sommers. -He had been dead eighty years or more when Morton wrote, and the -stories connected with him had been gotten together by Armin, and -printed in his _Nest of Ninnies_, in 1608. This book Morton had -probably seen. In it there is a story of another famous fool, Jack -Oates, of an earlier period, which is probably the one Morton had in -mind. Oates is represented as giving an earl, the guest of his patron, -Sir William Hollis, “a sound box on the ear,” for saluting Lady Hollis, -and then excused himself on the ground of “knowing not your eare from -your hand, being so like one another.” (Doran’s _Court Fools_, p. -182.) Remembering this story in the _Nest of Ninnies_, Morton, with -his well-developed faculty for getting everything wrong, seems to have -fathered it on the most famous and popular of the occupants of the -_Nest_. - -[461] For the detailed account of the Wessagusset killing, see -Winslow’s _Relation_ in Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 336-41; Adams’s -_250th Anniversary of Weymouth_, pp. 18-22. - -[462] Mr. Trumbull, in a note (125) to Williams’s _Key_ (p. 59). -explains a blunder here made by Morton. The correct word is -_wotawquenauge_, which means “coat-men,” or men wearing clothes, the -_waútacone-nûaog_ of Williams. This, Morton confounded with another -name for Englishmen, _chauquaqock_, meaning, “knife- [_i. e._, sword-] -men,” which he understood to mean “cut-throats.” - -[463] Weston, in 1622, got into serious trouble with the English -government, in regard to some ordnance and military stores, which he -had obtained a license to send to New England, and had then sold to -the French, with whom the English were at war. (Bradford, p. 150.) -He seems to have been in hiding in consequence of this transaction; -and early in 1623 went on board of one of the fishing-vessels in the -disguise of a blacksmith, and came out in her to the stations on the -Maine coast. There he must have learned of the extreme straits, if not -of the abandonment, of his plantation at Wessagusset, and he set out, -with a companion or two, in an open boat, for Massachusetts Bay. He was -wrecked near the mouth of the Merrimac, and barely escaped with his -life. The savages there stripped him to his shirt, and in this plight -he reached Thomson’s plantation at Piscataqua. Thence he found his way -to Plymouth, arriving there, not as Morton says, “with supply and means -to have raised [his company’s] fortunes,” but in absolute destitution. -Bradford’s account of his reception and of what ensued (pp. 133-4, -149-53) is very different from that given in the text; and, it is -hardly necessary to add, reads much more like the truth. - -[464] _Supra_, 14. - -[465] The incident here alluded to was the seizure of the _Swan_, -under a warrant issued by Captain Robert Gorges, acting as Lieutenant -of the Council for New England, in November, 1623. The _Swan_ was a -small vessel of 30 tons measurement, which Weston had sent out with -his expedition, in 1622. His plan was, when the larger vessel--the -_Charity_, in which his company went out--returned to England, -to have the _Swan_ remain in New England, to be used for trading -purposes. Accordingly, all through the winter of 1622-3, it had been -at Wessagusset, except when employed by the people there in obtaining -supplies in connection with the Plymouth people. When, in March, 1623, -Wessagusset was abandoned, the company went in the _Swan_ to the Maine -fishing-stations. Here Weston found the vessel in the course of the -following summer, and recovered possession of her. He then began to -trade along the coast. Meanwhile, in September, Captain Robert Gorges -arrived, and immediately set out to look for Weston, in order to -call him to account for the ordnance transactions referred to in the -preceding note, and also for the disorderly conduct of his people at -Wessagusset during the previous winter. Starting for the eastward, -he was driven into Plymouth Harbor by heavy weather, and while he -was lying there the _Swan_ made its appearance with Weston on board. -Bradford’s account of what ensued, including the seizure of the vessel, -differs _toto cœlo_ from that in the text. He says that Captain Robert -Gorges, acting as governor-general under his commission from the -Council for New England, at once organized a sort of a court,--he, -Bradford, acting as an assistant in it,--and proceeded to arraign and -try Weston. As a result of the whole proceedings Gorges threatened to -send Weston under arrest back to England. Through the intercession of -Bradford, however, he was mollified, and finally Weston was released -on his own promise to appear when called for. Gorges then went to -Wessagusset, leaving Weston with the _Swan_ at Plymouth. After a time -Gorges seems to have concluded that it would be very convenient for him -to have control of the _Swan_, at any rate for that winter. Accordingly -he sent a warrant to Plymouth for its seizure and the arrest of -Weston. Bradford, not liking this proceeding, took some exception to -the warrant, and refused to allow it to be served. At the same time -it was intimated to Weston that he had better take himself and his -vessel off. This he would not do. Apparently his crew was mutinous and -unruly, their wages being long in arrears, and the _Swan_ destitute of -supplies. He seems to have looked upon arrest and seizure as the best -way out of his difficulties. Presently a new warrant came from Gorges, -and both vessel and prisoner were removed to Wessagusset. This was -in November. There they passed the winter of 1623-4. Towards spring -Gorges went in the _Swan_ to the eastward, Weston accompanying him, -apparently as a pilot. The tidings received there led the disappointed -young Lieutenant of the Council to decide on immediately returning -to England. Accordingly he came back to Wessagusset, and thence went -probably to the fishing-stations, very possibly in the _Swan_. Before -leaving he effected some sort of a settlement with Weston,--Bradford -intimates much to the advantage of the latter,--who was released -from arrest, had his vessel restored to him, and was compensated -for whatever loss he had sustained. Weston thereupon reappeared at -Plymouth, and thence went to Virginia. He seems to have traded along -the coast for some years, but finally drifted back to England, where in -1645 he died, at Bristol, of the plague. (Bradford, pp. 140-53. Young’s -_Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 296-8, 302.) - -[466] This chapter relates to incidents of no apparent consequence, -and of which there is no other record. It is not easy even to fix the -time at which they occurred, and it would seem as if Morton, in his -rambling, incoherent way, had confused the events of one year with -those of another. The only time when “35 stout knaves” were landed, -at all in the way described, at Plymouth, was in July, 1622, when the -_Charity_ brought in there Weston’s company. Yet Morton speaks of there -then being “three cows” at Plymouth, which would indicate that Morton’s -arrival, referred to in the text, was not in July 1622, but at some -time subsequent to the spring of 1624, when Winslow brought over “three -heifers and a bull, the first beginning of any cattle of that kind in -the land.” (Bradford, p. 158.) Yet Weston, again, had no “barque” at -Plymouth after 1623. The chapter seems to have been introduced simply -for the purpose of working on the church prejudices of Laud against -the Puritans. (See _supra_, 93-4.) There is in it a combination of -“the booke of common prayer” and “claret sparklinge neate,” which is -suggestive of the _Book of Sports_ as well as of “the Word of God.” - -[467] Bradford, p. 158. - -[468] Facilis descensus Averno. _Æneid_, vi. 127. - -[469] A _killock_ is a small anchor. The phrase in the text means that -the wind caused the boat to drag her anchor, and she went ashore and -was stove in. - -[470] The episode of Lyford and Oldham, in the history of the Plymouth -plantation, is told in detail by Bradford. The account in the text -differs from Bradford’s account only in that it is the other side of -the story. (See Bradford, pp. 172-88.) - -[471] See _infra_, 324, _note_. Though Lyford frequently exercised in -the Plymouth church, as an elsewhere ordained brother, he was never -installed as its pastor. When admitted to it, Bradford says he made -“a large confession,” saying, among other things, “that he held not -himself a minister till he had a new calling.” (Bradford, pp. 181, 185, -188.) - -[472] _Supra_, 24. - -[473] This chapter and Chapter XIII. (pp. 273-6) relate to the same -matter. It is impossible to venture a surmise even as to their meaning. -It would seem clear that they have no historical value, but relate -rather to some humorous incident--having the full seventeenth-century -flavor of coarseness--which occurred in the settlement of Boston -Bay. Apparently, judging by the expressions, “this goodly creature -of incontinency” (_Infra_, *129), “that had tried a camp royal in -other parts” (*121), some English prostitute found her way out to -Mount Wollaston, in company with one of the adventurers there, and -subsequently went on to Virginia. She may have come with Wollaston, and -been left in Boston Bay when her companion went to Virginia, and then -followed him, giving birth to a child on the way. This would explain -the allusion to Phyllis and Demophoön subsequently made (p. *129). It -is, however, a mere surmise on a subject not worth puzzling over. - -[474] It does not need to be said that this is one of Morton’s -preposterous statements. As the settlement of Virginia dated from 1607, -the twenty-seven years he speaks of was equivalent to saying, “up to -the time at which he was writing,” viz. 1634. Virginia was then not -only a much older settlement, but it had a population largely in excess -of that of New England. - -[475] _Supra_, 229, _note_ 3. - -[476] This chapter and Chapter XII. are, historically speaking, as -inexplicable as Chapters IX. and XIII. There is nothing in any of -the contemporaneous records to indicate who is referred to under the -pseudonym of Bubble. - -[477] One of the smallest of the islands in Boston Bay, still called -by the same name. It lies off Mount Wollaston, and a mile or so away, -and between it and Pettuck’s Island. (See Shurtleff’s _Description of -Boston_, p. 360.) - -[478] [view] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[479] Nipnet, or Worcester County; see _supra_, 240, _note_. - -[480] [present] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[481] Squanto is apparently referred to here. (_Supra_, 244, _note_ -2.) There is no incident in Squanto’s life--of which there is a quite -detailed account to be gathered from the early Plymouth records--which -is suggestive of the events described in the text. - -[482] The first part of _Don Quixote_ was published in 1605, and the -second part in 1615. It was first translated into English by Thomas -Skelton, in 1612-20. - -[483] The reference here is to the story of Demophoön and Phyllis, -told by Ovid (_Heroides_, II.) Demophoön, son of Theseus and Phædra, -accompanied the Greeks to Troy; and on his return, Phyllis, the -daughter of the Thracian king Sithon, fell in love with him, and he -consented to marry her. But before the nuptials were celebrated, he -went to Attica to settle his affairs at home, and as he tarried longer -than Phyllis had expected, she began to think that she was forgotten, -and put an end to her life. She was metamorphosed into a tree. (See -Smith’s _Dictionary_, title _Demophoön_.) - -[484] _Supra_, 17-19. - -[485] _Supra_, 14, _note_ 4. - -[486] John Scogan was the famous court buffoon, attached to the -household of Edward IV., whose head Justice Shallow makes the youthful -Falstaff break at the court gate (_Henry IV._ Part II. act iii. sc. 2), -though Falstaff is represented as having died at least twenty years -before Scogan could have been born. In regard to him, see Doran’s -_Court Fools_, pp. 123-30. “Scogan’s choice,” in Morton’s day, seems to -have been a popular expression, signifying that a choice of some sort -is better than no power to choose at all. It was derived probably from -the story of Scogan, that he was once ordered to be hanged, but allowed -the privilege of choosing the tree. He escaped the penalty by being -unable to find a tree to his liking. Morton uses the expression again, -see _infra_, *137. But the reference here is as obscure as “the poem.” - -[487] _Infra_, 348, _note_. - -[488] _Supra_, 278, _note_ 1. - -[489] “Ye Roman Goddes Flora.” (Bradford, p. 237.) - -[490] In regard to the arrest of Morton by Standish, in June, 1628, see -_supra_, 27-9. - -[491] See _infra_, 291, _note_. - -[492] Morton here confounds his experience in Boston, two years later, -with that at Plymouth in 1628. In 1630 the master of the _Gift_ refused -to carry him back to England. (_Supra_, 44.) In the spring of 1628, -however, no vessel seems to have arrived at Plymouth from England, -as Allerton then brought over an assortment of goods, and came in -a fishing-vessel by way of the Maine stations. (Bradford, p. 232.) -Allerton returned to London in the course of the succeeding summer or -autumn, but it is not probable then any vessel left Plymouth in June, -1628, bound for England. (_Supra_, 29.) - -[493] It was not until towards the close of the summer of the next -year that Morton returned to Massachusetts in company with Allerton. -(_Supra_, 36-7.) - -[494] Morton implies above that the “Poem” which follows was written -shortly after the events to which it relates occurred, and before his -return to New England in 1629. It was then, it seems, “in use” in -London. The name of Ben Jonson appears in the margin of the original -edition, as of this reprint, and opposite the first two lines, as -above. Exactly what this signifies it is impossible now to say. Some -critics that I have consulted are inclined to think that Jonson, who -was then about fifty-five years old and at the height of his fame, may -have written all the verses. Others suggest that Morton, by putting -the name in the margin, meant to imply that Jonson wrote them all, -and that this was another of the unscrupulous tricks of the author of -the _New Canaan_. Neither explanation commends itself to my judgment. -The first five verified lines are a paraphrase of five lines at the -beginning of one of Jonson’s productions, for a poem it is not. In his -published works (Gifford’s ed. [1816], vol. viii. p. 241) they appear -as follows:-- - - “I sing the brave adventure of two wights, - And pity ’tis, I cannot call them knights: - One was; and he for brawn and brain right able - To have been styled of king Arthur’s table. - The other was a squire, of fair degree.” - -With the last of the foregoing lines the paraphrase stops, and the -rest of the verses in the _New Canaan_ are, it must in justice be -said, not only more cleanly, but in other respects superior to those -to be found in Jonson’s works. Indeed, where the latter are not -unintelligible, they are almost unequalled for the nastiness in which -the writer seems to revel. Gifford not too strongly remarks of them, -“I dislike the subject.” Morton, it appears to me, abandoning, at -the sixth line, the paraphrase with which he began, went on with a -production of his own, but very properly put Jonson’s name opposite the -lines he borrowed from him. The remainder is in his own style, and not -inferior to the mass of the contemporary verse. He himself explains -it. The “nine worthy wights” are Standish and his party, who were sent -to arrest him. The “prodigeous birth,” was the establishment of the -Mount Wollaston plantation. The “seven heads” were the seven persons -composing the company at Mount Wollaston at the time of the arrest. The -“forked tail” was the Maypole, with its antlered top. The fear that -the Hydra of Ma-re Mount would devour “all their best flocks” refers -to the apprehended competition in the fur trade. The “Soll in Cancer” -indicates the season; the “thundering Jove” the storm, in which Morton -made his escape from his captors at Wessagusset. The arrest at Mount -Wollaston is passed over very lightly. Then follows the discussion -among the magistrates at Plymouth, as to the disposition to be made of -the prisoner. Standish would seem to be designated under the name of -Minos. He recommends death. Eacus is more difficult to identify. In the -preceding chapter (_Supra_, 288), Morton speaks of him as being the one -whose “voice was more allowed of then both the others.” My supposition -is that, by Eacus, Morton meant Dr. Samuel Fuller, who then apparently -(Bradford, pp. 264, _note_, 306, _note_) stood, next to Standish, -at the head of the assistants. Morton says that he “confounded all -the arguments that Eacus could make;” and he afterwards, in the _New -Canaan_, refers to Fuller with peculiar bitterness. (_Infra_, 298.) -“Sterne Radamant” is clearly Bradford, “the cheif Elder.” The remainder -of the poem calls for no explanation; and the whole of it is much less -unintelligible than is usual with Morton. - -[495] [what] See _supra_, 111, _note_ 1. - -[496] “Brave Christmas gambols” were, it may be remarked, not greatly -in vogue in the Plymouth of 1628. (See Bradford, p. 112.) - -[497] _Supra_, 163, _note_ 1. - -[498] The personage referred to, in this amusing but extremely -scurrilous chapter, is Dr. Samuel Fuller. There is a notice of Dr. -Fuller in Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._ (p. 222, _note_), and in Eliot’s -_Biog. Dict._ He was one of those who came over in the _Mayflower_; -but that he was born in the County of Somerset, and bred a butcher, -appears only from the statement in the text. At Plymouth, besides -being the physician of the colony, he was a magistrate and a deacon of -the church. He died there, of an infectious fever, in 1633, and his -best possible epitaph is read in Bradford (p. 314): “A man godly, and -forward to do good, being much missed after his death.” - -[499] _Infra_, 345, _note_. - -[500] Paul’s Walk, as the central nave of old St. Paul’s was called, -was in the reign of Charles I. much what a business arcade is now. -There is a vivid description of it, with extracts from writers of the -time, in W. H. Ainsworth’s romance, _Old St. Paul’s_ (B. II. ch. 7). -See also, Gardiner’s _Charles I._ (vol. ii. p. 11). - -[501] The visit of Dr. Fuller to Salem, referred to in the text, may -have taken place in 1628. Though he was also there in 1629; and again -in 1630, when he likewise visited Charlestown. (Young’s _Chron. of -Pilg._, p. 222, _note_.) - -[502] This description of the usual effect of sea-sickness I take to be -peculiar to Morton. - -[503] Endicott’s first wife was Anna Gover, a cousin of Governor -Cradock. Little is known of her. She came to New England with her -husband, and died during the very early days of the settlement, as -she seems to have been in failing health in September, 1628. Endicott -was married to his second wife August 18, 1630; on the 17th of the -following month he sat among the magistrates at Boston in judgment upon -the author of the _New Canaan_, who had been “sent for” just five days -after the marriage, which seems to have taken place at Charlestown. -(Winthrop, vol. i. p. *30; Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. 131, 292; -_Supra_, 43-4.) - -[504] This was the case of Roger Clerk, of Wandsworth, attached in the -chamber of the Guildhall of London, before the mayor and aldermen, on -the 13th of May, 1382, on a plea of deceit and falsehood as to Roger -atte Hacche. The record is to be found in Riley’s _Memorials of London -and London Life_ (pp. 464-6), and is very curious as illustrating -English manners in the time of Richard II. Morton’s reference would -indicate that the case had then been handed down as a tradition for two -hundred and fifty years. It seems that Clerk gave Hacche a bit of old -parchment, rolled up in “a piece of cloth of gold,” asserting that it -was very good for the ailments with which his wife was afflicted. Upon -being arraigned, Clerk contended that upon the parchment was written -“a good charm for fevers.” Upon examination, no word of the alleged -charm was found in the paper. The court then told the prisoner “that -a straw beneath his foot would be of just as much avail for fevers, -as this charm of his was; whereupon, he fully granted that it would -be so. And because that the same Roger Clerk was in no way a literate -man, and seeing that on the examinations aforesaid, (as well as others -afterwards made,) he was found to be an infidel, and altogether -ignorant of the art of physic or of surgery; and to the end that the -people might not be deceived and aggrieved by such ignorant persons -etc.; it was adjudged that the same Roger Clerk should be led through -the middle of the City, with trumpets and pipes, he riding on a horse -without a saddle, the said parchment and a whetstone, for his lies, -being hung about his neck, an urinal also being hung before him, and -another urinal on his back.” - -The punishment of the “pillory and the whetstone,” as it was called, -was that ordinarily imposed on those telling falsehoods. In another -case in the same volume (p. 316) it is thus given in detail: “The said -John shall come out of Newgate without hood or girdle, barefoot and -unshod, with a whetstone hung by a chain from his neck, and lying on -his breast, it being marked with the words,--‘A false liar;’ and there -shall be a pair of trumpets trumpeting before him on his way to the -pillory.” - -[505] The person referred to in this chapter was probably the Rev. -Francis Bright, of whom very little is known. He was one of the three -ministers sent over by the Massachusetts Company in 1629, Higginson -and Skelton being the other two. In June of that year, when Graves -and the Spragues were sent by Endicott to effect a settlement at -Charlestown, Bright accompanied them as “minister to the Company’s -servants.” (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, pp. 316, 376.) As such, he was -the Caiaphas, or high-priest, of that region, and it naturally devolved -on him to “exercise his guifts on the Lords day at Weenasimute.” Morton -further says that the person he refers to had been a silenced minister -in England. That Bright had been silenced is not known, but both -Skelton and Higginson had been (_Magnalia_, B. I. ch. iv. § 4; Neal’s -_Hist. of Puritans_, vol. ii. p. 229); and, though Hubbard intimates -that Bright was a conformist (p. 113), yet, in the Company’s letter to -Endicott, the three ministers are stated to have “declared themselves -to us to be of one judgment, and to be fully agreed on the manner how -to exercise their ministry.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 160.) -Winthrop, Morton adds, “spied out Caiphas practise; and he must be -packing.” Bright returned to England shortly after Winthrop’s arrival. -Johnson says (_Wonder-working Providence_, p. 20) that he “betooke him -to the Seas againe,” when he saw that “all sorts of stones would not -fit in the building.” - -Samuel Skelton is referred to by Morton a few pages further on -(_Infra_, 306) as “Pastor Master Eager,” which name may be taken to -imply “covetousness” in him. But, though Skelton might be termed the -“Caiphas” of the country, he was not silenced by Winthrop. He can, -therefore, hardly be the person here aimed at. - -[506] [courteousnesse] See _supra_, 111, _n._ 1. - -[507] _Supra_, 229, _note_ 3, and 300, _note_ 1. - -[508] Iosua Temperwell. Under this name Morton always designates -Governor John Winthrop. - -[509] Caiaphas was the high-priest of the Jews; Jonas, or Jonah, was -the first Hebrew prophet sent to a heathen nation. The propriety of -these two Biblical allusions in this connection is, therefore, apparent -enough. The allusion to Demas is more obscure, as he is only mentioned -by Paul as a fellow-disciple who had forsaken him, “having loved this -present world, and is departed unto Thessalonica.” (II. _Timothy_ iv. -10.) - -[510] _Supra_, *144, *151. - -[511] _Supra_, 30. - -[512] _Supra_, 35. - -[513] _Supra_, 37. - -[514] By this name Morton designates Matthew Cradock, the first -Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Company, though he never came to -America. Cradock was a wealthy London merchant, and as such subscribed -largely to the funds of the company. In regard to him, see Dr. Young’s -note in _Chron. of Mass._ (p. 137). - -[515] It is not clear who Morton may have intended to designate by -this name. John Washburne was the secretary and “collector for the -company” at the time Endicott was sent over, but of him nothing is -known. (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 55.) It would seem more probable -that Increase Nowell was the person Morton had in mind. Nowell was one -of the original patentees, contributing money to forward the purposes -of the company, serving on committees, &c. (_Ib._ p. 262.) He came -to New England with Winthrop, and was among the magistrates who were -present at the trial of Morton in September, 1630. (_Records_, vol. i. -pp. 73, 75.) He was the first ruling-elder of the Charlestown church. -He is described as having been “a worthy pious man” (Eliot); and if he -was the person intended by Morton,--which is not at all clear,--the -propriety of calling him Ananias, if it rests on anything, is not -apparent from the record. - -[516] The “covered case,” in which Governor Winthrop is supposed to -have brought over the charter of 1629, is still to be seen in the -office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth at the State House in -Boston; and that in which Endicott brought over the patent of 1628 -was, it may be inferred from the text, similar in appearance. It very -much resembles the case for “some instrument of musick,” being a flat, -narrow box, 2 feet 10 inches long, by 3-1/2 inches wide and 3 inches -deep. It has a species of circular annex, so to speak, at its middle, -intended to contain the seal. This annex, like the box, is of wood, and -is 7 by 8 inches in surface, and the same in depth as the main case, -of which it is a part. The whole is covered with stamped leather, now -brown and mouldered with age. There are, however, some things about -this case which suggest doubts as to its having been made quite so -early as the time of Charles I. - -[517] In regard to this meeting at Salem, and the action taken at it, -see _supra_, 38-40. No record or other mention of it, except that -contained in the text, has come down to us. - -[518] See _supra_ 300, _note_ 1. - -[519] This refers to the famous Salem ordination of Skelton and -Higginson, July 20 and August 6, 1629; in regard to which see Palfrey, -vol. i. pp. 295-6. - -[520] _Supra_, 41-2. - -[521] [converted] See _supra_ 111, _note_ 1. - -[522] The arrival of Winthrop’s fleet in June, 1630, is here referred -to. It has already been stated that Iosua Temperwell is intended for -Governor Winthrop. It will be noticed that Morton, much as he disliked -him, always refers to Winthrop, if not with respect, yet with a certain -restraint of tone and insinuation which he did not show to others, such -as Endicott, Fuller and Standish. - -[523] _Supra_, *156. - -[524] _Supra_, 47. See, also, the petition of Winslow, while a prisoner -in the Fleet, to the Lords of the Council. (_Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc._ -1860-2, p. 133.) - -[525] _Supra_, 43-5. - -[526] T. W. Higginson, who in 1866 published a translation of -Epictetus, furnishes me the following note on this allusion: “The -phrase ‘bear and forbear’ has always been received as the formula -especially characteristic of Epictetus. It is most explicitly preserved -to us in the _Noctes Atticæ_ of Aulus Gellius (B. XVII. ch. xix. §§ -5-6). Gellius says: ‘Verba duo dicebat: Ἀνέχου καὶ ἀπέχου,’ having -previously explained their meaning. There was in 1634 no English -translation of any portion of Epictetus containing the phrase; nor -was he an author then much read at the English universities. Morton -probably, therefore, got the quotation from the Latin of Aulus Gellius; -if, indeed, he did not pick it up in listening to the talk of some more -scholarly man,--possibly Ben Jonson.” - -[527] Ille hæc ludibria fortunæ, ne sua quidem putavit, quæ nos -appelamus etiam bona. (_Paradoxa_, I. 1.) - -[528] I am unable to suggest any explanation of the allusions contained -in this chapter. There is no apparent clew either to the “zealous -Professor” whose conscience did not permit him to cut tombstones, -or to the “gentleman newly come into the land,” who “incurred the -displeasure” of Governor Winthrop and was degraded. - -[529] “Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image, or any likeness -of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, -or that is in the water under the earth.” - -[530] “Antonomasia (_Rhet._). The use of the name of some office, -dignity, profession, science or trade, instead of the proper name -of the person; as where _his majesty_ is used for a king, or _his -lordship_ for a nobleman, or when, instead of Aristotle, we say _the -philosopher_; or, conversely, the use of a proper name instead of an -appellative, as where a wise man is called a _Cato_, or an eminent -orator a _Cicero_, the application being supported by a resemblance in -character.” (_Webster._) - -[531] The phrase “them that are without [the church]” calls for no -explanation. It was common in early New England, and both Lyford and -Bradford are found using it (Bradford, pp. 184, 187) exactly as Morton -uses it, who probably picked it up at Plymouth. - -[532] Innocence Fairecloath is the name under which Morton alludes to -Philip Ratcliff. This man was a servant or agent of Governor Matthew -Cradock. He got into trouble with Endicott and the members of the Salem -church, and, according to Winthrop, “being convict, _ore tenus_, of -most foul, scandalous invectives against our churches and government, -was censured to be whipped, lose his ears, and be banished the -plantation, which was presently executed.” (p. *56.) Another authority -speaks of the offence as a “most horible blasphemy.” (III. _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. viii. p. 323.) In the _Records of Massachusetts_ -(p. 88), under date of June 14 (24 N. S.), 1631, the sentence read -as follows: “It is ordered, that Philip Ratcliffe shall be whipped, -have his ears cut off, fined 40 l., and banished out of the limits -of this jurisdiction, for uttering malicious and scandalous speeches -against the government and the church of Salem, &c., as appeareth by a -particular thereof, proved upon oath.” The severity of this sentence -caused much scandal in England after Ratcliff returned there, and -in April of the next year Edward Howes wrote out to John Winthrop, -Jr.: “I have heard diverse complaints against the severitie of your -Government especially Mr. Indicutts, and that he shalbe sent for over, -about cuttinge off the Lunatick mans eares, and other grievances.” -(III. _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. ix. p. 244.) In regard to Ratcliff’s -subsequent connection with the Gorges-Mason attacks on the company -before the Privy Council, see _supra_, 50-2, 62, and _Proceedings of -Mass. Hist. Soc._, vol. xx., January meeting, 1883. - -[533] See _supra_ 304, _note_ 2. - -[534] The first two deacons of the church at Charlestown were Robert -Hale and Ralph Monsall. The Charlestown church, however, was not -organized until November, 1632, sixteen months after Ratcliff’s -punishment. (Budington’s _First Church of Charlestown_, pp. 31, 34.) - -The Boston church in June, 1631, had but one deacon, William Aspinwall -(Ellis’s _First Church of Boston_, p. 328), in regard to whom there is -a detailed note in Savage’s _Winthrop_ (p. *32). He was the deacon of -the Charlestown church at the time Morton was arraigned and punished, -and it is possible that Morton refers to him as Shackles. Aspinwall was -a man of prominence in the settlement; but it must be remembered that, -thirteen years later, “two of our ministers’ sons, being students in -the college, robbed two dwelling-houses in the night of some pounds. -Being found out, they were ordered by the gouvernours of the college -to be there whipped, which was performed by the president himself--yet -they were about 20 years of age.” (Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *166.) If the -president of the college could officiate at the whipping-post in 1644, -in a case of what Winthrop calls “burglary,” there seems no good reason -why the deacon of the church should not have officiated there in 1631 -in a case which the same authority calls “foul, scandalous invectives -against our churches.” - -[535] _Supra_, 319. - -[536] The character of the _New Canaan_ as a political pamphlet of -the time, intended to effect a given result in a particular quarter, -has already been referred to. (_Supra_, pp. 68-9.) In this respect -the present chapter is the most significant one in the book. It was -intended to act on the well-known prejudices of Archbishop Laud, the -head and controlling spirit of that Board of Lords Commissioners of -Foreign Plantations which then had supreme authority over the colonies. -To that Board Morton dedicated his book; and at the time he was writing -it the Lords Commissioners, and especially the Archbishop, were taking -active measures to vacate the Massachusetts charter and to assume the -direct government of the colonies. It is its connection with these -facts which alone gives any great degree of historical value to the -present chapter. In itself it is not deserving of careful annotation, -as it contains nothing that is new, and the ground is much better -covered by Lechford in his _Plaine Dealing_. Like Morton, Lechford was -a lawyer; and, unlike Morton, he was by nature a devout man. A member -of the Church of England he has given in his book a remarkably vivid -and fair-minded description of the practice of the New England churches -during the earliest days of the settlement. Mr. Trumbull’s very learned -and elaborate notes to his edition of the _Plaine Dealing_, which is -the edition referred to in the notes to the present chapter, have -cleared up Lechford’s text wherever it is obscure; and they obviate -the necessity of any careful annotation of the present chapter, except -where it is desirable to call notice to the special bearing any -particular assertion made may be supposed to have had on Archbishop -Laud’s idiosyncrasies. - -[537] “Teaching in the church publicly,” was, it will be remembered, -one of the offences charged against Winslow before the Lords -Commissioners at the hearing of 1634, for which, at Archbishop Laud’s -“vehement importunity,” he was committed to the Fleet. (_Supra_, 69; -_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1860-2, p. 131.) On the real practice of the -New England churches in regard to the exercise of their gifts by lay -members, see _Plaine Dealing_, p. 42. - -[538] “I suppose the first preacher that ever thus preached with notes -in our New-England was the Reverend Warham.” (_Magnalia_, B. III. -part 2, ch. xviii.) In regard to John Warham, first of Dorchester and -subsequently of Windsor, Connecticut, see Dr. Young’s note in _Chron. -of Mass._, p. 347. - -[539] There probably never was any regularly chosen deaconess in -New England. The office was recognized as having come down from the -primitive churches (Dexter’s _Congregationalism_, p. 69); and Robert -Browne in his definitions, in the _Life and Manners of all true -Christians_, says: “The _widow_ is a person having office of God to -pray for the church, and to visit and minister to those which are -afflicted and distressed in the church; for the which she is tried and -received as meet.” (Bacon’s _Genesis of the New England Churches_, -p. 84.) Bradford in his _Dialogue_, written in 1648, speaking of -the Separatist church at Amsterdam, says, that besides the pastor, -teacher, elders and deacons, there was “one ancient widow for a -deaconess, who did them service many years, though she was sixty -years of age when she was chosen. She honored her place and was an -ornament to the congregation. She usually sat in a convenient place -in the congregation, with a little birchen rod in her hand, and kept -little children in great awe from disturbing the congregation. She -did frequently visit the sick and weak, especially women, and, as -there was need, called out maids and young women to watch and do them -other helps as their necessity did require; and if they were poor, she -would gather relief for them of those that were able, or acquaint the -deacons; and she was obeyed as a mother in Israel and an officer of -Christ.” (Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 455.) It would be inferred from -the passage quoted that there had in 1648 never been a deaconess in -the Plymouth church, as in this _Dialogue_ the old men are supposed to -be describing to the young men events strange to the latter, as having -occurred long before. Lechford says, speaking of the Massachusetts -colony: “No church there has a Deaconesse, as far as I know.” (_Plaine -Dealing_, pp. 24, 40) “I have not met with an instance of [the] actual -institution [of the office of deaconess] in New England.” (Palfrey, -vol. ii. p. 37, _note_.) - -It does not seem, however, to have been even theoretically one of the -functions of the deaconess “to use her gifts at home,” as Morton says, -“in an assembly of her sex, by way of repetition, or exhortation.” -This would rather have pertained to the office of teacher. Meetings of -females, such as those described, were held in the parishes during the -early days, and played an important part in the Antinomian controversy. -The deaconess did not, however, officiate at them. The character of -these meetings appears in the following passage at the trial of Mrs. -Hutchinson: - -“COURT. ... What say you to your weekly public meetings? Can you find -a warrant for them? - -MRS. HUTCHINSON. I will show you how I took it up. There were such -meetings in use before I came; and because I went to none of them, this -was the special reason of my taking up this course. We began it with -but five or six, and, though it grew to more in future time, yet, being -tolerated at the first, I knew not why it might not continue. - -COURT. There were private meetings indeed, and are still in many -places, of some few neighbors; but not so public and frequent as yours; -and are of use for increase of love and mutual edification. But yours -are of another nature. If they had been such as yours they had been -evil, and therefore no good warrant to justify yours. But answer by -what authority or rule you uphold them? - -MRS. H. By Titus ii. 3-5, where the elder women are to teach the -younger. - -COURT. So we allow you to do, as the Apostle there means, privately -and upon occasion. But that gives no warrant of such set meetings for -that purpose. And, besides, you take upon you to teach many that are -older than yourself. Neither do you teach them that which the Apostle -commands, viz: to keep at home. - -MRS. H. Will you please to give me a rule against it, and I will yield. - -COURT. You must have a rule for it, or else you cannot do it in faith. -Yet you have a plain rule against it,--‘I suffer not a woman to teach.’ -(I. Tim. ii. 12.) - -MRS. H. That is meant of teaching men.” - -(Weld’s _Short Story_, pp. 34-5.) See also the version to the same -effect in Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts_, vol. ii. pp. 484-7. - -[540] _Supra_, 262, _note_ 3, and 306, _note_ 3. The effect such a -statement as that in the text would have upon Archbishop Laud is -apparent. The real practice of the early New England churches in the -matter of ordination can be found in the _Plaine Dealing_, pp. 13, 16, -17. - -[541] “There hath been some difference about jurisdictions, or -cognizance of causes: Some have held that, in causes betweene brethren -of the Church, the matter should be first told the Church, before -they goe to the civill Magistrate, because all causes in difference -doe amount, one way or other, to a matter of offence; and that all -criminall matters concerning Church members, should be first heard by -the Church. But these opinionists are held, by the wiser sort, not to -know the dangerous issues and consequences of such tenets.” (_Plaine -Dealing_, p. 34.) - -[542] There was no minister at Plymouth in the spring of 1628, when -Morton was there. William Brewster was the ruling elder in the church -and officiated in its pulpit, where, from the beginning, he had “taught -twice every sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the -great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable edification.” -(Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, p. 467; Bradford, pp. 187-8.) In the summer -of 1628, but after Morton had been sent to England, Allerton brought -over Mr. Rogers as a preacher, who soon proved to be “crased in his -braine” (Bradford, p. 243), and the next season was sent home. In the -autumn, apparently, of 1629, and while Morton may have been at Plymouth -at Allerton’s house (_Ib._ p. 253), before his final return to Mount -Wollaston, the Rev. Ralfe Smith, who had come over with Skelton and -Higginson in the previous June (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 151), -was found at Nantasket and brought down to Plymouth. (Bradford, p. -263.) He was not, however, chosen into the ministry there until a -later time. (_Ib._) It is unlikely that Morton here refers to Plymouth -personages. He was at Salem in 1629 (_Supra_, 306), and in Boston, -where as a prisoner he was undoubtedly made regularly to attend divine -service, from early September to the end of December, 1630. (_Supra_, -45; Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 321.) At Salem he had come in contact -with Skelton and Higginson; and it has been seen (_Supra_, 300, _note_ -1) that he probably knew something of Francis Bright of Charlestown. -The only other ministers then in the colony were John Warham and John -Maverick at Dorchester, George Phillips at Watertown, and John Wilson -at Boston. - -[543] It is scarcely necessary to point out that the three following -pages are largely the fruit of Morton’s imaginative powers, and were -intended for the special edification of Archbishop Laud. As Plymouth -was much less well supplied with preachers than the towns of the -Massachusetts colony, it is altogether probable--as Dr. John Eliot -surmised, in his review of the _New Canaan_, in the _Monthly Anthology_ -for July, 1810--the allusions to the church-practises in this chapter -found their largest basis of fact in incidents which Morton had been a -witness of in the Plymouth meeting-house. It is safe to add, however, -that he could have had no agreeable recollections of the meeting-houses -at Boston and Charlestown. - -[544] Oliver Le Daim, barber of Louis XI., created by him Comte de -Meulan, and sent in 1477 on a confidential mission to Mary of Burgundy -at Ghent. The account of his experiences is to be found in the -_Memoires de Commines_, L. v. ch. xiv. - -[545] _Supra_, 302, _note_ 1. - -[546] I am indebted to Mr. Lindsay Swift, of the Boston Public Library, -for the following explanation of this, to me, very perplexing allusion: -“_Nic_, or, more correctly, _nick_,--namely, ‘a raised or indented -bottom in a beer-can, by which the customers were cheated, the nick -below and the froth above filling up part of the measure.’ I take -this definition from Wright’s _Dictionary of Obsolete and Provincial -English_. That the expression was a common one the following quotations -prove:-- - - ‘We must be running up and downe - With cannes of beere (malt sod in fishes broth), - And those they say are fil’d with nick and froth.’ - - (Rowland’s _Knave of Harts_.) - - ‘From the nick and froth of a penny pot-house.’ - - (Fletcher.) - - ‘Our pots were full quarted, - We were not thus thwarted - With froth-canne and nick-pot, - And such nimble quick shot.’ - -(Spurious lines added to Rand’s 1624 edition of Skelton’s _Elynour -Rummynge_.) Most of this information I have taken from Nares’s -_Glossary_ and Halliwell-Phillipp’s _Dictionary of Archaic and -Provincial Words_, second edition.” - -[547] The reference here is apparently to the running footmen much -in use in the eighteenth century, and also, judging by the text, as -early as the reign of Charles I. Their duty was to run before and -alongside the cumbrous coaches then in use, to notify innkeepers of -the coming guests. They carried long poles to assist them in clearing -obstacles, and to help pry the carriages out of the sloughs in which -they frequently got stuck. (Brewer’s _Dict. of Phrase and Fable_, p. -773; Macaulay’s _England_, vol. i. pp. 374-8.) - -[548] It was one of the doctrines of Pythagoras that the souls of the -dying passed into the air, and thence into the living bodies of other -men, taking controlling possession of them. That the nimbleness of the -father’s feet might thus account for the volubility of the son’s tongue -is, it is needless to say, a purely Mortonian deduction. - -[549] “_May_ 12. [1621] was the first marriage in this place, which, -according to the laudable custome of the Low-Countries, in which -they had lived, was thought most requisite to be performed by the -magistrate, as being a civill thing, upon which many questions aboute -inheritances doe depende, with other things most proper to their -cognizans, and most consonante to the scripturs. Ruth 4. and no wher -found in the gospell to be layed on the ministers as a part of their -office.” (Bradford, p. 101.) The marriage here referred to was that of -Edward Winslow to Mrs. Susannah White. It took place in May, Winslow’s -wife having died seven weeks before, and Mrs. White’s husband, -William, twelve weeks before. That he had married people was, it will -be remembered, the other of the two charges advanced against Winslow -himself, at the Privy Council hearing just referred to. (_Supra_, -322, _note_ 2.) The practice of civil marriage already prevailed in -the Massachusetts colony also, as, a week before the arrest of Morton -was ordered, Governor Endicott, on August 18, 1630, was married, at -Charlestown apparently, “by the governour and Mr. Wilson.” (Winthrop, -vol. i. p. *30. See also _Plaine Dealing_, pp. 86-7.) There are few -more edifying examples of the casuistical skill of Winthrop and his -associates than is afforded by his method of dealing with the question -of civil marriages, as explained in detail in his _Journal_ (vol. i. p. -*323). “In our church discipline, and in matters of marriage, to make a -law that marriages should not be solemnized by ministers is repugnant -to the laws of England; but to bring it to a custom by practice for the -magistrates to perform it, is no law made repugnant, etc.” The charter -of 1629 empowered the General Court of the colony “to make, ordeine, -and establishe all Manner of wholesome and reasonable Orders, Lawes, -Statutes, and Ordinances, Directions, and Instructions, not contrary to -the Lawes of theis our Realme of England.” (Hazard, vol. i. p. 252.) - -[550] At the conference between the Bishops and the Puritans, held in -presence of James I. at Hampton Court in January, 1603, one of the -practices of the English Church especially excepted to as a “relique -of popery” by Dr. John Reynolds, the spokesman of the Puritans, was -the ring in marriage. (Neal’s _Hist. of Puritans_, vol. ii. p. 42.) -Among the reasons urged against its use I have not elsewhere found the -“diabolical circle” argument. It seems rather to have been associated -in the Puritan mind with the Romish traditions. (Jones’s _Finger-Ring -Lore_, pp. 288-90.) This count, in Morton’s indictment, was based on -good grounds. “In the Weddings of [early] New England the ring makes -none of the ceremonies.” (Mather’s _Ratio Disciplinæ_, p. 116.) - -[551] This refers to churching practice of the English Church. At the -Hampton Court conference, referred to in the preceding note, another of -the “reliques of popery,” specifically excepted to by Dr. Reynolds, was -“the churching of women by the name of _purification_.” - -[552] This count in the indictment was well laid. The children of the -non-communicants in early New England could not be baptized; though -they might be if either one of the parents was a member of the church. -At a later period this became one of the leading causes of political -agitation in the colony, and is referred to in the Dr. Robert Childs -petition of 1646. In 1670 from four fifths to five sixths of the adult -male inhabitants of Massachusetts were without the franchise, as being -non-communicants. (Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_, pp. 47, 48, 151; _Mem. -Hist. of Boston_, vol. i. p. 156; Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 8, vol. iii. p. -41.) - -[553] _Supra_, 316, _note_ 2. - -[554] This was the favorite epithet employed by the early reformers -in referring to the Mass. Calvin called it “an execrable idol;” -Hooper, “a wicked idol.” Bradford--not Governor William, but John, -the Smithfield martyr of Queen Mary’s time--terms it an “abominable -idol of bread;” and again, “the horriblest and most detestable -device that ever the devil brought out by man.” Bland, rector of -Adishan, repeated the familiar figure, calling it a “most blasphemous -idol;” and Latimer improved upon this by adding the words, “full of -idolatry, blasphemy, sacrilege against God and the dear sacrifice -of His Christ.” (Blunt’s _Reformation of the Church of Eng._, vol. -ii. pp. 399-402.) The derivation of the Book of Common Prayer, in -many of its parts, from the Missal was unmistakable; and naturally -the next race of religious reformers applied to the former the same -earnest epithets of theological dissent which had before been applied -to the latter. Accordingly, in Barrowe’s _Brief Discovery of the -False Church_, we find the Book of Common Prayer referred to as “a -detestable idol, ... old rotten stuff ... abstracted out of the pope’s -blasphemous mass-book, ... an abominable and loathsome sacrifice in -the sight of God, even as a dead dog.” Barrowe was one of the three -Separatist martyrs, and as such held in deepest veneration at Plymouth. -(Young’s _Chron. of Pilg._, pp. 427-34.) The Book of Common Prayer -was therefore undoubtedly looked upon and referred to at Plymouth as -Morton says. Indeed, the Lyford schism was in some degree due to its -use. (Bradford, p. 181.) That it was, in the early days, also so looked -upon and so referred to at Salem and at Boston, is not clear. It is -true that in 1629 it was again the cause of the Browne dissension at -Salem (Young’s _Chron. of Mass._, p. 287), in consequence of which -Skelton and Higginson both declared openly “that they came away from -the Common Prayer and ceremonies, ... and therefore, being in a place -where they might have their liberty, they neither could nor would use -them, because they judged the imposition of these things to be sinful -corruptions in the worship of God.” (Morton’s _Memorial_, p. 147.) The -Puritans of Boston, however, were not Separatists, and it is open to -question whether they at first felt towards the Common Prayer as the -Plymouth people felt towards it, and as Morton says. In 1640 Governor -Winthrop, it is true, noted it as a thing worthy of observation that -his son “having many books in a chamber where there was corn of divers -sorts, had among them one wherein the Greek testament, the psalms and -the common prayer were bound together. He found the common prayer eaten -with mice, every leaf of it, and not any of the two other touched, nor -any other of his books, though they were above a thousand.” (Winthrop, -vol. ii. p. *20.) When Governor Winthrop tried and sentenced Morton, -however, he was anxious to preserve his connection with the Church of -England, and it is very doubtful whether he then looked upon its Book -of Prayer as “an idol.” (_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, vol. xviii. p. 296.) - -As one count in Morton’s indictment of the people of New England, that -in the text now under consideration was not only sufficiently well -founded, but it was peculiarly calculated to excite Archbishop Laud’s -anger. It is unnecessary to say that he was the special champion of -the Church of England ritual. To enforce exact conformity to it he -regarded as his mission. When the ships loaded with emigrants for New -England were, in March, 1634, stopped in the Thames by order of the -Privy Council, they were not allowed to proceed on their voyage until -the masters bound themselves to have the Book of Common Prayer used at -morning and evening service during the voyage. (_Council Register_, -Feb. 21, 28, 1634; Gardiner’s _Charles I._, vol. ii. p. 23.) This was -Laud’s act, and it is more than probable that he was as much influenced -by Morton on that occasion as he was subsequently in the matter of -Winslow’s imprisonment for having performed the marriage ceremony. -(_Supra_, 69, 93.) - -[555] “Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye pay -tithe of mint and anise and cummin, and have omitted the weightier -matters of the law, judgment, mercy, and faith.” (_Matt._ xxiii. 23.) - -“But woe unto you, Pharisees! for ye tithe mint and rue and all manner -of herbs, and pass over judgment and the love of God.” (_Luke_ xi. 42.) - -The significance of the text referred to lay, of course, in Morton’s -mind, rather in its indirect than its direct application,--more in its -denunciatory than in its contributory portions. The clergy in early -Massachusetts were supported by the voluntary contributions in Boston, -and by a regular town-tax levy outside of Boston. (_Plaine Dealing_, -pp. 48-50; _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 1860-2, p. 116.) - -[556] _Supra_, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20. - -[557] “_Wink_, _v. n._ 1. to shut the eyes. _obs._” (_Worcester._) - -[558] Edward Howes, in writing from London to John Winthrop, Jr., -in November, 1632, describes how, on going home at noon one day, he -met the master of a vessel which had just arrived from New England, -together with three others who had come over with him. The master -passing into the house on some matter of business, Howes had a talk -with one of the other men, whom he describes as an “egregious knave.” -The report given by this man of the Massachusetts community strikingly -resembles that given by Morton in this chapter. He would, writes Howes, -“give none of you a good word, but the governor [Winthrop]; he was a -good man and kept a good table, but all the rest were Hereticks, and -they would be more holy than all the world; they would be a peculiar -people to God, but go to the Devil; that one man with you being at -confession, as he called it, said he believed his father and mother and -ancestors went all to Hell; and that your preachers, in their public -prayers, pray for the governor before they pray for our king and state; -... that you never use the Lord’s prayer; that your ministers marry -none; that fellows which keep hogs all the week preach on the Sabbath; -that every town in your plantation is of a several religion; that you -count all men in England, yea all out of your church, in the state of -damnation. But I believe and know better things of you; but here you -may partly see how the Devil stirs up his instruments.” (IV. _Mass. -Hist. Col._, vol. vi. p. 485.) - -[559] Mr. Swift (_Supra_, 328, _note_) suggests that Morton here -alludes to the scene in Ben Jonson’s _Tale of a Tub_ (act iv. sc. 1), -where Justice Preamble says: - - “And what say you now, neighbor Turfe?” - -Turfe answers him: - - “I put it - Even to your worship’s bitterment, hab, nab.” - -Here the Countryman makes the remark, and not the Justice; but a wholly -correct allusion by Morton is not to be looked for. (_Supra_, 123, -_note_ 2.) The meaning of _hab, nab_ is, of course, “hit or miss, at a -venture, at random,” and is probably derived from _habbe, nabbe_,--“to -have or not to have.” (See Nares’s _Glossary_.) - -[560] _Supra_, 44-5. - -[561] _Supra_, 319, _note_. - -[562] By the General Court of May, 1644, it was ordered, that -“Nantascot shall be called Hull.” (_Records_, vol. ii. p. 74.) Mr. -Savage, in his notes to Winthrop (vol. ii. p. *175), and Mr. Whitmore -(_Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._ 1871-3, p. 397), think it was so called -from Hull in Yorkshire. It would appear from the text that it had -been locally known by that name among the “old planters” before the -settlement of Boston. - -[563] Sir Christopher Gardiner suddenly appeared in Massachusetts -in May, 1630, and returned to England in 1632, arriving there in -August. He is supposed to have come out as an agent, or emissary, of -Sir Ferdinando Gorges. I had begun the preparation of a note on Sir -Christopher, and “how hee spedd amongst the Seperatists,” for insertion -at this point; but the subject developed on my hands until it assumed -the shape of a study by itself. It can be found in the _Proceedings of -the Mass. Hist. Soc._ for January, 1883, vol. xx. - -[564] Machiavelli died in 1527, and _The Prince_ was published in 1532. -The reputation of the man and of the book were as well established in -Morton’s day as they are now. - - “Nick Machiavel had ne’er a trick, - (Tho’ he gave his name to our old Nick.)” - - (_Hudibras_, p. III. can. i. lines 1313-4.) - -This derivation is not accepted by the authorities. See Brewer’s -_Dict._, p. 614. - -[565] _Supra_, Ch. XXV. pp. 316-20. - -[566] As Saint Michael is one of the Azores, it may have been during -this voyage that Morton visited the Isle of Sal and the tropics, as -mentioned in the first chapter of the _New Canaan_. (_Supra_, 117.) -If the voyage did last nine months, it was August or September, 1631, -before he got back to England. - -[567] - - “Cum canerem reges et prœlia, Cynthius aurem - Vellit, et admonuit:...” - - (Virgil, _Eclogues_, vi. 3-4.) - -There are in the _New Canaan_ (_Supra_, 280, 297) two references to -certain imaginary or special gifts from “Phaos box,” which in editing -I had been unable to explain. Mr. Lindsay Swift (_Supra_, 328, _note_) -now supplies me with a reference, which, if it is indeed, as seems most -probable, the allusion which Morton had in mind, seems to indicate -that his familiarity with classic authors was greater than I have -been disposed to give him credit for. The reference is to the _Varia -Historia_ of Ælianus (lib. XII. cap. xviii.), and reads as follows: -“Phaonem, omnium hominum formosissimum, Venus in lactucis abscondit. -Alii dicunt, eum portitorem fuisse, et habuisse hoc vitæ genus. -Veniebat autem aliquando Venus, trajicere volens; ille vero, nesciens -quænam esset, libenter recepit, magnaque cura, quoquo voluerat, eam -vexit. Pro quibus meritis Dea alabastrum ei donavit, et erat in eo -unguentum, quo unctus Phaon speciosissimus hominum evasit, atque adeo -amarunt eum Mitylenensium feminæ. Tandem vero deprehensus in adulterio, -trucidatus est.” - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - -The following apparent errors have been corrected: - -p. 18 (note) "Strutt s" changed to "Strutt’s" - -p. 23 (note) "_Infra_ *149." changed to "_Infra_, *149." - -p. 83 (note) "_State Papers_.," changed to "_State Papers_," - -p. 98 "repects" changed to "respects" - -p. 102 (note) "humming-bird”" changed to "“humming-bird”" - -p. 130 (note) "pp, 70" changed to "pp. 70" - -p. 133 (note) "1869.," changed to "1869," - -p. 137 (note) "‘eat.”" changed to "‘eat.’”" - -p. 140 (note) "lxxxix" changed to "lxxxix." - -p. 147 (note) "Hemlock-Bark" changed to "Hemlock-Bark”" - -p. 148 (note) "_nanwetee_’" changed to "_nanwetee_" - -p. 152 (note) "lxxxiv-lxxxvii" changed to "lxxxiv.-lxxxvii." - -p. 158 (note) "together”" changed to "together.”" - -p. 185 (sidenote) "3. & 4" changed to "3. & 4." - -p. 196 (note) "linarius" changed to "lanarius" - -p. 213 (note) "_Chingachgook_" changed to "_Chingachcook_" - -p. 217 (note) "he got" changed to "be got" - -p. 218 (note) "vol," changed to "vol." - -p. 226 (note) "_Psendopleuronectes_" changed to "_Pseudopleuronectes_" - -p. 269 "the rest" changed to "the rest," - -p. 314 "handsomely" changed to "handsomely." - -p. 326 (sidenote) "despised" changed to "despised." - -p. 348 "cured" changed to "cured." - -p. 355 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y." - -p. 356 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y." - -p. 356 "R. I." changed to "R.I." - -p. 358 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y." - -p. 359 "Prospect" changed to "Prospect." - -p. 359 "Whitmore, A.M" changed to "Whitmore, A.M." - -p. 363 "131, _n._;" changed to "131, _n._," - -p. 365 "Canonicus" changed to "Caunoŭnicus" - -p. 366 "196, _n._," changed to "196, _n._;" - -p. 369 "186," changed to "186." - -p. 371 "_Kantantowwit_" changed to "Kantántowwit" - -p. 371 "_Kodliep Kēn_" changed to "_Kodtup Kēn_" - -p. 372 "description of, 200;" changed to "description of, 206;" - -p. 374 "205, _n._" changed to "205, _n._;" - - -Inconsistent spelling, punctuation and typography have otherwise been -left as printed. - - -The following possible errors have been left as printed: - -p. 19 beasly - -p. 123 originlly - -p. 125 probality - -p. 127 this Cost - -p. 132 strenght - -p. 144 lenght - -p. 148 uncivilizied - -p. 154 fuond - -p. 164 giude - -p. 210 oder glands - -p. 219 Blacklead. - -p. 223 (note) lenghth - -p. 230 Mattachusetts - -p. 231 ageed - -p. 261 doubdt - -p. 281 strenght - -p. 287 worties - -p. 365 Cithyrea - -p. 365 fire-brand - -p. 366 Colchos - -p. 366 Powows - -p. 366 luzerans - -p. 367 Drails - -p. 367 luzeran - -p. 368 luzeran - -p. 371 Lannerets - -p. 371 Leadstones - -p. 375 Newcomein - -p. 376 Pawtucket - -p. 376 Phlegethon - -p. 376 Phœbus - -p. 377 Rhadamanthus - -p. 379 Chappel: chalkstones - -p. 379 Stubbs - -p. 380 Wampumpeack - -p. 381 Auld - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS -MORTON WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES*** - - -******* This file should be named 54162-0.txt or 54162-0.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/4/1/6/54162 - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you'll have to check the laws of the country where you - are located before using this ebook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -For additional contact information: - - Dr. Gregory B. Newby - Chief Executive and Director - gbnewby@pglaf.org - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. - diff --git a/old/54162-0.zip b/old/54162-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 132befa..0000000 --- a/old/54162-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h.zip b/old/54162-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index d19f7a3..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/54162-h.htm b/old/54162-h/54162-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index dca85e6..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/54162-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,22903 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> -<head> -<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=UTF-8" /> -<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes, by Thomas Morton and Charles Francis Adams</title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2,h3,h4,h5 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; - margin-top: 2em; -} - -.clear {clear: both;} - -.originpage {font-style: normal; font-size: 80%; font-weight: normal; color: #808080;} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} - -.toc {text-align: left; max-width: 40em;} - -img.drop-cap -{ - float: left; - margin: 0 0.5em 0 0; -} - -.drop-cap:first-letter -{ - color: transparent; - visibility: hidden; - margin-left: -0.9em; -} - -.sig {margin-left: 4em;} - -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} -.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} - -.small {font-size: 80%;} -.smaller {font-size: 90%;} -.larger {font-size: 110%;} -.large {font-size: 120%;} -.x-large {font-size: 200%;} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - clear: both; -} - -hr.tb {width: 50%; margin-left: 25%; margin-right: 25%;} -hr.full {width: 95%; margin-left: 2.5%; margin-right: 2.5%;} - - -ul { list-style-type: none; } -li.ifrst { margin-top: 1em; } -li.indx { margin-top: .5em; } -li.isub1 {text-indent: 1em;} - -.break,div.chapter -{ - page-break-before: always; -} - -h1 -{ - page-break-before: always; -} - -.nobreak -{ - page-break-before: avoid; -} - -h2 -{ - page-break-before: avoid; -} - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; -} - -.pagenum { - position: absolute; - right: 1%; - font-size: x-small; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - font-style: normal; - letter-spacing: normal; - text-indent: 0em; - text-align: right; - color: #999999; - background-color: #ffffff; -} - -.blockquot { - margin-left: 5%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - -.sidenote { - text-indent: 0; - text-align: left; - min-width: 9em; /*optional, but making all sidenotes the same width looks better*/ - max-width: 9em; /*make this just big enough for the widest word in any sidenote */ - padding-bottom: .3em; - padding-top: .3em; - padding-left: .3em; - padding-right: .3em; - margin-right: 1em; - float: right; - clear: right; - margin-top: 0.5em; - margin-left: 0.5em; - margin-bottom: .3em; - font-size: smaller; - color: black; - background-color: #eeeeee; - border: thin dotted gray; -} - - -.speaker {margin-left: -4em;} - -.lock {white-space: nowrap;} - -.left {text-align: left;} - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.right {text-align: right;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.lowercase { text-transform:lowercase; } - -.uppercase {text-transform:uppercase;} - -.total {border-top: thin solid;} - -.pad2 {padding: 2em;} - -.summary {text-align: center;} - -.parallel {display: inline-block; max-width: 35%; vertical-align: top; padding: 2em;} - -.caption {text-align: center;} - -/* Images */ -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - margin-top: 4em; - text-align: center; -} - -.figcenterh { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; -} - -.figcenterb { - margin: auto; - margin-bottom: 4em; - text-align: center; -} - - -.blackletter {font-style: italic; font-weight: bold;} - -.front {text-align: center;} - - -/* Footnotes */ -.footnotes {page-break-before: always;} - -.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; padding: 0.2em;} - -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} - -/* Poetry */ -.poetry-container - { - text-align: center; - margin: -1em 0; - } - -.italic {font-style: italic;} - -.poetry - { - display: inline-block; - text-align: left; - } - -.poetry .stanza {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;} - -.poetry .verse - { - text-indent: -3em; - padding-left: 3em; - } - -.tocindent {text-indent: 2em;} - -.poetry .indent2 {text-indent: -2em;} -.poetry .indent4 {text-indent: -1em;} -.poetry .indent6 {text-indent: 0em;} -.poetry .indent20 {text-indent: 7em;} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - page-break-before: always; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - -@media handheld -{ - .poetry - { - display: block; - margin-left: 1.5em; - } - -.poetry-container - { - margin: 0; - } - - - img.drop-cap - { - display: none; - } - - .drop-cap:first-letter - { - color: inherit; - visibility: visible; - margin-left: 0; - } - -.speaker {margin-left: 0em;} - - .sidenote { - float: left; - clear: none; - font-weight: bold; - } - -.poetry .sidenote {margin: 1.5em 1.5em 1.5em 0;} - -} - - h1.pg { margin-top: 0em; } - hr.pg { width: 100%; - margin-top: 3em; - margin-bottom: 0em; - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - height: 4px; - border-width: 4px 0 0 0; /* remove all borders except the top one */ - border-style: solid; - border-color: #000000; - clear: both; } - </style> -</head> -<body> -<h1 class="pg">The Project Gutenberg eBook, The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with -Introductory Matter and Notes, by Thomas Morton and Charles Francis Adams</h1> -<p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States -and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no -restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it -under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this -eBook or online at <a -href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you are not -located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this ebook.</p> -<p>Title: The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes</p> -<p>Author: Thomas Morton and Charles Francis Adams</p> -<p>Release Date: February 14, 2017 [eBook #54162]</p> -<p>Language: English</p> -<p>Character set encoding: UTF-8</p> -<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS MORTON WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES***</p> -<p> </p> -<h4>E-text prepared by Henry Flower<br /> - and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team<br /> - (<a href="http://www.pgdp.net">http://www.pgdp.net</a>)<br /> - from page images generously made available by<br /> - Internet Archive<br /> - (<a href="https://archive.org">https://archive.org</a>)</h4> -<p> </p> -<table border="0" style="background-color: #ccccff;margin: 0 auto;" cellpadding="10"> - <tr> - <td valign="top"> - Note: - </td> - <td> - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - <a href="https://archive.org/details/newenglishcanaan00mort"> - https://archive.org/details/newenglishcanaan00mort</a> - </td> - </tr> -</table> -<p> </p> -<div class="transnote"> -<p class="large center">Transcriber's Note</p> - -<p>A table of contents detailing the chapters of the original book is located <a href="#A_TABLE_OF_THE_CONTENTS_OF_THE_THREE_BOOKES">at the end of the text</a>.</p> - -<p>This book is a 19th century edition of a 17th century original, -along with extensive commentary. The 19th century edition used -different page numbering. To facilitate internal references to -specific pages, the original 17th century page numbers have been -incorporated into the text enclosed by curly braces, e.g. {123}. -References to these numbers in the text have been kept as -printed, e.g. *123.</p> - -<p>Click on the illustration on page 12 -to see a higher-resolution image.</p> -</div> -<p> </p> -<hr class="pg" /> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> -<p> </p> - -<p class="p4 break blackletter front"> -Publications of the Prince Society.</p> - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_a001.jpg" width="200" height="226" alt="Org 1858 Prince Society Inc 1874" /> -</div> - - -<h1 class="nobreak">THE NEW -ENGLISH CANAAN. -</h1> - - - - -<p class="break p4 front"> -<span class="small">THE</span><br /> -<span class="blackletter large">Publications of the Prince Society.</span><br /> -Established May 25th, 1858.</p> - -<p class="p2 front x-large"> -THE NEW<br /> -ENGLISH CANAAN.</p> - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_a005.jpg" width="200" height="223" alt="Org 1858 Prince Society Inc 1874" /> -</div> - -<p class="front p2"> -<span class="blackletter larger">Boston:</span><br /> -PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY,<br /> -<span class="small"><span class="smcap">By John Wilson and Son</span>.<br /> -1883.</span> -</p> - - - -<p class="break p4 front"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[Pg i]</a></span> -TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY COPIES.</p> - - - - -<p class="break p4 front"> -THE<br /> -<span class="x-large">NEW ENGLISH CANAAN</span><br /> -OF<br /> -<span class="large">THOMAS MORTON.</span></p> - -<p class="p2 front"> -<i>WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES</i><br /> -BY<br /> -<span class="smcap">CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr.</span></p> - -<p class="p2 front"> -<span class="blackletter larger">Boston:</span><br /> -PUBLISHED BY THE PRINCE SOCIETY.<br /> -1883. -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[Pg ii]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="break p4 front"> -Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1883, by<br /> -<span class="smcap">The Prince Society</span>,<br /> -In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.</p> - -<p class="p2 front"> -<span class="blackletter">Editor:</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jr.</span> -</p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_c003a.jpg" width="500" height="116" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - -<h2 class="nobreak">TABLE OF CONTENTS.</h2> - -</div> - -<div class="center"> -<table class="toc" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td></td><td class="right"><span class="smcap">Page</span></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Preface</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_v">v</a>-<a href="#Page_vi">vi</a></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Thomas Morton of Merry-Mount</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_1">1</a>-<a href="#Page_98">98</a></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Bibliography of New English Canaan</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_99">99</a>-<a href="#Page_105">105</a></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">New English Canaan</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_107">106</a>-<a href="#Page_345">345</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tocindent">Book I. The Origin of the Natives; their Manners and Customs</td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_115">115</a>-<a href="#Page_178">78</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tocindent">Book II. A Description of the Beauty of the Country</td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_179">179</a>-<a href="#Page_242">242</a></td></tr> -<tr><td class="tocindent">Book III. A Description of the People</td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_243">243</a>-<a href="#Page_345">345</a></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Table of Contents of the New English Canaan</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_347">347</a>-<a href="#Page_349">9</a></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"><hr /></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Officers of the Prince Society</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_353">353</a></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">The Prince Society</span>, 1883</td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_354">354</a>-<a href="#Page_358">8</a></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Publications of the Prince Society</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_359">359</a></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Volumes in Preparation by the Prince Society</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#VOLUMES_IN_PREPARATION">360</a></td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="smcap">Index</span></td><td class="right"><a href="#Page_361">361</a>-<a href="#Page_381">81</a></td></tr> -</table></div> - -<div class="figcenterb" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_c003b.jpg" width="200" height="108" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</a></span></p> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_c005a.jpg" width="500" height="131" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -<h2 class="nobreak">PREFACE.</h2> - -</div> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/zill_c005b.jpg" width="150" height="162" alt="B" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="uppercase">Before</span> undertaking the present work I had no experience -as an editor. It is unnecessary for me to say, -therefore, that, were I now to undertake it, I should -pursue a somewhat different course from that which -I have pursued. The <i>New English Canaan</i> is, in many -respects, a singular book. One of its most singular features is the -extent of ground it covers. Not only is it full of obscure references -to incidents in early New England history, but it deals directly -with the aborigines, the trees, animals, fish, birds and geology of -the region; besides having constant incidental allusions to literature,—both -classic and of the author’s time,—to geography, and to then -current events. No one person can possess the knowledge necessary -to thoroughly cover so large a field. To edit properly he must have -recourse to specialists.</p> - -<p>It was only as the labor of investigation increased on my hands -that I realized what a wealth of scientific and special knowledge was -to be reached, in the neighborhood of Boston, by any one engaged in -such multifarious inquiry. Were I again to enter upon it I should -confine my own labors chiefly to correspondence; for on every point -which comes up there is some one now in this vicinity, if he can only -be found out, who has made a study of it, and has more information -than the most laborious and skilful of editors can acquire.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_vi" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</a></span></p> - -<p>In this edition of the <i>New Canaan</i> I have not laid so many of -these specialists as I now wish, under requisition; and yet the list is -a tolerably extensive one. In every case, also, the assistance asked for -has been rendered as of course, in the true scientific spirit. My correspondence -has included Messrs. Deane, Winsor and Ellis on events -in early New England history; Professor Whitney on geographical -allusions; Professors Lane and Greenough, Dr. Everett and Mr. T. -W. Higginson, on references to the Greek and Latin classics, or quotations -from them; and the Rev. Mr. Norton on Scriptural allusions. -Mr. J. C. Gray has hunted up for me legal precedents five centuries -old, and Mr. Lindsay Swift has explained archaic expressions, to the -meaning of which I could get no clew. On the subject of trees and -herbs I called on Professors Gray and Sargent; in regard to birds, -Mr. William Brewster was indefatigable; Mr. Allen, though in very -poor health, took the chapter on animals; Professor Shaler disposed -of the geology; Messrs. Agassiz and Lyman instructed me as to fish, -and Professor Putnam as to shell-heaps. I met some allusions to -early French and other explorers, and naturally had recourse to -Messrs. Parkman and Slafter; while in regard to Indian words and -names, I have been in constant correspondence with the one authority, -Mr. J. Hammond Trumbull, who has recognized to the fullest -extent the public obligation which a mastery of a special subject -imposes on him who masters it.</p> - -<p>In closing a pleasant editorial task, my chief regret, therefore, is -that the notes in this volume contain so much matter of my own. -They should have been even more eclectic than they are, and each -from the highest possible authority on the subject to which it -relates.</p> - -<p> -<span class="smcap sig">C. F. A., Jr.</span><br /> -<br /> -<span class="smcap">Quincy, Mass.</span>, April 4, 1883. -</p> - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t001a.jpg" width="500" height="137" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -<h2 class="nobreak">MORTON OF MERRY-MOUNT.</h2> - -</div> - - -<p>In the second book of his history of Plymouth -Plantation, Governor Bradford, while dealing -with the events of the year 1628 though writing -at a still later period, <span class="lock">says:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Aboute some three or four years before this time, ther came over one -Captaine Wolastone (a man of pretie parts), and with him three or four more -of some eminencie, who brought with them a great many servants, with provisions -and other implaments for to begine a plantation; and pitched themselves -in a place within the Massachusets, which they called, after their -Captains name, Mount-Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton, -who, it should seeme, had some small adventure (of his owne or other mens) -amongst them.”<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p></div> - -<p>There is no other known record of Wollaston than that -contained in this passage of Bradford.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> His given name<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> -even is not mentioned. It may be surmised with tolerable -certainty that he was one of the numerous traders, generally -from Bristol or the West of England, who frequented the -fishing grounds and the adjacent American coast during the -early years of the seventeenth century. Nothing is actually -known of him, however, until in 1625 he appeared in Massachusetts -Bay, as Boston Harbor was then called, at the head -of the expedition which Bradford mentions.</p> - -<p>His purpose and that of his companions was to establish -a plantation and trading-post in the country of the Massachusetts -tribe of Indians. It was the third attempt of the -kind which had been made since the settlement at Plymouth, -a little more than four years before. The first of these -attempts had been that of Thomas Weston at Wessagusset, -or Weymouth, in the summer of 1622. This had resulted -in a complete failure, the story of which is told by Bradford -and Winslow, and forms one of the more striking pages in -the annals of early New England. The second attempt, -and that which next preceded Wollaston’s, had closely followed -the first, being made in the summer of 1623, under -the immediate direction of the Council for New England. -At the head of it was Captain Robert Gorges, a younger -son of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Weston’s expedition was a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> -mere trading venture, having little connection with anything -which went before or which came after. That of Gorges, -however, was something more. As will presently be seen, -it had a distinct political and religious significance.</p> - -<p>Robert Gorges and his party arrived in Boston Bay in -1623, during what is now the latter part of September. -They established themselves in the buildings which had -been occupied by Weston’s people during the previous winter, -and which had been deserted by them a few days less -than six months before. The site of those buildings cannot -be definitely fixed. It is supposed to have been on Phillips -Creek, a small tidal inlet of the Weymouth fore-river, a short -distance above the Quincy-Point bridge. The grant made -to Robert Gorges by the Council for New England, and -upon which he probably intended to place his party, was on -the other side of the bay, covering ten miles of sea-front and -stretching thirty miles into the interior. It was subsequently -pronounced void by the lawyers on the ground of -being “loose and uncertain,” but as nearly as can now be -fixed it covered the shore between Nahant and the mouth -of the Charles, and the region back of that as far west as -Concord and Sudbury, including Lynn and the most thickly -inhabited portions of the present county of Middlesex.</p> - -<p>Reaching New England, however, late in the season, -Gorges’s first anxiety was to secure shelter for his party -against the impending winter, for the frosts had already -begun. Fortunately the few savages thereabouts had been -warned by Governor Bradford not to injure the Wessagusset -buildings, and thus they afforded a welcome shelter -to the newcomers. These were people of a very different<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> -class from those who had preceded them. Among them -were men of education, and some of them were married -and had brought their wives. Their settlement proved a -permanent one. Robert Gorges, it is true, the next spring -returned to England disgusted and discouraged, taking back -with him a portion of his followers. Others of them -went on to Virginia in search of a milder climate and a -more fertile soil. A few, however, remained at Wessagusset,<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> -and are repeatedly referred to by Morton in the -<i>New Canaan</i><a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> as his neighbors at that place.</p> - -<p>When, therefore, Wollaston sailed into the bay in the -early summer of 1625, its shores were not wholly unoccupied. -His party consisted of himself and some three or -four partners, with thirty or more servants, as they were -called, or men who had sold their time for a period of years -to an employer, and who stood in the relation to him of -apprentice to master. Rasdall, according to Bradford, was -the name of one of the partners, and Fitcher would seem to -have been that of another. Thomas Morton, the author of -the <i>New English Canaan</i>, was a third.</p> - -<p>Not much more is known of Morton’s life prior to his -coming to America than of Wollaston’s. He had certainly -an education of that sort which was imparted in the schools -of the Elizabethan period, for he had a smattering knowledge -of the more familiar Latin authors at least, and was fond -of classic allusion. Governor Dudley, in his letter to the -Countess of Lincoln, says that while in England he was an -attorney in “the west countries.”<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> He further intimates that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> -he had there been implicated in some foul misdemeanor, on -account of which warrants were out against him. Nathaniel -Morton in his <i>Memorial</i><a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> says that the crime thus referred -to was the killing of a partner concerned with him, Thomas -Morton, in his first New England venture. Thomas Wiggin, -however, writing in 1632 to Sir John Cooke, one of -King Charles’s secretaries for foreign affairs and a member -of the Privy Council, states, upon the authority of Morton’s -“wife’s sonne and others,” that he had fled to New England -“upon a foule suspition of murther.”<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> While, therefore, it -would seem that grave charges were in general circulation -against Morton, connecting him with some deed of violence, -it is necessary to bear in mind that considerable allowance -must be made before any accusation against him can be accepted -on the word of either the Massachusetts or the Plymouth -authorities, or those in sympathy with them. Yet -Morton was a reckless man, and he lived in a time when -no great degree of sanctity attached to human life; so that -in itself there is nothing very improbable in this charge. -It is possible that before coming to America he may have -put some one out of the way. Nevertheless, as will presently -be seen, though he was subsequently arrested and in -jail in England, the accusation never took any formal shape. -That he was at some time married would appear from the -letter of Wiggin already referred to, and the allusions in the -<i>New Canaan</i> show that he had been a man passionately fond -of field sports, and a good deal of a traveller as well. He -speaks, for instance, of having been “bred in so genious a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> -way” that in England he had the common use of hawks in -fowling; and, in another place, he alludes to his having been -so near the equator that “I have had the sun for my zenith.”<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> -On the titlepage of his book he describes himself as “of -Cliffords Inne gent.,” which of course he would not have ventured -to do had he not really been what he there claimed to -be; for at the time the <i>New Canaan</i> was published he was -living in London and apparently one of the attorneys of the -Council for New England.<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Bradford, speaking from memory, -fell into an error, therefore, when he described him as -a “kind of petie-fogger of Furnefells Inne.”<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> That in -1625 he was a man of some means is evident from the fact -that he owned an interest in the Wollaston venture; though -here again Bradford takes pains to say that the share he -represented (“of his owne or other mens”) was small, and -that he himself had so little respect amongst the rest that he -was slighted by even the meanest servants.</p> - -<p>In all probability this was not Morton’s first visit to Massachusetts -Bay. Indeed, he was comparatively familiar with it, -having already passed one season on its shores. His own statement, -at the beginning of the first chapter of the second book -of the <i>Canaan</i>, seems to be conclusive on this point. He there -says: “In the month of June, Anno Salutis 1622, it was my -chance to arrive in the parts of New England with thirty servants, -and provision of all sorts fit for a plantation; and, while -our houses were building, I did endeavor to take a survey of -the country.”<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> There was but one ship which arrived in New<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> -England in June, 1622, and that was the <i>Charity</i>;<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> and the -<i>Charity</i> brought out Weston’s party, which settled at Wessagusset, -answering in every respect to Morton’s description -of the party he came with. Andrew Weston, a younger -brother of the chief promoter of the enterprise, had then -come in charge of it, and is described as having been “a -heady yong man and violente.”<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> After leaving Weston’s -company at Plymouth, the <i>Charity</i> went on to Virginia, -but returned from there early in October, going it would -seem directly to Boston Bay and Wessagusset.<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> One part -of the colonists had then been there three months, and -it was during those three months that Morton apparently -took the survey of the country to which he refers. As the -Wessagusset plantation was now left under the charge of -Richard Greene, it would seem that young Weston went back -to England in the <i>Charity</i>, and the inference is that Morton, -who had come out as his companion, went back with him.</p> - -<p>In any event, the impression produced on Morton by this -first visit to New England was a strong and favorable one. It -looked to him a land of plenty, a veritable New Canaan. -Accordingly, he gave vent to his enthusiasm in the warm -language of the first chapter of his second book.<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> With -the subsequent fate of Weston’s party he seems to have had -no connection. He must at the time have heard of it, and -was doubtless aware of the evil reputation that company left -behind. This would perfectly account for the fact that he -never mentions his having himself had anything to do with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> -it. Yet it may be surmised that he returned to England -possessed with the idea of connecting himself with some -enterprise, either Weston’s or another, organized to make a -settlement on the shores of Boston Bay and there to open -a trade in furs. He had then had no experience of a New -England winter; though, for that matter, when he afterwards -had repeated experiences of it, they in no way changed -his views of the country. To the last, apparently, he thought -of it as he first saw it during the summer and early autumn -of 1622, when it was a green fresh wilderness, nearly devoid -of inhabitants and literally alive with game.</p> - -<p>News of the utter failure of Weston’s enterprise must have -reached London in the early summer of 1623. Whether -Morton was in any way personally affected thereby does not -appear, though from his allusions to Weston’s treatment -by Robert Gorges at Plymouth, during the winter of 1623-4, -it is not at all improbable that he was.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> During the following -year (1624) he is not heard of; but early in 1625 he had -evidently succeeded in effecting some sort of a combination -which resulted in the Wollaston expedition.</p> - -<p>The partners in this enterprise would seem to have been -the merest adventurers. So far as can be ascertained, they -did not even trouble themselves to take out a patent for the -land on which they proposed to settle,<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> in this respect showing -themselves even more careless than Weston.<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> With the -exception of Morton, they apparently had no practical -knowledge of the country, and their design clearly was to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> -establish themselves wherever they might think good, and -to trade in such way as they saw fit.</p> - -<p>When the party reached its destination in Massachusetts -Bay, they found Wessagusset still occupied by such as were -left of Robert Gorges’s company, who had then been there -nearly two years. They had necessarily, therefore, to establish -themselves elsewhere. A couple of miles or so north of Wessagusset, -on the other side of the Monatoquit, and within the -limits of what is now the town of Quincy, was a place called -by the Indians Passonagessit. The two localities were separated -from each other not only by the river, which here -widens out into a tidal estuary, but by a broad basin which -filled and emptied with every tide, while around it were -extensive salt marshes intersected by many creeks. The upland, -too, was interspersed with tangled swamps lying between -gravel ridges. At Passonagessit the new-comers established -themselves, and the place is still known as Mount -Wollaston.</p> - -<p>In almost all respects Passonagessit was for their purpose -a better locality than Wessagusset. They had come there -to trade. However it may have been with the others, in -Morton’s calculations at least the plantation must have been -a mere incident to the more profitable dealing in peltry. -A prominent position on the shore, in plain view of the -entrance to the bay, would be with him an important consideration. -This was found at Passonagessit. It was a spacious -upland rising gently from the beach and, a quarter of -a mile or so from it, swelling into a low hill.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> It was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> -connected with the interior by any navigable stream, but -Indians coming from thence would easily find their way to -it; and, while a portion of the company could always be -there ready to trade, others of them might make excursions -to all points on the neighboring coast where furs were to be -had. Looking seaward, on the left of the hill was a considerable -tidal creek; in front of it, across a clear expanse of -water a couple of miles or so in width, lay the islands of the -harbor in apparently connected succession. Though the anchoring -grounds among these islands afforded perfect places<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> -of refuge for vessels, Passonagessit itself, as the settlers there -must soon have realized, labored, as a trading-point, under -one serious disadvantage. There was no deep water near -it. Except when the tide was at least half full, the shore -could be approached only in boats. On the other hand, so -far as planting was concerned, the conditions were favorable. -The soil, though light, was very good; and the spot, lying -as it did close to “the Massachusetts fields,” had some years -before been cleared of trees by the Sachem Chickatawbut, -who had made his home there.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> He had, however, abandoned -it at the time when the great pestilence swept away -his tribe, and tradition still points out a small savin-covered -hummock, near Squantum, on the south side of the Neponset, -as his subsequent dwelling-place. Morton says that -Chickatawbut’s mother was buried at Passonagessit, and -that the Plymouth people, on one of their visits, incurred his -enmity by despoiling her grave of its bear skins.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> So far as -the natives were concerned, however, any settlers on the -shores of Boston Bay, after the year 1623, had little cause -for disquietude. They were a thoroughly crushed and broken-spirited -race. The pestilence had left only a few hundred -of the whole Massachusetts tribe, and in 1631 Chickatawbut -had but some fifty or sixty followers.<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> It was a dying -race; and what little courage the pestilence had left them -was effectually and forever crushed out by Miles Standish, -when at Wessagusset, in April, 1623, he put to death seven -of the strongest and boldest of their few remaining men.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p> - -<p>Having selected a site, Wollaston and his party built their -house nearly in the centre of the summit of the hill, on -a gentle westerly slope. It commanded towards the north -and east an unbroken view of the bay and all the entrances -to it; while on the opposite or landward side, some four or -five miles away, rose the heavily-wooded Blue Hills. Across -the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond the intervening -peninsulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Wessagusset was to -the south, across the marshes and creeks, and hidden from -view by forest and uplands.</p> - -<div class="figcenterh" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/zill_t010h.jpg"> -<img src="images/zill_t010.jpg" width="500" height="269" alt="" /> -</a> -<div class="caption"><span class="smcap">Mount Wollaston.</span><a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></div> -</div> - -<p>During their first season, the summer of 1625, Wollaston’s -party must have been fully occupied in the work of building -their houses and laying out their plantation. The winter -followed. A single experience of a winter on that shore -seems to have sufficed for Captain Wollaston, as it had -before sufficed for Captain Gorges. He apparently came to -the conclusion that there was little profit and no satisfaction -for him in that region. Accordingly, during the early months -of 1626, he determined to go elsewhere. The only account of -what now ensued is that contained in Bradford; for Morton -nowhere makes a single allusion to Wollaston or any of his -associates, nor does he give any account of the origin, composition -or purposes of the Wollaston enterprise. His silence -on all these points is, indeed, one of the singular features -in the <i>New Canaan</i>. Such references as he does make are -always to Weston and Weston’s attempt;<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> and he seems to -take pains to confound that attempt with Wollaston’s. Once -only he mentions the number of the party with which he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> -landed,<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> and the fact that it was subsequently dissolved;<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> but -how it came to be dissolved he does not explain. The inference -from this is unavoidable. Morton was free enough -in talking of what he did and saw at Passonagessit, of his -revels there, of how he was arrested, and persecuted out of -the country. That he says not a word of Wollaston or his -other partners must be due to the fact that the subject was -one about which he did not care to commit himself. Nevertheless -Bradford could not but have known the facts, for not -only at a later day was Morton himself for long periods of -time at Plymouth, but when the events of which he speaks -occurred Bradford must have been informed of them by the -Wessagusset people, as well as by Fitcher. As we only -know what Bradford tells us, it can best be given in his own -<span class="lock">words:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Having continued there some time, and not finding things to answer their -expectations, nor profit to arise as they looked for, Captain Wollaston takes a -great part of the servants and transports them to Virginia, where he puts them -off at good rates, selling their time to other men; and writes back to one Mr. -Rasdall, one of his chief partners and accounted their merchant, to bring another -part of them to Virginia likewise; intending to put them off there, as he -had done the rest. And he, with the consent of the said Rasdall, appointed -one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern the remains of the plantation till -he, or Rasdall, returned to take further order thereabout. But this Morton, -abovesaid, having more craft than honesty, in the others’ absence watches an -opportunity, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and got some strong -drink and other junkets, and made them a feast; and after they were merry, -he began to tell them he would give them good counsel. ‘You see,’ saith he, -‘that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this -Rasdall returns, you will also be carried away and sold for slaves with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> -rest. Therefore, I would advise you to thrust out this Lieutenant Fitcher; -and I, having a part in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and -consociates. So may you be free from service; and we will converse, trade, -plant and live together as equals, and support and protect one another:’ or -to like effect. This counsel was easily received, so they took opportunity -and thrust Lieutenant Fitcher out a-doors, and would suffer him to come no -more amongst them; but forced him to seek bread to eat, and other relief, -from his neighbors, till he could get passage for England.”<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p></div> - -<p>Wollaston’s process of depletion to Virginia had reduced -the number of servants at Passonagessit from thirty or thirty-five, -as Morton variously states it,<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> to six at most.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> It was as -the head of these that Morton established himself in control -at Merry-Mount, as he called the place,<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> sometime, it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> -would seem, in the summer of 1626. He had now two distinct -objects in view: one was enjoyment, the other was -profit; and apparently he was quite reckless as to the methods -he pursued in securing either the one or the other. If -he was troubled by his former partners appearing to assert -their rights, as he probably was, no mention is made of it. -There were no courts to appeal to in America, and those of -Europe were far away; nor would it have been easy or -inexpensive to enforce their process in New England. Accordingly -nothing more is heard of Wollaston or Rasdall, -though Bradford does say that Morton was “vehemently -suspected for the murder of a man that had adventured -moneys with him when he first came.”<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> There is a vague -tradition, referred to John Adams, that Wollaston was subsequently -lost at sea;<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> but as a full century must have -elapsed between the occurrence of the event and the birth of -John Adams, this tradition is quite as unreliable as traditions -usually are.</p> - -<p>Passionately fond of field sports, Morton found ample opportunity -for the indulgence of his tastes in New England. -He loved to ramble through the woods with his dog and -gun, or sail in his boat on the bay. The Indians, too, were his -allies, and naturally enough; for not only did he offer them -an open and easy-going market for their furs, but he was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> -companionable with them. They shared in his revels. He -denies that he was in the habit of selling them spirits,<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> but -where spirits were as freely used as Morton’s account shows -they were at Merry-Mount, the Indians undoubtedly had -their share. Nor were his relations confined to the Indian -men. The period of Elizabeth and James I. was one of -probably as much sexual incontinency as any in English -history. Some of the earlier writers on the New England -Indians have spoken of the modesty of the women,—Wood, -in his <i>Prospect</i>, for instance, and Josselyn, in the -second of his <i>Two Voyages</i>.<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Morton, however, is signifi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span>cantly -silent on this point, and the idea of female chastity in -the Indian mind, in the rare cases where it existed at all, -seems to have been of the vaguest possible description.<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> -Morton was not a man likely to be fastidious, and his reference -to the “lasses in beaver coats”<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> is suggestive. Merry-Mount -was unquestionably, so far as temperance and morality -were concerned, by no means a commendable place.<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> - -<p>Morton’s inclination to boisterous revelry culminated at -last in that proceeding which scandalized the Plymouth elders -and has passed into history. In the spring of 1627 he -erected the May-pole of Merry-Mount. To erect these poles -seems at that time to have been a regular English observance, -which even the fishermen on the coast did not neglect. -When, for instance, the forerunners of Weston’s colony at -Wessagusset reached the Damariscove Islands, in the spring -of 1622, the first thing they saw was a May-pole, which the -men belonging to the ships there had newly set up, “and -weare very mery.”<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> There is no room for question that in -England, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> -May-day festivities were associated with a great deal of -license. They were so associated in the minds of Governor -Bradford and his fellows. Christmas was at least a Christian -festivity. Not so May-day. That was distinctly Pagan -in its origin. It represented all there was left of the Saturnalia -and the worship of the Roman courtesan. May-day -and May-day festivities, accordingly, were things to be altogether -reformed. They were by no means the innocent, -grateful welcoming of spring which modern admirers of the -so-called good old times—which, in point of fact, were very -gross and brutal times—are wont to picture to themselves. -“I have heard it credibly reported,” wrote Stubbes in his -<i>Anatomy of Abuses</i>, “(and that <i>viva voce</i>) by men of great -gravitie, credite and reputation, that of fourtie, three score, or -a hundred maides goyng to the woode over night [a-Maying], -there have scarcely the thirde parte of them returned home -againe undefiled.”<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> All this it is necessary to now bear in -mind, lest what Bradford wrote down in his history of Morton’s -doings should seem grotesque. He was speaking of -what represented in his memory a period of uncleanness, a -sort of carnival of the sexes.</p> - -<p>Morton’s own account of the festivities at Merry-Mount -on the May-day of 1627, which came on what would now be -the 11th of the month, will be found in the fourteenth chapter -of the third book of the <i>Canaan</i>.<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> It does not need to -be repeated here. Bradford’s account was very different:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“They allso set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing aboute it many days -togeather, inviting the Indean women, for their consorts, dancing and frisking<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> -togither, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,) and worse practises. As if -they had anew revived and celebrated the feasts of the Roman Goddes Flora, -or the beasly practieses of the madd Bacchinalians. Morton likwise (to shew -his poetrie,) composed sundry rimes and verses, some tending to lasciviousnes, -and others to the detraction and scandall of some persons, which he affixed to -this idle or idoll May-polle.”<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p></div> - -<p>Morton’s verses can be found in their proper place in -the <i>New Canaan</i>, but the principal charge now to be made -against them is their incomprehensibility. Judged even by -the standard of the present day, much more by that of the -day when they were written, they are not open to criticism -because of their “lasciviousnes.” They are decent enough, -though very bad and very dull. As to the “detraction and -scandall of some persons,” alleged against them,—if indeed -they contained anything of the sort,—it was so very carefully -concealed that no one could easily have understood -it then, and Morton’s own efforts at explanation fail to make -it intelligible now.</p> - -<p>The festivities around the May-pole were, however, but -Morton’s amusements. Had he confined himself to these he -might, so far as the people at Plymouth at least were concerned, -to the end of his life have lived on the shores of Boston -Bay, and erected a new pole with each recurring spring. -The only resistance he would have had to overcome would -have been a remonstrance now and then, hardly less comical -than it was earnest. The business methods he pursued were -a more serious matter. He had come to New England to -make money, as well as to enjoy the license of a frontier -life. He was fully alive to the profits of the peltry trade,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> -and in carrying on that trade he was restrained by no -scruples. The furs of course came from the interior, -brought by Indians. In his dealings with the Indians -Morton adopted a policy natural enough for one of his -reckless nature, but which imperilled the existence of every -European on the coast. The two things the savages most -coveted were spirits and guns,—fire-water and fire-arms. -Beads and knives and hatchets and colored cloth served very -well to truck with at first. But these very soon lost their -attraction. Guns and rum never did. For these the Indians -would at any time give whatever they possessed. The trade -in fire-arms had already attained some proportions when, in -1622, it was strictly forbidden by a proclamation of King -James, issued at the instance of the Council for New England. -The companion trade in spirits, less dangerous to the whites -but more destructive to the savages, was looked upon as -scandalous, but it was not prohibited. Morton cared equally -little for either law or morals. He had come to New England -for furs, and he meant to get them.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Hearing what gain the French and fishermen made by trading of pieces, -powder and shot to the Indians, he, as the head of this consortship, began -the practice of the same in these parts. And first he taught them how to use -them, to charge and discharge, and what proportion of powder to give the -piece, according to the size and bigness of the same; and what shot to use -for fowl and what for deer. And having thus instructed them, he employed -some of them to hunt and fowl for him, so as they became far more active in -that employment than any of the English, by reason of their swiftness of foot -and nimbleness of body; being also quick sighted, and by continual exercise -well knowing the haunts of all sorts of game. So as when they saw the execution -that a piece would do, and the benefit that might come by the same, -they became mad, as it were, after them, and would not stick to give any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> -price they could attain to for them; accounting their bows and arrows but -bawbles in comparison of them.”<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p></div> - -<p>This was Bradford’s story, nor does Morton deny it. That -he would have denied it if he could is apparent. The practices -complained of were forbidden by a royal proclamation, -issued at the instance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. In his -speech in defence of the great patent, before the House of -Commons in Committee of the Whole, in 1621, Gorges had -emphatically dwelt on the sale of arms and ammunition to -the savages as an abuse then practised, which threatened the -extinction of the New England settlements.<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Fifteen years -later, when he wrote the <i>New Canaan</i>, Morton was a dependent -of Gorges. The fact that he had dealt in fire-arms, -in contemptuous defiance of the proclamation, was openly -charged against him. He did deny that he had sold the -savages spirits. These, he said, were the life of trade; the -Indians would “pawn their wits” for them, but these he -would never let them have. In the matter of fire-arms, however, -he preserved a discreet and significant silence. He -made no more allusion to them than he did to Wollaston or -his partners at Merry-Mount.</p> - -<p>In the whole record of the early Plymouth settlement, -from the first skirmish with the Cape Cod savages, in December, -1620, to the Wessagusset killing, there is no mention of -a gun being seen in an Indian’s hands. On the contrary, -the savages stood in mortal terror of fire-arms. But now at -last it seemed as if Morton was about not only to put guns -in their hands, but to instruct them in their use.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“This Morton,” says Bradford, “having thus taught them the use of pieces, -he sold them all he could spare; and he and his consorts determined to send -for many out of England, and had by some of the ships sent for above a score. -The which being known, and his neighbors meeting the Indians in the woods -armed with guns in this sort, it was a terror unto them, who lived straglingly, -and were of no strength in any place. And other places (though more remote) -saw this mischief would quickly spread over all, if not prevented. -Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would entertain -any, how vile soever, and all the scum of the country, or any discontents, -would flock to him from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they -should stand in more fear of their lives and goods (in short time) from this -wicked and debauched crew than from the savages themselves.”<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p></div> - -<p>Thus, in the only branches of trade the country then -afforded, Morton was not only pressing all the other settlers -hard, but he was pressing them in an unfair way. If the -savages could exchange their furs for guns, they would not -exchange them for anything else. Those not prepared to -give guns might withdraw from the market. The business, -too, conducted in this way, was a most profitable one. Morton -says that in the course of five years one of his servants -was thought to have accumulated, in the trade in beaver -skins, no less than a thousand pounds;<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> and a thousand -pounds in 1635 was more than the equivalent of ten thousand -now. This statement was undoubtedly an exaggeration; -yet it is evident that at even ten shillings a pound in -England, which Morton gives as the current price, though -Bradford says he never knew it less than fourteen, beaver -skins, which cost little or nothing in America, yielded a large -profit. As Morton expressed it, his plantation “beganne to -come forward.”<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> When, in 1625, the Plymouth people<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> -found their way up into Maine,<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> and first opened a trade -with the savages there, Morton was not slow in following -them. In 1628 they established a permanent station on the -Kennebec,<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> yet apparently as early at least as 1627, if not in -1626, Morton had forestalled them there, and hindered them -of a season’s furs.<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p> - -<p>The injury done to the other settlers in a trading point of -view, however, serious as it unquestionably was, became insignificant -in comparison with the consequences which must -result to them from the presence on the coast of such a resort -as Merry-Mount. The region was vast, and in it there was -no pretence of any government. It was the yearly rendezvous -of a rough and lawless class of men, only one step removed -from freebooters, who cared for nothing except immediate -gain. Once let such a gathering-place as that of which -Morton was now head become fixed and known, and soon it -would develop into a nest of pirates. Of this there could be -no doubt; the Plymouth people had good cause for the -alarm which Bradford expressed. It mattered not whether -Morton realized the consequences of what he was doing, or -failed to realize them; the result would be the same.</p> - -<p>It gradually, therefore, became apparent to all those dwelling -along the coast, from the borders of Maine to Cape Cod, -that either the growing nuisance at Merry-Mount must be -abated, or they would have to leave the country. The course -to be pursued in regard to it was, however, not equally clear. -The number of the settlements along the coast had considerably -increased since Wollaston’s arrival.<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The Hiltons and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> -David Thomson had established themselves at Dover Neck -and Piscataqua as early as 1623; and sometime in 1625 -apparently, Thomson, bringing with him his young wife and -a servant or two, had moved down into Boston Bay, and -established himself, only a mile or two away from Mount -Wollaston, on the island which still bears his name. He -had died a little while after, and in 1628 his widow was -living there alone, with one child and some servants. In -1625 or 1626 the Wessagusset settlement had divided. -Those of Gorges’s following who remained there had never -been wholly satisfied. It was no place for trade. Accordingly -Blackstone, Maverick and Walford, the two last being -married and taking their wives with them, had moved across -the bay, and established themselves respectively at Shawmut -or Boston, at Noddle’s Island or East Boston, and at Mishawum -or Charlestown. Jeffreys, Bursley and some others had -remained at Wessagusset, and were Morton’s neighbors at -that place, whom he says he was in the custom of visiting -from time to time, “to have the benefit of company.”<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> At -Hull, already known by that name,<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> there were the Grays and -a few other settlers. These had been joined by Lyford and -Oldham and their friends, when the latter were expelled from -Plymouth in the spring of 1625; but the next year, finding -the place probably an uninviting one, Lyford had crossed -over to Cape Ann, and thence a year later passed on to -Virginia. Oldham still remained at Nantasket.</p> - -<p>Such were those neighbors of Morton, the chiefs of the -straggling plantations, referred to by Bradford as being of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> -“no strength in any place.” Together they may possibly -have numbered from fifty to an hundred souls. The Plymouth -settlement was, comparatively speaking, organized and -numerous, consisting as it did of some two hundred persons, -dwelling in about forty houses, which were protected by a -stockade of nearly half a mile in length. Nevertheless even -there, by the summer of 1627, the alarm at the increase of -fire-arms in the hands of the savages began to be very great. -They had spread “both north and south all the land over,”<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> -and it was computed that the savages now possessed at least -sixty pieces. One trader alone, it was reported, had sold -them a score of guns and an hundred weight of ammunition. -Bradford thus takes up the <span class="lock">story:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“So sundry of the chiefs of the straggling plantations, meeting together, -agreed by mutual consent, to solicit those of Plymouth, (who were then of -more strength than them all,) to join with them to prevent the further growth -of this mischief, and suppress Morton and his consorts before they grew to -further head and strength. Those that joined in this action, (and after contributed -to the charge of sending him to England,) were from Piscataqua, -Naumkeag, Winnisimmet, Wessagusset, Nantasket, and other places where any -English were seated. Those of Plymouth being thus sought to by their messengers -and letters, and weighing both their reasons and the common danger, -were willing to afford them their help, though themselves had least cause of -fear or hurt. So, to be short, they first resolved jointly to write to him, and, -in a friendly and neighborly way, to admonish him to forbear these courses; -and sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so -high as he scorned all advice, and asked—Who had to do with him?—he had -and would trade pieces with the Indians in despite of all: with many other -scurrilous terms full of disdain.</p> - -<p>“They sent to him a second time, and bade him be better advised, and -more temperate in his terms, for the country could not bear the injury he did;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> -it was against their common safety, and against the King’s proclamation. He -answered in high terms, as before; and that the King’s proclamation was no -law: demanding, what penalty was upon it? It was answered, more than he -could bear, his Majesty’s displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said -the King was dead, and his displeasure with him; and many the like things; -and threatened, withal, that if any came to molest him, let them look to themselves; -for he would prepare for them.”<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p></div> - -<p>However it may have been with the position he took as a -matter of public policy, Morton at least showed himself in -this dispute better versed in the law of England than those -who admonished him. On the first of the two points made -by him he was clearly right. King James’s proclamation was -not law. This had been definitely decided more than fifteen -years before, when in 1610, in a case referred to all the -judges, Lord Coke, in reporting their decision, had stated -on his own authority that “the King cannot create any -offence, by his prohibition or proclamation, which was not -an offence before, for that was to change the law, and to -make an offence, which was not; for <i>ubi non est lex, ibi non -est transgressio</i>; <i>ergo</i>, that which cannot be punished without -proclamation cannot be punished with it.”<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p> - -<p>In regard to the second point made by Morton, that the -King’s proclamation died with him, the same distinction -between statutes and proclamations, that the former were of -perpetual obligation until repealed and that the latter lost -their force on the demise of the crown,—this distinction was, -a century and a half later, stated by Hume<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> to have existed -in James’s time. Lord Chief Justice Campbell has, how<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span>ever, -exclaimed against the statement as a display of ignorant -“audacity,” and declares that he was unable to find -in the authorities a trace of any such doctrine.<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> On this -point, therefore, the law of Thomas Morton was probably as -bad as that of David Hume. Nevertheless the passage in -Bradford affords a curious bit of evidence that some such -distinction as that drawn by Hume, though it may not have -got into the books, did exist in both the legal and the public -mind of the first half of the seventeenth century.</p> - -<p>Whether Morton’s law on the subject of proclamations -was or was not found mattered little however. It was not -then to be debated, as the question with the settlers was one -of self-preservation. The Plymouth magistrates had gone -too far to stop. If they even hesitated, now, there was an -end to all order in New England. Morton would not be -slow to realize that he had faced them down, and his insolence -would in future know no bounds.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of the Governor of -Plymouth to send Captain Standish, and some other aid with him, to take -Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they found him to -stand stiffly in his defence, having made fast his doors, armed his consorts, -set divers dishes of powder and bullets ready on the table; and, if they had -not been over armed with drink, more hurt might have been done. They -summoned him to yield, but he kept his house, and they could get nothing -but scoffs and scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would do some -violence to the house, he and some of his crew came out, but not to yield, -but to shoot. But they were so steeled with drink as their pieces were too -heavy for them; himself, with a carbine (overcharged and almost half filled -with powder and shot, as was after found) had thought to have shot Captain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> -Standish; but he stept to him, and put by his piece and took him. Neither -was there any hurt done to any of either side, save that one was so drunk that -he ran his own nose upon the point of a sword that one held before him as -he entered the house; but he lost but a little of his hot blood.”<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p></div> - -<p>Morton’s own account of “this outragious riot,” as he -calls it, is contained in the fifteenth chapter of the third -book of the <i>New Canaan</i>.<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> It differs considerably from -Bradford’s, but not in essentials. He says that the occurrence -took place in June; and as Bradford’s letters of explanation, -sent with the prisoner to England, are dated the 9th -of June,<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> it must have been quite early in the month. He -further says that he was captured in the first place at Wessagusset, -“where by accident they found him;” but escaping -thence during the night, through the carelessness of those -set on guard over him, he made his way in the midst of a -heavy thunder-storm to Mount Wollaston, going up the -Monatoquit until he could cross it. The whole distance from -point to point was, for a person familiar with the country, -perhaps eight miles. Getting home early the next morning -he made his preparations for resistance in the way described -by Bradford. Of the whole party at Merry-Mount -more than half, four apparently, were then absent in the -interior getting furs. This fact, indeed, was probably well -known to his neighbors, who had planned the arrest accordingly. -Standish, having eight men with him, followed -Morton round to Mount Wollaston, probably by water, the -morning succeeding his escape; and what ensued seems to -have been sufficiently well described by Bradford. One at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> -least of the Merry-Mount garrison got extremely tipsy before -the attacking party appeared, and Morton, seeing that resistance -was hopeless, surrendered, after in vain trying to make -some terms for himself.</p> - -<p>Having been arrested he was at once carried to Plymouth, -and a council was held there to decide upon the disposition -to be made of him. According to his own account certain -of the magistrates, among whom he specially names Standish, -advocated putting him to death at once, and so ending -the matter. They were not in favor of sending him to -England. Such a course as this was, however, wholly out -of keeping with the character of the Plymouth colony, and -it is tolerably safe to say that it was never really proposed. -Morton imagined it; but he also circumstantially asserts that -when milder councils prevailed, and it was decided to send -him to England, Standish was so enraged that he threatened -to shoot him with his own hand, as he was put into the -boat.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a></p> - -<p>Either because they did not care to keep him at Plymouth -until he could be sent away, or because an outward-bound -fishing-vessel was more likely at that season to be -found at the fishing-stations, Morton was almost immediately -sent to the Isles of Shoals. He remained there a month; -and of his experiences during that time he gives a wholly -unintelligible account in the <i>New Canaan</i>.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> At last a chance -offered of sending him out in a fishing-vessel bound to -old Plymouth, England. He went under charge of John -Oldham, who was chosen to represent the associated planters<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> -in this matter, and who carried two letters, in the nature of -credentials, prepared by Governor Bradford, the one addressed -to the Council for New England and the other to -Sir Ferdinando Gorges personally.<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> In these letters Bradford -set forth in detail the nature of the offences charged -against Morton, and asked that he might be brought “to his -answer before those whom it may concern.” These letters -were signed by the chiefs of the several plantations, at whose -common charge the expenses of Oldham’s mission, as well -as Standish’s arrest, were defrayed, and towards this charge -they contributed as follows, though Bradford says the total -cost was much <span class="lock">more:—</span></p> - - - -<div class="center"> -<table class="right" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td></td><td></td><td>£</td><td>s</td></tr> -<tr><td>From</td><td class="left">Plymouth,</td><td>2</td><td>10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="center">„</td><td class="left">Naumkeag,</td><td>1</td><td>10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="center">„</td><td class="left">Piscataqua,</td><td>2</td><td>10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="center">„</td><td class="left">Wessagusset,</td><td>2</td></tr> -<tr><td class="center">„</td><td class="left">Nantasket,</td><td>1</td><td>10</td></tr> -<tr><td class="center">„</td><td class="left">David Thomson’s widow,</td><td></td><td>15</td></tr> -<tr><td class="center">„</td><td class="left">William Blackstone,</td><td></td><td>12</td></tr> -<tr><td class="center">„</td><td class="left">Edward Hilton,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></td><td>1</td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2"></td><td class="total">£12</td><td class="total">7</td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span></p> - -<p>Oldham and Morton reached Plymouth during the later -summer or early autumn of 1628. They must, therefore, -have passed the outward-bound expedition of Endicott, the -forerunners of the great Puritan migration of 1630-7, in -mid-ocean, as on the 6th of September the latter reached -Naumkeag. The grant of the Massachusetts Company, which -Endicott represented, had been regularly obtained from the -Council for New England, and bore date the 19th of March, -1628. It covered the sea-front within the space of three -English miles to the northward of the Merrimack and to -the southward of the Charles, “or of any and every part of -either of these streams;” while it extended “from the Atlantick -and Western Sea and Ocean on the East Parte, to -the South Sea on the West Parte.” It also included everything -lying within the space of three miles to the southward -of the southernmost part of Massachusetts, by which was -meant Boston Bay.<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> It was clear, therefore, that Mount -Wollaston was included in this grant.</p> - -<p>Morton’s establishment was thus brought within Endicott’s -government. Its existence and character must already have -been well known in England, and it is not at all improbable -that its suppression had been there decided upon. Whether -this was so or not, however, Endicott certainly learned, as -soon as he landed at Naumkeag, of the action which had -been taken three months before. It commended itself to -him; though he doubtless regretted that more condign pun<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span>ishment -had not been administered to Morton and his crew -on the spot, and did not delay to take such steps as were -still in his power, to make good what in this respect had -been lacking. As Bradford says, “visiting those parts [he] -caused that May-polle to be cutt downe, and rebuked them -for their profannes, and admonished them to looke ther -should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed -the name of their place againe, and called it Mounte-Dagon.”<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p> - -<p>Morton and Oldham, meanwhile, were in England. As -Oldham bore letters to Gorges and landed at Plymouth, of -which place the latter then was and for many years had -been the royal governor, there can be no doubt that Morton -was at once brought before him. As respects New England -Gorges’s curiosity was insatiable. Any one who came -from there, whether a savage or a sea-captain, was eagerly -questioned by him; and his collection of charts, memoirs, -letters, journals and memorials, relating to the discovery of -those parts, is said to have been unequalled.<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> Oldham and -Morton had lived there for years. They knew all that was -then known about the country and its resources. They both -of them had unlimited faith in its possibilities, and talked -about an hundred per cent profit within the year, as if it -were a thing easily compassed.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> Talk of this kind Gorges -liked to hear. It suited his temperament; and it would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> -seem not improbable that Morton soon found this out, and -bore himself accordingly.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile it was not possible for the Council for New -England and the Massachusetts Company to long move in -harmony. The former was an association of courtiers, and -the latter one of Puritans. The Council planned to create -in the New World a score or two of great feudal domains -for English noblemen; the Company proposed to itself a -commonwealth there. Accordingly difficulties between the -two at once began to crop out. The original grant to the -Company of March 19, 1628, had been made by the Council, -with the assent of Gorges. The tract already conceded to -Robert Gorges, in 1622, was included in it; but Sir Ferdinando -insisted that the subsequent and larger grant was -made with a distinct saving of all rights vested under the -prior one.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> This the Company was not prepared to admit; -and, as the business of the Council was habitually done in a -careless slipshod way, the record was by no means clear. A -question of title, involving some three hundred square miles -of territory in the heart of the Company’s grant, was therefore -raised at once.</p> - -<p>Captain Robert Gorges meanwhile had died, and the title -to his grant had passed to his brother John. It would seem -that Oldham, who was a pushing man, had come out to England -with some scheme of his own for obtaining a patent -from the Council, and organizing a strong trading company -to operate under it. The result was that John Gorges now -deeded to him a portion of the Robert Gorges grant, being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> -the whole region lying between the Charles and the Saugus -rivers, for a distance of five miles from the coast on the -former and three miles on the latter. This deed may and -probably did bear a date, January 10, 1629, similar to that -of another deed of a yet larger tract out of the same grant, -which John Gorges executed to Sir William Brereton. -The lands thus conveyed were distinctly within the limits -covered by the grant to the Massachusetts Company, and a -serious question of title was raised. The course now pursued -by the Company could not but have been singularly -offensive to Gorges. They outgeneralled him in his own -field of action. They too had friends at court. Accordingly -they went directly to the throne. A royal confirmation -of their grant from the Council was solicited and -obtained. On the 4th of March, 1629, King Charles’s charter -of the Massachusetts Company passed the seals.</p> - -<p>It now became a race, for the actual possession of the disputed -territory, between the representatives of the Company -on the one side and the Gorges grantees on the other. The -former, under advice of counsel, denied the validity of the -Robert Gorges grant of 1622. It was, they claimed, void -in law, being “loose and uncertain.”<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> They instructed Endicott -to hurry a party forward to effect an actual occupation. -This he at once did; and the settlement of Charlestown, -in the summer of 1629, was the result. Meanwhile -Oldham, having in vain tried to coax or browbeat the Company -into an arrangement satisfactory to himself, was endeavoring -to fit out an expedition of his own.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> He had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> -not the means at his disposal; and, convinced of this at last, -he gave up the contest.</p> - -<p>At an early stage in these proceedings he would seem -to have wholly lost sight of so much of the business he -had in hand as related to Thomas Morton. Bradford’s -expression, in referring to what took place, is that Morton -“foold” Oldham.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> Morton himself, however, says<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> that Oldham -did the best he could, and tried to set the officers of the -law at work, but was advised that Morton had committed -no crime of which the English courts could take cognizance. -He had at most only disregarded a proclamation. All this -seems very probable. Nevertheless, for violating a proclamation, -he could at that time have been proceeded against -in the Star Chamber. It is true that in their decision in -1610, already referred to,<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> the twelve judges had said, “Lastly, -if the offence be not punishable in the Star Chamber, the -prohibition of it by proclamation cannot make it punishable -there.”<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> This, however, was the language of the bench in -the days of James, when Coke was Chief Justice. In 1629 -the current of opinion was running strongly in the opposite -direction. Sir Nicholas Hyde, as Chief Justice, was then -“setting law and decency at defiance” in support of prerogative,<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> -and a few years later Sir John Finch was to announce -“that while he was Keeper no man should be so -saucy as to dispute these orders” of the Lords of the -Council.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Law or no law, therefore, Morton could easily<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> -have been held to a severe account in the Star Chamber, -had Gorges been disposed to press matters against him there. -He clearly was not so disposed. The inference, therefore, is -that Morton had succeeded in thoroughly ingratiating himself -with Gorges; and Oldham, as he was now a grantee of -Gorges’s son, did not see his account in pressing matters. -Accordingly Bradford’s letters and complaints were quietly -ignored; and his “lord of misrule,” and head of New England’s -first “schoole of Athisme,”<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> escaped without, so far as -could be discovered, even a rebuke for his misdeeds.</p> - -<p>Nor was this all. Isaac Allerton was at that time in -London, as the agent of the Plymouth colony. The most -important business he had in hand was to procure a new -patent for the Plymouth people, covering by correct bounds -a grant on the Kennebec, with which region they were now -opening a promising trade. They also wanted to secure, if -possible, a royal charter for themselves like that which had -just been issued to the Massachusetts Company. In the -matter of the patent, Allerton had to deal with the Council -for New England; the granting of the charter lay at Whitehall. -Altogether it was a troublesome and vexatious business, -and the agent soon found that he could make no headway -except through favor. The influence of Gorges became -necessary. In the light of subsequent events it would seem -altogether probable that Morton now made himself useful. -At any rate, when Allerton returned to New England, in -1629, with the patent but without a charter, he astonished -and scandalized the Plymouth community by bringing Mor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span>ton -back with him. They apparently landed sometime in -August,<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> and we have two accounts of Morton’s reception at -Plymouth; one his own, and the other Governor Bradford’s. -Both are characteristic. Morton says that</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Being ship’d againe for the parts of New Canaan, [he] was put in at -Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible amazement to see him -at liberty; and [they] told him hee had not yet fully answered the matter they -could object against him. Hee onely made this modest reply, that he did -perceave they were willfull people, that would never be answered: and he derided -them for their practises and losse of laboure.”<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p></div> - -<p>Bradford, looking at the transaction from the other point -of view, <span class="lock">says:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Mr. Allerton gave them great and just ofence in bringing over this year, -for base gaine, that unworthy man, and instrumente of mischeefe, Morton, who -was sent home but the year before for his misdemenors. He not only -brought him over, but to the towne, (as it were to nose them,) and lodged him -at his owne house, and for a while used him as a scribe to doe his bussines.”<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p></div> - -<p>In view of Morton’s escape from all punishment in England, -and his return a little later to Mount Wollaston, Bradford -speaks of the trouble and charge of his arrest as having -been incurred “to little effect.”<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> This, however, was -not so. On the contrary, it is not often that an act of government -repression produces effects equally decisive. The -nuisance was abated and the danger dispelled; the fact that -there was a power on the coast, ready to assert itself in the -work of maintaining order, was established and had to be -recognized; and, finally, a wholly unscrupulous competitor<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> -was driven out of trade. These results were well worth all -that Morton’s arrest cost, and much more.</p> - -<p>It does not appear how long Morton now remained at -Plymouth. It could not, however, have been more than a -few weeks before Allerton, who himself went back to England -the same season, was, as Bradford puts it, “caused to -pack him away.” He then returned to Mount Wollaston, -where he seems to have found a remnant of his old company,—apparently -the more modest of them and such as -had looked to their better walking. Hardly, however, had -he well gotten back when he was in trouble with Endicott. -The first difficulty arose out of the jealousy which existed -between the “old planters,” as they were called, and those -who belonged to the Massachusetts Company. The old -planters were the very men who had associated themselves, -eighteen months before, to bring about the suppression of -the establishment at Mount Wollaston. Now they also were -beginning to feel the pressure of authority, and they did -not like it. In their helpless anger they even spoke of themselves -as “slaves” of the new Company.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> They could no -longer plant what they chose or trade with whom they -pleased.</p> - -<p>On these points Endicott had explicit instructions. They -were contained in the letters of Cradock of April 17 and -May 28, 1629, which are to be found in Young’s <i>Chronicles -of Massachusetts</i>, and contain the policy of the company, set -forth in clear vigorous English. In pursuance of those instructions, -Endicott seems to have summoned all the old<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> -planters dwelling within the limits of the patent to meet in a -General Court at Salem, sometime in the latter part of 1629. -There he doubtless advised them as to the policy which the -Company intended to pursue; and Morton says that he -then tendered all present for signature certain articles which -he and the Rev. Samuel Skelton had drawn up together. -The essence of those articles was that in all causes, ecclesiastical -as well as political, the tenor of God’s word should be -followed.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> The alternative was banishment.</p> - -<p>Morton claims that he alone of those present refused to -put his hand to this paper, insisting that a proviso should -first be added in these words, “So as nothing be done contrary -or repugnant to the laws of the Kingdom of England.” -These are almost the exact words of King Charles’s charter;<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> -and it would seem as though Morton, in proposing them, -sought an opportunity to display his legal acumen. Whether -his suggestion was adopted, and the articles modified accordingly, -does not appear. It probably was, though the -change was not one which Endicott would have looked -upon with favor. If he assented to it he certainly did so -grimly. The matter of regulating the trade in beaver skins -was next brought up. This was intended to be a Company -monopoly, to meet the charge of providing churches and -forts.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> It was accordingly proposed that a sort of general -partnership for the term of one year should be effected to -carry it on. Morton says that on this matter also he stood -out, and it seems altogether probable that he did. It is -safe to say that he was there to make whatever trouble he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> -could. On the other hand it was not possible for Endicott -to mistake his instructions. They were as plain as words -could make them. He was to see to it that “none be partakers -of [the Company’s] privileges and profits, but such as -be peaceable men, and of honest life and conversation, and -desirous to live amongst us, and conform themselves to good -order and government.” And further, if any factious spirit -developed itself he was enjoined “to suppress a mischief -before it take too great a head ... which, if it may be -done by a temperate course, we much desire it, though with -some inconvenience, so as our government and privileges be -not brought in contempt.... But if necessity require a -more severe course, when fair means will not prevail, we -pray you to deal as in your discretions you shall think fittest.” -Such instructions as these, in Endicott’s hands to execute, -boded ill for Morton.</p> - -<p>Matters soon came to a crisis. Morton paid no regard to -the Company’s trade regulations. The presumption is that he -was emboldened to take the course he now did by the belief -that he would find support in England. He unquestionably -was informed as to all the details of the trouble between the -Massachusetts Company and the Council for New England, -and knew that Oldham, whom he by the way speaks of as -“a mad Jack in his mood,”<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> held a grant from John Gorges, -and was straining every nerve to come out and take adverse -possession of the territory covered by it. He probably hoped, -day by day, to see Oldham appear at the head of a Gorges -expedition. There is reason to suppose that he was himself<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> -at this time an agent of Gorges,—that, indeed, he had come -back to New England as such, and was playing a part very -much like that of a spy. He was certainly in such correspondence -with Sir Ferdinando as the means of communication -permitted, and the confidant of his plans.<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> - -<p>When, therefore, he offered all the opposition to Endicott -which he dared, and thwarted him so far as he could, he was -not acting for himself alone. He represented, in a degree at -least, what in England was a powerful combination. Accordingly, -with an over-confidence in the result born of his sanguine -faith in the power and influence of his patron, he now -seems to have gone back to the less objectionable of his old -courses. He did not renew the trade in fire-arms and ammunition, -for he probably had none to spare, and experience -had taught him how dangerous it was. He did, however, -deal with the savages as he saw fit, and on his own account, -openly expressing his contempt for Endicott’s authority, and -doing all he could to excite the jealousy and discontent of -the “old planters.”<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> His own profits at this time were, he -says, six and seven fold.</p> - -<p>This state of things could not continue. Accordingly, as -the year drew to a close, Endicott made an effort to arrest -him. Morton, however, was now on his guard. Getting -wind of what was intended, he concealed his ammunition -and most necessary goods in the forest; and, when the messengers, -sent across the bay to seize him, landed on the -beach at the foot of Mount Wollaston, he was nowhere to -be found. He says that they ransacked his house, and took<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> -from it all the provender they could find; but when they -were gone he replenished his supplies with the aid of his -gun, and “did but deride Captain Littleworth, that made -his servants snap shorte in a country so much abounding -with plenty of foode for an industrious man.” This happened -about Christmas, 1629.<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p> - -<p>Could Endicott now have laid hands upon him there can -be little room for doubt that Morton would have been summarily -dealt with; but for the present the deputy-governor’s -attention was otherwise occupied. This was that -winter of 1629-30, the famine and sickness of which came so -near to bringing the Salem settlement to a premature end. -During that struggle for existence the magistrate had no -time to attend to Morton’s case. But he was not the man -to forget it.</p> - -<p>With the following summer the great migration, which -was to fix the character of New England, began. Instead -of a vessel fitted out for Oldham under the patronage of -Gorges, the <i>Mary & John</i>, chartered by the Massachusetts -Company and having on board 140 passengers from the -West of England, anchored off Hull on the 30th of May. -A fortnight later Governor Winthrop reached Salem, and -on the 17th of June he also came into Boston Harbor; and -Morton, from Mount Wollaston, must have watched his -vessel with anxious eyes as, in full view from his house, it -made its way up the channel to the mouth of the Mystic. -He must also have realized that its appearance in those -waters boded him no good.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span></p> -<p>In a few days more the whole fleet, numbering twelve -sail in all, was at anchor off Charlestown, and the work of discharging -passengers was going actively on. Of these there -were nearly a thousand;<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> and now the busy and fatal summer -experience of 1630 was fairly entered upon.</p> - -<p>For a few weeks longer Morton continued to live undisturbed -at Mount Wollaston. The confusion and bustle of -landing, and afterwards the terror and sense of bereavement -which followed hard on pestilence, protected him. It was -not until the 23d of August, or the present 2d of September, -that the magistrates held any formal session. They then met -at the great house at Charlestown,<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> as it would seem, Winthrop, -Dudley, Saltonstall, Pynchon, Bradstreet and others -being present. After some more important business had been -disposed of, “It was ordered, that Morton, of Mount Woolison, -should presently be sent for by processe.”<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> Of the circumstances -of his arrest under the warrant thus issued Morton -has given no account. Apparently he felt it was useless to -try to evade the messengers, and resistance was wholly out of -the question. At the next session of the magistrates, held -two weeks later, on what would now be the 17th of September, -he was formally arraigned. In addition to those already -named as being at the earlier meeting, Endicott was now -present. He had probably come down from Salem to give -his personal attention to Morton’s case. It must from the -outset have been apparent to the prisoner that the tribunal -before which he stood was one from which he had nothing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> -to hope. The proceedings were in fact summary. It would -seem, from his own account of them,<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> that he endeavored to -humble himself, and, that failing, he made a sort of plea to -the jurisdiction of the Court. Neither submission nor plea -produced any effect. On the contrary he was apparently -cut short in his defence and his protest by impatient exclamations, -and even bidden to hold his peace and hearken to -his sentence. It appears in the records as <span class="lock">follows:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“It is ordered by this present Court, that Thomas Morton, of Mount Walliston, -shall presently be sett into the bilbowes, and after sent prisoner into -England, by the shipp called the <i>Gifte</i>, nowe returning thither; that all his -goods shalbe seazed upon to defray the charge of his transportation, payment -of his debts, and to give satisfaction to the Indians for a cannoe hee unjustly -tooke away from them; and that his howse, after the goods are taken out, shalbe -burnt downe to the ground in the sight of the Indians, for their satisfaction, -for many wrongs hee hath done them from tyme to tyme.”<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p></div> - -<p>Unfortunately, Winthrop’s admonitory remarks in imposing -this sentence have not been preserved. There is, however, -in the <i>New Canaan</i>, an expression which apparently -formed a part of them.<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> It is that in which it is assigned as -a reason for the destruction of the house at Mount Wollaston, -that “the habitation of the wicked should no more -appear in Israel.” In compliance with the terms of this -sentence, Morton was set in the stocks; and while there, he -tells us, the savages came and looked at him, and wondered -what it all meant. He was not, however, sent back to England -in the <i>Gift</i>, as the master of that vessel declined to -carry him; for what reason does not appear. It was not in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> -fact until nearly four months after his arrest that a passage -was secured for him in the <i>Handmaid</i>. Even then, Maverick -afterwards stated that Morton, obdurate to the last, -refused to go on board the vessel, upon the ground that he -had no call to go there, and so had to be hoisted over her -side by a tackle.<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> His house also was burned down; but the -execution of this part of his sentence, he asserts,—and his -assertion is confirmed by Maverick,—was vindictively delayed -until he was on his way into banishment, when it was -executed rather in his sight, it would seem, than in that of -the savages. Of the voyage to England there is an account -in the <i>New Canaan</i> that is rather more rambling and incoherent -than is usual even with Morton.<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> - -<p>The <i>Handmaid</i> appears to have been unseaworthy, and -insufficiently supplied. She had a long and tempestuous -passage, in the course of which Morton came very near -starving, no provision having been made for his subsistence -except a very inadequate one out of his own supplies.</p> - -<p>The second arrest of Morton was equally defensible with -the first. According to his own account he had systematically -made himself a thorn in Endicott’s side. He had -refused to enter into any covenants, whether for trade or -government, and he had openly derided the magistrate and -eluded his messengers. This could not be permitted. He -dwelt within the limits of the Massachusetts charter, and the -Company was right when it instructed Endicott that all living -there “must live under government and a like law.” -It was necessary, therefore, that Morton should either give in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> -his adhesion, or that he should be compelled to take himself -off. This, however, was not the ground which the magistrates -took. Nothing was said in the sentence of any disregard of -authority or disobedience to regulation. No reference was -made to any illicit dealings with the Indians, or to the trade -in fire-arms. Offences of this kind would have justified the -extreme severity of a sentence which went to the length of -ignominious physical punishment, complete confiscation of -property and banishment; leaving only whipping, mutilation -or death uninflicted. No such offences were alleged. -Those which were alleged, on the contrary, were of the most -trivial character. They were manifestly trumped up for the -occasion. The accused had unjustly taken away a canoe from -some Indians; he had fired a charge of shot among a troop -of them who would not ferry him across a river, wounding one -and injuring the garments of another; he was “a proud, insolent -man” against whom a “multitude of complaints were -received, for injuries done by him both to the English and -the Indians.”<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> Those specified, it may be presumed, were -examples of the rest. They amount to nothing at all, and -were afterwards very fitly characterized by Maverick as -mere pretences. Apparently conscious of this, Dudley, the -deputy-governor, in referring to the matter a few months -later in his letter to the Countess of Lincoln, says that -Morton was sent to England “for that my Lord Chief -Justice there so required, that he might punish him capitally -for fouler misdemeanors there perpetrated.” Bradford -also, in referring to the matter, states that Morton was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> -“vehemently suspected” of a murder, and that “a warrant -was sent from the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend him.”<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a></p> - -<p>There can be no doubt that there was a warrant from the -King’s Bench against Morton in Winthrop’s hands,<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> but in -all probability it was nothing more nor less than a sort of -English <i>lettre de cachet</i>. Morton’s record in New England -was perfectly well known in London at the time Winthrop -was making his preparations to cross. His relations with -Oldham and Gorges must often have been discussed at the -assistants’ meetings, and they were not ignorant of the fact -that he had gone back to Plymouth with Allerton. They -must have suspected that he went back as an agent or emissary -of Gorges, and they may have known that he so went -back. In any event, they did not propose to have him live -within the limits of their patent. He was an undesirable -character. The warrant, therefore, was probably obtained -in advance, on some vague report or suspicion of a criminal -act, to be at hand and ready for use when needed.<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> It could -not legally run into New England, any more than it could -into Scotland or Ireland.<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> Then, and at no later time, would -Winthrop have recognized it in any other case; and, even -in this case, no reference is made to it in the colony records. -Had it been so referred to, it might have been cited as a -precedent.</p> - -<p>Moreover such a requisition, though it might have warranted -the return of Morton to England, certainly did not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> -warrant the confiscation of all his property and the burning -of his house in advance of trial and conviction there. In -point of fact the requisition was a mere pretext and cover. -The Massachusetts magistrates, so far as Morton was concerned, -had made up their minds before he stood at their bar. -He was not only a “libertine,” as they termed it, but he was -suspected of being a spy. His presence at Mount Wollaston -they did not consider desirable, and so they proposed to purge -the country of him; and if not in one way, then in another. -His case is not singular in Massachusetts annals; it is merely -the first of its kind. It established a precedent much too -often followed thereafter. Morton was one of those who, as -it was expressed in a tract of the time printed in London, -“must have elbow-roome, and cannot abide to be so pinioned -with the strict government in the Commonwealth, or discipline -in the church. Now why should such live there? As -Ireland will not brooke venomous beasts, so will not that -land [New England] vile persons and loose livers.”<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> - -<p>Many times, in the years which followed, the country was -purged of other of these “vile persons and loose livers,” in -much the same way that it was now purged of Morton. It -may, however, well be questioned whether it ever derived benefit -from the process. Certainly Morton’s case was as strong -as any case well could be. There was absolutely nothing to -be said in his favor. He was a lawless, reckless, immoral -adventurer. And yet, as the result will show, in sending Morton -back to England, the victim of high-handed justice, the -Massachusetts magistrates committed a serious blunder. They<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> -had much better have left him alone under the harrow of -their authority. At Mount Wollaston he was at worst but a -nuisance. They drove him away from there and sent him -back to London; and at Whitehall he became a real danger. -This part of history is now to be told.</p> - -<p>Bradford says, and he is generally correct in his statements, -that when at last Morton reached England “he lay -a good while in Exeter jail.”<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> There is no allusion to anything -of the sort in the <i>New Canaan</i>; and it would not seem -that he could have been very long a prisoner, as the next -assizes and jail-delivery must have set him free. There could -have been nothing on which to make him stand a trial. -Accordingly the following year he was at liberty and busily -concerned in Gorges’s intrigues for the overthrow of the -Massachusetts charter.</p> - -<p>The house in which Gorges lived—as formerly it had -been the point of gathering of all who had visited the American -coast, or could add anything to the stock of information -concerning it—was now the headquarters for those who had -any complaint to make or charges to prefer against the -magistracy of Massachusetts. Acting in concert with Captain -John Mason, the patentee of New Hampshire, he was exerting -himself to the utmost to secure a revocation of King Charles’s -charter. The attack was made on the 19th of December, -1632, and it was a formidable one. It assumed the shape of -a petition to the Privy Council, asking the Lords to inquire -into the methods through which the royal charter for the -Massachusetts Bay had been procured, and into the abuses<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> -which had been practised under it. Besides many injuries -inflicted on individuals in their property and persons, the -Company was also charged with seditious and rebellious -designs, subversive alike of church and of state. The various -allegations were based on the affidavits of three witnesses,—Thomas -Morton, Philip Ratcliff and Sir Christopher Gardiner. -Behind these was the active and energetic influence -of Gorges and Mason.<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> - -<p>It is not necessary in this connection to go into any -detailed statement of the wrongs complained of by Ratcliff -and Gardiner. They were of the same nature, though even -more pronounced than those of Morton. The country had -in fact been purged of all three of these individuals. The -original document in which they set forth their cases, and -made accusation against the magistrates, has unfortunately -been lost. In referring to it afterwards Winthrop said that -it contained “some truths misrepeated.”<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> Apart from severe -judgments on alleged wrong-doers, including whipping, -branding, mutilating, banishment and confiscation of property, -the burden of the accusation lay in the disposition to -throw off allegiance to the mother country, which was distinctly -charged against the colony.</p> - -<p>A harsh coloring was doubtless given in the petition to -whatever could be alleged. So far as casting off their allegiance -to the mother country was concerned, nothing can -be more certain than that neither the leaders nor the -common people of New England entertained at that time -any thought of it; but it is quite equally certain that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> -leaders at least were deeply dissatisfied with the course public -affairs were then taking in England. They were Puritans, -and this was the period of the Star Chamber and the High -Commission. No parliament had been called since 1629, -and it was then publicly announced at Court that no -more parliaments were to be called. There is no reason -to suppose that the early settlers of Massachusetts were a -peculiarly reticent race. On the contrary it is well known -that they were much given to delivering themselves and -bearing evidence on all occasions; and in doing so they -unquestionably railed and declaimed quite freely against -those then prominent in the council-chamber and among -the bishops. That there was a latent spirit in New England -ripe for rebellion was also, probably, asserted in the lost -document. However Winthrop might deny it, and deny it -honestly, this also was true; and subsequent events, both in -Massachusetts and in England, showed it to be so. In the -light of their sympathies and sufferings, Morton and Gardiner -probably realized the drift of what they had heard said -and seen done in New England a good deal better than -Winthrop.</p> - -<p>The result of the Morton-Gardiner petition was the appointment -of a committee of twelve Lords of the Council, -to whom the whole matter was referred for investigation and -report. The committee was empowered to send for persons -and papers and a long and apparently warm hearing ensued. -The friends of the Company found it necessary to at once -bestir themselves. Cradock, Saltonstall and Humfrey filed a -written answer to the complaint, and subsequently, at the -hearing, they received efficient aid from Emanuel Downing,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> -Winthrop’s brother-in-law, and Thomas Wiggin, who lived -at Piscataqua, but now most opportunely chanced to be in -London.</p> - -<p>At the Court of Charles I. everything was matter of influence -or purchase. The founders of Massachusetts were men -just abreast of their time, and not in advance of it. There -is good ground on which to suspect that they did not hesitate -to have recourse to the means then and there necessary -to the attainment of their ends. It has never been explained, -for instance, how the charter of 1629 was originally secured.<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> -When Allerton, at the same time, tried to obtain a similar -charter for the Plymouth colony, he found that he had to -buy his way at every step, and Bradford complained bitterly -of the “deale of money veainly and lavishly cast away.”<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> That -the original patentees of Massachusetts bribed some courtier -near the King, and through him bought their charter, is -wholly probable. Every one bribed, and almost every one -about the King took bribes. That the patentees had powerful -influence at Court is certain; exactly where it lay is not -apparent. The Earl of Warwick interested himself actively -in their behalf. It was he who secured for them their patent -from the Council for New England. But Warwick, though -a powerful nobleman, was “a man in no grace at Court;” -on the contrary, he was one of those “whom his Majesty had -no esteem of, or ever purposed to trust.”<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Winthrop says -that in the Morton-Gardiner hearing his brother-in-law, -Emanuel Downing, was especially serviceable.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> Downing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> -was a lawyer of the Inner Temple.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> There is reason to -suppose that he had access to influential persons,—possibly -Lord Dorchester may have been amongst them.<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> However -this may be, whether by means of influence or bribery, the -hearing before the Committee of the Privy Council was -made to result disastrously for the complainants. Gorges -took nothing by his motion. In due time the Committee -reported against any interference with the Company at that -time. Such grounds of complaint as did not admit of explanation -they laid to the “faults or fancies of particular men,” -and these, they declared, were “in due time to be inquired -into.” King Charles himself also had evidently been labored -with through the proper channels, and not without effect. -Not only did he give his approval to the report of the Committee, -but he went out of his way to further threaten with -condign punishment those “who did abuse his governor and -the plantation.”</p> - -<p>Gorges’s carefully prepared attack had thus ended in complete -failure. The danger, however, had been great, nor -was its importance underestimated in Massachusetts. This -clearly appears in Winthrop’s subsequent action; for when, -four months later, in May, 1633, information of the final -action of the Council reached him, he wrote a letter of grave -jubilation to Governor Bradford, giving him the glad news, -and inviting him to join “in a day of thanksgiving to our -mercifull God, who, as he hath humbled us by his late correction, -so he hath lifted us up, by an abundante rejoysing in -our deliverance out of so desperate a danger.”<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span></p> - -<p>Though badly defeated, and for the time being no doubt -discouraged, Gorges and Morton were not disposed to desist -from their efforts. As the latter expressed it, they had been -too eager, and had “effected the business but superficially.”<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> -They had also committed the serious mistake of underestimating -the strength and influence of their antagonists. If -Gorges, however, was at home anywhere, he was at home -just where he had now received his crushing defeat,—in the -antechambers of the palace. All his life he had been working -through Court influences. Through them, after the -Essex insurrection, he had saved his neck from the block. -If Court influence would have availed to secure it, in 1623 -he would have pre-empted the whole territory about Boston -Bay as the private domain of himself and his descendants. -At Whitehall he was an enemy not lightly to be disregarded; -and this Winthrop and his colleagues soon had -cause to realize.</p> - -<p>Thwarted by strong influences in one direction, Gorges -went to work to secure stronger influences in another direction. -He knew the ground, and his plan of operations was -well conceived. To follow it out in detail is not possible. -Here and there a fact appears; the rest is inference and surmise. -The King was the objective point. Of him it is not -necessary here to speak at length, for his character is too -well understood. Dignified in his bearing, and in personal -character purer than his times,—a devout, well-intentioned -man,—Charles was a shallow, narrow-minded bigot, with a -diseased belief in that divinity which doth hedge a king. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> -would have made an ideal, average English country gentleman. -After the manner of small, obstinate men, he believed -intensely in a few things. One was his own royal supremacy -and his responsibility, not to his people but to his kingship. -He was nothing of a statesman, and as a politician -he was his own worst enemy. His idea of government was -the Spanish one: the king had a prime-minister, and that -prime-minister was the king’s other and second self. In -Charles’s case Buckingham was at first prime-minister; and, -when Buckingham was assassinated, he was in due time succeeded -by Laud. Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, had -not died until August 4, 1633, and a few days later Laud -was appointed to succeed him. He thus became primate -almost exactly eight months after the first attack on the -charter. It was through him that Gorges now went to work -to influence the King and to control the course of events -in New England. His method can be explained in four -words: Laud hated a Puritan.</p> - -<p>At first the secret connection of Gorges and Morton with -the events which now ensued is matter of pure surmise. -There is no direct evidence of it in the records or narratives. -At a later period it becomes more apparent. As a -matter of surmise, however, based on the subsequent development -of events, it seems probable that in February, 1634, the -attention of the Archbishop, and through him that of the -Privy Council, was called to the large emigration then going -on to New England of “persons known to be ill-affected and -discontented, as well with the civil as ecclesiastical government.”<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> -As Gorges himself expressed it, “numbers of people<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> -of all sorts flocked thither in heaps.”<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> Several vessels, already -loaded with passengers and stores, were then lying in the -Thames. An Order in Council was forthwith issued staying -these vessels, and calling upon Cradock to produce the Company’s -charter. So far as the vessels were concerned it soon -appeared that the Company was still not without friends in -the Council; and, “for reasons best known to their Lordships,” -they were permitted to sail.<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> Doubtless this detention, -as the subsequent more rigid restraint, was “grounded -upon the several complaints that came out of those parts of -the divers sects and schisms that were amongst them, all contemning -the public government of the ecclesiastical state.” -Ratcliff was now looked upon as a lunatic,<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> and Gardiner -had disappeared. Morton alone remained; and it is safe to -surmise that he was the fountain-head of these complaints, -as Gorges was the channel which conveyed them to Laud. -As respects the charter, Cradock made reply to the order -for its production that it was not in his hands,—that Winthrop, -four years before, had taken it to New England. He -was directed to send for it at once. Here the matter rested, -and to all appearances Gorges had met with one more -check. The release of the vessels was ordered on the last -day of February, 1634.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span></p> - -<p>A new move on the chess-board was now made by some -one. Who that some-one was is again matter of surmise. -Hitherto the few matters which from time to time came up, -relating to the colonies, had been considered in the full -Privy Council. There the Massachusetts Company had -shown itself a power. Special tribunals, however, were at -this juncture greatly in vogue at Whitehall. The Council -of the North, the Star Chamber, the Court of High Commission, -were in full operation. To them all political work -was consigned, and in the two last Laud was supreme. Up -to this time, however, the need of any special tribunal to -look after the affairs of the colonies had not made itself felt. -The historians of New England have philosophized a great -deal over the considerations of state which, during the reign -of Charles, dictated the royal policy towards New England;<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> -but it is more than doubtful whether considerations of state -had anything to do with that policy. The remoteness and -insignificance of early New England, so far as the English -Court was concerned, is a thing not easy now to realize. It -may be taken for certain that King and Primate rarely gave -a thought to it, much less matured a definite or rational policy. -Their minds were full of more important matters. -They were intent on questions of tonnage and poundage, -on monopolies, and all possible ways and means of raising -money; they were thinking of the war with Spain, of Wentworth’s -Irish policy, of the English opposition, and the -Scotch church system. So far as New England was concerned -they were mere puppets to be jerked to and fro by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> -the strings of Court influence,—now granting a charter at -the instance of one man, and then restraining vessels at the -instance of another,—defending “our governor” one day, -and threatening to have his ears cropped the next.</p> - -<p>In certain quarters it seems now, however, to have been -decided that this condition of affairs was to continue no -longer. A special tribunal should be created, to take charge -of all colonial matters. This move seems to have grown -out of the Order in Council of February 21, and to have -been directed almost exclusively to the management of -affairs in New England, whence complaint mainly came. -Accordingly, on the 10th of April, a commission passed the -great seal establishing a board with almost unlimited power -of regulating plantations. Laud was at the head of it. -There would seem to be every reason to assume that this -tribunal was created at the suggestion of Laud, and in consequence -of the undecided course pursued by the Council as -a whole, two months before, in the matter of the detained -vessels. A further inference, from what went before and -what followed, is that Laud’s action was stimulated and -shaped by Gorges. He was the active promoter of complaints -and scandals from New England. In other words, -the organization of this colonial board, through Laud’s influence -and with Laud supreme in it, was Gorges’s first move -in the next and most formidable attack on the charter of the -Massachusetts Bay.</p> - -<p>The plan now matured by Gorges was a large one. He -had no idea of being balked of the prize which it had been -the dream and the effort of his life to secure. He meant -yet to grasp a government for himself, and an inheritance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> -for his children, in New England. So far as the settlement -of that country was concerned, what he for thirty years -had been vainly ruining himself to bring about was now -accomplishing itself; but it was accomplishing itself not only -without his aid, but in a way which gravely threatened his -interests. The people who were swarming to New England -refused to recognize his title, and abused and expelled his -agents. It was clear that the Council for New England was -not equal to dealing with such a crisis. It was necessary to -proceed through some other agency. The following scheme -was, therefore, step by step devised.</p> - -<p>The territory held under the great patent of the Council -for New England extended from Maine to New Jersey. -This whole region was, by the action of the Council, to be -divided in severalty among its remaining members, and the -patent was then to be surrendered to the King, who thereupon -was to confirm the division just made.<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> The Council -being thus gotten out of the way, the King was to assume -the direct government of the whole territory, and was to -appoint a governor-general for it. Sir Ferdinando Gorges -was to be that governor-general.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> He would thus go out -to his province clothed with full royal authority; and -the issue would then be, not between the settlers of Massachusetts, -acting under the King’s charter, and that “carcass -in a manner breathless,” the Council for New England, but -between a small body of disobedient subjects and the King’s -own representative. The scheme was a well-devised one.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> -It was nothing more nor less than the colonial or New England -branch of Strafford’s “Thorough.” It was a part, -though a small part, of a great system.</p> - -<p>The first step in carrying out the programme was to secure -the appointment of the Commission of April 10. The influence -of the Archbishop being assured, there was no difficulty -in this. The board was composed of twelve members of the -Privy Council. Laud himself was at the head of it, and with -him were the Archbishop of York, the Earls of Portland, -Manchester, Arundel and Dorset, Lord Cottington, Sir -Thomas Edmunds, Sir Henry Vane, and Secretaries Cooke -and Windebank. Any five or more of these Commissioners -were to constitute a <i>quorum</i>, and their powers were of the -largest description. They could revoke all charters previously -granted, remove governors and appoint others in the -places of those removed, and even break up settlements if -they deemed it best so to do. They could inflict punishment -upon all offenders, either by imprisonment, “or by loss of life -or member.” It was in fact a commission of “right divine.” -It embodied the whole royal policy of King Charles, as formulated -by Wentworth and enforced by Laud. The new -Commission was not slow in proceeding to its appointed work, -and the potency of Gorges’s influence in it was shown by his -immediate designation as governor-general.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> How close -Morton then stood to him may be inferred from the following -letter, which shows also that he was well informed as to all -that was going on.<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> It was written exactly three weeks after<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> -the appointment of the Commission, and was addressed to -William Jeffreys at <span class="lock">Wessagusset:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><span class="smcap">My very good Gossip</span>,—If I should commend myself to you, you reply -with this proverb,—<i>Propria laus fordet in ore</i>: but to leave impertinent salute, -and really to proceed.—You shall hereby understand, that, although, when I -was first sent to England to make complaint against Ananias and the brethren, -I effected the business but superficially, (through the brevity of time,) I have -at this time taken more deliberation and brought the matter to a better pass. -And it is thus brought about, that the King hath taken the business into his own -hands. The Massachusetts Patent, by order of the council, was brought in -view; the privileges there granted well scanned upon, and at the council board -in public, and in the presence of Sir Richard Saltonstall and the rest, it was -declared, for manifest abuses there discovered, to be void. The King hath -reassumed the whole business into his own hands, appointed a committee of -the board, and given order for a general governor of the whole territory to be -sent over. The commission is passed the privy seal, I did see it, and the same -was 1 mo. Maii sent to the Lord Keeper to have it pass the great seal for -confirmation; and I now stay to return with the governor, by whom all complainants -shall have relief:<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> So that now Jonas being set ashore may safely<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> -cry, repent you cruel separatists, repent, there are as yet but forty days. If -Jove vouchsafe to thunder, the charter and kingdom of the separatists will fall -asunder. Repent you cruel schismatics, repent.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> These things have happened, -and I shall see, (notwithstanding their boasting and false alarms in the Massachusetts, -with feigned cause of thanksgiving,) their merciless cruelty rewarded, -according to the merit of the fact, with condign punishment for coming into -these parts, like Sampson’s foxes with fire-brands at their tails.<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> The King -and Council are really possessed of their preposterous loyalty and irregular -proceedings, and are incensed against them: and although they be so opposite -to the catholic axioms, yet they will be compelled to perform them, or -at leastwise, suffer them to be put in practice to their sorrow. In matter of -restitution and satisfaction, more than mystically, it must be performed visibly, -and in such sort as may be subject to the senses in a very lively image. My -Lord Canterbury having, with my Lord Privy Seal, caused all Mr. Cradock’s -letters to be viewed, and his apology in particular for the brethren here, protested -against him and Mr. Humfrey, that they were a couple of imposterous -knaves; so that, for all their great friends, they departed the council chamber -in our view with a pair of cold shoulders. I have staid long, yet have not -lost my labor, although the brethren have found their hopes frustrated; so -that it follows by consequence, I shall see my desire upon mine enemies: and -if John Grant had not betaken him to flight, I had taught him to sing clamavi -in the Fleet before this time, and if he return before I depart, he will pay -dear for his presumption. For here he finds me a second Perseus: I have -uncased Medusa’s head, and struck the brethren into astonishment. They -find, and will yet more to their shame, that they abuse the word and are to -blame to presume so much,—that they are but a word and a blow to them -that are without. Of these particulars I thought good, by so convenient a -messenger, to give you notice, lest you should think I had died in obscurity, -as the brethren vainly intended I should, and basely practised, abusing justice -by their sinister practices, as by the whole body of the committee, <i>una voce</i>, -it was concluded to be done, to the dishonor of his majesty. And as for Ratcliffe, -he was comforted by their lordships with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> -ears: which shows what opinion is held amongst them of King Winthrop with -all his inventions and his Amsterdam fantastical ordinances, his preachings, -marriages, and other abusive ceremonies, which do exemplify his detestation -to the Church of England, and the contempt of his majesty’s authority and -wholesome laws, which are and will be established in these parts, <i>invitâ Minervâ</i>. -With these I thought fit to salute you, as a friend, by an epistle, because -I am bound to love you, as a brother, by the gospel, resting your loving -friend.</p> - -<p class="sig"> -THOMAS MORTON.<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> -</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dated 1 Mo. Maii, 1634.</span></p></div> - -<p>Morton is always confused and inaccurate in his statements, -and this letter afforded no exception to the rule. It -is impossible to be quite sure of what particular occasions he -refers to in it. He may in the same breath be speaking of -different things. Whether, for instance, the hearing to -which he alludes, at which the patent “was brought in -view,” was the same or another meeting from that in which -Cradock’s letters were produced, is not clear. It would -seem as though he were speaking of the February hearing -before the whole Council, and yet he may be describing a -subsequent hearing in April before the Lords Commissioners. -He speaks of the “council chamber” and of “the whole -body of the Committee,” and then alludes to the presence of -Saltonstall, Humfrey and Cradock. Now these persons -were before the Council in the hearing of 1632, and they -may all of them, as Cradock certainly was, have been before -it in February 1634; but Humfrey could hardly have appeared -before the Lords Commissioners, as he seems to have<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> -sailed for New England early in the month during which -they were appointed. The meeting which Morton describes, -therefore, was probably that of February 28, 1634; and it -would seem to have savored strongly of the Star Chamber -and High Commission. Cradock and Humfrey were apparently -scolded and abused by Laud in the style for which he -was famous, and the admission by the former, that the charter -had gone to America, had led to his being called “an -imposterous knave,” and sharply told to send for it back at -once. The well-known foibles of the Primate had been -skilfully played upon by accounts of Winthrop’s “Amsterdam -fantastical ordinances, his preachings, marriages, and -other abusive ceremonies;” and they had much the effect that -a red flag is known to have on a bull. Nothing was now -heard of the King’s intention of severely punishing those -who abused “his governor;” but, on the contrary, Ratcliffe -was “comforted with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop’s ears.” -Gorges was governor-general, and with him Morton expected -soon to depart.</p> - -<p>Cradock’s letter, enclosing the order of the Council for -the return of the charter, reached Boston in July. Winthrop -was then no longer governor, having been displaced -by Dudley at the previous May election. As is well known -to all students of New England history, the famous parchment, -still in the office of the secretary of the Puritan Commonwealth, -was not sent back.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> It is unnecessary, however, -to here repeat the story of the struggle over it. Presently -Governor Edward Winslow of Plymouth was despatched to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> -England, as the joint agent of the two colonies, to look after -their endangered interests. He reached London in the -autumn of 1634, bringing with him an evasive reply to -the demand contained in Cradock’s letter.</p> - -<p>Winslow sailed in the middle or latter part of July, and a -few days later, on the 4th of August,<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> Jeffreys came over from -Wessagusset to Boston, bringing to Winthrop the letter which -he had shortly before received from Morton. It was the first -intimation the magistrates had of the Commission and of the -appointment of a governor-general. Winthrop communicated -the news to Dudley and the other members of the -Council, and to some of the ministers; and, doubtless, for a -time they all nursed an anxious hope that the exaggerations -in the letter were even greater than they really were. The -General Court met on the 25th of August. While it was -still in session, vessels arrived bringing tidings which dispelled -all doubt, and confirmed everything material that Morton -had said. He whom the magistrates had so ignominiously -punished, and so contemptuously driven away, was evidently -in a position to know what those in authority intended. It -began to be evident that the Massachusetts magistrates had -underestimated an opponent.</p> - -<p>A full copy of the Order in Council establishing the board -of Lords Commissioners of Plantations, was now received, -and the colonists were further advised, through their private -letters, that ships were being furnished, and soldiers gotten -ready for embarkation in them. It was given out that these -troops and vessels were intended for Virginia, whither a new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> -governor was about to be sent; but Winthrop wrote that -in Massachusetts the preparation was “suspected to be -against us, to compel us by force to receive a new governor, -and the discipline of the church of England, and the -laws of the commissioners.<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>”</p> - -<p>The answer which best expressed the spirit of the colony, -in reply to Laud’s threats, was now found, not in the missive -which Winslow had in charge, but in the act of Morton’s -old oppressor, Endicott, when a few weeks later at Salem he -cut the red cross from the standard. It was an act, however, -which seemed to indicate that there was more truth than -Winthrop was disposed to admit in Gardiner and Morton’s -charge that “the ministers and people did continually rail -against the state, church and bishops.”<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> Six months of great -alarm and strenuous preparation now ensued. Steps were -taken to get together arms and ammunition, and defences -were ordered at Dorchester and Charlestown, as well as at -Castle Island. The magistrates were even empowered to -impress laborers for the work. In January the ministers were -summoned to Bolton, and the question formally submitted to -them: “What ought we to do if a general governor should -be sent out of England?” The reply was that “we ought -not to accept him, but defend our lawful possessions if we are -able.” In April a rumor of strange vessels hovering off -Cape Ann threw the whole province into a tumult. It was -supposed that Governor-general Gorges, with Morton in his -train, was at the harbor’s mouth. It proved to be a false -alarm, and after that the excitement seems gradually to have -subsided.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span></p> - -<p>This was in the spring of 1635. Meanwhile Winslow had -reached England sometime early in the previous autumn. -Though he had not brought the charter with him, its production -does not seem to have been again immediately -called for. He probably held out confident assurances that -it would be sent over in the next vessel, as soon as the -General Court met; but it is also probable that, in view of -the course which had now been decided upon, an examination -of it was no longer deemed necessary. The ensuing -spring, that of 1635, had been fixed upon by Gorges and -Mason as the time for decisive action. The charter was -then to be vacated, and Gorges was to go out to New England -with a force sufficient to compel obedience. All this, -however, implied considerable preparation. Shipping had -to be provided in the first place. A large vessel was accordingly -put upon the stocks. Rumor said, also, that the new -governor-general was to take out with him a force of no less -than one thousand soldiers.<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> Whether this was true or not, -there can be little doubt that all through the winter of -1634-5 active preparations were on foot in England intended -against the Massachusetts colony.</p> - -<p>Besides watching these proceedings Winslow had other -business in London which required his appearance before the -Lords Commissioners. He had presented to them a petition -on behalf of the two colonies for authority to resist certain -Dutch and French encroachments. This proceeding Winthrop -had not thought well advised,<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> as he very shrewdly -argued that it implied an absence of authority without such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> -special authorization, and might thus be drawn into a precedent. -Winslow, however, had none the less submitted the -petition, and several hearings were given upon it. Fully -advised as to everything that was going on before the Lords -Commissioners, Gorges did not favor this move. It authorized -military or diplomatic action, the conduct of which by -right belonged to him as governor-general of the region -within which the action was to be taken. He accordingly -went to work to circumvent Winslow. What ensued throws -a great deal of light on Morton’s standing at the time, and -the use that was made of him; and it also explains the significance -of certain things in the <i>New Canaan</i>.</p> - -<p>Laud, it will be remembered, was the head and moving -spirit of the Lords Commissioners. His word was final in -the Board. Upon him Gorges depended to work all his results; -which included not only his own appointment as -governor-general, with full power and authority as such, -but also the necessary supply of men and money to enable -him to establish his supremacy. To secure these ends it was -necessary to play continually on the Primate’s dislike of the -Puritans, and his intense zeal in behalf of all Church forms -and ceremonies, including the use of the Book of Common -Prayer. The whole political and historical significance of -the <i>New Canaan</i> lies in this fact. It was a pamphlet designed -to work a given effect in a particular quarter, and -came very near being productive of lasting results. Dedicated -in form to the Lords Commissioners, it was charged -with attacks on the Separatists, and statements of the contempt -shown by them to the Book of Common Prayer. -Finally it contained one chapter on the church practices<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> -in New England, which was clearly designed for the special -enlightenment of the Archbishop.<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> In this chapter it is set -down as the first and fundamental tenet of the New England -church “that it is the magistrate’s office absolutely, and -not the minister’s, to join the people in lawful matrimony;” -next, that to make use of a ring in marriage is a relic of -popery; and then again “that the Book of Common Prayer -is an idol; and all that use it idolaters.” It now remains to -show how cunningly, when it came to questions of state, Laud -was worked upon by these statements, and what a puppet he -became in the hands of Gorges and Morton.</p> - -<p>Winslow’s suit had prospered. He had submitted to the -Lords Commissioners a plan for accomplishing the end -desired without any charge being imposed on the royal -exchequer, and he was on the point of receiving, as he -supposed, a favorable decision. Suddenly the secret strings -were pulled. Bradford best tells the story of what ensued.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“When Mr. Winslow should have had his suit granted, (as indeed upon the -point it was,) and should have been confirmed, the Archbishop put a stop -upon it, and Mr. Winslow, thinking to get it freed, went to the Board again. -But the Bishop, Sir Ferdinando and Captain Mason had, as it seems, procured -Morton to complain. To whose complaints Mr. Winslow made answer -to the good satisfaction of the Board, who checked Morton, and rebuked him -sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Mason for countenancing -him. But the Bishop had a further end and use of his presence, for he -now began to question Mr. Winslow of many things, as of teaching in the -church publicly, of which Morton accused him and gave evidence that he -had seen and heard him do it; to which Mr. Winslow answered that sometimes -(wanting a minister) he did exercise his gift to help the edification of -his brethren, when they wanted better means, which was not often. Then -about marriage, the which he also confessed, that, having been called to place<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> -of magistracy, he had sometimes married some. And further told their lordships -that marriage was a civil thing, and he found nowhere in the word of -God that it was tied to ministry. Again they were necessitated so to do, -having for a long time together at first no minister; besides, it was no new -thing, for he had been so married himself in Holland, by the magistrates in -their Stadt-House. But in the end, to be short, for these things the Bishop, by -vehement importunity, got the Board at last to consent to his commitment. -So he was committed to the Fleet, and lay there seventeen weeks, or thereabout, -before he could get to be released. And this was the end of this petition -and this business; only the others’ design was also frustrated hereby, with -other things concurring, which was no small blessing to people here.”<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p></div> - -<p>For the time being, however, “the others’ design,” as Bradford -describes Gorges’s scheme, so far from being frustrated, -moved on most prosperously. All the friends and agents -of the colony were now driven from the field. Cradock, -Saltonstall and Humfrey had departed the council-chamber -with “a pair of cold shoulders.” Winslow was a prisoner. -Morton had demonstrated that his boast in the letter to Jeffreys, -that he would make his opponents “sing <i>clamavi</i> in -the Fleet,” was not an idle one. He had not exaggerated -his power. Gorges’s course was now clear, and his plan -developed rapidly. At a meeting of those still members -of the Council for New England, held at Lord Gorges’s -house on the 3d of February, 1635, the next step was taken. -The redivision of the seacoast was agreed upon. It was -now divided into eight parcels, instead of twenty as at the -original abortive division of 1623; and these parcels were -assigned to eight several persons, among whom were the -Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, and the Earls of -Arundel, Carlisle and Sterling. Arundel alone of these was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> -one of the Lords Commissioners. Gorges received Maine -as his portion; and Mason got New Hampshire and Cape -Ann. Massachusetts, south of Salem, was assigned to Lord -Gorges.</p> - -<p>The division thus agreed on was to take effect simultaneously -with the formal surrender by the Council of its great -patent. Ten weeks later, on the 18th of April, at another -meeting at Lord Gorges’s house, a paper was read and entered -upon the records, in which the reasons for surrendering -the patent were set forth. At a subsequent meeting on -the 26th a petition to the King was approved, in which it -was prayed that separate patents might be issued securing to -the associates in severalty the domains they had assigned to -each other. A declaration from the King was also then -read, in which the royal intention of appointing Sir Ferdinando -Gorges governor-general of New England was formally -announced. Speaking by the mouth of the King, the -Primate did not propose “to suffer such numbers of people to -run to ruin, and to religious intents to languish, for want of -timely remedy and sovereign assistance.” Curiously enough, -also, this typically Laudian sentiment was enunciated at -Whitehall the very day, the 26th of April, 1635, upon which, -on the other side of the Atlantic, the Marblehead fishermen -had brought in word of strange vessels hovering mysteriously -upon the coast, causing the Governor and assistants -to hurry to Boston and an alarm to be spread through all -the towns.<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a></p> - -<p>Before proceeding to eject the present occupants of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> -New England soil, or to force them to some compromise as -an alternative thereto, it remained for the grantees of the -now defunct Council to perfect their new titles. Proceedings -to this end were not delayed. The division had been -agreed upon on the 3d of February, and on the 26th of -April the new patents had been petitioned for. Ten days -later Thomas Morton was “entertained to be solicitor for -confirmation of the said deeds under the great seal, as also -to prosecute suit at law for the repealing of the patent belonging -to the Massachusetts Company. And is to have for -fee twenty shillings a term, and such further reward as -those who are interested in the affairs of New England shall -think him fit to deserve, upon the judgment given in the -cause.” A month later, on the 7th of June, 1635, the formal -surrender of its patent by the Council took place.<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a></p> - -<p>Morton, however, was not destined to land at Boston in -the train of Governor-general Gorges. The effort of 1634-5 -was a mere repetition, on a larger and more impressive scale, -of the effort of 1623. The latter had resulted in the abortive -Robert Gorges expedition, and the former now set all -the courts at Westminster in solemn action. Neither of -them, however, came to anything. They both failed, also, -from the same cause,—want of money. The machinery in -each case was imposing, and there was a great deal of it. -Seen from New England it must have appeared simply overpowering. -The King, the Primate, the Lords Commissioners, -the Attorney General, the Court of King’s Bench, the -Great Seal, and a governor-general representing the Duke<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> -of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton and the Earls of Arundel, -Carlisle and Sterling, royal proprietors, were all at work -together to bring about the destruction of an infant colony. -When, however, it came to accomplishing anything in a -practical way, it grew apparent by degrees that behind all -this tremendous display of machinery there was nothing but -Sir Ferdinando Gorges,—an active-minded, adventurous -soldier, skilled in Court ways, persistent and full of resource, -but with small means of his own, and no faculty of obtaining -means from others. When it became therefore a question -of real action, calling for the sinews of war, the movement -flopped dead in 1635, just as it had stopped in 1623. In -1635 it is true, Gorges had the assistance of Captain John -Mason, who was an energetic man with means at his command, -and it was through him that a ship was to be provided.<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> -The building of this ship, however, without doubt -strained to the utmost the resources of all concerned; and -when, in launching, it suffered a mishap, again probably -from insufficient means, they could not make the damage -good. The royal exchequer was then as empty as Gorges’s -own purse. The King was living on benevolences, and on -fines levied upon the great nobles for encroachments on the -royal forests. The writs to collect ship-money were issued -in this very year. The next year public offices were sold. -Under these circumstances no assistance could for the present -be looked for from Charles or Laud. As for the noble -associates, among whom the New England coast had just -been parcelled out, while perfectly willing to accept great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> -domains in America, they would venture nothing more to -take actual possession of them in 1635 than they had ventured -in 1623. Nothing at all was to be obtained from that -quarter. Speaking of Gorges and Mason, and the failure -of their plans at this time, Winthrop wrote, “The Lord -frustrated their design.” This was the pious way of putting -it. In point of fact, however, the real safety of Massachusetts -now depended on more homely and every-day considerations. -Gorges and Mason could not raise the money absolutely -necessary to carry their design out.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, though this delay was disappointing, there -was no occasion for despair. Things moved slowly; that -was all. Gorges represented the New England part of that -royal system which was to stand or fall as a whole. In the -spring and summer of 1635 it looked very much as if it -was destined to stand. There was then no thought of a -parliament at Court, or expectation of one among the patriots. -The crown lawyers were hunting up precedents which -would enable the King to levy taxes to suit himself. Wentworth -had brought Ireland into a state of perfect subjection. -Laud was supreme in England. The prospects for “Thorough” -were never so good. If “Thorough” prevailed in -England it would in Massachusetts. There could be no -doubt of that. Meanwhile, though lack of ready means -had put it out of Gorges’s power to go to New England at -once, there was no break or delay in legal proceedings. In -June, 1635, the attorney-general filed in the King’s Bench a -writ of <i>quo warranto</i> against the Massachusetts Bay Company. -This was the work which Thomas Morton had a -month before been “entertained to prosecute,” and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> -promptness of the attorney-general would seem to indicate -that on Morton’s part at least there was no failure in activity. -The plan was to set the charter aside, not because of -any abuse of the powers lawfully conferred in it, but on -the ground that it was void <i>ab initio</i>. Every title to land -held under it would thus be vitiated. In answer to the summons -some of the original associates came in and pleaded, -while others made default. Cradock made default. In his -case, therefore, judgment was given at the Michaelmas, or -September term, 1635, and the charter was declared void, -all the franchises conveyed in it being resumed by the King.<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> -This portion of the legal work in hand, therefore, that -more particularly entrusted to Morton, seems to have been -promptly and efficiently done. As respects the patents for -the domains granted under the last partition, things do not -seem to have moved so rapidly, for towards the close of November -a meeting of the associates of the now dissolved -Council was held at the house of Lord Sterling, and a vote -passed that steps should be taken to get patents to the -individual patentees passed the seals as soon as possible. -Morton was in fact reminded of his duties.</p> - -<p>A heavy blow was however impending over Gorges. He -himself was now an elderly man, verging close upon seventy -years.<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> He could not have been as active and as ener<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span>getic -as he once had been, and even his sanguine disposition -must have felt the usual depressing influence of hope -long deferred. Mason had of late been the mainstay of -his enterprise. Only a year before, that resolute man had -sent out a large expedition, numbering some seventy men, to -Piscataqua, and he was contemplating extensive explorations -towards Lake Champlain. Morton eulogized him as a “very -good Commonwealth’s man, a true foster-father and lover of -virtue,”<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> and Winthrop referred to him as “the chief mover -in all the attempts against us.”<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> In December, 1635, Mason -died,<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> and not improbably it was the anticipation of his death -which led to that meeting of the Council at which the speedy -issuing of the individual patents was urged. However this -may be, the loss of Mason seems to have been fatal to Gorges’s -hopes; it was the lopping off of the right arm of his -undertakings. From that time forward there was obviously -no source from which he could hope to get the money -necessary to enable him to effect anything, except the royal -treasury. Of this, for two or three years yet, until the -Scotch troubles destroyed the last chance of the success of -the ship-money scheme, there seemed a very good prospect. -Gorges, however, could not afford to wait. His remaining -time was short. Accordingly, after Mason’s death, little is -heard of him or of the Lords Commissioners.</p> - -<p>During the next seven years, consequently, the traces of -Morton are few. There is a passing glimpse obtained of -him in March, 1636, through a letter from Cradock to Winthrop,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> -from which it appears he was then in London and -actively scheming against the Massachusetts Company. He -would seem at this time to have been in the pay of one -George Cleaves, a man of some importance and subsequently -quite prominent in the early history of Maine. -Cleaves apparently had proposed some scheme to Cradock -touching the Massachusetts Company, and Morton came to -see him about it. Thereupon Cradock says, “I having no -desire to speak with Morton alone put him off a turn or -two on the exchange, till I found Mr. Pierce,” etc. Further -on in the same letter he speaks of his “greyffe and -disdayne” at the abuse heaped on the Company, and of the -“heavey burdens, there lode on me by T. M.;” and adds, -“God forgive him that is the cause of it.”</p> - -<p>Early in 1637, and in consequence probably of the <i>quo -warranto</i> proceedings, a commission of some sort would -appear to have been granted to certain persons in New -England for the government of that country.<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> How or under -what circumstances this was obtained is nowhere told. -There is a mystery about it. Gorges afterwards assured -Winthrop that he knew nothing of it,<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> and only a copy ever -reached America, the original, Winthrop says, being “staid -at the seal for want of paying the fees.” He further says -that Cleaves procured this commission, as also a sort of -patent, or, as he calls it, “a protection under the privy signet -for searching out the great lake of Iracoyce.” From all -this it would appear that the whole thing was some impotent -and inconsequential move on the part of Morton; for not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> -only does Winthrop say that the document was “staid at the -seal,” but Cradock wrote that the matter in reference to -which Morton wanted to see him, on behalf of Cleaves, related -to paying the charge “in taking out somewhat under -the seale.” Gorges speaks of Morton as being at that time -Cleaves’s agent; and in the <i>New Canaan</i>, which either had -just been published or was then in the press, there is a -glowing account of the “great lake Erocoise,” and its boundless -wealth of beaver,<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> to which apparently the imaginative -author had directed Cleaves’s attention sufficiently to induce -him to take out the “protection” which Winthrop -alludes to.</p> - -<p>The year 1637 was the turning-period in the fortunes of -King Charles and of Archbishop Laud, and consequently of -Gorges and Morton. Up to that time everything had gone -sufficiently well, if not in Massachusetts, at least in England, -Ireland, and even Scotland. Now, however, the system began -to break down; giving way first, as would naturally enough -be the case, at its weakest point. This was in Scotland, where -the attempt to force Episcopacy on the people resulted -in the famous “stony Sabbath” on the 23d of July. The -<i>New Canaan</i> was probably going through the press during -the deceitful period of profound calm which preceded that -eventful day. Though now published, there is strong internal -evidence that the book was written in 1634. Not only -does this appear from the extract from its last page in the -letter to Jeffreys, already referred to,<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> but in another place<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> -there is reference to the expedition of Henry Josselyn for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> -the more complete discovery of Lake Champlain, which is -mentioned as then in preparation. Henry Josselyn left -England about the time Morton was writing to Jeffreys, or -a little earlier, and reached Piscataqua in June, 1634.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> -Mason, on the other hand, is mentioned as then living, -and as having fitted out the expedition of Josselyn. Mason, -however, it has already been seen, died in December, 1635. -Written consequently after May, 1634, the <i>New Canaan</i>, it -would seem, received no revision later than 1635. It represented -Morton’s feelings during the time when he was most -confident of an early and triumphant return to New England. -It was published just when the affairs of Charles and -Laud were at their full flood, and before the tide had begun -to ebb.</p> - -<p>No mention is found of the <i>New Canaan</i> at the time of -its publication. It is not known, indeed, that a single copy -was sent out to New England. Though it must have caused -no little comment and scandal among the friends and correspondents -of the colonists, there is no allusion to it in their -published letters or in the documents of the time, and in 1644 -Winthrop apparently had never seen it. Bradford energetically -refers to it as “an infamouse and scurillous booke -against many godly and cheefe men of the cuntrie; full -of lyes and slanders, and fraight with profane callumnies -against their names and persons, and the ways of God.”<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> A -copy of it may, therefore, have been brought over to Plymouth -by one of the agents of the colony, and there passed -from hand to hand. It does not appear, however, that at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> -the time it attracted any general or considerable notice in -America; while in England, of course, it would have interested -only a small class of persons.</p> - -<p>There is one significant reference which would seem to -indicate that the publication of the <i>New Canaan</i> was not -agreeable to Gorges. However much he might attack the -charter of the Massachusetts Company, Sir Ferdinando always -showed himself anxious to keep on friendly terms with -the leading men of the colony. In the <i>Briefe Narration</i> -he takes pains to speak of “the patience and wisdom of -Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Humphreys, Mr. Dudley, and others -their assistants;”<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> and with Winthrop he was in correspondence, -even authorizing him and others to act for him in -Maine. He deceived no one by this, for Winthrop afterwards -described him as “pretending by his letters and -speeches to seek our welfare;”<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> but he evidently had always -in mind that he was to go out some day to New England -as a governor-general, and that it would not do for him to -be too openly hostile to those over whom he proposed to rule. -He regarded them as his people. When, therefore, he had -occasion to write to Winthrop in August, 1637, though he -made no reference to the <i>New Canaan</i>, which had probably -been published early in the year, he took pains to say that -Morton was “wholely casheered from intermedlinge with -anie our affaires hereafter.”<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p> - -<p>It is however open to question whether, in making this -statement, Gorges was not practising a little of that king-craft -for which his master, James I., had been so famous. In<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> -1637 Morton may have been in disgrace with him; but if -so it was a passing disgrace. Four years later, in 1641, Sir -Ferdinando, as “Lord of the Province of Maine,” indulged -his passion for feudal regulation by granting a municipal -charter to the town of Acomenticus, now York. A formidable -document of great import, this momentous state paper -was signed and delivered by the Lord Paramount, much as -an English sovereign might have granted a franchise to his -faithful city of London; and accordingly it was countersigned -by three witnesses, one of them a member of his own -family. First of the three witnesses to sign was Thomas -Morton.<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> He evidently was in no disgrace then.</p> - -<p>With the exception of this signature to the Acomenticus -charter, there is no trace to be found of Morton between -August 1637, when Gorges wrote that he had “casheered” -him, and the summer of 1643, when he reappeared once -more at Plymouth. During the whole of that time things -evidently went with him, as they did with Charles and Laud, -from bad to worse. Once only had the Lords Commissioners -given any signs of life. This was in the spring of 1638, -when on the 4th of April the Board met at Whitehall. The -record of the meeting states that petitions and complaints -from Massachusetts, for want of a settled and orderly government, -were growing more frequent. This is very possible, -for the Antinomian Controversy was then at its height, -and indeed, the very day the Lords Commissioners met, Mrs. -Hutchinson, having left Boston in obedience to Governor -Winthrop’s mandate a week before, was on her way to join<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> -her husband and friends in Rhode Island. Under these circumstances, -calling to mind the futile order for the return of -the charter, sent to Winthrop in 1634 through Cradock, and -taking official notice of the result of the <i>quo warranto</i> proceedings, -the Board resolved upon a more decided tone. -The clerk in attendance was instructed to send out to Massachusetts -a peremptory demand for the immediate surrender -of the charter. It was to be sent back to London by the -return voyage of the vessel which carried out the missive of -the Board; “it being resolved,” so that missive ran, “that -in case of any further neglect or contempt by them shewed -therein, their Lordships will cause a strict course to be -taken against them, and will move his Majesty to reassume -into his own hands the whole plantation.”<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> - -<p>If, as was probably the case, Morton was the secret mover -of this action, it proved to be his last effort. It was completely -fruitless also. When the order reached Boston, sometime -in the early summer of 1638, it naturally caused no -little alarm, for the apprehension of a general governor -had not yet disappeared. Indeed, on the 12th of April, -“a general fast [had been] kept through all the churches, by -advice from the Court, for seeking the Lord to prevent evil -that we feared to be intended against us from England by a -general governor.”<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> With the missive of the Lords Commissioners, -however, came also tidings of “the troubles which -arose in Scotland about the Book of Common Prayer and -the canons which the King would have forced upon the -Scotch churches.”<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> The result was that in August, instead<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> -of sending out the charter, Governor Winthrop, at the direction -of the General Court, wrote “to excuse our not sending -of it; for it was resolved to be best not to send it.”<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p> - -<p>Archbishop Laud molested the colony no further. Doubtless -Morton yet endeavored more than once to stir him up -to action, and the next year he received from New England -other and bitter complaints of the same character as those -which had come to him before. This time it was the Rev. -George Burdet—a disreputable clergyman, subsequently a -thorn in Gorges’s side as now in that of Winthrop—who -wrote to him. The harassed and anxious Primate could, -however, only reply that “by reason of the much business -now lay upon them, [the Lords Commissioners] could not -at present ... redress such disorders as he had informed -them of.”<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> Events in England and Scotland were then -moving on rapidly as well as steadily to their outcome, and -Massachusetts was bidden to take care of itself.</p> - -<p>Nothing more is heard of Morton until the summer of -1643. The Civil War was then dragging along in its earlier -stages, before Fairfax and Cromwell put their hands to it. -It was the summer during which Prince Rupert took Bristol -and the first battle of Newbury was fought,—the summer -made memorable by the deaths of Hampden and Falkland. -Gorges had identified himself with the Royalist side, and now -Morton seems to have been fairly starved out of England. -When or how he came to Plymouth we do not know; but, -on the 11th of September, Edward Winslow, whom he had -eight years before “clapte up in the Fleete,”<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> thus wrote to -<span class="lock">Winthrop:—</span></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Concerning Morton, our Governor gave way that he should winter here, -but begone as soon as winter breaks up. Captain Standish takes great offence -thereat, especially that he is so near him as Duxbury, and goeth sometimes a -fowling in his ground. He cannot procure the least respect amongst our people, -liveth meanly at four shillings per week, and content to drink water, so -he may diet at that price. But admit he hath a protection, yet it were worth -the while to deal with him till we see it. The truth is I much question his -pretended employment; for he hath here only showed the frame of a Common-weale -and some old sealed commissions, but no inside known. As for -Mr. Rigby if he be so honest, good and hopefull an instrument as report -passeth on him, he hath good hap to light on two of the arrantest known -knaves that ever trod on New English shore to be his agents east and west, -as Cleaves and Morton: but I shall be jealous on him till I know him better, -and hope others will take heed how they trust him who investeth such with -power who have devoted themselves to the ruin of the country, as Morton -hath. And for my part, (who if my heart deceive me not can pass by all the -evil instrumentally he brought on me,) would not have this serpent stay -amongst us, who out of doubt in time will get strength to him if he be suffered, -who promiseth large portions of land about New Haven, Narragansett, &c., -to all that will go with him, but hath a promise but of one person who is old, -weak and decrepid, a very atheist and fit companion for him. But, indeed, -Morton is the odium of our people at present, and if he be suffered, (for we -are diversely minded,) it will be just with God, who hath put him in our hands -and we will foster such an one, that afterward we shall suffer for it.”<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a></p></div> - -<p>The Rigby referred to in this letter was Mr. Alexander -Rigby, an English gentleman of wealth who, besides being -a strong Puritan, was a member of the Long Parliament, -and at one time held a commission as colonel in the army. -Cleaves was the George Cleaves already mentioned as having -come out in 1637, with a protection under the privy signet.<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> -He had then appeared as an agent of Gorges, but subse<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span>quently -he had got possession in Maine of the “Plough patent,” -so called, under which the title to a large part of the province -was claimed adversely to Gorges.<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> This patent Cleaves -induced Rigby to buy, and the latter was now endeavoring -to get his title recognized, and ultimately succeeded in so -doing. Cleaves, as well as Morton, enjoyed the reputation -of being “a firebrand of dissension,”<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> and the two had long -acted together. As Gorges had joined his fortunes to the -Royalist side, Morton clearly had nothing to gain by pretending -at Plymouth to be his agent or under his protection. -So he seems to have tried to pass himself off as a Commonwealth’s -man, commissioned by Rigby to act in his behalf. -Winslow was probably quite right in suspecting that this was -all a pretence. Rigby’s claim was for territory in Maine. It -is not known that he ever had any interests in Rhode Island -or Connecticut. There can, in short, be little doubt that -Morton was now nothing more than a poor, broken-down, -disreputable, old impostor, with some empty envelopes and -manufactured credentials in his pocket.</p> - -<p>At Plymouth, as would naturally be supposed, Morton -made no headway. But the province of Maine was then in -an uneasy, troubled condition, and there was reported to be -a strong party for the king in the neighborhood of Casco -Bay. Thither accordingly Morton seems to have gone in -June, 1644.<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> His movements were closely watched, and Endicott -was notified that he would go by sea to Gloucester,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> -hoping to get a passage from thence to the eastward. A -warrant for his arrest was at once despatched, but apparently -he eluded it; nor if he went there, which, indeed, is doubtful, -did Morton long remain in Maine. In August he was -in Rhode Island, and on the 5th of that month he is thus -alluded to in a letter from Coddington to <span class="lock">Winthrop:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“For Morton he was [insinuating] who was for the King at his first coming -to Portsmouth, and would report to such as he judged to be of his mind -he was glad [to meet with] so many cavaliers; ... and he had lands to -dispose of to his followers in each Province, and from Cape Ann to Cape Cod -was one.... And that he had wrong in the Bay [to the] value of two hundred -pounds, and made bitter complaints thereof. But Morton would let it -rest till the Governor came over to right him; and did intimate he knew -whose roast his spits and jacks turned.”<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p></div> - -<p>Prospering in Rhode Island no more than at Plymouth, -Morton is next heard of as a prisoner in Boston. How he -came within the clutches of the Massachusetts magistrates is -not known; his necessities or his assurance may have carried -him to Boston, or he may have been pounced upon by Endicott’s -officers as he was furtively passing through the province. -In whatever way it came about, he was in custody on -the 9th of September, just five weeks from the time of Coddington’s -letter to Winthrop, and the latter then made the -following entry in his Journal:<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>—</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“At the court of assistants Thomas Morton was called forth presently after -the lecture, that the country might be satisfied of the justice of our proceeding -against him. There was laid to his charge his complaint against us at -the council board, which he denied. Then we produced the copy of the bill -exhibited by Sir Christopher Gardiner, etc., wherein we were charged with -treason, rebellion, etc., wherein he was named as a party or witness. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> -denied that he had any hand in the information, only was called as a witness. -To convince him to be the principal party, it was showed: 1. That Gardiner -had no occasion to complain against us, for he was kindly used and dismissed -in peace, professing much engagement for the great courtesy he found here. -2. Morton had set forth a book against us, and had threatened us, and had -prosecuted a <i>quo warranto</i> against us, which he did not deny. 3. His letter -was produced,<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> written soon after to Mr. Jeffreys, his old acquaintance and -intimate friend.”</p></div> - -<p>This passage is characteristic both of the man and of the -time. The prisoner now arraigned before the magistrates -had been set in the stocks, all his property had been confiscated, -and his house had been burned down before his eyes. -He had been sent back to England, under a warrant, to stand -his trial for crimes it was alleged he had committed. In -England he had been released from imprisonment in due -course of law. Having now returned to Massachusetts, he -was brought before the magistrates, “that the country might -be satisfied of the justice of our proceeding against him.” -As the result of this proceeding, which broke down for want -of proof, the alleged offender is again imprisoned, heavily -fined, and narrowly escapes a whipping. Under all these -circumstances, it becomes interesting to inquire what the -exact offence alleged against him was. It was stated by Winthrop. -He had made a “complaint against us at the council -board.”</p> - -<p>“The council board” thus referred to was the royal Privy -Council. It represented the king, the supreme power in -the state, the source from whence the charter of the Massachu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span>setts -Bay Company was derived. The complaint, therefore, -charged to have been made, was made to the common superior, -and it alleged the abuse, by an inferior, of certain powers -and privileges which that superior had granted. It would -seem to have been no easy task for the magistrates to point -out, either to the prisoner or to the country it was proposed -to satisfy, any prescriptive law, much less any penal statute, -which made a criminal offence out of a petition to the -acknowledged supreme power in the state, even though that -petition set forth the alleged abuse of charter privileges.</p> - -<p>But it is not probable that this view of the matter ever -even suggested itself to Winthrop and his associates. It -does not seem even to have been urged upon them by the -prisoner. On the contrary he appears to have accepted the -inevitable, and practically admitted that a complaint to the -king was in Massachusetts, as Burdet had some years before -asserted, “accounted a perjury and treason in our general -courts,”<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> punishable at the discretion of the magistrates. -Morton, therefore, denied having made the complaint, and -the magistrates were unable to prove it against him. The -most singular and unaccountable feature in the proceedings -is that the <i>New Canaan</i> was not put in evidence. Apparently -there was no copy of it to be had. Could one have -been produced, it is scarcely possible that the avowed author -of the libellous strictures on Endicott, then himself governor, -should have escaped condign punishment of some sort from -a bench of Puritan magistrates. But Winthrop merely mentions -that he had “set forth a book against us,” and Mave<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span>rick -says that this was denied and could not be proved.<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> Had -a copy of the <i>New Canaan</i> then been at hand, either in -Boston or at Plymouth, a glance at the titlepage would have -proved who “set [it] forth” beyond possibility of denial.</p> - -<p>The only entry in the Massachusetts records relating to -this proceeding is as <span class="lock">follows:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“For answer to Thomas Morton petition, the magistrates have called him -publicly, and have laid divers things to his charge, which he denies; and -therefore they think fit that further evidence be sent for into England, and -that Mr Downing may have instructions to search out evidence against him, -and he to lie in prison in the mean time, unless he find sufficient bail.”<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a></p></div> - -<p>This entry is from the records of the General Court, held -in November 1644. Among the unpublished documents in -the Massachusetts archives is yet another petition from Morton, -bearing no date, but, from the endorsement upon it, evidently -submitted to the General Court of May, 1645, six -months later, when Dudley was governor. This petition is as -<span class="lock">follows:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="center"> -<i>To the honored Court at Boston assembled:</i> -</p> - -<p>The humble petition of Thomas Morton, prisoner.</p> - -<p>Your petitioner craveth the favour of this honored Court to cast back -your eies and behould what your poore petitioner hath suffered in these -parts.</p> - -<p>First, the petitioner’s house was burnt, and his goodes taken away.</p> - -<p>Secondly, his body clapt into Irons, and sent home in a desperat ship, -unvittled, as if he had been a man worthy of death, which appeared contrary -when he came there.</p> - -<p>Now the petitioner craves this further that you would be pleased to consider -what is laid against him: (taking it for granted to be true) which is -not proved: whether such a poore worme as I had not some cause to crawle -out of this condition above mentioned.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span></p> - -<p>Thirdly, the petitioner craves this favoure of you, as to view his actions -lately towards New England, whether they have not been serviceable to -some gentlemen in the country; but I will not praise my selfe.</p> - -<p>Fourthly, the petitioner coming into these parts, which he loveth, on -godly gentlemen’s imployments, and your worshipps having a former jelosy -of him, and a late untrue intelligence of him, your petitioner has been imprisoned -manie Moneths and laid in Irons to the decaying of his Limbs; -Let your petitioner finde soe much favoure, as to see that you can passe by -former offence, which finding the petitioner hopes he shall stand on his -watch to doe you service as God shall enable him.</p></div> - -<p>Upon this document, certainly humble enough in tone, -appear the following <span class="lock">endorsements:—</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>The house of Deputies desire the honored magistrates to return them a -reason, wherefore the petitioner came not to his triall the last quarter -Courte according to graunte (as they conceave) of a former petition presented -to the Courte by him.</p> - -<p class="sig"> -ROBT. BRIDGES. -</p> - -<p>The reason why he came not to his tryall was the not cominge of evidence -out of England against him which we expect by the next ship.</p> - -<p class="sig"> -THO: DUDLEY <i>Gov<sup>r</sup></i> -</p> - -<p>The house of Deputies have made choyce of Major Gibbons, and Captain -Jennison to treate with the honored magistrates about this petition of -Morton.</p> - -<p class="sig"> -ROBT. BRIDGES.</p> -</div> - -<p>Singularly enough the Major Gibbons to whom Morton’s -petition was thus referred had, in former years, been one of -his followers at Merry-Mount. He was a man of ability -and energy, the whole of whose singular career, as traced in -an interesting note of Palfrey’s, will not bear a too close -scrutiny.<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> At the time of Morton’s arrest by Miles Standish,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> -in 1629, Gibbons was probably one of those belonging to the -Merry-Mount company who had then “gone up into the inlands -to trade with the savages.”<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> During that summer he -experienced religion in a quite unexpected way, and now, in -1645, while his old master was rotting in the Boston jail, Gibbons -was a prosperous merchant, a deputy to the General -Court, and “chief military officer of the train-band of the -town.” Higher military honors and severe business vicissitudes -were in store for him. It nowhere appears whether -under these circumstances Major Gibbons had either the -will or the ability to be of service to his former chief, and -Winthrop is the only authority for what remains of Morton’s -story. It is soon told.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“Having been kept in prison about a year in expectation of further evidence -out of England, he was again called before the court, and after some -debate what to do with him, he was fined 100 pounds, and set at liberty. -He was a charge to the country, for he had nothing, and we thought not -fit to inflict corporal punishment upon him, being old and crazy, but thought -better to fine him and give him his liberty, as if it had been to procure his -fine, but indeed to leave him opportunity to go out of the jurisdiction, as -he did soon after, and he went to Acomenticus, and living there poor and -despised, he died within two years after.”<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a></p></div> - -<p>Morton himself asserted that the harsh treatment he -underwent in prison, while waiting for that evidence from -England which was to convict him of some crime, broke -down his health and hastened his end. If he was indeed, -as Maverick subsequently stated,<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> kept in jail and, as he -himself says, in irons, through an entire New England<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> -winter, on the prison fare of those days, and without either -fire or bedding, this seems wholly probable.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>There was about Thomas Morton nothing that was -remarkable. On the contrary he was one of a class of men -common enough in the days of Elizabeth and the Stuarts -to have found their way into the literature of the period, as -well as into that more modern romance which undertakes to -deal with it. It is the Alsatian Squire and Wildrake type. -Morton chanced to get out of place. He was a vulgar Royalist -libertine, thrown by accident into the midst of a Puritan -community. He was unable or unwilling to accept the -situation, or to take himself off; and hence followed his -misfortunes and his notoriety. Had he in 1625, or even in -1629, gone to Virginia or to New York, he would have lived -in quiet and probably died in poverty, leaving nothing -behind to indicate that he had ever been. As it is, he -will receive a mention in every history of America.</p> - -<p>More recently also certain investigators, who have approached -the subject from a Church of England point of -view, have shown some disposition to adopt Morton’s cause -as their own, and to attribute his persecution, not to his -immoral life or illicit trade, but to his devotion to the Book -of Common Prayer.<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> It is another article in the long impeachment -of the founders of New England, and it has -even been alleged that “it still remains for Massachusetts to -do justice to Morton, who had his faults, though he was not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> -the man his enemies, and notably Bradford, declared him -to be.”<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p> - -<p>The <i>New English Canaan</i> is the best and only conclusive -evidence on this point. In its pages Morton very clearly -shows what he was, and the nature of “his faults.” He -was a born Bohemian, and as he passed on in life he became -an extremely reckless but highly amusing old debauchee and -tippler. When he was writing his book, Archbishop Laud -was the head of the board of Lords Commissioners. On -the action of that board depended all the author’s hopes. -In view of this fact, there are, in the <i>New Canaan</i>, few more -delightful or characteristic passages than that in which, describing -his arrest by Standish, Morton announces that it was -“because mine host was a man that endeavored to advance -the dignity of the Church of England; which they, on the -contrary part, would labor to vilify with uncivil terms; envying -against the sacred Book of Common Prayer, and mine -host that used it in a laudable manner amongst his family -as a practice of piety.”<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p> - -<p>The part he was endeavoring to play when he wrote this -passage was one not very congenial to him, and he makes an -awkward piece of work of it. The sudden tone of sanctimony -which he infuses into the words quoted, hardly covers -up the leer and gusto with which he had just been describing -the drunkenness and debauchery of Merry-Mount,—how -“the good liquor” had flowed to all comers, while “the lasses<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> -in beaver-coats” had been welcome “night and day;” how -“he that played Proteus, with the help of Priapus, put their -noses out of joint;” and how that “barren doe” became fruitful, -who is mysteriously alluded to as a “goodly creature of -incontinency” who had “tried a camp royal in other parts.” -Though, from the point of view before alluded to, it has been -asserted that the Massachusetts magistrates “invented ... insinuations -respecting [Morton’s] treatment of [the Indian] -women, whom, in reality, he had fought to instruct in the -principles of religion,”<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>—though this and other similar -assertions have been made with apparent gravity, yet it is -impossible to read the third book of the <i>New Canaan</i>, saturated -as it is with drunkenness, ribaldry and scoffing, without -coming to the conclusion that <i>Don Quixote</i>, <i>Rabelais</i> -and the <i>Decameron</i> are far more likely to have been in request -at Merry-Mount than the Bible or the Book of Common -Prayer.</p> - -<p>Not that the <i>New Canaan</i> is in itself an obscene or even -a coarse book. On the contrary, judged by the standard of -its time, it is singularly the reverse. Indeed it is almost -wholly free from either word or allusion which would offend -the taste of the present day. Yet the writer of the <i>New -Canaan</i> was none the less a scoffer, a man of undevout -mind. As to the allegation that his devotion to the Church -of England and its ritual was the cause of his arrest by the -Plymouth authorities, the answer is obvious and decisive. -Blackstone was an Episcopalian, and a devout one, retaining -even in his wilderness home the canonical coat which told of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> -his calling.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> Maverick and Walford were Episcopalians; -they lived and died such. The settlers at Wessagusset were -Episcopalians. In the dwellings of all these the religious -services of the times, customary among Episcopalians, were -doubtless observed, for they were all religious men. Yet not -one of them was ever in any way molested by the Plymouth -people; but, on the contrary, they one and all received aid -and encouragement from Plymouth. Episcopalians as they -were, they all joined in dealing with Morton as a common -enemy and a public danger; and such he unquestionably -was. It was not, then, because he made use of the Common -Prayer that he was first driven from the Massachusetts Bay; -it was because he was a nuisance and a source of danger. -That subsequently, and by the Massachusetts authorities, he -was dealt with in a way at once high-handed and oppressive, -has been sufficiently shown in these pages. Yet it is by no -means clear that, under similar circumstances, he would not -have been far more severely and summarily dealt with at a -later period, when the dangers of a frontier life had brought -into use an unwritten code, which evinced even a less regard -for life than, in Morton’s case, the Puritans evinced for -property.<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a></p> - -<p>As a literary performance the <i>New Canaan</i>, it is unneces<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span>sary -to say, has survived through no merits of its own. While -it is, on the whole, a better written book than the <i>Wonder-Working -Providence</i>, it is not so well written as Wood’s -<i>Prospect</i>; and it cannot compare with what we have from the -pens of Smith or Gorges,—much less from those of Winslow, -Winthrop and, above all, Bradford. Indeed, it is -amazing how a man who knew as much as Morton knew of -events and places now full of interest, could have sat down -to write about them at all, and then, after writing so much, -have told so little. Rarely stating anything quite correctly,—the -most careless and slipshod of authors,—he took a -positive pleasure in concealing what he meant to say under -a cloud of metaphor. Accordingly, when printed, the <i>New -Canaan</i> fell still-born from the press, the only contemporaneous -trace of it which can be found in English literature -being Butler’s often quoted passage in <i>Hudibras</i>, in which -the Wessagusset hanging is alluded to.<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> It is even open to -question whether this reference was due to Butler’s having -read the book. The passage referred to is in the second -part of <i>Hudibras</i>, which was not published until 1664, -twenty-seven years after the publication of the <i>New Canaan</i>. -It is perfectly possible that Butler may have known Morton; -for in 1637 the future author of <i>Hudibras</i> was already -twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about London -for six or seven years after that. There are indications that -he knew Ben Jonson;<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> and, indeed, it is scarcely possible that -with his sense of humor and convivial tastes Morton should -not often have met the poets and playwrights of the day at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> -the Mermaid. If he and the author of <i>Hudibras</i> ever did -chance to meet, they must have proved congenial spirits, for -there is much that is Hudibrastic in the <i>New Canaan</i>. Not -impossibly, therefore, the idea of a vicarious New England -hanging dwelt for years in the brain of Butler, not as the -reminiscence of a passage he had read in some forgotten -book, but as a vague recollection of an amusing story which -he had once heard Morton tell.</p> - -<p>It is, indeed, the author’s sense of humor, just alluded to, -which gives to the <i>New Canaan</i> its only real distinction -among the early works relating to New England. In this -respect it stands by itself. In all the rest of those works, one -often meets with passages of simplicity, of pathos and of -great descriptive power,—never with anything which was -both meant to raise a smile, and does it. The writers seemed -to have no sense of humor, no perception of the ludicrous. -Bradford, for instance, as a passage “rather of mirth than -of weight,” describes how he put a stop to the Christmas -games at Plymouth in 1621. There is a grim solemnity in -his very chuckle. Winthrop gives a long account of the -penance of Captain John Underhill, as he stood upon a stool -in the church, “without a band, in a foul linen cap pulled -close to his eyes,” and “blubbering,” confessed his adultery -with the cooper’s wife.<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> Yet he evidently recorded it with -unbroken gravity. Then, in 1644, he mentions that “two of -our ministers’ sons, being students in the college, robbed two -dwelling-houses, in the night, of some 15 pounds. Being -found out, they were ordered by the governors of the col<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span>lege -to be there whipped, which was performed by the -president himself—yet they were about twenty years of -age.”<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> If Morton had recorded this incident, he could not -have helped seeing a ludicrous side to it, and he would have -expressed it in some humorous, or at least in some grotesque -way. Winthrop saw the serious side of everything, and the -serious side only. In this he was like all the rest. Such -solemnity, such everlasting consciousness of responsibility to -God and man, is grand and perhaps impressive; but it -grows wearisome. It is pleasant to have it broken at last, -even though that which breaks it is in some respects not -to be commended. A touch of ribaldry becomes bearable. -Among what are called <i>Americana</i>, therefore, the <i>New -Canaan</i> is and will always remain a refreshing book. It is -a connecting link. Poor as it may be, it is yet all we have -to remind us that in literature, also, Bradford and Winthrop -and Cotton were Englishmen of the time of Shakespeare and -Jonson and Butler.</p> - -<div class="figcenterb" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t098.jpg" width="200" height="101" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t099.jpg" width="500" height="81" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -</div> - -<p>It remains only to speak of the bibliography of the <i>New -Canaan</i>, which at one time excited some discussion, and of -the present edition. Written before the close of 1635, the -<i>New Canaan</i> was printed at Amsterdam in 1637. It has -been reprinted but once,—by Force, in the second volume of -his <i>American Tracts</i>. The present is, therefore, the second -reprint, and the first annotated edition. For a number of -years it was supposed that copies of the book were in existence -with an alternative titlepage, bearing the imprint of -Charles Greene, and the date of 1632.<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> This supposition -was, however, very carefully examined into by Mr. Winsor -in the <i>Harvard University Literary Bulletins</i> (Nos. 9 and 10, -1878-9, pp. 196, 244), and found to be partially, at least, -groundless. It was due to the fact that Force made his -reprint from a copy of the book in his collection, now in the -Library of Congress. That copy lacked a portion or the -whole of the titlepage; and the missing parts seem to have -been supplied, without mention of the fact being made, from -the entry of the book under 1632 in White Kennet’s <i>Bibliothecæ -Americanæ Primordia</i>. Apparently the error originated -in the following way. The <i>New Canaan</i> was entered -for copyright in the Stationers’ Registers in London, -November 18, 1633, in behalf of Charles Greene, the printer. -There is no reason to suppose that it was then com<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span>pleted, -as it may have been entered by its title alone. If it -was, however, completed in part in 1633, the internal evidence -is conclusive that it was both revised<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> and added to<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> -as late as 1634; and, indeed, the Board of Lords Commissioners -for regulating Plantations, to which it is formally -dedicated, was not created until April 10th of that year. -Greene did not print the book; though, as will presently -be seen, a certain number of copies may possibly have been -struck off for him with titlepages of their own. The entry -in the Stationers’ Registers was, however, afterwards discovered, -and seems then to have supplied by inference the -date of publication, which could not be learned from certain -copies, the titlepages to which were defective or wanting. -The dates given in Lowndes’s <i>Manual</i> would seem to -be simply incorrect.<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Meanwhile, for reasons probably of -economy, though notice of publication had been given in -London, the book was actually printed in Holland, and the -regular titlepage reads: “Printed at Amsterdam by Jacob -Frederick Stam, in the year 1637.” There are copies, however, -the titlepages of which read: “Printed for Charles -Greene, and are sold in Pauls Churchyard,” no date being -given.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> It is not known that these copies differ in any other -respect from those bearing the usual imprint. The conclusion, -therefore, would seem to be that, as already stated, a -number of copies may have been struck off for Greene -with a distinct titlepage. Properly speaking, however, there<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> -seems to have been but one edition of the book. With the -exception of the Force titlepage, which has been shown -to be erroneous, there is no evidence of any copy being -in existence bearing an earlier date than the usual one of -Amsterdam, 1637.</p> - -<p>Copies of the <i>New Canaan</i> are extremely rare. Savage, -in his notes to Winthrop (vol. i. p. *34), said that he had -then, before 1825, never heard of but one copy, “which was -owned by his Excellency John Q. Adams.” It is from that -copy that the present edition is printed. Mr. Adams purchased -it while in Europe prior to the year 1801. It was -that copy also which was temporarily deposited in the Boston -Athenæum in 1810, as mentioned in the <i>Monthly Anthology</i> -of that date (vol. viii. p. 420), referred to in the <i>Harvard -University Library Bulletin</i>, (No. 9, p. 196). The Rev. -George Whitney, in his <i>History of Quincy</i> written in 1826, -says (p. 11) that another “copy was lately presented to the -Adams Library of the town of Quincy by the Rev. Thaddeus -Mason Harris.”<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> In addition to these, some dozen or twenty -other copies in all are known to exist in various public and -private collections in America and Europe, several of which -are enumerated in the <i>Literary Bulletin</i> just referred to.</p> - -<p>Very many of the errors both in typography and punctuation, -with which the <i>New Canaan</i> abounds, are obviously due -to the fact that it was printed in Amsterdam. The original -manuscript it would seem was no more legible than the manu<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span>script -of that period, as it has come down to us, is usually -found to be. At best it was not easy to decipher. The -copy of the <i>New Canaan</i> was then put in the hands of a -compositor imperfectly, if at all, acquainted with English; -and, if the proof-sheets were ever corrected by any one, they -certainly were not corrected by the author or by a proof-reader -really familiar with his writing, or even with the -tongue in which he wrote. Accordingly pen flourishes were -mistaken for punctuation marks, and these were inserted -without any regard to the context; familiar words appeared -in unintelligible shapes;<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> small letters were mistaken for capitals, -and capitals for small letters, and one letter was confounded -with another. In addition to these numerous mistakes -in deciphering and following the manuscript, ordinary -typographical errors are not uncommon; though in this -respect the <i>New Canaan</i> is less marked by blemishes than -under the circumstances would naturally be supposed.</p> - -<p>Neither is this explanation of the curiously bad press-work -of the <i>New Canaan</i> a mere conjecture. One other -composition of Morton’s has come down to us in the letter -to Jeffreys, preserved by Winthrop.<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> Let any one compare -this letter with a chapter from the <i>New Canaan</i>, and he will -see at once that, while both are manifestly productions from -the same pen, they have been preserved under wholly different -circumstances. Take, for instance, the following identical -passages,—the one from the <i>New Canaan</i> and the other -from the letter to Jeffreys, and they will sufficiently illustrate -this point.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span></p> -<div class="parallel"> - -<p class="center">NEW CANAAN.</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Book</span> <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <span class="smcap">Chapter 31</span>. </p> - -<p>And now mine Host being merrily -disposed, haveing past many perillous -adventures in that desperat Whales -belly, beganne in a posture like Ionas, -and cryed Repent you cruell Seperatists -repent, there are as yet but 40. -dayes if Iove vouchsafe to thunder, -Charter and the Kingdome of the -Seperatists will fall a sunder: Repent -you cruell Schismaticks repent.</p> -</div> - -<div class="parallel"> -<p class="center">LETTER TO JEFFREYS.</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Savage’s Winthrop</span>, <span class="smcap">vol. II.</span> p. *190.</p> - -<p>So that now Jonas being set ashore -may safely cry, repent you cruel separatists, -repent, there are as yet but -forty days. If Jove vouchsafe to -thunder, the charter and kingdom of -the separatists will fall asunder. Repent -you cruel schismatics, repent.</p></div> - -<p>The letter to Jeffreys is curiously characteristic of Morton. -It is written in the same inflated, metaphorical, enigmatic -style as the <i>New Canaan</i>. It is, however, perfectly intelligible -and even energetic. The reason is obvious. It was correctly -copied by a man who understood what the writer was -saying. Accordingly it is as clear as Winthrop’s own text. -The <i>New Canaan</i> would have been equally clear had it been -deciphered at the compositor’s form by a man with Winthrop’s -familiarity with English.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>There is some reason to think that the fancy for exact -reproduction in typography has of late years been carried to -an extreme. Not only have peculiarities of spelling, capitalization -and type, which were really characteristic of the past, -been carefully followed, but abbreviations and figures have -been reproduced in type, which formerly were confined to -manuscripts, and are certainly never found in the better -printed books of the same period. It is certainly desirable in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> -reprinting quaint works, which it is not supposed will ever -pass into the hands of general readers, to have them appear -in the dress of the time to which they belong. Indeed they -cannot be modernized in spelling, the use of capitals, or -even, altogether, in punctuation, without losing something -of their flavor. Yet, this notwithstanding, there is no good -reason why gross and manifest blunders, due to the ignorance -of compositors and the carelessness of proof-readers, -should be jealously perpetuated as if they were sacred things. -This assuredly is carrying the spirit of faithful reproduction -to fanaticism. It is Chinese.</p> - -<p>The rule followed, therefore, in the present edition has -been to reproduce the <i>New Canaan</i> as it appeared in the -Amsterdam edition of 1637, correcting only the punctuation, -and such errors of the press as are manifest and unmistakable. -Very few changes have been made in the use of capitals, -and those only where it is obvious that a letter of one -kind in the copy was mistaken by the compositor for a letter -of another kind. An example of this is found at the top of -page *14, where “Captaine Davis’ fate,” in the author’s -manuscript, is made to appear as “Captain Davis Fate,” in -the original text. The compositor evidently mistook the -small <i>f</i>, written with the old-fashioned flourish, for an initial -capital. The spelling has in no case been changed except -where the error, as in the case already cited of “muit” for -“mint,” is manifestly due to printers’ blunders. Mistakes of -the press, such as “legg” for “logg” (p. *77) and “vies” for -“eies” (p. *152), have been made right wherever they could -be certainly detected.</p> - -<p>No conjectural readings whatever have been inserted in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> -the text. The few passages, not more than four or five in -number, in which, owing probably to the failure of the compositor -to decipher manuscript, the meaning of the original -is not clear, are reproduced exactly. No liberties whatever -have been taken with the original edition in these cases, and -all guesses which are indulged in as to the author’s meaning, -whether by the editor or others, are confined to the -notes. In a few places the text is obviously deficient. -Words necessary to the meaning are omitted in printing. -Wherever these have been conjecturally inserted, the inserted -words are in brackets. In a very few cases, words, which -could clearly have found their way into the original only -through inadvertence, have been omitted. Attention is -called in the notes to every such omission.</p> - -<p>The effort in the present edition has, in short, been to -make it a reproduction of the <i>New Canaan</i>; but the reproduction -was to be an intelligent, and not a servile one.</p> - -<div class="figcenterb" style="width: 150px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t105.jpg" width="150" height="95" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span></p> - - - -<h2 class="nobreak"> -<span class="large">NEW ENGLISH CANAAN</span><br /> -<i>OR</i><br /> -<span class="x-large">NEW CANAAN.</span> -</h2> - -<p class="p2 front larger">Containing an Abstract of New England,<br /> - -<span class="small"><i>Composed in three Bookes</i>.</span></p> - -<p class="p2 front">The first Booke setting forth the originall of the Natives, their -Manners and Customes, together with their tractable Nature and -Love towards the English.</p> - -<p class="p2 front">The second Booke setting forth the naturall Indowments of the -Country, and what staple Commodities it -yealdeth.</p> - -<p class="p2 front">The third Booke setting forth, what people are planted there, -their prosperity, what remarkable accidents have happened since the first -planting of it, together with their Tenents and practise -of their Church.</p> - -<p class="p2 front"><i>Written by</i> Thomas Morton of Cliffords Inne gent, <i>upon tenne -yeares knowledge and experiment of the -Country</i>.</p> - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 250px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t107a.jpg" width="250" height="156" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - -<p class="p2 front"> -Printed at AMSTERDAM,<br /> -<i>By JACOB FREDERICK STAM.<br /> -In the Yeare 1637</i>. -</p> - - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span></p> - - - - -<p class="front p4">To the right honorable, the Lords and -others of his Majesties most honorable privy Councell, -Commissioners, for the Government of all his -Majesties forraigne Provinces.<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><i>Right honorable</i>,</p> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/zill_t109.jpg" width="150" height="161" alt="T" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="uppercase">The</span> zeale which I beare to the advauncement of -the glory of God, the honor of his Majesty, and -the good of the weale publike hath incouraged -mee to compose this abstract, being the modell -of a Rich, hopefull and very beautifull Country -worthy the Title of Natures Masterpeece, and may be lost -by too much sufferance. It is but a widowes mite, yet -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_4">{4}</a></span> all that wrong and rapine hath left mee to bring -from thence, where I have indevoured my best, bound -by my allegeance, to doe his Majesty service. This in all humility -I present as an offering, wherewith I prostrate my selfe -at your honorable footstoole. If you please to vouchsafe it -may receave a blessing from the Luster of your gracious -Beames, you shall make your vassaile happy, in that hee yet -doth live to shew how ready hee is, and alwayes hath bin, to -sacrifice his dearest blood, as becometh a loyall subject, for -the honor of his native Country. Being</p> - -<p class="sig"> -<i>your humors humble vassaile</i><br /> -<span class="smcap">Thomas Morton</span>. -</p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span></p> - - - -<h3>The Epistle to the Reader.</h3> - -</div> - -<p><i>GENTLE READER</i>,</p> - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/zill_t110.jpg" width="150" height="162" alt="I" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="uppercase">I</span> present to the publike view an abstract of New -England, which I have undertaken to compose -by the incouragment of such genious spirits as -have been studious of the inlargment of his -Majesties Territories; being not formerly satisfied -by the relations of such as, through haste, have taken -but a superficiall survey thereof: which thing time hath enabled -mee to performe more punctually to the life, and to -give a more exact accompt of what hath been required. I -have therefore beene willing to doe my indevoure to communicat -the knowledge which I have gained and collected -together, by mine owne observation in the time of my many -yeares residence in those parts, to my loving Country men: -For the better information of all such as are desirous to be -made partakers of the blessings of God in that fertile -Soyle, as well as those <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_8">{8}</a></span> that, out of Curiosity onely, have -bin inquisitive after nouelties. And the rather for that I -have observed how divers persons (not so well affected to the -weale publike in mine opinion), out of respect to their owne -private ends, have laboured to keepe both the practise of the -people there, and the Reall worth of that eminent Country -concealed from publike knowledge; both which I have -abundantly in this discourse layd open: yet if it be well -accepted, I shall esteeme my selfe sufficiently rewardded for -my undertaking, and rest,</p> - -<p class="sig"> -<i>Your Wellwisher</i>.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smcap">Thomas Morton.</span> -</p> - - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span></p> - - - - -<h3>In laudem Authoris.</h3> - -</div> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - - <div class="verse">T’ Excuse the Author ere the worke be shewne</div> - <div class="verse">Is accusation in it selfe alone;</div> - <div class="verse">And to commend him might seeme oversight;</div> - <div class="verse">So divers are th’ opinions of this age,</div> - <div class="verse">So quick and apt, to taxe the moderne stage,</div> - <div class="verse">That hard his taske is that must please in all:</div> - <div class="verse">Example have wee from great Cæsars fall.</div> - <div class="verse">But is the sonne to be dislik’d and blam’d,</div> - <div class="verse">Because the mole is of his face asham’d?</div> - <div class="verse">The fault is in the beast, not in the sonne;</div> - <div class="verse">Give sicke mouthes sweete meates, fy! they relish none.</div> - <div class="verse">But to the sound in censure, he commends</div> - <div class="verse">His love unto his Country; his true ends,</div> - <div class="verse">To modell out a Land of so much worth</div> - <div class="verse">As untill now noe traveller setteth<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> forth;</div> - <div class="verse">Faire Canaans second selfe, second to none,</div> - <div class="verse">Natures rich Magazine till now unknowne.</div> - <div class="verse">Then here survay what nature hath in store,</div> - <div class="verse">And graunt him love for this. He craves no more.</div> - -</div></div> - -<div class="sig"> -R. O. Gen. -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span></p> - - - -<h3 title="Sir Christoffer Gardiner, Knight. In laudem Authoris.">Sir Christoffer Gardiner, Knight.<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a><br /> - -In laudem Authoris.</h3> - - -</div> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">This worke a matchles mirror is, that shewes</div> - <div class="verse">The Humors of the seperatiste, and those</div> - <div class="verse">So truely personated by thy pen.</div> - <div class="verse">I was amaz’d to see’t; herein all men</div> - <div class="verse">May plainely see, as in an inter-lude,</div> - <div class="verse">Each actor figure; and the scæne well view’d</div> - <div class="verse">In Comick,<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> Tragick, and in a pastorall strife,<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></div> - <div class="verse">For tyth of mint<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> and Cummin, shewes their life</div> - <div class="verse">Nothing but opposition gainst the right</div> - <div class="verse">Of sacred Majestie: men full of spight,</div> - <div class="verse">Goodnes abuseing, turning vertue out</div> - <div class="verse">Of Dores, to whipping, stocking, and full bent</div> - <div class="verse">To plotting mischeife gainst the innocent,</div> - <div class="verse">Burning their houses, as if ordained by fate,</div> - <div class="verse">In spight of Lawe, to be made ruinate.</div> - <div class="verse">This taske is well perform’d, and patience be</div> - <div class="verse">Thy present comfort, and thy constancy</div> - <div class="verse">Thine honor; and this glasse, where it shall come,</div> - <div class="verse">Shall sing thy praises till the day of doome.</div> - -</div></div> -<div class="sig"> -Sir C. G. -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span></p> - - -<h3>In laudem Authoris.</h3> - -</div> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">Bvt that I rather pitty, I confesse,</div> - <div class="verse">The practise of their Church, I could expresse</div> - <div class="verse">Myselfe a Satyrist, whose smarting fanges</div> - <div class="verse">Should strike it with a palsy, and the panges</div> - <div class="verse">Beget a feare to tempt the Majesty</div> - <div class="verse">Of those, or mortall Gods. Will they defie</div> - <div class="verse">The Thundring Jove? Like children they desire,</div> - <div class="verse">Such is their zeale, to sport themselves with fire:</div> - <div class="verse">So have I seene an angry Fly presume</div> - <div class="verse">To strike a burning taper, and consume</div> - <div class="verse">His feeble wings. Why, in an aire so milde,</div> - <div class="verse">Are they so monstrous growne up, and so vilde,</div> - <div class="verse">That Salvages can of themselves espy</div> - <div class="verse">Their errors, brand their names with infamy?</div> - <div class="verse">What! is their zeale for blood like Cyrus thirst?</div> - <div class="verse">Will they be over head and eares a curst?</div> - <div class="verse">A cruell way to found a Church on! noe,</div> - <div class="verse">T’is not their zeale but fury blinds them soe,</div> - <div class="verse">And pricks their malice on like fier to joyne,</div> - <div class="verse">And offer up the sacrifice of Kain.</div> - <div class="verse">Jonas, thou hast done well to call these men</div> - <div class="verse">Home to repentance, with thy painefull pen.</div> -</div></div> - -<div class="sig"> -F. C. Armiger. -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span></p> - - - -<p class="p4 front"> -<span class="large">NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,</span><br /> -<i>OR</i><br /> -<span class="large">NEW CANAAN.</span> -</p> - - - -<h3><i>The Author’s Prologue.</i></h3> - -</div> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">If art and industry should doe as much</div> - <div class="verse">As Nature hath for Canaan, not such</div> - <div class="verse">Another place, for benefit and rest,</div> - <div class="verse">In all the universe can be possest.</div> - <div class="verse">The more we proove it by discovery,</div> - <div class="verse">The more delight each object to the eye</div> - <div class="verse">Procures; as if the elements had here</div> - <div class="verse">Bin reconcil’d, and pleas’d it should appeare</div> - <div class="verse">Like a faire virgin, longing to be sped</div> - <div class="verse">And meete her lover in a Nuptiall bed,</div> - <div class="verse">Deck’d in rich ornaments t’ advaunce her state</div> - <div class="verse">And excellence, being most fortunate</div> - <div class="verse">When most enjoy’d: so would our Canaan be</div> - <div class="verse">If well imploy’d by art and industry;</div> - <div class="verse">Whose offspring now, shewes that her fruitfull wombe,</div> - <div class="verse">Not being enjoy’d, is like a glorious tombe,</div> - <div class="verse">Admired things producing which there dye,</div> - <div class="verse">And ly fast bound in darck obscurity:</div> - <div class="verse">The worth of which, in each particuler,</div> - <div class="verse">Who list to know, this abstract will declare.</div> -</div></div></div> - - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span></p> - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t115a.jpg" width="500" height="113" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - - -<p class="front"> -<span class="x-large">NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,</span><br /> -OR<br /> -<span class="large">NEW CANAAN.</span> -</p> - - - - -<h3><a id="The_first_Booke"></a><i>The first Booke.</i></h3> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary">Containing the originall of the Natives, their -manners & Customes, with their tractable -nature and love towards the English.</p></div> - - - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1I"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. I.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Prooving New England the principall part of all America, -and most commodious and fitt for habitation.</i></p></div> - -</div> - - - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/zill_t115b.jpg" width="150" height="163" alt="T" /> -</div> - -<div class="drop-cap"><span class="uppercase">Th</span>e wise Creator of the universall Globe -hath placed a golden meane betwixt two extreames; -I meane the temperate Zones, betwixt -the hote and cold; and every Creature, that -participates of Heavens blessings with in -the Compasse of that golden meane, is made most <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_12">{12}</a></span> apt -and fit for man to use, who likewise by that wisedome is -ordained to be the Lord of all. This globe may be his glasse, -to teach him how to use moderation and discretion, both in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> -his actions and intentions. The wise man sayes, give mee -neither riches nor poverty; why? Riches might make him -proud like Nebuchadnezar, and poverty despaire like Iobs -wife; but a meane betweene both. - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Vse of vegetatives.</i></span> - -So it is likewise in the -use of Vegetatives, that which hath too much Heate or too -much Colde, is said to be venenum: so in the use of sensitives, -all those Animals, of what genus or species soever they -be, if they participate of heate or cold in the superlative are -said to be <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Inimica naturæ</i>, as in some Fishes about the Isle -of Sall, and those Ilandes adjoyninge between the Tropickes; - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Fish poysonous -about the Isle -of Sall.</i></span> - -their participatinge of heate and cold, in the superlative, is -made most manifest, one of which poysoned a whole Ships -company that eate of it.<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> And so it is in Vipers, Toades, and -Snakes, that have heate or cold in the superlative degree.</div> - - -<div>Therefore the Creatures that participate of heate and cold -in a meane, are best and holsomest: And so it is in the choyse -of love, the middell Zone betweene the two extreames is best, - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Zona temperata, -the Golden -meane.</i></span> - -and it is therefore called <i>Zona temperata</i>, and is in the -golden meane; and all those landes lying under that Zone, -most requisite and fitt for habitation. In Cosmography, the -two extreames are called, the one <i>Torrida Zona</i>, lying be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span>tweene -the Tropickes, the other <i>Frigida Zona</i>, lying neare -the poles: all the landes lying under either of these -Zones, by reason they doe participate too <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_13">{13}</a></span> much of -heate or cold, are very inconvenient, and are accompanied -with many evils. And allthough I am not of opinion -with Aristotle,<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> that the landes under <i>Torrida Zona</i> are -alltogether uninhabited, I my selfe having beene so neare -the equinoctiall line that I have had the Sunn for my Zenith -and seene proofe to the contrary, yet cannot I deny but that -it is accompanied with many inconveniences, as that Fish -and Flesh both will taint in those partes, notwithstanding -the use of Salt which cannot be wanting there, ordained by -natures hande-worke; - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Salt aboundeth -under the -Tropicks.</i></span> - -And that is a great hinderance to the -settinge forth and supply of navigation, the very Sinewes of -a florishing Commonwealth. Then barrennesse, caused -through want of raines, for in most of those partes of the -world it is seldome accustomed to raine untill the time of the -Tornathees (as the Portingals<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> phrase is, who lived there) and - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Raine 40. -dayes about August -betweene -Cancer and the -Line.</i></span> - -then it will raine about 40. dayes together, which moisture -serveth to fructify the earth for all the yeare after, duringe -which time is seene no raine at all: the heate and cold, and -length of day and night, being much alike, with little difference. -And these raines are caused by the turning of the -windes, which else betweene the Tropickes doe blow Trade,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> -that is allwayes one way. For next the Tropicke of Cancer -it is constantly North-East, and next the Tropicke of Capricorne -it is Southwest; so that the windes comming from the -Poles, do keepe the aire in those partes coole, and make it -temperate and the partes habitable, were it not for those and -other inconveniences.</div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_14">{14}</a></span> This <i>Torrida Zona</i> is good for Grashoppers: and -<i>Zona Temperata</i> for the Ant and Bee. But <i>Frigida -Zona</i> [is] good for neither, as by lamentable experience of - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Capt. Davis -froze to death.</i></span> - - -Captaine Davis fate is manifest, who in his inquest of the -Northwest passage for the East India trade was frozen to -death.<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> And therefore, for <i>Frigida Zona</i>, I agree with Aristotle -that it is unfit for habitation:<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> and I know by the -Course of the cælestiall globe that in Groeneland, many Degrees - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Groene Land -too cold for -habitation.</i></span> - - -short of the Pole Articke, the place is too cold, by -reason of the Sunns absence almost six monethes, and the -land under the continuall power of the frost; which thinge -many more Navigators have prooved with pittifull experience -of their wintringe there, as appeareth by the history. -I thinke they will not venture to winter there againe for an -India mine.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sir Ferdinando -Gorges the -originall cause -of plantinge -New England.</i></div> - -<p>And as it is found by our Nation under the Pole Articke, -so it is likewise to be found under the Antarticke Pole; yet -what hazard will not an industrious minde and couragious -spirit undergoe, according to that of the Poet: <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Impiger extremos -currit Mercator ad Indos per mare pauperiem fugiens, -per saxa, per ignes.</i><a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> And all to gett and hord up like the -Ant and the Bee; and yet, as Salomon saith,<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> he cannot tell -whether a foole or a wise man shall enjoy it. Therefore let -us leave these two extreames, with their inconveniences, and -indeavour to finde out this golden meane, so free from any -one of them. Behold the secret wisedome of allmighty -God, and love unto our Salomon, to raise a man of a lardge -hart, full of worthy abilities, to be the Index or -Loadstarre, that doth point out <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_15">{15}</a></span> unto the English -Nation with ease and comfort how to finde it out. -And this the noble minded Gentleman, Sir Ferdinando -Gorges,<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> Knight, zealous for the glory of God, the honor of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> -his Majesty and the benefit of the weale publicke, hath done -a great worke for the good of his Country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Salvages -dyed of the -plague.</i></div> - -<p>And herein this, the wondrous wisedome and love of God, -is shewne, by sending to the place his Minister, to sweepe -away by heapes the Salvages; and also giving him length -of dayes to see the same performed after his enterprise was -begunne, for the propagation of the Church of Christ.</p> - -<p>This judicious Gentleman hath found this goulden meane -to be scituated about the middle of those two extreames, -and for directions you may proove it thus: Counting the -space betweene the Line and either of the Poles, in true -proportion, you shall finde it to be 90. Degrees: then must -we finde the meane to be neare unto the Center of 90. and -that is about 45. Degrees, and then incline unto the Sotherne -side of that Center, properly for the benefit of heate, -remembringe that <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sol & Homo generàt hominem</i>; and then -keepe us on that same side, and see what Land is to be found<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> -there, and we shall easily discerne that new England is on -the South side of that Center.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>New Engl. is -placed in the -golden meane.</i></div> - -<p>For that Country doth beginne her boundes at 40. Degrees -of Northerne latitude, and endes at 45. Degrees of the same -latitude, and doth participate of heate and cold indifferently, -but is oppressed with neither: and therefore may be truly -sayd to be within the compasse of that golden meane, -most apt and fit <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_16">{16}</a></span> for habitation and generation, being -placed by Allmighty God, the great Creator, under -that Zone called <i>Zona temperata</i>; and is therefore most fitt -for the generation and habitation of our English nation, of -all other, who are more neere neighbours to the Northerne -Pole, whose Land lyeth betweene 50. and 54. Degrees of the -selfesame latitude: now this new England, though it be - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>New England -10. Degrees -neerer the line -then old England.</i></span> - -nearer to the line then that old England by 10. Degrees -of latitude, yet doth not this exceede that other in heate -or cold, by reason of the cituation of it; for as the Coast -lyeth, being circularly Northeast and Southwest, opposite -towards the Sunnes risinge, which makes his course over the -Ocean, it can have litle or no reflecting heat of the Sun-beames, -by reason of the continuall motion of the waters -makinge the aire there the cooler and the constanter; so -that for the temperature of the Climent, sweetnesse of the -aire, fertility of the Soile, and small number of the Salvages -(which might seeme a rubb in the way off an effeminate -minde,) this Country of new England is by all judicious -men accounted the principall part of all America for habitation -and the commodiousnesse of the Sea, Ships there not -being subject to wormes as in Virginea and other places, -and not to be paraleld in all Christendome. - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Massachussets -in the -middel of New -England.</i></span> - -The Massachus<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span>sets, -being the middell part thereof, is a very beautifull -Land, not mountany nor inclininge to mountany, lyeth in -42. Degrees, and 30. minutes, and hath as yet<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> the greatest -number of inhabitants; and hath a very large bay to -it divided by Islands into 4 great bayes,<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> where shippinge -may safely ride, <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_17">{17}</a></span> all windes and weathers, the - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Windes -not so violent -in New England.</i></span> - -windes in those partes being not so violent as in England -by many Degrees: for there are no shrubbs seene to leane -from the windes, as by the Sea Coast of England I have seene -them leane, and the groundage is a sandy sleech,<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> free from -rockes to gaule Cables, but is good for anchorage: the rest -of the Planters are disperst among the Coasts betweene 41. -and 44. Degrees of Latitude, and as yet, have [made] very -little way into the inland.<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> The riches of which Country I -have set forth in this abstract as in a Landskipp, for the -better information of the Travellers; which hee may peruse -and plainely perceave by the demonstration of it, that it is -nothing inferior to Canaan of Israel, but a kind of paralell -to it in all points.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span></p> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1II"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. II.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the originall of the Natives.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>In the yeare since the incarnation of Christ, 1622, it was -my chance to be landed in the parts of New England,<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> -where I found two sortes of people, the one Christians, the -other Infidels; these I found most full of humanity, and -more friendly then the other: as shall hereafter be made -apparant in Dew-Course by their severall actions from time -to time, whilest I lived among them. After my arrivall -in those partes, I endeavoured by all the wayes and meanes -that I could to find out from what people, or nation, -the Natives of <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_18">{18}</a></span> New England might be conjectured -originlly to proceede; and by continuance and conversation -amongst them, I attaned to so much of their language, -as by all probable conjecture may make the same manifest: -for it hath been found by divers, and those of good -judgement, that the Natives of this Country doe use very -many wordes, both of Greeke and Latine, to the same signification - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Natives -have a mixed -language.</i></span> - -that the Latins and Greekes have done; as <i>en animia</i>,<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> -when an Indian expresseth that hee doth anything with a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> -good will; and <i>Pascopan</i><a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> signifieth gredy gut, this being the - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Pasco Pan -greedy gutt.</i></span> -name of an Indian that was so called of a Child, through -the greedinesse of his minde and much eating, for <i>Pasco</i> in -Latine signifieth to feede, and <i>Pan</i> in Greeke signifieth all; -and <i>Pasco nantum,<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> quasi pasco nondum</i>, halfe starved, or not -eating, as yet; <i>Equa coge</i>,<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a> set it upright; <i>Mona</i><a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> is an Island - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Mona an Island.</i></span> - -in their language, <i>quasi Monon</i>, that is alone, for an Island -is a peece or plott of ground standing alone, and devided -from the mane Land by force of water.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Cos a Whetstone.</i></div> - - -<p><i>Cos</i><a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> is a Whetstone with them. <i>Hame</i><a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> an instrument to -take fish. Many places doe retaine the name of <i>Pan</i>, as -Pantneket<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> and <i>Matta pan</i>,<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> so that it may be thought that -these people heretofore have had the name of <i>Pan</i> in great - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Pan the Shepheards -God.</i></span> - -reverence and estimation, and it may bee have worshipped -<i>Pan</i> the great God of the Heathens: Howsoever they doe -use no manner of worship at all now: and it is most likely -that the Natives of this Country are descended from people -bred upon that part of the world which is towardes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_19">{19}</a></span> the Tropicke of Cancer, for they doe still retaine the -memory of some of the Starres one that part of the -Cælestiall Globe, as the North-starre, which with them is -called Maske,<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> for Maske in their Language signifieth a -Beare: and they doe divide the windes into eight partes, -and it seemes originally have had some litterature amongst -them, which time hath Cancelled and worne out of use.</p> - - -<p>And whereas it hath beene the opinion of some men, -which shall be nameles, that the Natives of New-England -may proceede from the race of the Tartars, and come from -Tartaria into those partes,<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> over the frozen Sea, I see no - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Not to proceede -from the Tartars.</i></span> - -probality for any such Conjecture; for as much as a people -once setled must be remooved by compulsion, or else tempted -thereunto in hope of better fortunes, upon commendations -of the place unto which they should be drawne to remoove: -and if it may be thought that these people came over the -frozen Sea, then would it be by compulsion? if so, then by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> -whome, or when? or what part of this mane continent may - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>No part of -America -knowne to be -neare Tartary.</i></span> - -be thought to border upon the Country of the Tartars, it is -yet unknowne: and it is not like, that a people well enough -at ease will of their one accord undertake to travayle over -a Sea of Ice, considering how many difficulties they shall -encounter with; as first, whether there be any Land at the -end of their unknowne way, no Land beinge in view; then -want of Food to sustane life in the meane time upon -that Sea of Ice; or <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_20">{20}</a></span> how should they doe for Fuell, -to keepe them at night from freezing to death, which -will not bee had in such a place. But it may perhaps be -granted that the Natives of this Country might originally -come of the scattred Trojans: For after that Brutus, who - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Why Brutus -left Latium.</i></span> - -was the forth from Aneas, left Latium upon the conflict -had with the Latines, (where although hee gave them a -great overthrow, to the Slaughter of their grand Captaine -and many other of the Heroes of Latium, yet hee held it -more safety to depart unto some other place and people, -then by staying to runne the hazard of an unquiet life or -doubtfull Conquest, which as history maketh mention hee -performed,) this people were dispersed: there is no question -but the people that lived with him, by reason of their -conversation with the Græcians and Latines, had a mixed -language that participated of both, whatsoever was that -which was proper to their owne nation at first I know not: -for this is commonly seene where 2. nations traffique together, -the one indevouring to understand the others meaning -makes them both many times speak a mixed language, - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Two nations -meetinge make -a mixt language.</i></span> - -as is approoved by the Natives of New England, through<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> -the coveteous desire they have to commerce with our nation -and wee with them.</p> - -<p>And when Brutus did depart from Latium, we doe not -finde that his whole number went with him at once, or -arrived at one place; and being put to Sea might encounter -with a storme that would carry them out of sight of Land, -and then they might sayle God knoweth whether, and -so might be put upon this <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_21">{21}</a></span> Coast, as well as any -other. Compasse I beleeve they had none in those -dayes; Sayles they might have, (which Dædalus the first - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Dædalus the -first that used -Sayles.</i></span> - -inventor thereof left to after ages, having taught his Sonne - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Icarus the second -that used -Sayles.</i></span> - -Icarus the use of it, who to this Cost found how dangerous it -is for a Sonne not to observe the precepts of a wise Father, -so that the Icarian Sea now retaines the memory of it to this -day,) and Victuals they might have good store, and many -other things fittinge; oares without all question they would -store themselves with, in such a case; but for the use of -Compasse, there is no mention made of it at that time -(which was much about Sauls time, the first that was made - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Troy destroyed -about Sauls -time.</i></span> - -King of Israell.) Yet it is thought (and that not without -good reason for it) that the use of the Loadstone and Compasse -was knowne in Salomons time, for as much as hee sent - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Loadstone -in Salomons -time.</i></span> - -Shippes to fetch of the gould of Ophir, to adorne and bewtify -that magnificent Temple of Hierusalem by him built for the -glory of Almighty God, and by his speciall appointment: -and it is held by Cosmographers to be 3. yeares voyage -from Hierusalem to Ophir, and it is conceaved that such a -voyage could not have beene performed, without the helpe -of the Loadstone and Compasse.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span></p> - -<p>And why should any man thinke the Natives of New -England to be the gleanings of all Nations, onely because -by the pronunciation and termination their words seeme to -trench upon severall languages, when time hath not furnished -him with the interpretation thereof. The thinge -that must induce a man of reasonable capacity to any -maner of conjecture of <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_22">{22}</a></span> their originall, must be the -sence and signification of the words, principally to -frame this argument by, when hee shall drawe to any conclusion -thereupon: otherwise hee shall but runne rounde about -a maze (as some of the fantasticall tribe use to do about the -tythe of mint<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> and comin.) Therefore, since I have had -the approbation of Sir Christopher Gardiner,<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> Knight, an -able gentl. that lived amongst them, and of David Tompson,<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> -a Scottish gentl. that likewise was conversant with those -people, both Scollers and Travellers that were diligent in -taking notice of these things, as men of good judgement, -and that have bin in those parts any time, besides others of -lesse, now I am bold to conclude that the originall of the -Natives of New England may be well conjectured to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> -from the scattered Trojans, after such time as Brutus departed -from Latium.<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span></p> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1III"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. III.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a great mortality that happened amongst the Natives of -New England, neere about the time that the English came -there to plant.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>It fortuned some few yeares before the English came to inhabit -at new Plimmouth, in New England, that upon some -distast given in the Massachussets bay by Frenchmen, then -trading there with the Natives for beaver, they set upon -the men at such advantage that they killed manie of -them, burned their shipp, <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_23">{23}</a></span> then riding at Anchor by -an Island there, now called Peddocks Island,<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> in memory -of Leonard Peddock<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> that landed there, (where many<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> -wilde Anckies<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> haunted that time, which hee thought had bin -tame,) distributing them unto 5. Sachems, which were Lords -of the severall territories adjoyninge: they did keepe them so -longe as they lived, onely to sport themselves at them, and - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Five Frenchmen -kept by -the Salvages.</i></span> - -made these five Frenchmen fetch them wood and water, -which is the generall worke that they require of a servant.<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> -One of these five men, out livinge the rest, had learned so -much of their language as to rebuke them for their bloudy -deede, saying that God would be angry with them for it,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> -and that hee would in his displeasure destroy them; but -the Salvages (it seemes boasting of their strenght,) replyed -and sayd, that they were so many that God could not kill -them.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Plague -fell on the Indians.</i></div> - - -<p>But contrary wise, in short time after the hand of God -fell heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake that they -died on heapes as they lay in their houses; and the living, -that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and -let them dy, and let there Carkases ly above the ground -without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, -there hath been but one left a live to tell what became of the -rest; the livinge being (as it seemes) not able to bury the - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The livinge not -able to bury the -dead.</i></span> - -dead, they were left for Crowes, Kites and vermin to pray -upon. And the bones and skulls upon the severall places -of their habitations made such a spectacle after my comming -into those partes, that, as I travailed in that For<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span>rest -nere the Massachussets, it seemed to mee a new found -Golgatha.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_24">{24}</a></span> But otherwise, it is the custome of those Indian -people to bury their dead ceremoniously and carefully, -and then to abandon that place, because they have no -desire the place should put them in minde of mortality: and -this mortality was not ended when the Brownists of new -Plimmouth were setled at Patuxet in New England: and -by all likelyhood the sicknesse that these Indians died of -was the Plague, as by conference with them since my arrivall -and habitation in those partes, I have learned.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> And by this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> -meanes there is as yet but a small number of Salvages in -New England, to that which hath beene in former time, and - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>2 Sam. 24.</i></span> - -the place is made so much the more fitt for the English -Nation to inhabit in, and erect in it Temples to the glory -of God.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"><h4><a id="Chap_1IV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. IV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their Houses and Habitations.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>The Natives of New England are accustomed to build -them houses much like the wild Irish; they gather -Poles in the woodes and put the great end of them in the -ground, placinge them in forme of a circle or circumference, -and, bendinge the topps of them in forme of an Arch, they -bind them together with the Barke of Walnut trees, which -is wondrous tuffe, so that they make the same round -on the Topp <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_25">{25}</a></span> for the smooke of their fire to assend<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> -and passe through; these they cover with matts, some -made of reeds and some of longe flagges, or sedge, finely -sowed together with needles made of the splinter bones of a -Cranes legge, with threeds made of their Indian hempe, -which their groueth naturally, leaving severall places for -dores, which are covered with mats, which may be rowled up -and let downe againe at their pleasures, making use of the -severall dores, according as the winde sitts.<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> The fire is -alwayes made in the middest of the house, with winde fals -commonly: yet some times they fell a tree that groweth -neere the house, and, by drawing in the end thereof, maintaine -the fire on both sids, burning the tree by Degrees -shorter and shorter, untill it be all consumed; for it burneth -night and day. Their lodging is made in three places of -the house about the fire; they lye upon plankes, commonly -about a foote or 18. inches aboue the ground, raised upon -railes that are borne up upon forks; they lay mats under -them, and Coats of Deares skinnes, otters, beavers, Ra<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span>cownes, -and of Beares hides, all which they have dressed -and converted into good lether, with the haire on, for their -coverings: and in this manner they lye as warme as they -desire.<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> In the night they take their rest; in the day time,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> -either the kettle is on with fish or flesh, by no allowance, or -else the fire is imployed in roasting of fishes, which they -delight in.<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> The aire doeth beget good stomacks, and they -feede continually, and are no niggards of their vittels; for -they are willing that any one shall eate with them. -Nay, if any one that shall come into their <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_26">{26}</a></span> houses and -there fall a sleepe, when they see him disposed to lye -downe, they will spreade a matt for him of their owne accord, -and lay a roule of skinnes for a boulster, and let him lye. If -hee sleepe untill their meate be dished up, they will set a -wooden boule of meate by him that sleepeth, and wake him -saying, Cattup keene Meckin<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>: That is, If you be hungry, -there is meat for you, where if you will eate you may. Such -is their Humanity.<a name="FNanchor_240_240" id="FNanchor_240_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_240_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span></p> - -<p>Likewise, when they are minded to remoove, they carry -away the mats with them; other materiales the place adjoyning -will yeald. They use not to winter and summer in one -place, for that would be a reason to make fuell scarse; but, -after the manner of the gentry of Civilized natives, remoove -for their pleasures; some times to their hunting places, where -they remaine keeping good hospitality for that season; and -sometimes to their fishing places, where they abide for that -season likewise: and at the spring, when fish comes in plentifully, -they have meetinges from severall places, where they -exercise themselves in gaminge and playing of juglinge -trickes and all manner of Revelles, which they are deligted -in; [so] that it is admirable to behould what pastime they -use of severall kindes, every one striving to surpasse each -other.<a name="FNanchor_241_241" id="FNanchor_241_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_241_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> After this manner they spend their -time.</p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. V."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_27">{27}</a></span> <a id="Chap_1V"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. V.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their Religion.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>It has bin a common receaved opinion from Cicero,<a name="FNanchor_242_242" id="FNanchor_242_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_242_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> that -there is no people so barbarous but have some worshipp -or other. In this particular, I am not of opinion therein -with Tully; and, surely, if hee had bin amongst those people -so longe as I have bin, and conversed so much with them -touching this matter of Religion, hee would have changed -his opinion. Neither should we have found this error, -amongst the rest, by the helpe of that wodden prospect,<a name="FNanchor_243_243" id="FNanchor_243_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_243_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> if it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> -had not been so unadvisedly built upon such highe land as -that Coast (all mens judgements in generall,) doth not yeeld, -had hee but taken the judiciall councell of Sir William -Alexander, that setts this thing forth in an exact and conclusive -sentence; if hee be not too obstinate? hee would -graunt that worthy writer, that these people are <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">sine fide, sine -lege, & sine rege</i>,<a name="FNanchor_244_244" id="FNanchor_244_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_244_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> and hee hath exemplified this thinge by -a familiar demonstration, which I have by longe experience -observed to be true.</p> - -<p>And, me thinks, it is absurd to say they have a kinde of -worship, and not able to demonstrate whome or what it is -they are accustomed to worship. For my part I am more -willing to beleeve that the Elephants (which are reported to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> -be the most intelligible of all beasts) doe worship the -moone, for the reasons <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_28">{28}</a></span> given by the author of this -report, as M<sup>r</sup>. Thomas May, the minion of the Muses -dos recite it in his continuation of Lucans historicall poem,<a name="FNanchor_245_245" id="FNanchor_245_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_245_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> -rather then this man: to that I must bee constrained, to conclude -against him, and Cicero, that the Natives of New -England have no worship nor religion at all; and I am sure -it has been so observed by those that neede not the helpe of -a wodden prospect for the matter.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1VI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Indians apparrell.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>The Indians in these parts do make their apparrell of -the skinnes of severall sortes of beastes, and commonly -of those that doe frequent those partes where they doe live; -yet some of them, for variety, will have the skinnes of such -beasts that frequent the partes of their neighbors, which they -purchase of them by Commerce and Trade.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Indians -make good -lether.</i></div> - - -<p>These skinnes they convert into very good lether, making -the same plume and soft. Some of these skinnes they -dresse with the haire on, and some with the haire off; the -hairy side in winter time they weare next their bodies, and -in warme weather they weare the haire outwardes: they -make likewise some Coates of the Feathers of Turkies, -which they weave together with twine of their owne makinge, -very prittily: these garments they weare like mantels -knit over <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_29">{29}</a></span> their shoulders, and put under their arme: -they have likewise another sort of mantels, made of -Mose skinnes, which beast is a great large Deere so bigge -as a horse; these skinnes they commonly dresse bare, and - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Indians ingenious -workemen -for their -garments.</i></span> - -make them wondrous white, and stripe them with size round -about the borders, in forme like lace set on by a Taylor, and -some they stripe with size in workes of severall fashions very -curious, according to the severall fantasies of the workemen, -wherein they strive to excell one another: And Mantels -made of Beares skinnes is an usuall wearinge, among the -Natives that live where the Beares doe haunt: they make -shooes of Mose skinnes, which is the principall leather used -to that purpose; and for want of such lether (which is the -strongest) they make shooes of Deeres skinnes, very handsomly -and commodious; and, of such deeres skinnes as they -dresse bare, they make stockinges that comes within their -shooes, like a stirrop stockinge, and is fastned above at their -belt, which is about their middell; Every male, after hee - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The modesty of -the Indian -men.</i></span> - -attaines unto the age which they call Pubes, wereth a belt -about his middell, and a broad peece of lether that goeth -betweene his leggs and is tuckt up both before and behinde -under that belt; and this they weare to hide their secreats<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> -of nature, which by no meanes they will suffer to be seene, -so much modesty they use in that particular; those garments -they allwayes put on, when they goe a huntinge, to -keepe their skinnes from the brush of the Shrubbs: and -when they have their Apparrell one they looke like -Irish in <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_30">{30}</a></span> their trouses, the Stockinges joyne so to -their breeches. A good well growne deere skin is of -great account with them, and it must have the tale on, or else -they account it defaced; the tale being three times as long -as the tales of our English Deere, yea foure times so longe, -this when they travell is raped round about their body, and, - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Indians travaile -with materials -to strike -fire at all times.</i></span> - -with a girdle of their making, bound round about their middles, -to which girdle is fastned a bagg, in which his instruments -be with which hee can strike fire upon any occasion.<a name="FNanchor_246_246" id="FNanchor_246_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_246_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a></p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span></p> -<p>Thus with their bow in their left hand, and their quiuer -of Arrowes at their back, hanging one their left shoulder -with the lower end of it in their right hand, they will runne -away a dogg trot untill they come to their journey end; -and, in this kinde of ornament, they doe seeme to me to be -hansomer then when they are in English apparrell, their -gesture being answerable to their one habit and not unto -ours.</p> - -<p>Their women have shooes and stockinges to weare likewise -when they please, such as the men have, but the mantle -they use to cover their nakednesse with is much longer then -that which the men use; for, as the men have one Deeres -skinn, the women have two soed together at the full lenght, -and it is so lardge that it trailes after them like a great -Ladies trane; and in time I thinke they may have their -Pages to beare them up; and where the men use but one -Beares skinn for a Mantle, the women have two soed together; -and if any of their women would at any time shift one, -they take that which they intend to make use of, and -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_31">{31}</a></span> cast it over them round, before they shifte away the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> -other, for modesty, being unwilling to be seene to discover - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Indians -ashamed of -their nakednesse.</i></span> - -their nakednesse; and the one being so cast over, -they slip the other from under them in a decent manner, -which is to be noted in people uncivilized; therein they -seeme to have as much modesty as civilized people, and -deserve to be applauded for it.<a name="FNanchor_247_247" id="FNanchor_247_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_247_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1VII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their Child-bearing, and delivery, and what manner of -persons they are.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>The women of this Country are not suffered to be used -for procreation untill the ripenesse of their age, at -which time they weare a redd cap made of lether, in forme -like to our flat caps, and this they weare for the space of 12 -moneths, for all men to take notice of them that have any -minde to a wife; and then it is the custome of some of their -Sachems or Lords of the territories, to have the first say or -maidenhead of the females.<a name="FNanchor_248_248" id="FNanchor_248_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_248_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> Very apt they are to be with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> -childe, and very laborious when they beare children; yea, - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The women big -with child very -laborious.</i></span> - -when they are as great as they can be: yet in that case they -neither forbeare laboure, nor travaile; I have seene them in -that plight with burthens at their backs enough to load a -horse; yet doe they not miscarry, but have a faire delivery, -and a quick: their women are very good midwifes, -and the women very lusty after <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_32">{32}</a></span> delivery, and in a day -or two will travell or trudge about.<a name="FNanchor_249_249" id="FNanchor_249_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_249_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> Their infants<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> -are borne with haire on their heads, and are of complexion -white as our nation; but their mothers in their infancy - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Children -bathed to staine -the skinne.</i></span> - -make a bath of Wallnut leaves, huskes of Walnuts, and such -things as will staine their skinne for ever, wherein they dip -and washe them to make them tawny<a name="FNanchor_250_250" id="FNanchor_250_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_250_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>; the coloure of their -haire is black, and their eyes black. These infants are carried -at their mothers backs by the help of a cradle made of -a board forket at both ends, whereon the childe is fast bound -and wrapped in furres; his knees thrust up towards his -bellie, because they may be the more usefull for them when -he sitteth, which is as a dogge does on his bumme: and -this cradle surely preserues them better then the cradles of -our nation, for as much as we finde them well proportioned, -not any of them crooked backed or wry legged: and to give -their charracter in a worde, they are as proper men and -women for feature and limbes as can be found, for flesh and -bloud as active: longe handed they are, (I never sawe a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> -clunchfisted Salvadg amongst them all in my time.)<a name="FNanchor_251_251" id="FNanchor_251_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_251_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> The -colour of their eies being so generally black made a Salvage, -that had a younge infant whose eies were gray, shewed him -to us, and said they were English mens eies; I tould the -Father that his sonne was <i>nan weeteo</i>, which is a bastard; -hee replied <i>titta Cheshetue squaa</i>,<a name="FNanchor_252_252" id="FNanchor_252_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_252_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> which is, hee could not -tell, his wife might play the whore; and this childe the father -desired might have an English name, because of the litenesse<a name="FNanchor_253_253" id="FNanchor_253_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_253_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> -of his eies, which his father had in admiration because -of novelty amongst their nation.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. VIII."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_33">{33}</a></span> <a id="Chap_1VIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their Reverence, and respect to age.</i></p></div></div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Age honoured -among the Indians.</i></div> - -<p>It is a thing to be admired, and indeede made a president, -that a Nation yet uncivilizied should more respect age -then some nations civilized, since there are so many precepts -both of divine and humane writers extant to instruct more<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> -Civill Nations: in that particular, wherein they excell, the -younger are allwayes obedient unto the elder people, and at -their commaunds in every respect without grummbling;<a name="FNanchor_254_254" id="FNanchor_254_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_254_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> in -all councels, (as therein they are circumspect to do their acciones -by advise and councell, and not rashly or inconsiderately,) -the younger mens opinion shall be heard, but the old -mens opinion and councell imbraced and followed: besides, -as the elder feede and provide for the younger in infancy, so -doe the younger, after being growne to yeares of manhood, -provide for those that be aged: and in distribution of Acctes -the elder men are first served by their dispensator; and their -counsels (especially if they be powahs) are esteemed as -oracles amongst the younger Natives.</p> - -<p>The consideration of these things, mee thinkes, should -reduce some of our irregular young people of civilized -Nations, when this story shall come to their knowledge, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> -better manners, and make them ashamed of their former -error in this kinde, and to <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_34">{34}</a></span> become hereafter -more duetyfull; which I, as a friend, (by observation -having found,) have herein recorded for that purpose.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1IX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. IX.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their pretty conjuring tricks.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>If we doe not judge amisse of these Salvages in accounting -them witches, yet out of all question we may be bould -to conclude them to be but weake witches, such of them as -wee call by the names of Powahs: some correspondency -they have with the Devil out of al doubt, as by some of -their accions, in which they glory, is manifested. Papasiquineo,<a name="FNanchor_255_255" id="FNanchor_255_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_255_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a> -that Sachem or Sagamore, is a Powah of greate estimation -amongst all kinde of Salvages there: hee is at their -Revels (which is the time when a great company of Salvages<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> -meete from severall parts of the Country, in amity with their -neighbours) hath advaunced his honor in his feats or jugling -tricks (as I may right tearme them) to the admiration of the -spectators, whome hee endevoured to perswade that he would -goe under water to the further side of a river, to broade for -any man to undertake with a breath, which thing hee performed -by swimming over, and deluding the company with -casting a mist before their eies that see him enter in and -come out, but no part of the way hee has bin seene: likewise -by our English, in the heat of all summer to make Ice -appeare in a bowle of faire water; first, having the water set -before him, hee hath begunne his incantation according to -their usuall accustome, and before the same has bin -ended a thick Clowde has darkned the <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_35">{35}</a></span> aire and, on a -sodane, a thunder clap hath bin heard that has amazed -the natives; in an instant hee hath shewed a firme peece of -Ice to flote in the middest of the bowle in the presence of -the vulgar people, which doubtles was done by the agility -of Satan, his consort.</p> - -<p>And by meanes of these sleights, and such like trivial -things as these, they gaine such estimation amongst the rest -of the Salvages that it is thought a very impious matter for -any man to derogate from the words of these Powahs. In -so much as hee that should slight them, is thought to commit -a crime no lesse hainous amongst them as sacriledge is with -us, as may appeare by this one passage, which I wil set forth -for an instance.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Salvage entertained -a factor.</i></div> - - -<p>A neighbour of mine that had entertain’d a Salvage into -his service, to be his factor for the beaver trade amongst his -countrymen, delivered unto him divers parcells of commodi<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span>ties -fit for them to trade with; amongst the rest there was -one coate of more esteeme then any of the other, and with -this his new entertained marchant man travels amongst his -countrymen to truck them away for beaver: as our custome -hath bin, the Salvage went up into the Country amongst his -neighbours for beaver, and returned with some, but not enough -answerable to his Masteers expectation, but being called to an -accompt, and especially for that one Coate of speciall note, -made answer that he had given that coate to Tantoquineo, a -Powah: to which his master in a rage cryed, what have I to -doe with Tantoquineo? The Salvage, very angry at the -matter, cryed, what you speake? you are not a very good -man; wil you not give Tantoq. a coat? whats this? as -if he had offered <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_36">{36}</a></span> <i>Tantoquineo</i> the greatest indignity -that could be devised: so great is the estimation and -reverence that these people have of these Iugling<a name="FNanchor_256_256" id="FNanchor_256_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_256_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> Powahs, -who are usually sent for when any person is sicke and ill -at ease to recover them, for which they receive rewards -as doe our Chirgeons and Phisitions; and they doe make a - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>An Englishman -cured of -a swelling.</i></span> - -trade of it, and boast of their skill where they come:<a name="FNanchor_257_257" id="FNanchor_257_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_257_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> One -amongst the rest did undertake to cure an Englishman of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> -a swelling of his hand for a parcell of biskett, which being -delivered him hee tooke the party greived into the woods -aside from company, and with the helpe of the devill, (as -may be conjectured,) quickly recovered him of that swelling, -and sent him about his worke againe.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1X"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. X.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their duels, and the honourable estimation of victory -obtained thereby.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>These Salvages are not apt to quarrell one with another: -yet such hath bin the occasion that a difference hath -happened which hath growne to that height that it has not -bin reconciled otherwise then by combat, which hath bin performed -in this manner: the two champions prepared for the - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>How the Salvages -performe -theire duells.</i></span> - -fight, with their bowes in hand and a quiver full of arrowes -at their backs, they have entered into the field; the Challenger -and challenged have chosen two trees, standing -within <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_37">{37}</a></span> a little distance of each other; they have cast -lotts for the cheife of the trees, then either champion -setting himselfe behinde his tree watches an advantage to -let fly his shafts, and to gall his enemy; there they continue -shooting at each other; if by chaunce they espie any part -open, they endeavour to gall the combatant in that part, and -use much agility in the performance of the taske they have -in hand. Resolute they are in the execution of their vengeance, -when once they have begunne; and will in no wise -be daunted, or seeme to shrinck though they doe catch a clap<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> -with an arrow, but fight it out in this manner untill one or -both be slaine.</p> - -<p>I have bin shewed the places where such duels have bin -performed, and have fuond the trees marked for a memoriall -of the Combat, where that champion hath stood that had the - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Trees marked -where they performe -a duell.</i></span> - -hap to be slaine in the duell: and they count it the greatest -honor that can be to the serviving Cumbatant, to shew the -scares of the wounds received in this kinde of Conflict, and -if it happen to be on the arme, as those parts are most in -danger in these cases, they will alwayes weare a bracelet upon -that place of the arme, as a trophy of honor -to their dying day.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. XI."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_38">{38}</a></span> <a id="Chap_1XI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the maintaining of their Reputation.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>Reputation is such a thing that it keepes many men in -awe, even amongst Civilized nations, and is very much -stood upon: it is (as one hath very well noted) the awe of -great men and of Kings. And, since I have observed it to -be maintained amongst Salvage people, I cannot chuse but -give an instance thereof in this treatise, to confirme the -common receaved opinion thereof.</p> - -<p>The Sachem or Sagamore of Sagus made choise, when -hee came to mans estate, of a Lady of noble discent, Daughter -to Papasiquineo, the Sachem or Sagamore of the territories -neare Merrimack River, a man of the best note and -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span>estimation in all those parts, and (as my Countryman M<sup>r</sup>. - - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A marriage.</i></span> - -Wood declares in his prospect) a great Nigromancer; this -Lady the younge Sachem with the consent and good liking -of her father marries, and takes for his wife.<a name="FNanchor_258_258" id="FNanchor_258_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_258_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> Great entertainement -hee and his receaved in those parts at her fathers -hands, where they weare fested in the best manner that -might be expected, according to the Custome of their nation, -with reveling and such other solemnities as is usuall amongst -them. The solemnity being ended, Papasiquineo causes a -selected number of his men to waite upon his Daughter -home into those parts that did properly belong to her Lord -and husband; where the attendants had entertainment by -the Sachem of Sagus and his Countrymen: the solemnity -being ended, the attendants were gratified.</p> - - -<p>Not long after the new married Lady had a great -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_39">{39}</a></span> desire to see her father and her native country, from -whence shee came; her Lord willing to pleasure her -and not deny her request, amongst them thought to be reasonable, -commanded a selected number of his owne men to -conduct his Lady to her Father, wher, with great respect, -they brought her; and, having feasted there a while, returned -to their owne country againe, leaving the Lady to continue<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> -there at her owne pleasure, amongst her friends and old acquaintance; -where shee passed away the time for a while, and -in the end desired to returne to her Lord againe. Her father, - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>An ambassage -sent from Papasiquineo -to -his sonne in -law, a Sachem.</i></span> - -the old Papasiquineo, having notice of her intent, sent some -of his men on ambassage to the younge Sachem, his sonne in -law, to let him understand that his daughter was not willing -to absent her selfe from his company any longer, and therfore, -as the messengers had in charge, desired the younge -Lord to send a convoy for her; but hee, standing upon -tearmes of honor, and the maintaining of his reputation, -returned to his father in law this answere, that, when she -departed from him, hee caused his men to waite upon her to -her fathers territories, as it did become him; but, now shee -had an intent to returne, it did become her father to send -her back with a convoy of his own people; and that it stood -not with his reputation to make himself or his men so servile, -to fetch her againe. The old Sachem Papasiquineo, having -this message returned, was inraged to think that his young -son in law did not esteeme him at a higher rate then to -capitulate with him about the matter, and returne[d] him -this sharpe reply; that his daughters bloud and birth deserved -more respect then to be so slighted; and, therefore, -if he would have her company, hee were best to send or -come for her.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_40">{40}</a></span> The younge Sachem, not willing to under value -himselfe and being a man of a stout spirit, did not -stick to say that hee should either send her by his owne -Convey, or keepe her; for hee was determined not<a name="FNanchor_259_259" id="FNanchor_259_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_259_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> to stoope -so lowe.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span></p> -<p>So much these two Sachems stood upon tearmes of reputation -with each other, the one would not send her, and the -other would not send for her, least it should be any diminishing -of honor on his part that should seeme to comply, that -the Lady (when I came out of the Country) remained still -with her father; which is a thinge worth the noting, that -Salvage people should seeke to maintaine their reputation so -much as they doe.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1XII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their trafficke and trade one with another.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>Although these people have not the use of navigation, -whereby they may trafficke as other nations, that are -civilized, use to doe, yet doe they barter for such commodities - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Beads instead -of Money.</i></span> - -as they have, and have a kinde of beads, insteede of -money, to buy withall such things as they want, which they -call Wampampeak: and it is of two sorts, the one is white, -the other is of a violet coloure. These are made of the shells -of fishe. The white with them is as silver with us; the other -as our gould: and for these beads they buy and sell, not -onely amongst themselves, but even with us.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The name of -their beads -Wampampeak.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_41">{41}</a></span> We have used to sell them any of our commodities -for this Wampampeak, because we know we can have -beaver againe of them for it: and these beads are currant in -all the parts of New England, from one end of the Coast -to the other.</p> - -<p>And although some have indevoured by example to have -the like made of the same kinde of shels, yet none hath ever,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> -as yet, attained to any perfection in the composure of them, -but that the Salvages have found a great difference to be -in the one and the other; and have knowne the counterfett -beads from those of their owne making; and have, and doe -slight them.<a name="FNanchor_260_260" id="FNanchor_260_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_260_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p> - -<p>The skinnes of beasts are sould and bartered, to such<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> -people as have none of the same kinde in the parts where -they live.<a name="FNanchor_261_261" id="FNanchor_261_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_261_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p> - -<p>Likewise they have earthen potts of divers sizes, from a -quarte to a gallon, 2. or 3. to boyle their vitels in; very -stronge, though they be thin like our Iron potts.</p> - -<p>They have dainty wooden bowles of maple, of highe -price amongst them; and these are dispersed by bartering -one with the other, and are but in certaine parts of the -Country made, where the severall trades are appropriated to -the inhabitants of those parts onely.</p> - -<p>So likewise (at the season of the yeare) the Salvages that -live by the Sea side for trade with the inlanders for fresh -water, reles curious silver reles,<a name="FNanchor_262_262" id="FNanchor_262_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_262_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> which are bought up of such -as have them not frequent in other places: chestnuts, -and such like usefull <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_42">{42}</a></span> things as one place affordeth, -are sould to the inhabitants of another, where they are -a novelty accompted amongst the natives of the land.<a name="FNanchor_263_263" id="FNanchor_263_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_263_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> And -there is no such thing to barter withall, as is their Whampampeake.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span></p> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1XIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their Magazines or Storehowses.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>These people are not without providence, though they be -uncivilized, but are carefull to preserve foede in store -against winter; which is the corne that they laboure and - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>What care they -take to lay up -corne for winter.</i></span> - - -dresse in the summer. And, although they eate freely of it, -whiles it is growinge, yet have they a care to keepe a convenient -portion thereof to releeve them in the dead of winter, -(like to the Ant and the Bee,) which they put under ground.</p> - -<p>Their barnes are holes made in the earth, that will hold a -Hogshead of corne a peece in them. In these (when their -corne is out of the huske and well dried) they lay their store -in greate baskets (which they make of Sparke<a name="FNanchor_264_264" id="FNanchor_264_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_264_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>) with matts -under, about the sides, and on the top; and putting it into -the place made for it, they cover it with earth: and in this -manner it is preserved from destruction or putrifaction; to -be used in case of necessity, and not else.<a name="FNanchor_265_265" id="FNanchor_265_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_265_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_43">{43}</a></span> And I am perswaded, that if they knew the benefit -of Salte<a name="FNanchor_266_266" id="FNanchor_266_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_266_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> (as they may in time,) and the meanes to -make salte meate fresh againe, they would endeaver to preserve -fishe for winter, as well as corne; and that if any -thinge bring them to civility, it will be the use of Salte, to -have foode in store, which is a cheife benefit in a civilized -Commonwealth.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>They begg Salte -of the English.</i></div> - -<p>These people have begunne already to incline to the use -of Salte. Many of them would begge Salte of mee for to -carry home with them, that had frequented our howses and -had been acquainted with our Salte meats: and Salte I -willingly gave them, although I sould them all things else, -onely because they should be delighted with the use there of, -and thinke it a commodity of no value in it selfe, allthough -the benefit was great that might be had by the use of it.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1XIV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XIV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of theire Subtilety.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>These people are not, as some have thought, a dull, or -slender witted people, but very ingenious, and very -subtile. I could give maine instances to maintaine mine -opinion of them in this; but I will onely relate one, which -is a passage worthy to be observed.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_44">{44}</a></span> In the Massachussets bay lived Cheecatawback,<a name="FNanchor_267_267" id="FNanchor_267_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_267_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a> -the Sachem or Sagamore of those territories, who had -large dominions which hee did appropriate to himselfe.</p> - -<p>Into those parts came a greate company of Salvages from -the territories of Narohiganset, to the number of 100. persons; -and in this Sachems Dominions they intended to -winter.</p> - - -<p>When they went a hunting for turkies they spreade over -such a greate scope of ground that a Turkie could hardily -escape them: Deare they killed up in greate abundance, and -feasted their bodies very plentifully: Beavers they killed by -no allowance; the skinnes of those they traded away at Wassaguscus - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>They trade -away beavers -skinnes for -corne.</i></span> - -with my neighboures<a name="FNanchor_268_268" id="FNanchor_268_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_268_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> for corne, and such other -commodities as they had neede of; and my neighboures had -a wonderfull great benefit by their being in those parts. -Yea, sometimes (like genious fellowes) they would present -their Marchant with a fatt beaver skinne, alwayes the tayle -was not diminished, but presented full and whole; although - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A beaver skinne -with his tayle -on of great -estimacion.</i></span> - -the tayle is a present for a Sachem,<a name="FNanchor_269_269" id="FNanchor_269_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_269_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> and is of such masculaine -vertue that if some of our Ladies knew the benefit -thereof they would desire to have ships sent of purpose to -trade for the tayle alone: it is such a rarity, as is not more -esteemed of then reason doth require.</p> - -<p>But the Sachem Cheecatawbak, (on whose possessions they -usurped, and converted the commodities thereof to their<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> -owne use, contrary to his likeing,) not being of power to -resist them, practised to doe it by a subtile stratagem. - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A subtile plot of a Sachem.</i></span> - -And to that end <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_45">{45}</a></span> gave it out amongst us, that the -cause why these other Salvages of the Narohigansets -came into these parts, was to see what strength we were of, -and to watch an opportunity to cut us off, and take that -which they found in our custody usefull for them; And -added further, they would burne our howses, and that they -had caught one of his men, named Meshebro, and compelled -him to discover to them where their barnes, Magazines, or -storehowses were, and had taken away his corne; and seemed -to be in a pittifull perplexity about the matter.</p> - -<p>And, the more to adde reputation to this tale, desires -that his wifes and children might be harbered in one of our -howses. This was graunted; and my neighbours put on -corslets, headpeeces, and weapons defensive and offensive.</p> - -<p>This thing being knowne to Cheecatawback, hee caused -some of his men to bring the Narohigansets to trade, that -they might see the preparation. The Salvage, that was -a stranger to the plott, simply comming to trade, and findding -his merchants lookes like lobsters, all cladd in harnesse, -was in a maze to thinke what would be the end of it. -Haste hee made to trade away his furres, and tooke anything -for them, wishing himselfe well rid of them and of the company -in the howse.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Salvage -scared.</i></div> - -<p>But (as the manner has bin) hee must eate some furmety<a name="FNanchor_270_270" id="FNanchor_270_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_270_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a> -before hee goe: downe hee sits and eats, and withall had an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> -eie on every side; and now and then saw a sword or a dagger -layd a thwart a head peece, which hee wondered at, -and asked his <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_46">{46}</a></span> giude whether the company were not -angry. The guide, (that was privy to his Lords plot) -answered in his language that hee could not tell. But the -harmelesse Salvage, before hee had halfe filled his belly, -started up on a sodayne, and ranne out of the howse in such -hast that hee left his furmety there, and stayed not to looke -behinde him who came after: Glad hee was that he had -escaped so.</p> - -<p>The subtile Sachem, hee playd the tragedian, and fained -a feare of being surprised; and sent to see whether the enemies -(as the Messenger termed them) were not in the howse; -and comes in a by way with his wifes and children, and -stopps the chinkes of the out howse, for feare the fire might -be seene in the night, and be a meanes to direct his enemies -where to finde them.</p> - -<p>And, in the meane time, hee prepared for his Ambassador -to his enemies a Salvage,<a name="FNanchor_271_271" id="FNanchor_271_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_271_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a> that had lived 12. moneths in England, -to the end it might adde reputation to his ambassage. - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Salvage that -had lived 12. -Moneths in -England sent -for an Ambassador.</i></span> - -This man hee sends to those intruding Narohigansets, to tell -them that they did very great injury to his Lord, to trench -upon his prerogatives: and advised them to put up their -pipes, and begon in time: if they would not, that his Lord -would come upon them, and in his ayd his freinds the -English, who were up in armes already to take his part, and -compell them by force to be gone, if they refused to depart -by faire meanes.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span></p> - - -<p>This message, comming on the neck of that which -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_47">{47}</a></span> doubtlesse the fearefull Salvage had before related of -his escape, and what hee had observed, caused all those -hundred Narohigansets (that meant us no hurt) to be gone -with bagg, and baggage. And my neighboures were gulled - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A good opportunity -of traffick -lost by the -subtility of a -Sachem.</i></span> - -by the subtilety of this Sachem, and lost the best trade of -beaver that ever they had for the time; and in the end -found theire error in this kinde of credulity when it was -too late.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1XV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their admirable perfection, in the use of the sences.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>This is a thinge not onely observed by mee and diverse -of the Salvages of New England, but, also, by the -French men in Nova Francia, and therefore I am the more -incouraged to publish in this Treatice my observation of -them in the use of theire sences: which is a thinge that I -should not easily have bin induced to beleeve, if I my selfe -had not bin an eie witnesse of what I shall relate.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Salvages -have the sence -of seeinge better -then the English.</i></div> - -<p>I have observed that the Salvages have the sence of seeing -so farre beyond any of our Nation, that one would allmost -beleeve they had intelligence of the Devill sometimes, when -they have tould us of a shipp at Sea, which they have -seene <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_48">{48}</a></span> soener by one hower, yea, two howers sayle, -then any English man that stood by of purpose to -looke out, their sight is so excellent.</p> - -<p>Their eies indeede are black as iett; and that coler is -accounted the strongest for sight. And as they excell us in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> -this particular so much noted, so I thinke they excell us in -all the rest.</p> - - -<p>This I am sure I have well observed, that in the sence of -smelling they have very great perfection; which is confirmed -by the opinion of the French that are planted about Canada, -who have made relation that they are so perfect in the -use of that sence, that they will distinguish between a Spaniard - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Salvages that -will distinguish -a Spaniard -from a frenchman -by the -smell of the -hand.</i></span> - -and a Frenchman by the sent of the hand onely.<a name="FNanchor_272_272" id="FNanchor_272_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_272_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> And -I am perswaded that the Author of this Relation has seene -very probable reasons that have induced him to be of that -opinion; and I am the more willing to give credit thereunto, -because I have observed in them so much as that comes to.</p> - - -<p>I have seene a Deare passe by me upon a neck of Land, -and a Salvage that has pursued him by the view. I have -accompanied him in this pursuite; and the Salvage, pricking -the Deare, comes where hee findes the view of two deares - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Deare pursued -by the -view of the -foote, hee was -found and -killed.</i></span> - -together, leading several wayes. One, hee was sure, was -fresh, but which (by the sence of seeing) hee could not judge; -therefore, with his knife, hee diggs up the earth of one; and, -by smelling, sayes, that was not of the fresh Deare: then -diggs hee up the other; and viewing and smelling to that, -concludes it to be the view of the fresh Deare, which hee -had pursued; and thereby followes the chase, and -killes that <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_49">{49}</a></span> Deare, and I did eate part of it with him: -such is their perfection in these two sences.</p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1XVI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XVI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their acknowledgment of the Creation, and immortality of -the Soule.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>Although these Salvages are found to be without Religion, -Law, and King (as Sir William Alexander hath -well observed,<a name="FNanchor_273_273" id="FNanchor_273_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_273_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a>) yet are they not altogether without the -knowledge of God (historically); for they have it amongst -them by tradition that God made one man and one woman, -and bad them live together and get children, kill deare, -beasts, birds, fish and fowle, and what they would at their -pleasure; and that their posterity was full of evill, and made -God so angry that hee let in the Sea upon them, and -drowned the greatest part of them, that were naughty men, -(the Lord destroyed so;) and they went to Sanaconquam, - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The beleefe of -the Salvages.</i></span> - -who feeds upon them (pointing to the Center of the Earth, -where they imagine is the habitation of the Devill:) the -other, (which were not destroyed,) increased the world, and -when they died (because they were good) went to the howse -of Kytan, pointing to the setting of the sonne;<a name="FNanchor_274_274" id="FNanchor_274_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_274_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> where they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> -eate all manner of dainties, and never take paines (as now) -to provide it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Sonne -called Kytan.</i></div> - -<p>Kytan makes provision (they say) and saves them that -laboure; and there they shall live with him forever, -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_50">{50}</a></span> voyd of care.<a name="FNanchor_275_275" id="FNanchor_275_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_275_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> And they are perswaded that Kytan -is hee that makes corne growe, trees growe, and all -manner of fruits.</p> - - -<p>And that wee that use the booke of Common prayer doo it -to declare to them, that cannot reade, what Kytan has commaunded -us, and that wee doe pray to him with the helpe -of that booke;<a name="FNanchor_276_276" id="FNanchor_276_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_276_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> and doe make so much accompt of it, that a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> -Salvage (who had lived in my howse before hee had taken a -wife, by whome hee had children) made this request to mee, -(knowing that I allwayes used him with much more respect - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Salvage desired -to have his -sonn brought -up to learne the -booke of common -prayer.</i></span> - -than others,) that I would let his sonne be brought up in my -howse, that hee might be taught to reade in that booke: -which request of his I granted; and hee was a very joyfull -man to thinke that his sonne should thereby (as hee said) -become an Englishman; and then hee would be a good -man.</p> - -<p>I asked him who was a good man; his answere was, hee -that would not lye, nor steale.</p> - -<p>These, with them, are all the capitall crimes that can be -imagined; all other are nothing in respect of those;<a name="FNanchor_277_277" id="FNanchor_277_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_277_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> and -hee that is free from these must live with Kytan -for ever, in all manner of -pleasure.</p> - - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. XVII."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_51">{51}</a></span> <a id="Chap_1XVII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XVII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their Annals and funerals.</i></p></div></div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Their custom -in burryinge.</i></div> - -<p>These people, that have by tradition some touch of the -immortality of the soule, have likewise a custome to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> -make some monuments over the place where the corps is -interred: But they put a greate difference betwene persons -of noble, and of ignoble, or obscure, or inferior discent. For, -indeed, in the grave of the more noble they put a planck -in the bottom for the corps to be layed upon, and on each - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Their manner -of Monuments.</i></span> - - -side a plancke, and a plancke upon the top in forme of a -chest, before they cover the place with earth. This done, -they erect some thing over the grave in forme of a hearse -cloath, as was that of Cheekatawbacks mother, which the -Plimmouth planters defaced because they accounted it an act -of superstition; which did breede a brawle as hath bin before -related;<a name="FNanchor_278_278" id="FNanchor_278_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_278_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> for they hold impious and inhumane to deface the -monuments of the dead. They themselves esteeme of it as -piaculum; and have a custome amongst them to keepe their -annals and come at certaine times to lament and bewaile the -losse of their freind; and use to black their faces, which they - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>At burrials, -they black their -faces.</i></span> - -so weare, instead of a mourning ornament, for a longer or -a shorter time according to the dignity of the person: so -is their annals kept and observed with their accustomed -solemnity. Afterwards they absolutely abandon the place, -because they suppose the sight thereof will but renew their -sorrow.<a name="FNanchor_279_279" id="FNanchor_279_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_279_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_52">{52}</a></span> It was a thing very offensive to them, at our first -comming into those parts, to aske of them for any one -that had bin dead; but of later times it is not so offensively -taken to renew the memory of any deseased person, because -by our example (which they are apt to followe) it is made -more familiare unto them; and they marvell to see no monuments -over our dead, and therefore thinke no great Sachem -is yet come into those parts, or not as yet deade; because -they see the graves all alike.</p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1XVIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XVIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their Custome in burning the Country, and the reason -thereof.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>The Salvages are accustomed to set fire of the Country -in all places where they come, and to burne it twize -a yeare, viz: at the Spring, and the fall of the leafe. The -reason that mooves them to doe so, is because it would - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Salvages -fire the -Country -twice a yeare.</i></span> - -other wise be so overgrowne with underweedes that it would -be all a coppice wood, and the people would not be able -in any wise to passe through the Country out of a beaten -path.</p> - -<p>The meanes that they do it with, is with certaine minerall -stones, that they carry about them in baggs made for that -purpose of the skinnes of little beastes, which they convert -into good lether, carrying in the same a peece of -touch wood, very excellent <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_53">{53}</a></span> for that purpose, of their -owne making.<a name="FNanchor_280_280" id="FNanchor_280_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_280_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> These minerall stones they have from -the Piquenteenes, (which is to the Southward of all the -plantations in New England,) by trade and trafficke with -those people.</p> - -<p>The burning of the grasse destroyes the underwoods, and -so scorcheth the elder trees that it shrinkes them, and hinders -their grouth very much: so that hee that will looke to -finde large trees and good tymber, must not depend upon -the help of a woodden prospect to finde them on the upland<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> -ground;<a name="FNanchor_281_281" id="FNanchor_281_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_281_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> but must seeke for them, (as I and others have -done,) in the lower grounds, where the grounds are wett, -when the Country is fired, by reason of the snow water that -remaines there for a time, untill the Sunne by continuance -of that hath exhaled the vapoures of the earth, and dried up -those places where the fire, (by reason of the moisture,) can -have no power to doe them any hurt: and if he would -endevoure to finde out any goodly Cedars, hee must not -seeke for them on the higher grounds, but make his inquest -for them in the vallies, for the Salvages, by this custome of -theirs, have spoiled all the rest: for this custome hath bin -continued from the beginninge.</p> - -<p>And least their firing of the Country in this manner -should be an occasion of damnifying us, and indaingering -our habitations, wee our selves have used carefully about the -same times to observe the winds, and fire the grounds about -our owne habitations; to prevent the Dammage that might -happen by any neglect thereof, if the fire should come neere -those howses in our absence.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_54">{54}</a></span> For, when the fire is once kindled, it dilates and -spreads it selfe as well against, as with the winde; -burning continually night and day, untill a shower of raine -falls to quench it.</p> - -<p>And this custome of firing the Country is the meanes to -make it passable; and by that meanes the trees growe here -and there as in our parks: and makes the Country very -beautifull and commodious.</p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_1XIX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XIX.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their inclination to Drunkennesse.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>Although Drunkennesse be justly termed a vice which -the Salvages are ignorant of, yet the benefit is very -great that comes to the planters by the sale of strong liquor -to the Salvages, who are much taken with the delight of it; -for they will pawne their wits, to purchase the acquaintance -of it. Yet in al the commerce that I had with them, I never -proffered them any such thing; nay, I would hardly let any -of them have a drame, unles hee were a Sachem, or a -Winnaytue, that is a rich man, or a man of estimation next -in degree to a Sachem or Sagamore. I alwayes tould them -it was amongst us the Sachems drinke. But they say if I -come to the Northerne parts of the Country I shall have no -trade, if I will not supply them with lusty liquors: it is the -life of the trade in all those parts: for it so happened that -thus a Salvage desperately killed himselfe; when hee was -drunke, a gunne being charged and the cock up, hee sets -the mouth to his brest, and, putting back the tricker with his -foote, shot himselfe dead.<a name="FNanchor_282_282" id="FNanchor_282_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_282_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a></p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. XX."><a id="Chap_1XX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XX.</span> <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_55">{55}</a></span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>That the Salvages live a contended life.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>A Gentleman and a traveller, that had bin in the parts -of New England for a time, when hee retorned againe, -in his discourse of the Country, wondered, (as hee said,) that -the natives of the land lived so poorely in so rich a Country, -like to our Beggers in England. Surely that Gentleman -had not time or leasure whiles hee was there truely to -informe himselfe of the state of that Country, and the happy -life the Salvages would leade weare they once brought to -Christianity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Salvages -want the art -of navigation.</i></div> - -<p>I must confesse they want the use and benefit of Navigation, -(which is the very sinnus of a flourishing Commonwealth,) -yet are they supplied with all manner of needefull -things for the maintenance of life and lifelyhood. Foode -and rayment are the cheife of all that we make true use of; -and of these they finde no want, but have, and may have, -them in a most plentifull manner.<a name="FNanchor_283_283" id="FNanchor_283_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_283_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span></p> -<p>If our beggers of England should, with so much ease as -they, furnish themselves with foode at all seasons, there -would not be so many starved in the streets, neither would -so many gaoles be stuffed, or gallouses furnished with poore -wretches, as I have seene them.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_56">{56}</a></span> But they of this sort of our owne nation, that are fitt -to goe to this Canaan, are not able to transport themselves; -and most of them unwilling to goe from the good ale -tap, which is the very loadstone of the lande by which our -English beggers steere theire Course; it is the Northpole -to which the flowre-de-luce of their compasse points. The -more is the pitty that the Commonalty of oure Land are of -such leaden capacities as to neglect so brave a Country, that -doth so plentifully feede maine lusty and a brave, able men, -women and children, that have not the meanes that a Civilized -Nation hath to purchase foode and rayment; which -that Country with a little industry will yeeld a man in a -very comfortable measure, without overmuch carking.</p> - -<p>I cannot deny but a civilized Nation hath the preheminence -of an uncivilized, by meanes of those instruments that -are found to be common amongst civile people, and the -uncivile want the use of, to make themselves masters of -those ornaments that make such a glorious shew, that will -give a man occasion to cry, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">sic transit gloria Mundi</i>.</p> - -<p>Now since it is but foode and rayment that men that live -needeth, (though not all alike,) why should not the Natives<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> -of New England be sayd to live richly, having no want of -either? Cloaths are the badge of sinne; and the more variety -of fashions is but the greater abuse of the Creature: the -beasts of the forrest there doe serve to furnish them at any -time when they please: fish and flesh they have in greate -abundance, which they both roast and boyle.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_57">{57}</a></span> They are indeed not served in dishes of plate with -variety of Sauces to procure appetite; that needs not -there. The rarity of the aire, begot by the medicinable -quality of the sweete herbes of the Country, alwayes procures -good stomakes to the inhabitants.</p> - -<p>I must needs commend them in this particular, that, -though they buy many commodities of our Nation, yet they -keepe but fewe, and those of speciall use.</p> - -<p>They love not to bee cumbered with many utensilles, and -although every proprietor knowes his owne, yet all things, -(so long as they will last), are used in common amongst -them: A bisket cake given to one, that one breakes it -equally into so many parts as there be persons in his company, -and distributes it. Platoes Commonwealth is so much -practised by these people.</p> - - -<p>According to humane reason, guided onely by the light -of nature, these people leades the more happy and freer - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>They leade a -happy life, -being voyd of -care.</i></span> - -life, being voyde of care, which torments the mindes of so -many Christians: They are not delighted in baubles, but -in usefull things.</p> - -<p>Their naturall drinke is of the Cristall fountaine, and -this they take up in their hands, by joyning them close together. -They take up a great quantity at a time, and drinke -at the wrists. It was the sight of such a feate which made<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> -Diogenes hurle away his dishe, and, like one that would -have this principall confirmed, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Natura paucis contentat</i>, used -a dish no more.</p> - - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_58">{58}</a></span> I have observed that they will not be troubled with -superfluous commodities. Such things as they finde -they are taught by necessity to make use of, they will make -choise of, and seeke to purchase with industry. So that, in -respect that their life is so voyd of care, and they are so -loving also that they make use of those things they enjoy, -(the wife onely excepted,) as common goods, and are therein - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>They make -use of ordinary -things, -one of anothers -as -common.</i></span> - -so compassionate that, rather than one should starve through -want, they would starve all. Thus doe they passe awaye the -time merrily, not regarding our pompe, (which they see dayly -before their faces,) but are better content with their owne, -which some men esteeme so meanely of.</p> - -<p>They may be rather accompted to live richly, wanting -nothing that is needefull; and to be commended for leading -a contented life, the younger being ruled by the Elder, and -the Elder ruled by the Powahs, and the Powahs are ruled by -the Devill;<a name="FNanchor_284_284" id="FNanchor_284_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_284_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> and then you may imagin what good -rule is like to be amongst -them.</p> - - -<p class="center"><i>FINIS.</i></p> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t179a.jpg" width="500" height="122" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - - -<p class="front"> -<span class="x-large">NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_59">{59}</a></span></span><br /> - -OR<br /> - -<span class="large">NEW CANAAN.</span></p> - -<h3><a id="The_second_Booke"></a><i>The second Booke.</i></h3> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary">Containing a description of the bewty of the Country -with her naturall indowements, both in -the Land and Sea; with the great Lake of -Erocoise.</p></div> - - - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2I"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. I.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>The generall Survey of the Country.</i></p></div></div> - - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/zill_t179b.jpg" width="150" height="166" alt="I" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="uppercase">In</span> the Moneth of Iune, Anno Salutis 1622, -it was my chaunce to arrive in the parts of New -England with 30. Servants, and provision of all -sorts fit for a plantation: and whiles our howses -were building, I did indeavour to take a survey of the -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_60">{60}</a></span> Country: The more I looked, the more I liked it. -<span class="sidenote"><i>A famous -Country.</i></span> -And when I had more seriously considered of the bewty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> -of the place, with all her faire indowments, I did not thinke -that in all the knowne world it could be paralel’d, for so -many goodly groues of trees, dainty fine round rising hillucks, -delicate faire large plaines, sweete cristall fountaines, - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Their fountaines -are as -cleare as -Cristall.</i></span> - -and cleare running streames that twine in fine meanders -through the meads, making so sweete a murmering noise to -heare as would even lull the sences with delight a sleepe, so -pleasantly doe they glide upon the pebble stones, jetting -most jocundly where they doe meete and hand in hand -runne downe to Neptunes Court, to pay the yearely tribute -which they owe to him as soveraigne Lord of all the springs. - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Greate store -of fowles, fish -and turtledoves.</i></span> - - -Contained within the volume of the Land, [are] Fowles in -abundance, Fish in multitude; and [I] discovered, besides, -Millions of Turtledoves one the greene boughes, which sate -pecking of the full ripe pleasant grapes that were supported -by the lusty trees, whose fruitfull loade did cause the armes to -bend: [among] which here and there dispersed, you might -see Lillies and of the Daphnean-tree: which made the Land -to mee seeme paradice: for in mine eie t’was Natures Masterpeece; -Her cheifest Magazine of all where lives her store: if -this Land be not rich, then is the whole world poore.</p> - -<p>What I had resolved on, I have really performed; and -I have endeavoured to use this abstract as an instrument, to -bee the meanes to communicate the knowledge which I -have gathered, by my many yeares residence in those -parts, unto my Countrymen: <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_61">{61}</a></span> to the end that they -may the better perceive their error, who cannot imagine -that there is any Country in the universall world which -may be compared unto our native soyle. I will now discover -unto them a Country whose indowments are by learned<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> -men allowed to stand in a paralell with the Israelites Canaan, -which none will deny to be a land farre more excellent then -Old England, in her proper nature.</p> - -<p>This I consider I am bound in duety (as becommeth a -Christian man) to performe for the glory of God, in the first -place; next, (according to Cicero,) to acknowledge that, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Non -nobis solum nati sumus, sed partim patria, partim parentes, -partim amici vindicant</i>.<a name="FNanchor_285_285" id="FNanchor_285_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_285_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a></p> - -<p>For which cause I must approove of the indeavoures of my -Country men, that have bin studious to inlarge the territories -of his Majesties empire by planting Colonies in America.</p> - -<p>And of all other, I must applaude the judgement of those -that have made choise of this part, (whereof I now treat,) -being of all other most absolute, as I will make it appeare -hereafter by way of paralell. Among those that have setled -themselvs in new England, some have gone for their conscience -sake, (as they professe,) and I wish that they may plant -the Gospel of Iesus Christ, as becommeth them, sincerely -and without satisme or faction, whatsoever their former or -present practises are, which I intend not to justifie: howsoever, -they have deserved (in mine opinion) some commendationes, -in that they have furnished the Country so commodiously -in so short a time; although it hath bin but for their -owne profit, yet posterity will taste the sweetnes of it, and -that very sodainly.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_62">{62}</a></span> And since my taske, in this part of mine abstract, is<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> -to intreat of the naturall indowments of the Country, I -will make a breife demonstration of them in order, severally, -according to their severall qualities: and shew you what -they are, and what profitable use may be made of them by -industry.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2II"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. II.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>What trees are there and how commodious.</i><a name="FNanchor_286_286" id="FNanchor_286_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_286_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a></p></div></div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><i>1. Oake.</i></div> - -<p>Oakes are there of two sorts, white and redd;<a name="FNanchor_287_287" id="FNanchor_287_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_287_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a> excellent -tymber for the building both of howses and shipping: -and they are found to be a tymber that is more tough then -the oak of England. They are excellent for pipe-staves, and -such like vessels; and pipe-staves at the Canary Ilands are a -prime commodity. I have knowne them there at 35. p. the -1000,<a name="FNanchor_288_288" id="FNanchor_288_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_288_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> and will purchase a fraight of wines there before any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> -commodity in England, their onely wood being pine, of -which they are enforced also to build shippinge; of oackes -there is great abundance in the parts of New England, and -they may have a prime place in the Catalogue of commodities.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>2. Ashe.</i></div> - -<p>Ashe<a name="FNanchor_289_289" id="FNanchor_289_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_289_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> there is store, and very good for staves, oares or -pikes; and may have a place in the same Catalogue.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>3. Elme.</i></div> - -<p>Elme: of this sort of trees there are some; but there hath -not as yet bin found any quantity to speake of.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>4. Beech.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_63">{63}</a></span> Beech there is of two sorts, redd and white;<a name="FNanchor_290_290" id="FNanchor_290_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_290_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> very -excellent for trenchers or chaires, and also for oares; -and may be accompted for a commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>5. Walnutt.</i></div> - -<p>Wallnutt: of this sorte of wood there is infinite store, and -there are 4 sorts:<a name="FNanchor_291_291" id="FNanchor_291_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_291_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> it is an excellent wood, for many uses -approoved; the younger trees are imployed for hoopes, and -are the best for that imployement of all other stuffe whatsoever. -The Nutts serve when they fall to feede our swine, -which make them the delicatest bacon of all other foode: -and is therein a cheife commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>6. Chestnuts.</i></div> - -<p>Chestnutt: of this sorte there is very greate plenty, the -tymber whereof is excellent for building; and is a very<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> -good commodity, especially in respect of the fruit, both for -man and beast.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>7. Pine.</i></div> - -<p>Pine: of this sorte there is infinite store in some parts of -the Country.<a name="FNanchor_292_292" id="FNanchor_292_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_292_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> I have travelled 10. miles together where is -little or no other wood growing.<a name="FNanchor_293_293" id="FNanchor_293_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_293_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> And of these may be made -rosin, pitch and tarre, which are such usefull commodities -that if wee had them not from other Countries in Amity with -England, our Navigation would decline. Then how great -the commodity of it will be to our Nation, to have it of our -owne, let any man judge.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>8. Cedar.</i></div> - -<p>Cedar:<a name="FNanchor_294_294" id="FNanchor_294_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_294_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> of this sorte there is abundaunce; and this wood -was such as Salomon used for the building of that glorious -Temple at Hierusalem; and there are of these Cedars, firre -trees and other materialls necessary for the building of many -faire Temples,<a name="FNanchor_295_295" id="FNanchor_295_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_295_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> if there were any Salomons to be at the Cost -of them: and if any man be desirous to finde out in -what part of the <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_64">{64}</a></span> Country the best Cedars are, he -must get into the bottom grounds, and in vallies that -are wet at the spring of the yeare, where the moisture preserves -them from the fire in spring time, and not in a woodden -prospect.<a name="FNanchor_296_296" id="FNanchor_296_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_296_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> This wood cutts red, and is good for bedsteads, -tables and chests; and may be placed in the Catalogue of -Commodities.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>9. Cypres.</i></div> - -<p>Cypres:<a name="FNanchor_297_297" id="FNanchor_297_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_297_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> of this there is great plenty; and vulgarly this -tree hath bin taken for another sort of Cedar; but workemen -put a difference betweene this Cypres, and the Cedar, especially -in the colour; for this is white and that redd white: -and likewise in the finenes of the leafe and the smoothnes -of the barque. This wood is also sweeter then Cedar, and, -(as it is in Garrets<a name="FNanchor_298_298" id="FNanchor_298_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_298_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a> herball,) a more bewtifull tree; it is of all -other, to my minde, most bewtifull, and cannot be denied to -passe for a commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>10. Spruce.</i></div> - -<p>Spruce<a name="FNanchor_299_299" id="FNanchor_299_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_299_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a>: of these there are infinite store, especially in the -Northerne parts of the Country; and they have bin approoved -by workemen in England to be more tough then -those that they have out of the east country: from whence -wee have them for masts and yards of shippes.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Spruce -of this Country -are found -to be 3. & 4. -fadum -aboute.</i></div> - -<p>The Spruce of this country are found to be 3. and 4. -fadum about: and are reputed able, single, to make masts -for the biggest ship that sayles on the maine Ocean, without -peesing; which is more than the East country can afford.<a name="FNanchor_300_300" id="FNanchor_300_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_300_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> -And seeing that Navigation is the very sinneus of a flourishing -Commonwealth, it is fitting to allow the Spruce tree a -principall place in the Catalogue of commodities.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>11. Alder.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_65">{65}</a></span> Alder: of this sorte there is plenty by rivers sides, -good for turners.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>12. Birch.</i></div> - -<p>Birch: of this there is plenty in divers parts of the Country. -Of the barck of these the Salvages of the Northerne -parts make them delicate Canowes, so light that two men -will transport one of them over Land whither<a name="FNanchor_301_301" id="FNanchor_301_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_301_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> they list; and -yet one of them will transporte tenne or twelffe Salvages by -water at a time.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>13. Maple.</i></div> - -<p>Mayple:<a name="FNanchor_302_302" id="FNanchor_302_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_302_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> of those trees there is greate abundance; and -these are very excellent for bowles. The Indians use of it -to that purpose; and is to be accompted a good commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>14. Elderne.</i></div> - -<p>Elderne:<a name="FNanchor_303_303" id="FNanchor_303_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_303_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> there is plenty in that Country; of this the -Salvages make their Arrowes, and it hath no strong unsavery -sent like our Eldern in England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>15. Hawthorne.</i></div> - -<p>Hawthorne: of this there is two sorts, one of which beares -a well tasting berry as bigg as ones thumbe, and lookes like -little Queene apples.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>16. Vines.</i></div> - -<p>Vines: of this kinde of trees there are that beare grapes -of three colours: that is to say, white, black and red.<a name="FNanchor_304_304" id="FNanchor_304_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_304_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a></p> - -<p>The Country is so apt for vines, that, but for the fire at -the spring of the yeare, the vines would so over spreade the -land that one should not be able to passe for them;<a name="FNanchor_305_305" id="FNanchor_305_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_305_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> the fruit -is as bigg, of some, as a musket bullet, and is excellent in -taste.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>17. Plummes.</i></div> - -<p>Plumtrees:<a name="FNanchor_306_306" id="FNanchor_306_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_306_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> of this kinde there are many; some that beare -fruit as bigg as our ordinary bullis: others there be that doe -beare fruite much bigger than peare plummes; their colour -redd, and their stones flat; very delitious in taste.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>18. Cherries.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_66">{66}</a></span> Cheritrees there are abundance; but the fruit is as -small as our sloes; but if any of them were replanted -and grafted, in an orchard, they would soone be raised by -meanes of such; and the like fruits.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>19. Roses.</i></div> - -<p>There is greate abundance of Muske Roses in divers places: -the water distilled excelleth our Rosewater of England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>20. Sassafras and 21. Sarsaperilla.</i></div> - -<p>There is abundance of Sassafras<a name="FNanchor_307_307" id="FNanchor_307_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_307_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> and Sarsaperilla,<a name="FNanchor_308_308" id="FNanchor_308_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_308_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> growing -in divers places of the land; whose budds at the spring -doe perfume the aire.</p> - -<p>Other trees there are not greatly materiall to be recited -in this abstract, as goose berries, rasberies, and other beries.</p> - -<p>There is Hempe<a name="FNanchor_309_309" id="FNanchor_309_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_309_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> that naturally groweth, finer then our -Hempe of England.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span></p> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2III"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. III.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Potthearbes and other herbes for Sallets.</i></p></div></div> - - - - -<p>The Country there naturally affordeth very good pot-herbes -and sallet herbes, and those of a more maskuline - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Potmarioram, -Tyme, -Alexander, -Angellica, -Pursland, -Violets, -and Anniseeds.</i></span> - -vertue then any of the same species in England; as Potmarioram, -Tyme, Alexander, Angellica, Pursland, Violets, and -Anniseeds, in very great abundance: and for the pott I -gathered in summer, dried and crumbled into a bagg to -preserve for winter store.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Hunnisuckles -and Balme.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_67">{67}</a></span> Hunnisuckles, balme, and divers other good herbes -are there, that grow without the industry of man, that -are used when occasion serveth very commodiously.<a name="FNanchor_310_310" id="FNanchor_310_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_310_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a></p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2IV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. IV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of Birds, and fethered fowles.</i><a name="FNanchor_311_311" id="FNanchor_311_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_311_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>Now that I have breifly shewed the Commodity of the -trees, herbes, and fruits, I will shew you a description -of the fowles of the aire; as most proper in ordinary -course.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Swannes.</i></div> - -<p>And first of the Swanne,<a name="FNanchor_312_312" id="FNanchor_312_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_312_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> because shee is the biggest of all -the fowles of that Country. There are of them in Merrimack -River, and in other parts of the country, greate store -at the seasons of the yeare.</p> - -<p>The flesh is not much desired of the inhabitants, but the -skinnes may be accompted a commodity fitt for divers uses, -both for fethers and quiles.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Geese, pide, -white, and -gray.</i></div> - - -<p>There are Geese of three sorts, vize: brant Geese<a name="FNanchor_313_313" id="FNanchor_313_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_313_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> which -are pide, and white Geese<a name="FNanchor_314_314" id="FNanchor_314_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_314_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> which are bigger, and gray Geese<a name="FNanchor_315_315" id="FNanchor_315_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_315_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> -which are as bigg and bigger then the tame Geese of Eng<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span>land, -with black legges, black bills, heads and necks black; -the flesh farre more excellent then the Geese of England, -wild or tame; yet the purity of the aire is such that the -biggest is accompted but an indifferent meale for a couple -of men. There is of them great abundance. I have had -often 1000. before the mouth of my gunne. I never -saw any in <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_68">{68}</a></span> England, for my part, so fatt as I have -killed there in those parts; the fethers of them makes -a bedd softer then any down bed that I have lyen on, and is - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Fethers pay -for powther -and shott.</i></span> - -there a very good commodity; the fethers of the Geese, that -I have killed in a short time, have paid for all the powther -and shott I have spent in a yeare, and I have fed my doggs -with as fatt Geese there as I have euer fed upon my selfe -in England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Ducks pide, -gray, & black.</i></div> - -<p>Ducks there are of three kindes, pide Ducks, gray Ducks, -and black Ducks in greate abundance: the most about my -habitation were black Ducks:<a name="FNanchor_316_316" id="FNanchor_316_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_316_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a> and it was a noted Custome -at my howse, to have every mans Duck upon a trencher; -and then you will thinke a man was not hardly used: they -are bigger boddied then the tame Ducks of England: very -fatt and dainty flesh.</p> - -<p>The common doggs fees were the gibletts, unlesse they -were boyled now and than for to make broath.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Teales, greene -and blew.</i></div> - -<p>Teales there are of two sorts, greene winged, and blew -winged:<a name="FNanchor_317_317" id="FNanchor_317_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_317_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> but a dainty bird. I have bin much delighted with<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> -a rost of these for a second course. I had plenty in the -rivers and ponds about my howse.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Widggens.</i></div> - -<p>Widggens<a name="FNanchor_318_318" id="FNanchor_318_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_318_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> there are, and abundance of other water foule, -some such as I have seene, and [some] such as I have not -seene else where before I came into those parts, which are -little regarded.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Simpes.</i></div> - -<p>Simpes<a name="FNanchor_319_319" id="FNanchor_319_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_319_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> there are like our Simpes in all respects, with -very litle difference. I have shot at them onely to see what -difference I could finde betweene them and those of my -native Country, and more I did not regard them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sanderlings.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_69">{69}</a></span> Sanderlings<a name="FNanchor_320_320" id="FNanchor_320_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_320_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> are a dainty bird, more full boddied -than a Snipe; and I was much delighted to feede on -them because they were fatt and easie to come by, because -I went but a stepp or to for them: and I have killed betweene -foure and five dozen at a shoot, which would loade -me home.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span></p> - -<p>Their foode is at ebbing water on the sands, of small seeds -that grows on weeds there, and are very good pastime in -August.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Cranes.</i></div> - -<p>Cranes<a name="FNanchor_321_321" id="FNanchor_321_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_321_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> there are greate store, that ever more came there -at S. Davids day, and not before: that day they never would -misse.</p> - -<p>These sometimes eate our corne, and doe pay for their presumption -well enough; and serveth there in powther, with -turnips, to supply the place of powthered beefe, and is a -goodly bird in a dishe, and no discommodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Turkies.</i></div> - -<p>Turkies<a name="FNanchor_322_322" id="FNanchor_322_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_322_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> there are, which divers times in great flocks have -sallied by our doores; and then a gunne, being commonly -in a redinesse, salutes them with such a courtesie, as makes -them take a turne in the Cooke roome. They daunce by -the doore so well.</p> - -<p>Of these there hath bin killed that have weighed forty -eight pound a peece.<a name="FNanchor_323_323" id="FNanchor_323_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_323_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span></p> - -<p>They are by mainy degrees sweeter then the tame Turkies -of England, feede them how you can.</p> - -<p>I had a Salvage who hath taken out his boy in a morning, -and they have brought home their loades about noone.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_70">{70}</a></span> I have asked them what number they found in the -woods, who have answered Neent Metawna,<a name="FNanchor_324_324" id="FNanchor_324_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_324_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> which is -a thosand that day; the plenty of them is such in those parts. -They are easily killed at rooste, because, the one being killed, -the other sit fast neverthelesse; and this is no bad commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Pheisants.</i></div> - -<p>There are a kinde of fowles which are commonly called<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> -Pheisants,<a name="FNanchor_325_325" id="FNanchor_325_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_325_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> but whether they be pheysants or no, I will not -take upon mee to determine. They are in forme like our -pheisant henne of England. Both the male and the female -are alike; but they are rough footed, and have stareing fethers -about the head and neck; the body is as bigg as the -pheysant henne of England; and are excellent white flesh, -and delicate white meate, yet we seldome bestowe a shoote at -them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Partridges -bigger in body -as those of -England.</i></div> - -<p>Partridges<a name="FNanchor_326_326" id="FNanchor_326_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_326_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> there are, much like our Partridges of England; -they are of the same plumes, but bigger in body. -They have not the signe of the horseshoe on the brest, as the -Partridges of England; nor are they coloured about the -heads as those are. They sit on the trees, for I have seene -40. in one tree at a time: yet at night they fall on the -ground, and sit untill morning so together; and are dainty -flesh.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Quailes bigger -in body -as those in -England.</i></div> - -<p>There are quailes<a name="FNanchor_327_327" id="FNanchor_327_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_327_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> also, but bigger then the quailes in -England. They take trees also: for I have numbered 60.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> -upon a tree at a time. The cocks doe call at the time of the -yeare, but with a different note from the cock quailes of -England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Larkes -sing not.</i></div> - -<p>The Larkes<a name="FNanchor_328_328" id="FNanchor_328_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_328_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> there are like our Larkes of England in all -respects: sauing that they do not use to sing at all.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Owles.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_71">{71}</a></span> There are Owles of divers kindes: but I did -never heare any of them whop as ours doe.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Crowes -smell & tast -of Muske in -summer, but -not in winter.</i></div> - -<p>There are Crowes,<a name="FNanchor_329_329" id="FNanchor_329_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_329_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> kights and rooks that doe differ in -some respects from those of England. The Crowes, which I -have much admired what should be the cause, both smell -and taste of Muske in summer, but not in winter.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Hawkes of -five sorts.</i></div> - - -<p>There are Hawkes in New England of 5. sorts;<a name="FNanchor_330_330" id="FNanchor_330_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_330_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> and these -of all other fether fowles I must not omitt to speake of, nor -neede I to make any Apology for my selfe concerning any -trespasse that I am like to make upon my judgement, concerning -the nature of them, having bin bred in so genious -a way that I had the common use of them in England: and - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Lannaret.</i></span> - - -at my first arrivall in those parts practised to take a Lannaret,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_331_331" id="FNanchor_331_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_331_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> -which I reclaimed, trained and made flying in a fortnight, -the same being a passenger at Michuelmas. I found -that these are most excellent Mettell, rank winged, well conditioned, -and not tickleish footed; and, having whoods, bels, -luers, and all things fitting, was desirous to make experiment -of that kinde of Hawke before any other.</p> - -<p>And I am perswaded that Nature hath ordained them to -be of a farre better kinde then any that have bin used in -England.<a name="FNanchor_332_332" id="FNanchor_332_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_332_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> They have neither dorre<a name="FNanchor_333_333" id="FNanchor_333_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_333_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> nor worm to feed upon, -(as in other parts of the world,) the Country affording none; -the use whereof in other parts makes the Lannars there -more bussardly<a name="FNanchor_334_334" id="FNanchor_334_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_334_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> then they be in New England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Fawcons.</i></div> - -<p>There are likewise Fawcons<a name="FNanchor_335_335" id="FNanchor_335_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_335_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> and tassell gentles,<a name="FNanchor_336_336" id="FNanchor_336_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_336_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> admirable -well shaped birds; and they will tower up <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_72">{72}</a></span> -when they purpose to pray, and, on a sodaine when -they esspie their game, they will make such a cancellere -that one would admire to behold them. Some there are -more black then any that have bin used in England.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Tassell gent, (but of the least size,<a name="FNanchor_337_337" id="FNanchor_337_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_337_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>) is an ornament -for a person of estimation among the Indians to weare in the -knot of his lock, with the traine upright, the body dried and -stretched out. They take a great pride in the wearing of -such an ornament, and give to one of us, that shall kill them -one for that purpose, so much beaver as is worth three -pounds sterling, very willingly.</p> - -<p>These doe us but little trespas, because they pray on such -birds as are by the Sea side, and not on our Chickens. Goshawkes -there are, and Tassels.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Goshawkes -well shaped.</i></div> - -<p>The Tassels are short trussed bussards;<a name="FNanchor_338_338" id="FNanchor_338_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_338_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> but the Goshawkes<a name="FNanchor_339_339" id="FNanchor_339_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_339_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> -are well shaped, but they are small; some of white male, -and some redd male, I have seene one with 8. barres in the -traine. These fall on our bigger poultry: the lesser chicken, -I thinke they scorne to make their pray of; for commonly -the Cocke goes to wrack. Of these I have seene many; -and if they come to trespasse me, I lay the law to them with -the gunne, and take them dammage fesant.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Marlins -small and -greate.</i></div> - -<p>There are very many Marlins;<a name="FNanchor_340_340" id="FNanchor_340_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_340_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> some very small, and some -so large as is the Barbary Tassell.</p> - -<p>I have often beheld these pretty birds, how they have -scoured after the black bird, which is a small sized Choffe<a name="FNanchor_341_341" id="FNanchor_341_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_341_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> -that eateth the Indian maisze.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sparhawkes.</i></div> - -<p>Sparhawkes<a name="FNanchor_342_342" id="FNanchor_342_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_342_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> there are also, the fairest and <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_73">{73}</a></span> best -shaped birds that I have ever beheld of that kinde -those that are litle, no use is made of any of them, neither -are they regarded. I onely tried conclusions with a Lannaret -at first comming; and, when I found what was in that bird, -I turned him going; but, for so much as I have observed of -those birds, they may be a fitt present for a prince, and for -goodnesse too be preferred before the Barbary, or any other -used in Christendome; and especially the Lannars and Lannarets.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Hunning -bird, is as -small as a -Beetle. His -bill as sharp -as a needle -point, and his -fethers like -silke.</i></div> - -<p>There is a curious bird to see to, called a hunning bird,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span><a name="FNanchor_343_343" id="FNanchor_343_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_343_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> -no bigger then a great Beetle; that out of question lives -upon the Bee, which hee eateth and catcheth amongst Flowers: -For it is his Custome to frequent those places. Flowers -hee cannot feed upon by reason of his sharp bill, which -is like the poynt of a Spannish needle, but shorte. His -fethers have a glosse like silke, and, as hee stirres, they shew -to be of a chaingable coloure: and has bin, and is, admired -for shape, coloure and size.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2V"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. V.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Beasts of the forrest.</i><a name="FNanchor_344_344" id="FNanchor_344_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_344_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>Now that I have made a rehearsall of the birds and -fethered Fowles, which participate most of aire, I will -give you a description of the beasts; and shew you what -beasts are bred in those parts, and what my experience -hath gathered by observation of <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_74">{74}</a></span> their kinde and -nature. I begin with the most usefull and most -beneficiall beast which is bredd in those parts, which is -the Deare.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote"><i>Deare of 3. -kindes.</i></div> - -<p>There are in this Country three kindes of Deare, of which -there are greate plenty, and those are very usefull.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mose or red -deare.</i></div> - -<p>First, therefore, I will speake of the Elke, which the Salvages -call a Mose:<a name="FNanchor_345_345" id="FNanchor_345_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_345_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> it is a very large Deare, with a very faire -head, and a broade palme, like the palme of a fallow Deares -horne, but much bigger, and is 6. footewide betweene the -tipps, which grow curbing downwards: Hee is of the bignesse -of a great horse.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mose or -deare greater -than a horse, -the height of -them 18. -hand fulles.</i></div> - -<p>There have bin of them seene that has bin 18. handfulls -highe: hee hath a bunch of haire under his jawes: hee is -not swifte, but stronge and large in body, and longe legged; -in somuch that hee doth use to kneele, when hee feedeth -on grasse.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>They bringe -forth three -faunes at one -time.</i></div> - -<p>Hee bringeth forth three faunes, or younge ones, at a -time; and, being made tame, would be good for draught, -and more usefull (by reason of their strength) then the Elke -of Raushea.<a name="FNanchor_346_346" id="FNanchor_346_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_346_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> These are found very frequent in the northerne<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> -parts of New England: their flesh is very good foode, and -much better then our redd Deare of England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>They make -good lether of -the hides of -Deare.</i></div> - -<p>Their hids are by the Salvages converted into very good -lether, and dressed as white as milke.</p> - -<p>Of this lether the Salvages make the best shooes; and use -to barter away the skinnes to other Salvages that have -none of that kinde of bests in the parts where they -live. Very good buffe may be made of the <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_75">{75}</a></span> hids. I -have seene a hide as large as any horse hide that can -be found. There is such abundance of them that the Salvages, -at hunting time, have killed of them so many, that they -have bestowed six or seaven at a time upon one English man -whome they have borne affection to.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The midling -Deare or fallow -Deare.</i></div> - -<p>There is a second sort of Deare<a name="FNanchor_347_347" id="FNanchor_347_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_347_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> (lesse then the redd Deare -of England, but much bigger then the English fallow Deare) -swift of foote, but of a more darke coloure; with some griseld -heares, when his coate is full growne in the summer season; -his hornes grow curving, with a croked beame, resembling -our redd Deare, not with a palme like the fallow Deare.</p> - -<p>These bringe 3. fawnes at a time,<a name="FNanchor_348_348" id="FNanchor_348_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_348_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> spotted like our fallow<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> -Deares fawnes; the Salvages say, foure; I speake of what I -know to be true, for I have killed in February a doe with -three fawnes in her belly, all heared, and ready to fall; for -these Deare fall their fawnes 2. moneths sooner then the -fallow Deare of England. There is such abundance of -them that an hundred have bin found at the spring of the -yeare, within the compasse of a mile.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Trappes to -catch the -Deare.</i></div> - -<p>The Salvages take these in trappes made of their naturall -Hempe, which they place in the earth where they fell a -tree for browse; and when hee rounds the tree for the -browse, if hee tread on the trapp hee is horsed up by the -legg, by meanes of a pole that starts up and catcheth him.<a name="FNanchor_349_349" id="FNanchor_349_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_349_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a></p> - -<p>Their hides the Saluages use for cloathing, and will give -for one hide killed in season, 2. 3. or 4. beaver skinnes, -which will yeild pounds a peece in that Coun<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_76">{76}</a></span>try: so -much is the Deares hide prised with them above the -beaver. I have made good merchandize of these. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> -flesh is farre sweeter then the venison of England: and hee -feedeth fatt and leane together, as a swine or mutton, where -as our Deare of England feede fatt on the out side: they -doe not croake at rutting time, nor spendle shafte, nor is -their flesh discoloured at rutting. Hee, that will impale -ground fitting, may be brought once in the yeare where with -bats and men hee may take so many to put into that parke, -as the hides will pay the chardge of impaleinge. If all -these things be well considered, the Deare, as well as the -Mose, may have a principall place in the catalogue of commodities.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Humbles -was the -doggs fee.</i></div> - -<p>I for my part may be bould to tell you, that my howse -was not without the flesh of this sort of Deare winter nor -summer: the humbles was ever my dogges fee, which by the -wesell<a name="FNanchor_350_350" id="FNanchor_350_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_350_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> was hanged on the barre in the chimney, for his diet -only: for hee has brought to my stand a brace in a morning, -one after the other before sunne rising, which I have killed.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Roe bucks or -Rayne Deare.</i></div> - -<p>There is likewise a third sorte of deare,<a name="FNanchor_351_351" id="FNanchor_351_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_351_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> lesse then the -other, (which are a kinde of rayne deare,) to the southward -of all the English plantations: they are excellent good flesh. -And these also bring three fawnes at a time; and in this -particular the Deare of those parts excell all the knowne -Deare of the whole world.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Wolfes pray -upon Deare.</i></div> - -<p>On all these the Wolfes doe pray continually. The best<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> -meanes they have to escape the wolfes is by swimming -to Islands,<a name="FNanchor_352_352" id="FNanchor_352_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_352_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a> or necks of land, whereby <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_77">{77}</a></span> they -escape: for the wolfe will not presume to follow them -untill they see them over a river; then, being landed, (they -wayting on the shore,) undertake the water, and so follow -with fresh suite.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Beaver.</i></div> - -<p>The next in mine opinion fit to be spoaken of, is the -Beaver;<a name="FNanchor_353_353" id="FNanchor_353_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_353_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> which is a Beast ordained for land and water both, -and hath fore feete like a cunny, her hinder feete like a -goese, mouthed like a cunny, but short eared like a Serat. -[He feeds on] fishe in summer, and wood in winter; which -hee conveyes to his howse built on the water, wherein hee -sitts with his tayle hanging in the water, which else would -over heate and rot off.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Beavers -cut downe -trees, with his -fore teeth.</i></div> - -<p>Hee cuts the bodies of trees downe with his fore-teeth, -which are so long as a boares tuskes, and with the help of other -beavers, (which hold by each others tayles like a teeme of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> -horses, the hindmost with the logg on his shoulder stayed by -one of his fore feete against his head,) they draw the logg to -the habitation appoynted, placing the loggs in a square; and -so, by pyling one uppon another, they build up a howse, -which with boghes is covered very strongly, and placed in -some pond, to which they make a damme of brush wood, -like a hedge, so stronge that I have gone on the top of it -crosse the current of that pond. The flesh of this beast is -excellent foode. The fleece is a very choise furre, which, -(before the Salvages had commerce with Christians,) they -burned of the tayle: this beast is of a masculine vertue for -the advancement of Priapus,<a name="FNanchor_354_354" id="FNanchor_354_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_354_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> and is preserved for a dish for -the Sachems, or Sagamores; who are the princes of the -people, but not Kings, (as is fondly supposed.)</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Beaver at -10. shil. -a pound.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_78">{78}</a></span> The skinnes are the best marchantable commodity -that can be found, to cause ready money to be brought -into the land, now that they are raised to 10. shillings a -pound.<a name="FNanchor_355_355" id="FNanchor_355_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_355_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>In 5 yeares -one man gott -together -1000 p. in -good gold.</i></div> - -<p>A servant of mine in 5. yeares was thought to have a 1000. -p. in ready gold gotten by beaver when hee dyed;<a name="FNanchor_356_356" id="FNanchor_356_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_356_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> whatsoever -became of it. And this beast may challenge preheminence -in the Catalogue.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Otter in -winter hath -a furre as -black as Iett.</i></div> - -<p>The Otter<a name="FNanchor_357_357" id="FNanchor_357_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_357_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> of those parts, in winter season, hath a furre so -black as jett; and is a furre of very highe price: a good -black skinne is worth 3. or 4. Angels of gold. The Flesh -is eaten by the Salvages: but how good it is I cannot shew, -because it is not eaten by our Nation. Yet is this a beast -that ought to be placed in the number amongst the Commodities -of the Country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Luseran -as bigg as a -hound.</i></div> - -<p>The Luseran, or Luseret,<a name="FNanchor_358_358" id="FNanchor_358_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_358_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> is a beast like a Catt, but so bigg -as a great hound: with a tayle shorter then a Catt. His -clawes are like a Catts. Hee will make a pray of the Deare. -His Flesh is dainty meat, like a lambe: his hide is a choise -furre, and accompted a good commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Martin -is about the -bignesse of a -Fox.</i></div> - -<p>The Martin<a name="FNanchor_359_359" id="FNanchor_359_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_359_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> is a beast about the bignes of a Foxe. His<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> -furre is chestnutt coloure: and of those there are greate store -in the Northerne parts of the Country, and is a good commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Racowne.</i></div> - -<p>The Racowne<a name="FNanchor_360_360" id="FNanchor_360_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_360_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> is a beast as bigg, full out, as a Foxe, with -a Bushtayle. His Flesh excellent foode: his oyle precious -for the Syattica:<a name="FNanchor_361_361" id="FNanchor_361_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_361_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> his furre course, but the skinnes serve the -Salvages for coats, and is with those people of more -esteeme then a coate of beaver, <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_79">{79}</a></span> because of the tayles -that (hanging round in their order) doe adorne the -garment, and is therefore so much esteemed of them. His -fore feete are like the feete of an ape; and by the print -thereof, in the time of snow, he is followed to his hole, which -is commonly in a hollow tree; from whence hee is fiered -out, and so taken.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Foxes -red and gray.</i></div> - -<p>The Foxes are of two coloures; the one redd, the other -gray:<a name="FNanchor_362_362" id="FNanchor_362_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_362_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> these feede on fish, and are good furre:<a name="FNanchor_363_363" id="FNanchor_363_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_363_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> they doe not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> -stinke, as the Foxes of England, but their condition for their -pray is as the Foxes of England.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Wolfes -of diverse -coloures.</i></div> - -<p>The Wolfes are of divers coloures;<a name="FNanchor_364_364" id="FNanchor_364_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_364_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> some sandy coloured, -some griselled, and some black: their foode is fish, which -they catch when they passe up the rivers into the ponds to -spawne, at the spring time. The Deare are also their pray, -and at summer, when they have whelpes, the bitch will fetch -a puppy dogg from our dores to feede their whelpes with. -They are fearefull Curres, and will runne away from a man, -(that meeteth them by chaunce at a banke end,) as fast as -any fearefull dogge.<a name="FNanchor_365_365" id="FNanchor_365_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_365_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a> These pray upon the Deare very much.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> -The skinnes are used by the Salvages, especially the skinne -of the black wolfe, which is esteemed a present for a prince -there.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The skin of a -black wolfe -a present for -a prince.</i></div> - -<p>When there ariseth any difference betweene prince and -prince, the prince that desires to be reconciled to his neighboring -prince does endeavour to purchase it by sending -him a black wolfes skinne for a present, and the acceptance -of such a present is an assurance of reconciliation betweene -them; and the <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_80">{80}</a></span> Salvages will willingly give -40. beaver skinnes for the purchase of one of these -black Wolfes skinnes:<a name="FNanchor_366_366" id="FNanchor_366_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_366_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> and allthough the beast himselfe be -a discommodity, which other Countries of Christendome are -subject unto, yet is the skinne of the black wolfe worthy the -title of a commodity, in that respect that hath bin declared.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Beares -afraid of a -man.</i></div> - -<p>If I should not speake something of the beare,<a name="FNanchor_367_367" id="FNanchor_367_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_367_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> I might -happily leave a scruple in the mindes of some effeminate -persone who conceaved of more dainger in them then there -is cause. Therefore, to incourage them against all Feare -and Fortifie their mindes against needles danger, I will -relate what experience hath taught mee concerning them: -they are beasts that doe no harme in those parts; they feede -upon Hurtleburies, Nuts and Fish, especially shell-fish.</p> - -<p>The Beare is a tyrant at a Lobster, and at low water -will downe to the Rocks and groape after them with great -diligence.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Salvages -seeing a beare -chase him -like a dogg -and kill him.</i></div> - -<p>Hee will runne away from a man as fast as a litle dogge. -If a couple of Salvages chaunce to espie him at his banquet,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> -his running away will not serve his turne, for they will coate -him, and chase him betweene them home to theire howses, -where they kill him, to save a laboure in carrying him farre. -His Flesh is esteemed venison, and of a better taste then -beefe.<a name="FNanchor_368_368" id="FNanchor_368_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_368_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a></p> - -<p>His hide is used by the Salvages for garments, and is -more commodious then discommodious; and may passe, -(with some allowance,) with the rest.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Muskewashe.</i></div> - -<p>The Muskewashe<a name="FNanchor_369_369" id="FNanchor_369_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_369_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> is a beast that frequenteth the -ponds. What hee eats I cannot finde. Hee is <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_81">{81}</a></span> but -a small beast, lesse then a Cunny, and is indeede in -those parts no other then a water Ratte; for I have seene<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> -the suckers of them digged out of a banke, and at that age -they neither differed in shape, coloure, nor size, from one of -our greate Ratts. When hee is ould, hee is of the Beavers -coloure; and hath passed in waite with our Chapmen for -Beaver.</p> - -<p>The Male of them have stones, which the Salvages, in uncaseing -of them, leave to the skinne, which is a most delicate -perfume, and may compare with any perfume that I -know for goodnesse: Then may not this be excluded the -Catalogue.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Porcupines.</i></div> - -<p>This Country, in the North parts thereof, hath many Porcupines,<a name="FNanchor_370_370" id="FNanchor_370_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_370_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> -but I doe not finde the beast any way usefull or -hurtfull.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Hedghoggs.</i></div> - -<p>There are in those Northerne parts many Hedgehoggs, -of the like nature to our English Hedghoggs.<a name="FNanchor_371_371" id="FNanchor_371_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_371_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Conyes of severall -sorts.</i></div> - -<p>Here are greate store of Conyes<a name="FNanchor_372_372" id="FNanchor_372_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_372_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> in those parts, of divers -coloures; some white, some black, and some gray. Those -towards the Southerne parts are very small, but those to the -North are as bigg as the English Cony: their eares are very -short. For meate the small rabbit is as good as any that I -have eaten of else where.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Squirils of -three sorts.</i></div> - -<p>There are Squirils of three sorts,<a name="FNanchor_373_373" id="FNanchor_373_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_373_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a> very different in shape -and condition; one<a name="FNanchor_374_374" id="FNanchor_374_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_374_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> is gray, and hee is as bigg as the lesser -Cony, and keepeth the woods, feeding upon nutts.</p> - -<p>Another is red, and hee haunts our howses and will rob -us of our Corne; but the Catt many times payes him the -price of his presumption.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Flying -Squirill.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_82">{82}</a></span> The third is a little flying Squirill, with batlike -winges, which hee spreads when hee jumpes from tree -to tree, and does no harme.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Snakes.</i></div> - -<p>Now because I am upon a treaty of the beasts, I will place -this creature, the snake, amongst the beasts, having my warrant -from the holy Bible; who, (though his posture in his -passage be so different from all other, being of a more subtile -and aidry nature, that hee can make his way without feete, -and lifte himselfe above the superficies of the earth, as hee -glids along,) yet may hee not bee ranked with any but the -beasts, notwithstanding hee frequents the water, as well as -the land.</p> - -<p>There are of Snakes divers and of severall kindes, as be -with us in England; but that Country hath not so many as -in England have bin knowne.<a name="FNanchor_375_375" id="FNanchor_375_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_375_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span></p> - -<p>The generall Salvage name of them is Ascowke.<a name="FNanchor_376_376" id="FNanchor_376_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_376_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The rattle -Snakes.</i></div> - -<p>There is one creeping beast or longe creeple, (as the name -is in Devonshire,) that hath a rattle at his tayle that does -discover his age; for so many yeares as hee hath lived, -so many joynts are in that rattle, which soundeth (when -it is in motion,) like pease in a bladder; and this beast -is called a rattle Snake; but the Salvages give him the -name of Sesick,<a name="FNanchor_377_377" id="FNanchor_377_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_377_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> which some take to be the Adder; and -it may well be so, for the Salvages are significiant in their -denomination of any thing, and [it] is no lesse hurtfull -than the Adder of England, nor no more. I have had my -dogge venomed with troubling one of these, and so swelled -that I had thought it would have bin his death: but with -one Saucer of Salet oyle powred downe his throate -he <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_83">{83}</a></span> has recovered, and the swelling asswaged by the -next day. The like experiment hath bin made upon -a boy that hath by chaunce troad upon one of these, and the -boy never the worse. Therefore it is simplicity in any one -that shall tell a bugbeare tale of horrible, or terrible Serpents, -that are in that land.<a name="FNanchor_378_378" id="FNanchor_378_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_378_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mise.</i></div> - -<p>Mise there are good store, and my Lady Woodbees black -gray-malkin may have pastime enough there: but for Rats, -the Country by Nature is troubled with none.<a name="FNanchor_379_379" id="FNanchor_379_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_379_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Lyons alwaies -in hot -Clymats, not -in cold.</i></div> - -<p>Lyons there are none in New England:<a name="FNanchor_380_380" id="FNanchor_380_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_380_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a> it is contrary to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> -the Nature of the beast to frequent places accustomed to -snow; being like the Catt, that will hazard the burning of -her tayle rather than abide from the fire.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2VI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of Stones and Minerals.</i><a name="FNanchor_381_381" id="FNanchor_381_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_381_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>Now, (for as much as I have in a breife abstract shewed -you the Creatures whose specificall Natures doe simpathise -with the elements of fire and aire,) I will come to -speake of the Creatures that participate of earth more then -the other two, which is stones.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Marble.</i></div> - -<p>And first of the Marble for building; whereof there is -much in those parts, in so much there is one bay in the land -that beareth the name of Marble harber, because of the -plenty of Marble there:<a name="FNanchor_382_382" id="FNanchor_382_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_382_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> and these <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_84">{84}</a></span> are usefull for -building of Sumpteous Pallaces.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Limestone.</i></div> - -<p>And because no good building can be made permanent, -or durable, without Lime, I will let you understand that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> -there is good Limestone neere to the river of Monatoquinte,<a name="FNanchor_383_383" id="FNanchor_383_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_383_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> -at Uttaquatock,<a name="FNanchor_384_384" id="FNanchor_384_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_384_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> to my knowledge; and we hope other places -too, (that I have not taken so much notice of,) may have -the like, or better: and those stones are very convenient -for building.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Chalk.</i></div> - -<p>Chalke stones there are neere Squantos Chappell,<a name="FNanchor_385_385" id="FNanchor_385_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_385_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> shewed -me by a Salvage.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Slate.</i></div> - -<p>There is abundance of excellent Slate<a name="FNanchor_386_386" id="FNanchor_386_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_386_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> in divers places of -the Country; and the best that ever I beheld for covering -of howses: and the inhabitants have made good use of these -materials for building.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Whetstones.</i></div> - -<p>There is a very usefull Stone in the Land, and as yet -there is found out but one place where they may be had, in -the whole Country: Ould Woodman, (that was choaked at -Plimmouth after hee had played the unhappy Markes man -when hee was pursued by a carelesse fellow that was new -come into the Land,) they say laboured to get a patent of -it to himselfe. Hee was beloved of many, and had many -sonnes that had a minde to engrosse that commodity. And<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> -I cannot spie any mention made of it in the woodden -prospect.<a name="FNanchor_387_387" id="FNanchor_387_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_387_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a></p> - -<p>Therefore I begin to suspect his aime, that it was for -himselfe; and therefore will I not discover it: it is the -Stone so much commended by <i>Ovid</i>, because love delighteth -to make his habitation in a building of those materials, -where hee advises those that seeke for love to doe it, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Duris -in Cotibus illum</i>.<a name="FNanchor_388_388" id="FNanchor_388_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_388_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a></p> - -<p>This stone the Salvages doe call <i>Cos</i>;<a name="FNanchor_389_389" id="FNanchor_389_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_389_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_85">{85}</a></span> and of -these, (on the North end of Richmond Iland,) are -store, and those are very excellent good for edg’d tooles.<a name="FNanchor_390_390" id="FNanchor_390_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_390_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> -envy not his happinesse. I have bin there:<a name="FNanchor_391_391" id="FNanchor_391_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_391_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> viewed the -place: liked the commodity: but will not plant so Northerly -for that, nor any other commodity that is there to be had.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Loadstones.</i></div> - -<p>There are Loadestones<a name="FNanchor_392_392" id="FNanchor_392_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_392_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> also in the Northerne parts of the -land: and those which were found are very good, and are a -commodity worth the noteing.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Ironstones.</i></div> - -<p>Iron stones<a name="FNanchor_393_393" id="FNanchor_393_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_393_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> there are abundance: and severall sorts of -them knowne.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Lead.</i></div> - -<p>Lead ore<a name="FNanchor_394_394" id="FNanchor_394_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_394_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> is there likewise, and hath bin found by the -breaking of the earth, which the Frost hath made mellow.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Blacklead.</i></div> - -<p>Black Leade<a name="FNanchor_395_395" id="FNanchor_395_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_395_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> I have likewise found very good, which the -Salvages use to paint their faces with.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Read lead.</i></div> - -<p>Red Leade<a name="FNanchor_396_396" id="FNanchor_396_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_396_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> is there likewise in great abundance.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Boll.</i></div> - -<p>There is very excellent Boll Armoniack.<a name="FNanchor_397_397" id="FNanchor_397_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_397_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Vermilion.</i></div> - -<p>There is most excellent Vermilion.<a name="FNanchor_398_398" id="FNanchor_398_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_398_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> All these things the -Salvages make some litle use of, and doe finde them on the -circumference of the Earth.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Brimstone.</i></div> - -<p>Brimstone<a name="FNanchor_399_399" id="FNanchor_399_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_399_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> mines there are likewise.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Tinne.</i></div> - -<p>Mines of Tinne<a name="FNanchor_400_400" id="FNanchor_400_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_400_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> are likewise knowne to be in those parts: -which will in short time be made use of: and this cannot be -accompted a meane commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Copper.</i></div> - -<p>Copper mines<a name="FNanchor_401_401" id="FNanchor_401_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_401_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> are there found likewise, that will enrich -the Inhabitants. But untill theire younge Cattell be growne -hardy labourers in the yoake, that the Plough and the -Wheate may be seene more plentifully, it is a worke must be -forborne.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Silver.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_86">{86}</a></span> They say there is a Silver, and a gold mine<a name="FNanchor_402_402" id="FNanchor_402_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_402_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> found -by Captaine Littleworth:<a name="FNanchor_403_403" id="FNanchor_403_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_403_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> if hee get a patent of it to -himselfe hee will surely change his name.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span></p> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2VII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Fishes, and what commodity they proove.</i><a name="FNanchor_404_404" id="FNanchor_404_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_404_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>Among Fishes, first I will begin with the Codd, because -it is the most commodious of all fish, as may appeare -by the use which is made of them in forraigne parts.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Codd.</i></div> - -<p>The Codd fishing is much used in America, (whereof New -England is a part,) in so much as 300. Sayle of shipps, -from divers parts, have used to be imployed yearely in that -trade.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>15. Shipps at one time for Codd.</i></div> - -<p>I have seene in one Harboure,<a name="FNanchor_405_405" id="FNanchor_405_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_405_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> next Richmond Iland, 15. -Sayle of shipps at one time, that have taken in them driyed -Codds for Spaine and the Straights, and it has bin found -that the Saylers have made 15. 18. 20. 22. p. share for a -common man.</p> - -<p>The Coast aboundeth with such multitudes of Codd<a name="FNanchor_406_406" id="FNanchor_406_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_406_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> that -the inhabitants of New England doe dunge their grounds<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> -with Codd; and it is a commodity better than the golden -mines of the Spanish Indies; for without dried Codd the -Spaniard, Portingal and Italian would not be able to vittel -of a shipp for the Sea; and I am sure at the Canaries it is -the principall commodity: which place lyeth neere -New Eng<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_87">{87}</a></span>land, very convenient for the vending of -this commodity, one hundred of these being at the -price of 300. of New found land Codds: greate store of - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Oyle mayd of -the livers of -the Codd.</i></span> - -traine oyle<a name="FNanchor_407_407" id="FNanchor_407_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_407_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> is mayd of the livers of the Codd, and is a commodity -that without question will enrich the inhabitants of -New England quicly; and is therefore a principall commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A 100 Basse -sould for 5. p.</i></div> - -<p>The Basse<a name="FNanchor_408_408" id="FNanchor_408_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_408_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> is an excellent Fish, both fresh and Salte; one -hundred whereof salted, (at a market,) have yeilded 5. p. -They are so large, the head of one will give a good eater a -dinner; and for daintinesse of diet they excell the Mary-bones -of Beefe. There are such multitudes, that I have -seene stopped into the river close adjoyning to my howse, -with a sand at one tide, so many as will loade a ship of a -100. Tonnes.</p> - -<p>Other places have greater quantities, in so much as wagers -have bin layed that one should not throw a stone in the -water but that hee should hit a fish.</p> - -<p>I my selfe, at the turning of the tyde, have seene such -multitudes passe out of a pound, that it seemed to mee that -one might goe over their backs drishod.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span></p> - -<p>These follow the bayte up the rivers, and sometimes are -followed for bayte and chased into the bayes, and shallow -waters, by the grand pise:<a name="FNanchor_409_409" id="FNanchor_409_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_409_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> and these may have also a prime -place in the Catalogue of Commodities.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mackarell -are baite for -Basse.</i></div> - -<p>The Mackarels are the baite for the Basse, and these -have bin chased into the shallow waters where so many -thousands have shott themselves a shore with the surfe of the -Sea, that whole hogges-heads have bin taken up on -the Sands; and for length, they excell <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_88">{88}</a></span> any of other -parts: they have bin measured 18. and 19. inches in -length and seaven in breadth: and are taken with a drayle,<a name="FNanchor_410_410" id="FNanchor_410_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_410_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> -(as boats use to passe to and froe at Sea on businesse,) in very -greate quantities all alonge the Coaste.</p> - -<p>The Fish is good, salted, for store against the winter, as -well as fresh; and to be accounted a good Commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Sturgeon.</i></div> - -<p>This Sturgeon in England is <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">regalis piscis</i>;<a name="FNanchor_411_411" id="FNanchor_411_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_411_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> every man in -New England may catch what hee will: there are multitudes -of them, and they are much fatter then those that are -brought into England from other parts, in so much as by -reason of their fatnesse they doe not looke white, but yellow,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> -which made a Cooke presume they were not so good as -them of Roushea: silly fellow that could not understand -that it is the nature of fish salted, or pickelled, the fatter the -yellower being best to preserve.<a name="FNanchor_412_412" id="FNanchor_412_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_412_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a></p> - -<p>For the taste, I have warrant of Ladies of worth, with -choise pallats for the commendations, who liked the taste so -well that they esteemed it beyond the Sturgeon of other -parts, and sayd they were deceaved in the lookes: therefore -let the Sturgeon passe for a Commodity.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Salmon.</i></div> - -<p>Of Salmons there is greate abundance: and these may be -allowed for a Commodity, and placed in the Catallogue.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Herrings.</i></div> - -<p>Of Herrings there is greate store, fat and faire: and, -(to my minde,) as good as any I have seene; and these -may be preserved, and made a good commodity at the -Canaries.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Great plenty -of Eeles.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_89">{89}</a></span> Of Eeles there is abundance, both in the Salt-waters -and in the fresh: and the fresh water Eele -there, (if I may take the judgement of a London Fishmonger,) -is the best that hee hath found in his life time. I have -with 2.<a name="FNanchor_413_413" id="FNanchor_413_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_413_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a> eele potts found my howsehold, (being nine persons, -besides doggs,) with them, taking them every tide, (for 4. -moneths space,) and preserving of them for Winter store:<a name="FNanchor_414_414" id="FNanchor_414_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_414_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> -and these may proove a good commodity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Smelts.</i></div> - -<p>Of Smelts there is such abundance that the Salvages doe -take them up in the rivers with baskets, like sives.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Shadds or -Allizes taken -to dunge -ground.</i></div> - -<p>There is a Fish, (by some called shadds, by some allizes,)<a name="FNanchor_415_415" id="FNanchor_415_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_415_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> -that at the spring of the yeare passe up the rivers to spaune -in the ponds; and are taken in such multitudes in every -river, that hath a pond at the end, that the Inhabitants -doung their ground with them. You may see in one towneship -a hundred acres together set with these Fish, every acre -taking 1000. of them: and an acre thus dressed will produce -and yeald so much corne as 3. acres without fish: and, -least any Virginea man would inferre hereupon that the -ground of New England is barren, because they use no fish -in setting their corne, I desire them to be remembred the -cause is plaine, in Virginea they have it not to sett. But -this practise is onely for the Indian Maize, (which must be -set by hands,) not for English graine: and this is therefore -a commodity there.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Turbut or -Hallibut.</i></div> - -<p>There is a large sized fish called Hallibut, or Turbut:<a name="FNanchor_416_416" id="FNanchor_416_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_416_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> -some are taken so bigg that two men have much a -doe to hale them into the boate; but there is <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_90">{90}</a></span> such -plenty, that the fisher men onely eate the heads and -finnes, and throw away the bodies: such in Paris would -yeeld 5. or 6. crownes a peece: and this is no discommodity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Plaice.</i></div> - -<p>There are excellent Plaice,<a name="FNanchor_417_417" id="FNanchor_417_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_417_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> and easily taken. They, -(at flowing water,) do almost come ashore, so that one may -stepp but halfe a foote deepe and prick them up on the -sands and this may passe with some allowance.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Hake.</i></div> - -<p>Hake<a name="FNanchor_418_418" id="FNanchor_418_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_418_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> is a dainty white fish, and excellent vittell fresh; -and may passe with other commodities, because there are -multitudes.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Pilchers.</i></div> - -<p>There are greate store of Pilchers:<a name="FNanchor_419_419" id="FNanchor_419_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_419_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> at Michelmas, in -many places, I have seene the Cormorants<a name="FNanchor_420_420" id="FNanchor_420_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_420_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> in length 3. miles -feedinge upon the Sent.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Lobsters.</i></div> - -<p>Lobsters are there infinite in store in all the parts of the -land, and very excellent. The most use that I made of -them, in 5. yeares after I came there, was but to baite my -Hooke for to catch Basse; I had bin so cloyed with them -the first day I went a shore.</p> - -<p>This being knowne, they shall passe for a commodity to -the inhabitants; for the Salvages will meete 500, or 1000. -at a place where Lobsters come in with the tyde, to eate, -and save dried for store; abiding in that place, feasting and -sporting, a moneth or 6. weekes together.<a name="FNanchor_421_421" id="FNanchor_421_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_421_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote"><i>Oysters.</i></div> - -<p>There are greate store of Oysters in the entrance of all -Rivers: they are not round as those of England, but excellent -fat, and all good. I have seene an Oyster banke a mile -at length.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mustles.</i></div> - -<p>Mustles there are infinite store; I have often gon -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_91">{91}</a></span> to Wassaguscus, where were excellent Mustles, to eate -for variety, the fish is so fat and large.<a name="FNanchor_422_422" id="FNanchor_422_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_422_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Clames.</i></div> - -<p>Clames is a shellfish, which I have seene sold in Westminster -for 12. pe. the skore. These our swine feede upon, and -of them there is no want; every shore is full; it makes the -swine proove exceedingly, they will not faile at low water to -be with them. The Salvages are much taken with the -delight of this fishe, and are not cloyed, notwithstanding the -plenty: for our swine we finde it a good commodity.</p> - -<div class="clear"> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Rarer fish.</i></div> - -<p>Rarer fishes there are.</p> - -</div> - - -<div class="clear"> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Freele.</i></div> - -<p>Freeles there are, Cockles and Scallopes;<a name="FNanchor_423_423" id="FNanchor_423_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_423_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> and divers -other sorts of Shellfishe, very good foode.</p> - -<p>Now that I have shewed you what commodities are there -to be had in the Sea, for a Market; I will shew what is in -the Land, also, for the comfort of the inhabitants, wherein it -doth abound. And because my taske is an abstract, I will -discover to them the commodity thereof.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Fresh fish, -Trouts, -Carpes, -Breames, -Pikes, Roches, -Perches, -Tenches, -and Eeles.</i></div> - -<p>There are in the rivers, and ponds, very excellent Trouts, -Carpes, Breames, Pikes, Roches, Perches, Tenches, Eeles,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> -and other fishes such as England doth afford, and as good -for variety; yea, many of them much better; and the Natives -of the inland parts doe buy hookes of us, to catch -them with: and I have knowne the time that a Trouts -hooke hath yeelded a beaver skinne, which hath bin a good -commodity to those that have bartered them away.</p> - -<p>These things I offer to your consideration, (curteous -Reader,) and require you to shew mee the like in any part of -the knowne world, if you can.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> -<h4 title="Chap. VIII."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_92">{92}</a></span> <a id="Chap_2VIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the goodnes of the Country and the Waters.</i></p></div></div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Foode and -Fire.</i></div> - -<p>Now since it is a Country so infinitely blest with foode, -and fire, to roast or boyle our Flesh and Fish, why -should any man feare for cold there, in a Country warmer -in the winter than some parts of France, and neerer the -Sunne: unles hee be one of those that Salomon bids goe to -the Ant and the Bee.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Noe Boggs.</i></div> - - -<p>There is no boggy ground knowne in all the Country, -from whence the Sunne may exhale unwholsom vapors: - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Perfumed -aire with -sweet herbes.</i></span> - - -But there are divers arematicall herbes and plants, as Sassafras, -Muske Roses, Violets, Balme, Lawrell, Hunnisuckles, -and the like, that with their vapors perfume the aire; and it -has bin a thing much observed that shipps have come from -Virginea where there have bin scarce five men able to hale a -rope, untill they have come within 40. Degrees of latitude<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> -and smell the sweet aire of the shore, where they have suddainly -recovered.<a name="FNanchor_424_424" id="FNanchor_424_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_424_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Of Waters.</i></div> - -<p>And for the water, therein it excelleth Canaan by much; -for the Land is so apt for Fountaines, a man cannot digg -amisse: therefore if the Abrahams and Lots of our times -come thether, there needs be no contention for wells.</p> - -<p>Besides there are waters of most excellent vertues, worthy -admiration.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Cure of -mellancolly at -Maremount.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_93">{93}</a></span> At Ma-re-Mount there was a water,<a name="FNanchor_425_425" id="FNanchor_425_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_425_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> (by mee discovered,) -that is most excellent for the cure of Melancolly -probatum.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The cure of -Barrennesse.</i></div> - -<p>At Weenasemute is a water, the vertue whereof is to -cure barrennesse. The place taketh his name of that Fountaine -which signifieth quick spring, or quickning spring -probatum.<a name="FNanchor_426_426" id="FNanchor_426_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_426_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Water procuring -a -dead sleepe.</i></div> - - -<p>Neere Squantos Chappell,<a name="FNanchor_427_427" id="FNanchor_427_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_427_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> (a place so by us called,) is a -Fountaine that causeth a dead sleepe for 48. howres to those -that drinke 24. ounces at a draught, and so proportionably.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> -The Salvages, that are Powahs, at set times use it, and reveale -strang things to the vulgar people by meanes of it. So - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>New Engl. -excels Canaan -in fountaines.</i></span> - -that in the delicacy of waters, and the conveniency of them, -Canaan came not neere this Country.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Milke and -Hony supplied.</i></div> - -<p>As for the Milke and Hony, which that Canaan flowed -with, it is supplyed by the plenty of birds, beasts and Fish; -whereof Canaan could not boast her selfe.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A plain paralell -to Canaan.</i></div> - -<p>Yet never the lesse, (since the Milke came by the industry -of the first Inhabitants,) let the cattell be chereshed that are -at this time in New England, and forborne but a litle, I will -aske no long time, no more but untill the Brethren have converted -one Salvage and made him a good Christian, and I -may be bold to say Butter and cheese will be cheaper there -then ever it was in Canaan. It is cheaper there then in old -England at this present; for there are store of Cowes, -considering the people, which, (as my intelligence gives,) is -12000.<a name="FNanchor_428_428" id="FNanchor_428_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_428_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> persons: and in gods name let the people have -their desire, who write to their freinds to come out of -Sodome to the land of Canaan, a land that flowes with -Milke and Hony.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Request -for the Nomination -of -New Canaan.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_94">{94}</a></span> And I appeale to any man of judgement, whether -it be not a Land that for her excellent indowments of -Nature may passe for a plaine paralell to Canaan of Israell, -being in a more temporat Climat, this being in 40. Degrees -and that in 30.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2IX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. IX.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>A Perspective to view the Country by.</i></p></div></div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Soyle.</i></div> - -<p>As for the Soyle, I may be bould to commend the fertility -thereof, and preferre it before the Soyle of England, -(our Native Country); and I neede not to produce -more then one argument for proffe thereof, because it is so -infallible.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The grouth -of Hempe.</i></div> - -<p>Hempe is a thing by Husband men in generall ageed -upon to prosper best in the most fertile Soyle: and experience -hath taught this rule, that Hempe seede prospers so -well in New England that it shewteth up to be tenne foote -high and tenne foote and a halfe, which is twice so high as -the ground in old England produceth it; which argues New -England the more fertile of the two.<a name="FNanchor_429_429" id="FNanchor_429_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_429_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The aire.</i></div> - -<p>As for the aire, I will produce but one proffe for the maintenance -of the excellency thereof; which is so generall, as I -assure myselfe it will suffice.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>No cold -cough or -murre.</i></div> - -<p>No man living there was ever knowne to be troubled with -a cold, a cough, or a murre; but many men, comming sick<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> -out of Virginea to New Canaan have instantly recovered -with the helpe of the purity <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_95">{95}</a></span> of that aire;<a name="FNanchor_430_430" id="FNanchor_430_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_430_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> no -man ever surfeited himselfe either by eating or drinking.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The plenty -of the Land.</i></div> - -<p>As for the plenty of that Land, it is well knowne that no -part of Asia, Affrica or Europe affordeth deare that doe -bring forth any more then one single faune; and in New -Canaan the Deare are accustomed to bring forth 2. and 3. -faunes at a time.<a name="FNanchor_431_431" id="FNanchor_431_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_431_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a></p> - -<p>Besides, there are such infinite flocks of Fowle and Multitudes -of fish, both in the fresh waters and also on the Coast, -that the like hath not else where bin discovered by any -traveller.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Windes.</i></div> - -<p>The windes there are not so violent as in England; which -is prooved by the trees that grow in the face of the winde by -the Sea Coast; for there they doe not leane from the winde -as they doe in England: as we have heard before.<a name="FNanchor_432_432" id="FNanchor_432_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_432_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span></p><div class="sidenote"><i>Raine.</i></div> - -<p>The Raine is there more moderate then in England; -which thing I have noted in all the time of my residence to -be so.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Coast.</i></div> - -<p>The Coast is low Land, and not high Land: and hee is of -a weake capacity that conceaveth otherwise of it, because it -cannot be denied but that boats may come a ground in all -places along the Coast, and especially within the Compas of -the Massachusets patent, where the prospect is fixed.<a name="FNanchor_433_433" id="FNanchor_433_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_433_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Harboures.</i></div> - -<p>The Harboures are not to be bettered for safety and -goodnesse of ground, for ancorage, and, (which is worthy -observation,) shipping will not there be furred; neither are -they subject to wormes, as in Virginea and other places.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Scituation.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_96">{96}</a></span> Let the Scituation also of the Country be considered, -(together with the rest which is discovered in the -front of this abstract,) and then I hope no man will hold this -land unworthy to be intituled by the name of the second -Canaan.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Nomination.</i></div> - -<p>And, since the Seperatists are desirous to have the denomination -thereof, I am become an humble Suter on their -behalfe for your consents, (courteous Readers,) to it, before I -doe shew you what Revels they have kept in New Canaan.<a name="FNanchor_434_434" id="FNanchor_434_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_434_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> -</p> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span></p> - - - -<h4><a id="Chap_2X"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. X.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Great Lake of Erocoise in New England, and -the commodities thereof.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>Westwards from the Massachusetts bay, (which lyeth in -42. Degrees and 30. Minutes of Northerne latitude,) -is scituated a very spacious Lake, (called of the Natives the -Lake of Erocoise<a name="FNanchor_435_435" id="FNanchor_435_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_435_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>) which is farre more excellent then the -Lake of Genezereth, in the Country of Palestina, both in -respect of the greatnes and properties thereof, and likewise -of the manifould commodities it yealdeth: the circumference -of which Lake is reputed to be 240. miles at the least: and -it is distant from the Massachussetts bay 300. miles, or there - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Fowle innumerable.</i></span> - -abouts:<a name="FNanchor_436_436" id="FNanchor_436_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_436_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> wherein are very many faire Islands, where innumerable -flocks of severall sorts of Fowle doe breede, Swannes, -Geese, Ducks, Widgines, Teales, and other water Fowle.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_97">{97}</a></span> There are also more abundance of Beavers, Deare -and Turkies breed about the parts of that lake then in -any place in all the Country of New England; and also such - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Multitudes of -Fish.</i></span> - -multitudes of fish, (which is a great part of the foode that the -Beavers live upon,) that it is a thing to be admired at: So - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The prime -place of New -Canaan.</i></span> - -that about this Lake is the principallst place for a plantation -in all New Canaan, both for pleasure and proffit.</p> - -<p>Here may very many brave Townes and Citties be erected, -which may have intercourse one with another by water, very -commodiously: and it is of many men of good judgement -accounted the prime seate for the Metropolis of New Canaan.<a name="FNanchor_437_437" id="FNanchor_437_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_437_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> -From this Lake, Northwards, is derived the famous - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Canada, so -named of -Monsier de -Cane.</i></span> - -River of Canada, (so named of Monsier de Cane,<a name="FNanchor_438_438" id="FNanchor_438_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_438_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> a French -Lord that first planted a Colony of French in America, -there called Nova Francia,) from whence Captaine Kerke<a name="FNanchor_439_439" id="FNanchor_439_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_439_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> -of late, by taking that plantation, brought home in one<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> -shipp, (as a Seaman of his Company reported in my hearing,) -25000. Beaver skinnes.<a name="FNanchor_440_440" id="FNanchor_440_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_440_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Patomack.</i></div> - -<p>And from this Lake, Southwards, trends that goodly -River, called of the Natives Patomack, which dischardgeth -herselfe in the parts of Virginea; from whence it is navigable -by shipping of great Burthen up to the Falls, (which -lieth in 41. Degrees and a halfe of North latitude,) and -from the Lake downe to the Falls by a faire current. This -River is navigable for vessels of good Burthen; and thus -much hath often bin related by the Natives, and is of late -found to be certaine.<a name="FNanchor_441_441" id="FNanchor_441_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_441_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Great heards -of Beasts as -bigg as Cowes.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_98">{98}</a></span> They have also made description of great heards -of well growne beasts, that live about the parts of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> -Lake, such as the Christian world, (untill this discovery,) -hath not bin made acquainted with. These beasts are of the -bignesse of a Cowe; their Flesh being very good foode, their -hides good lether, their fleeces very usefull, being a kinde -of wolle as fine almost as the wolle of the Beaver; and the -Salvages doe make garments thereof.</p> - -<p>It is tenne yeares since first the relation of these things -came to the eares of the English: at which time wee were -but slender proficients in the language of the Natives, and -they, (which now have attained to more perfection of English,) -could not then make us rightly apprehend their -meaninge.<a name="FNanchor_442_442" id="FNanchor_442_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_442_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a></p> - -<p>Wee supposed, when they spake of Beasts thereabouts as -high as men, they have made report of men all over hairy -like Beavers, in so much as we questioned them whether -they eate of the Beavers, to which they replyed Matta,<a name="FNanchor_443_443" id="FNanchor_443_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_443_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> (noe) -saying they were almost Beavers Brothers. This relation at -that time wee concluded to be fruitles, which, since, time -hath made more apparent.</p> - -<p>About the parts of this Lake may be made a very greate -Commodity by the trade of furres, to inrich those that shall -plant there; a more compleat discovery of those parts is, (to -my knowleadge,) undertaken by Henry Ioseline,<a name="FNanchor_444_444" id="FNanchor_444_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_444_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> Esquier,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> -sonne of Sir Thomas Ioseline of Kent, Knight, by the approbation - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Henry Ioseline -imployed -for discovery.</i></span> - -and appointement of that Heroick and very good -Common wealths man, Captaine Iohn Mason,<a name="FNanchor_445_445" id="FNanchor_445_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_445_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> Esquier, -a <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_99">{99}</a></span> true foster Father and lover of vertue, (who at his -owne chardge,) hath fitted Master Ioseline and imployed -him to that purpose; who no doubt will performe as -much as is expected, if the Dutch, (by gettinge into those -parts before him,) doe not frustrate his so hopefull and -laudable designes.</p> - -<p>It is well knowne they aime at that place, and have a possibility -to attaine unto the end of their desires therein, by -meanes of the River of Mohegan, which of the English is -named Hudsons River, where the Dutch have setled two -well fortified plantations already. If that River be derived -from the Lake, as our Country man in his prospect<a name="FNanchor_446_446" id="FNanchor_446_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_446_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> affirmes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> -it to be, and if they get and fortifie this place also, they will -gleane away the best of the Beaver both from the French -and the English, who have hitherto lived wholely by it; and -very many old planters have gained good estates out of small -beginnings by meanes thereof.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Dutch -have a great -trade of Beaver -in Hudsons -River.</i></div> - -<p>And it is well knowne to some of our Nation that have -lived in the Dutch plantation that the Dutch have gained -by Beaver 20000. pound a yeare.<a name="FNanchor_447_447" id="FNanchor_447_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_447_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a></p> - -<p>The Salvages make report of 3. great Rivers that issue -out of this Lake, 2. of which are to us knowne, the one to -be Patomack, the other Canada: and why may not the -third be found there likewise, which they describe to trend -westward, which is conceaved to discharge herselfe into the -South Sea? The Salvages affirme that they have seene -shipps in this Lake with 4. Masts, which have taken from -thence for their ladinge earth, that is conjectured to be -some minerall stuffe.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_100">{100}</a></span> There is probability enough for this; and it may -well be thought that so great a confluxe of waters as are -there gathered together, must be vented by some great Rivers; -and that if the third River, (which they have made mention -of,) proove to be true, as the other two have done, there - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The passage -to the East-Indies.</i></span> - - -is no doubt but that the passage to the East India may be -obtained without any such daingerous and fruitlesse inquest -by the Norwest, as hetherto hath bin endeavoured: And -there is no Traveller of any resonable capacity but will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> -graunt that about this Lake must be innumerable springes, -and by that meanes many fruitfull and pleasant pastures all -about it. It hath bin observed that the inland part, (witnes -Neepnet,<a name="FNanchor_448_448" id="FNanchor_448_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_448_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a>) are more pleasant and fertile then the borders of -the Sea coaste. And the Country about Erocoise is, (not - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Country -of Erocois as -fertile as -Delta in Ægypt.</i></span> - -without good cause,) compared to Delta, the most fertile -parte in all Ægypt, that aboundeth with Rivers and Rivalets -derived from Nilus fruitfull channell, like vaines from the -liver; so in each respect is this famous Lake of Erocoise.</p> - -<p>And, therefore, it would be adjudged an irreparable oversight -to protract time, and suffer the Dutch, (who are but -intruders upon his Majesties most hopefull Country of New -England,) to possesse themselves of that so plesant and -commodious Country of Erocoise before us: being, (as appeareth,) -the principall part of all New Canaan for plantation, -and not elsewhere to be paralelld in all the knowne -world.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t240.jpg" width="200" height="180" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span></p> - -<p class="center"><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_101">{101}</a></span></p> - - -<h4><a id="NEW_CANAANS_GENIVS_EPILOGVS"></a>NEW CANAANS GENIVS.<br /> - -<span class="large">EPILOGVS.</span></h4> - -</div> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">Thou that art by Fates degree,</div> - <div class="verse">Or Providence, ordain’d to see</div> - <div class="verse">Natures wonder, her rich store</div> - <div class="verse">Ne’-r discovered before,</div> - <div class="verse">Th’ admired Lake of Erocoise</div> - <div class="verse">And fertile Borders, now rejoyce.</div> - <div class="verse">See what multitudes of fish</div> - <div class="verse">Shee presents to fitt thy dish.</div> - <div class="verse">If rich furres thou dost adore,</div> - <div class="verse">And of Beaver Fleeces store,</div> - <div class="verse">See the Lake where they abound,</div> - <div class="verse">And what pleasures els are found.</div> - <div class="verse">There chast Leda, free from fire,</div> - <div class="verse">Does enjoy her hearts desire;</div> - <div class="verse">Mongst the flowry bancks at ease</div> - <div class="verse">Live the sporting Najades,</div> - <div class="verse">Bigg lim’d Druides, whose browes</div> - <div class="verse">Bewtified with greenebowes.</div> - <div class="verse">See the Nimphes, how they doe make</div> - <div class="verse">Fine Meanders from the Lake,</div> - <div class="verse">Twining in and out, as they</div> - <div class="verse">Through the pleasant groves make way,</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> - <div class="verse">Weaving by the shady trees</div> - <div class="verse">Curious Anastomases,</div> - <div class="verse"><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_102">{102}</a></span> Where the harmeles Turtles breede,</div> - <div class="verse">And such usefull Beasts doe feede</div> - <div class="verse">As no Traveller can tell</div> - <div class="verse">Els where how to paralell.</div> - <div class="verse">Colcos golden Fleece reject;</div> - <div class="verse">This deserveth best respect.</div> - <div class="verse">In sweete Peans let thy voyce,</div> - <div class="verse">Sing the praise of Erocoise,</div> - <div class="verse">Peans to advaunce her name,</div> - <div class="verse">New Canaans everlasting fame.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 300px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t242.jpg" width="300" height="183" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t243a.jpg" width="500" height="138" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - - -<p class="center"><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_103">{103}</a></span></p> - -<p class="front"> - -<span class="x-large">NEW ENGLISH CANAAN,</span><br /> - -<span class="large">OR NEW CANAAN.</span> -</p> - -<h3><a id="The_Third_Booke"></a><i>The Third Booke.</i></h3> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>Containing a description of the People that are -planted there, what remarkable Accidents have -happened there since they were setled, what -Tenents they hould, together with the practise -of their Church.</p></div> - - - - - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3I"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. I.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a great League made with the Plimmouth Planters after -their arrivall, by the Sachem of those Territories.</i><a name="FNanchor_449_449" id="FNanchor_449_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_449_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a></p></div></div> - - - - - -<div> - <img class="drop-cap" src="images/zill_t243b.jpg" width="150" height="164" alt="T" /> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="uppercase">Th</span>e Sachem of the Territories where the -Planters of New England are setled, that are -the first of the now Inhabitants of New Canaan, -not knowing what they were, or whether -they would be freindes or foes, and <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_104">{104}</a></span> being<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> -desirous to purchase their freindship that hee might -have the better Assurance of quiet tradinge with them, -(which hee conceived would be very advantagious to him,) -was desirous to prepare an ambassador, with commission to - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Salvage -sent an Ambassador -to -the English -at their first-comminge.</i></span> - -treat on his behalfe, to that purpose; and having one that -had beene in England (taken by a worthlesse man<a name="FNanchor_450_450" id="FNanchor_450_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_450_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> out of -other partes, and after left there by accident,) this Salvage<a name="FNanchor_451_451" id="FNanchor_451_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_451_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> -hee instructed how to behave himselfe in the treaty of -peace; and the more to give him incouragement to adventure -his person amongst these new come inhabitants, which -was a thinge hee durst not himselfe attempt without security -or hostage, promised that Salvage freedome, who had beene -detained there as theire Captive: which offer hee accepted, -and accordingly came to the Planters, salutinge them with -wellcome in the English phrase, which was of them admired -to heare a Salvage there speake in their owne language, and -used him great courtesie: to whome hee declared the cause -of his comminge, and contrived the businesse so that hee -brought the Sachem and the English together, betweene -whome was a firme league concluded, which yet continueth.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> -After which league the Sachem, being in company with the -other whome hee had freed and suffered to live with the -English, espijnge a place where a hole had been made in -the grounde, where was their store of powder layed to be -preserved from danger of fire, (under ground,) demaunded of -the Salvage what the English had hid there under ground; -who answered the plague;<a name="FNanchor_452_452" id="FNanchor_452_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_452_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> at which hee starteled, - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Sachem -feared the -Plague.</i></span> - -because of the great mortality lately <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_105">{105}</a></span> happened by -meanes of the plague,<a name="FNanchor_453_453" id="FNanchor_453_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_453_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a> (as it is conceaved,) and the -Salvage, the more to encrease his feare, told the Sachem -if he should give offence to the English party they would -let out the plague to destroy them all, which kept him in -great awe. Not longe after, being at varience with another -Sachem borderinge upon his Territories, he came in solemne -manner and intreated the governour that he would -let out the plague to destroy the Sachem and his men who -were his enemies, promising that he himselfe and all his -posterity would be their everlasting freindes, so great an -opinion he had of the English.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3II"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. II.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the entertainement of Mr. Westons people sent to settle a -plantation there.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>Master Thomas Weston,<a name="FNanchor_454_454" id="FNanchor_454_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_454_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> a Merchant of London that -had been at some cost to further the Brethren of new<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> -Plimmouth in their designes for these partes, shipped a company -of Servants, fitted with provision of all sorts, for the -undertaking of a Plantation to be setled there; with an -intent to follow after them in person. These servants at first - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Court holy -bread at -Plimmouth.</i></span> - -arived at new Plimmouth, where they were entertained with -court holy bread by the Brethren: they were made very -wellcome, in shew at least: there these servants goodes were -landed, with promises to be assisted in the choise of a convenient -place; and still the good cheare went forward, and -the strong liquors walked. In the meane time the Brethren -were in consultation what was best for their advantage, singing -the songe, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Frustra sapit, qui sibi non sapit</i>.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_106">{106}</a></span> This plantation would hinder the present practice -and future profit; and Master Weston, an able man, -would want for no supplies upon the returne of Beaver, and -so might be a plantation that might keepe them under, who -had a Hope to be the greatest: besides his people were no -chosen Seperatists, but men made choice of at all adventures, -fit to have served for the furtherance of Master Westons -undertakinges: and that was as much as hee neede to -care for: ayminge at Beaver principally for the better effecting -of his purpose. Now when the Plimmouth men began -to finde that Master Westons mens store of provition grew -short with feasting, then they hasted them to a place called -Wessaguscus, in a weake case, and there left them fasting.</p> - - - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3III"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. III.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a Battle fought at the Massachussets, between the English -and the French.</i><a name="FNanchor_455_455" id="FNanchor_455_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_455_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a></p></div></div> - - - -<p>The Planters of Plimmouth, at their last being in those -parts, having defaced the monument of the ded at Pasonagessit, -(by taking away the herse Cloath, which was two -greate Beares skinnes sowed together at full length, and -propped up over the grave of Chuatawbacks mother,<a name="FNanchor_456_456" id="FNanchor_456_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_456_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a>) the -Sachem of those territories, being inraged at the same, -stirred up his men in his bee halfe to take revenge: and, -having gathered his men together, hee begins to make an - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Sachems -Oration.</i></span> - - -oration in this manner. When last the glorious light -of all the <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_107">{107}</a></span> skey was underneath this globe, and Birds -grew silent, I began to settle, (as my custome is,) to -take repose; before mine eies were fast closed, mee thought<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A spirit -mooving the -Sachem to -Warre.</i></span> - -I saw a vision, (at which my spirit was much troubled,) and, -trembling at that dolefull sight, a spirit cried aloude behold, -my sonne, whom I have cherisht, see the papps that gave -thee suck, the hands that lappd thee warme and fed thee -oft, canst thou forget to take revenge of those uild people -that hath my monument defaced in despitefull manner, disdaining -our ancient antiquities and honourable Customes? -See now the Sachems grave lies like unto the common people -of ignoble race, defaced; thy mother doth complaine, -implores thy aide against this theevish people new come -hether; if this be suffered I shall not rest in quiet within -my everlasting habitation. This said, the spirit vanished; -and I, all in a sweat, not able scarce to speake, began to -gett some strength, and recollect my spirits that were fled: -all which I thought to let you understand, to have your -Councell, and your aide likewise; this being spoken, straight -way arose the grand Captaine and cried aloud, come, let us - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The grand -Captaine -makes a -speech.</i></span> - -to Armes, it doth concerne us all, let us bid them Battaile; -so to Armes they went, and laid weight for the Plimmouth -boate; and, forceinge them to forsake their landinge place, -they seeke another best for their convenience; thither the -Salvages repaire, in hope to have the like successe; but all - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The maine -Battaile.</i></span> - -in vaine, for the English Captaine warily foresaw, and, perceavinge -their plot, knew the better how to order his men -fit for Battaile in that place; hee, bouldly leading his -men on, rainged about the feild to and fro, <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_108">{108}</a></span> and, -taking his best advantage, lets fly, and makes the -Salvages give ground: the English followed them fiercely -on, and made them take trees for their shelter, (as their -custome is,) from whence their Captaine let flie a maine; yet<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> -no man was hurt; at last, lifting up his right arm to draw -a fatall shaft, (as hee then thought to end this difference), -received a shott upon his elbow,<a name="FNanchor_457_457" id="FNanchor_457_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_457_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> and straight way fled; -by whose example all the army followed the same way, - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The feild -wonne by the -English.</i></span> - -and yealded up the honor of the day to the English party; -who were such a terror to them after that the Salvages durst -never make to a head against them any more.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3IV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. IV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a Parliament held at Wessaguscus, and the Actes.</i></p></div></div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Some lazy -people.</i></div> - -<p>Master Westons Plantation beinge setled at Wessaguscus, -his Servants, many of them lazy persons that would -use no endeavour to take the benefit of the Country, some -of them fell sicke and died.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A lusty -fellow.</i></div> - -<p>One amongst the rest, an able bodied man that ranged -the woodes to see what it would afford, lighted by accident -on an Indian barne, and from thence did take a capp full of -corne; the Salvage owner of it, finding by the foote some -English had bin there, came to the Plantation, and made -complaint after this manner.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A poore complaint. -Edward -Iohnson a -cheife Iudge. -Maide a -hainous fact.</i></div> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_109">{109}</a></span> The cheife Commander of the Company one this -occation called a Parliament of all his people, but -those that were sicke and ill at ease. And wisely now they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> -must consult upon this huge complaint, that a privy knife or -stringe of beades would well enough have qualified; and -Edward Iohnson was a spetiall judge of this businesse; the -fact was there in repetition; construction made that it was -fellony, and by the Lawes of England punished with death; -and this in execution must be put for an example, and likewise -to appease the Salvage: when straight wayes one arose, -mooved as it were with some compassion, and said hee could -not well gaine say the former sentence, yet hee had conceaved -within the compasse of his braine an Embrion that -was of spetiall consequence to be delivered and cherished; -hee said that it would most aptly serve to pacifie the Salvages -complaint, and save the life of one that might, (if neede -should be,) stand them in some good steede, being younge -and stronge, fit for resistance against an enemy, which might -come unexspected for any thinge they knew. The Oration -made was liked of every one, and hee intreated to proceede -to shew the meanes how this may be performed: sayes hee, - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A fine device.</i></span> - -you all agree that one must die, and one shall die; this -younge mans cloathes we will take of, and put upon one - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A wise Sentence.</i></span> - - -that is old and impotent, a sickly person that cannot escape -death, such is the disease one him confirmed that die hee - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>To hange a -sick man in -the others -steede.</i></span> - -must; put the younge mans cloathes on this man, and let -the sick person be hanged in the others steede: Amen sayes -one; and so sayes many more.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_110">{110}</a></span> And this had like to have prooved their finall -sentence, and, being there confirmed by Act of Parliament, -to after ages for a President: But that one with a -ravenus voyce begunne to croake and bellow for revenge; -and put by that conclusive motion, alledging such deceipts<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> -might be a meanes hereafter to exasperate the mindes of -the complaininge Salvages, and that by his death the Salvages -should see their zeale to Iustice; and therefore hee - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Very fit -Iustice.</i></span> - -should die: this was concluded; yet neverthelesse a scruple -was made; now to countermaund this act, did represent -itselfe unto their mindes, which was, how they should doe to -get the mans good wil? this was indeede a spetiall obstacle: -for without that, they all agreed it would be dangerous for - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A dangerous -Attempt.</i></span> - - -any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mischeife should -befall them every man; hee was a person that in his wrath -did seeme to be a second Sampson, able to beate out their -branes with the jawbone of an Asse: therefore they called - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Iesting -turned to -earnest.</i></span> - -the man, and by perswation got him fast bound in jest; and -then hanged him up hard by in good earnest,<a name="FNanchor_458_458" id="FNanchor_458_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_458_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> who with a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> -weapon, and at liberty, would have put all those wise judges -of this Parliament to a pittifull <i>non plus</i>, (as it hath beene -credibly reported,) and made the cheife -Iudge of them all buckell to -him.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h4 title="Chap. V."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_111">{111}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3V"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. V.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a Massacre made upon the Salvages at Wessaguscus.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>After the end of that Parliament, some of the plantation -there, about three persons,<a name="FNanchor_459_459" id="FNanchor_459_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_459_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> went to live with Checatawback - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Good quarters -with the Salvages.</i></span> - -and his company; and had very good quarter, for all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> -the former quarrell with the Plimmouth planters: they are -not like Will Sommers,<a name="FNanchor_460_460" id="FNanchor_460_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_460_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> to take one for another. There -they purposed to stay untill Master Westons arrivall: but the -Plimmouth men, intendinge no good to him, (as appered by -the consequence,) came in the meane time to Wessaguscus, - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A plott from -Plimmouth.</i></span> - - -and there pretended to feast the Salvages of those partes, -bringing with them Porke and thinges for the purpose, -which they sett before the Salvages. They eate thereof -without suspition of any mischeife, who were taken upon a -watchword given, and with their owne knives, (hanging - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Salvages -killed with -their one -weapons.</i></span> - -about their neckes,) were by the Plimmouth planters stabd -and slaine: one of which were hanged up there, after the -slaughter.<a name="FNanchor_461_461" id="FNanchor_461_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_461_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>News carried.</i></div> - - -<p>In the meane time the Sachem had knowledge of this accident, -by one that ranne to his Countrymen, at the Massachussets, -and gave them intelligence of the newes; after which -time the Salvages there, consultinge of the matter, in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A revenge.</i></span> - -night, (when the other English feareles of danger were a -sleepe,) knockt them all in the head, in revenge of the -death of their <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_112">{112}</a></span> Countrymen: but if the Plimmouth -Planters had really intended good to Master Weston, -or those men, why had they not kept the Salvages alive in -Custody, untill they had secured the other English? Who, -by meanes of this evill mannaginge of the businesse, lost -their lives, and the whole plantation was dissolved thereupon; -as was likely, for feare of a revenge to follow, as a -relatione to this cruell antecedent; and when Master Weston -came over hee found thinges at an evill exigent, by meanes -thereof: But could not tell how it was brought about.</p> - - -<p>The Salvages of the Massachussets, that could not imagine -from whence these men should come, or to what end, seeing -them performe such unexpected actions; neither could tell -by what name properly to distinguish them; did from that -time afterwards call the English Planters Wotawquenange,<a name="FNanchor_462_462" id="FNanchor_462_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_462_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> -which in their language signifieth stabbers, or Cutthroates: - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Salvages -call the English -cutthroats.</i></span> - -and this name was received by those that came there after -for good, being then unacquainted with the signification -of it, for many yeares following; untill, from a Southerly -Indian that understood English well, I was by demonstration -made to conceave the interpretation of it, and rebucked these -other that it was not forborne: The other callinge us by -the name of Wotoquansawge, what that doth signifie, hee<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> -said, hee was not able by any demonstration to expresse; -and my neighbours durst no more, in my hearinge, call us -by the name formerly used, for feare of my -displeasure.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. VI."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_113">{113}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3VI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the surprizinge of a Merchants Shipp in Plimmouth -harbour.</i></p></div></div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Merchant -with -Supply.</i></div> - - -<p>This Merchant, a man of worth, arrivinge in the parts -of New Canaan and findinge that his Plantation was -dissolved, some of his men slaine, some dead with sicknes, -and the rest at Plimmouth, hee was perplexed in his minde -about the matter; comminge as hee did with supply, and -meanes to have rased their fortunes and his one exceedingly: -and seeinge what had happened resolved to make some stay -in the Plimmouth harbour.<a name="FNanchor_463_463" id="FNanchor_463_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_463_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> And this suted to their purpose; -wherefore the Brethren did congratulate with him<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> -at his safe arrivall, and their best of entertainement for a - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A glosse upon -the false text.</i></span> - - -swetning cast, deploring the disaster of his Plantation, and -glozing upon the text, alledging the mischeivous intent of -the Salvages there, which by freindly intelligence of their -neighbours was discovered before it came to be full summed: -so that they lost not all, allthough they saved not all: and -this they pretended to proceede from the Fountaine of love -and zeale to him and Christianity, and to chastise the insolency -of the Salvages, of which that part had some dangerous -persons. And this, as an article of the new creede -of Canaan, would they have received of every new commer -there to inhabit, that the Salvages are a dangerous -people, subtill, secreat and mischeivous; and that it -is dangerous to live seperated, but <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_114">{114}</a></span> rather together: -and so be under their Lee, that none might trade for -Beaver, but at their pleasure, as none doe or shall doe there: -nay they will not be reduced to any other song yet of the -Salvages to the southward of Plimmouth, because they -would have none come there, sayinge that hee that will sit -downe there must come stronge: but I have found the -Massachussets Indian more full of humanity then the Christians; -and haue had much better quarter with them; yet I -observed not their humors, but they mine; althoug my -great number that I landed were dissolved, and my Company -as few as might be:<a name="FNanchor_464_464" id="FNanchor_464_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_464_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> for I know that this falls out -infallibly where two Nations meete, one must rule and the - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Where two -nations meet -one must rule -the other -must be ruled -or no -quietnes.</i></span> - -other be ruled, before a peace can be hoped for: and for a -Christian to submit to the rule of a Salvage, you will say,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> -is both shame and dishonor: at least it is my opinion, and -my practice was accordingly, and I have the better quarter -by the meanes thereof. The more Salvages the better -quarter, the more Christians the worser quarter, I found; as -all the indifferent minded Planters can testifie. Now, whiles -the Merchant was ruminatinge on this mishapp, the Plimmouth -Planters perceivinge that hee had furnished himselfe -with excellent Commodities, fit for the Merchandise of the - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Machivell -plot.</i></span> - - -Country, (and holding it good to fish in trobled waters, and -so get a snatch unseene,) practised in secret with some other -in the land, whom they thought apt to imbrace the benefit - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Vaile.</i></span> - - -of such a cheat, and it was concluded and resolved upon that -all this shipp and goodes should be confiscated, for businesse -done by him, the Lord knowes when, or where:<a name="FNanchor_465_465" id="FNanchor_465_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_465_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_115">{115}</a></span> a letter must be framed to them, and handes unto -it, to be there warrant; this should shadow them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> -That is the first practise; they will insane a man, and then -pretend that Iustice must be done. They cause the Merchant -(secure) to come a shore, and then take him in hold, -shewing they are compelled unto it legally, and enter strait -abord, peruse the Cargazowne, and then deliver up the - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Shipp and -goodes confiscated.</i></span> - -Charge of her to their Confederates: and how much lesse -this is then Piraty, let any practise in the Admiralty be -judge. The Merchant, his shipp and goodes confiscated, -himselfe a prisoner and threatned so to be sent and conveyed -to England, there to receave the somme of all that did -belonge to him a malefactor, (and a great one to); this hee, -good man, indured with patience longe time, untill the best<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> - - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>When every -Conspirator -had his share -the shipp delivered -againe.</i></span> - - -of all his goodes were quite dispersed, and every actor [had] -his proportion; the Merchant was [then] inlarged; his -shipp, a burthen to the owner now, his undertakinges in -these partes beinge quite overthrowne, was redelivered, and - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Bonds taken -not to prosecute.</i></span> - -bondes of him were taken not to prosecute: hee, being -greived hereat, betakes him to drive a trade betweene that -and Virginea many yeares. The brethren, (sharpe witted,) -had it spread by and by amongst his freinds in England, that - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Report Mr. -Weston was -mad in New -England.</i></span> - - -the man was mad. So thought his wife, so thought his -other freindes that had it from a Planter of the Towne. So -was it thought of those, that did not know the Brethren - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Honest men -in particular.</i></span> - -could dissemble: why, thus they are all of them honest men -in their particular, and every man, beinge bound to seeke -anothers good, shall in the generall doe the best hee -can to effect it, and so they may be excused I thinke.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. VII."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_116">{116}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3VII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of Thomas Mortons entertainment at Plimmouth, and -castinge away upon an Island.</i><a name="FNanchor_466_466" id="FNanchor_466_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_466_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a></p></div></div> - - - -<p>This man arrived in those parts, and, hearing newes of a -Towne that was much praised, he was desirous to goe -thither, and see how thinges stood; where his entertainement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Brave entertainement -in -a wildernes.</i></span> - - -was their best, I dare be bould to say: for, although they -had but 3. Cowes in all,<a name="FNanchor_467_467" id="FNanchor_467_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_467_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> yet had they fresh butter and a -sallet of egges in dainty wise, a dish not common in a wildernes. -There hee bestowed some time in the survey of this -plantation. His new come servants, in the meane time, -were tane to taske, to have their zeale appeare, and questioned -what preacher was among their company; and finding -none, did seeme to condole their estate as if undone, -because no man among them had the guift to be in Ionas - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The meanes.</i></span> - -steade, nor they the meanes to keepe them in that path so -hard to keepe.</p> - - -<p>Our Master, say they, reades the Bible and the word of -God, and useth the booke of common prayer: but this is not -the meanes, the answere is: the meanes, they crie, alas, -poore Soules where is the meanes? you seeme as if betrayed, -to be without the meanes: how can you be stayed from fallinge -headlonge to perdition? <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Facilis descensus averni</i>:<a name="FNanchor_468_468" id="FNanchor_468_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_468_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> the -booke of common prayer, sayd they, what poore thinge is -that, for a man to reade in a booke? No, no, good sirs, I - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Booke learning -despised.</i></span> - -would you were neere us, you might receave comfort -by in<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_117">{117}</a></span>struction: give me a man hath the guiftes of -the spirit, not a booke in hand. I doe profess sayes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> -one, to live without the meanes is dangerous, the Lord doth -know.</p> - -<p>By these insinuations, like the Serpent, they did creepe -and winde into the good opinion of the illiterate multitude, -that were desirous to be freed and gone to them, no doubdt, -(which some of them after confessed); and little good was to -be done one them after this charme was used: now plotts and -factions how they might get loose: and here was some 35. -stout knaves; and some plotted how to steale Master Westons - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Villanous -plots of -knaves.</i></span> - -barque, others, exasperated knavishly to worke, would practise -how to gett theire Master to an Island, and there leave -him; which hee had notice of, and fitted him to try what -would be done; and steps aborde his shallop bound for -Cape Anne, to the Massachussets, with an Hogshead of -Wine; Sugar hee tooke along, the Sailes hoist up, and one -of the Conspirators aboard to steere; who in the mid way pretended -foule weather at the harboure mouth, and therefore, -for a time, hee would put in to an Island neere, and make -some stay where hee thought to tempt his Master to walke -the woods, and so be gone: but their Master to prevent -them caused the sales and oares to be brought a shore, to - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Prevented -by discretion.</i></span> - -make a tilt if neede should be, and kindled fire, broched -that Hogshed, and caused them fill the can with lusty liqour, -Claret sparklinge neate; which was not suffered to grow -pale and flatt, but tipled of with quick dexterity: the Master - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>And discovered -in drinke.</i></span> - -makes a shew of keepinge round, but with close -lipps did seeme <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_118">{118}</a></span> to make longe draughts, knowinge -the wine would make them Protestants; and so the -plot was then at large disclosed and discovered, and they made -drowsie; and the inconstant windes shiftinge at night did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> -force the kellecke home,<a name="FNanchor_469_469" id="FNanchor_469_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_469_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> and billedge the boat, that they - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Shallop -billedged.</i></span> - -were forced to leave her so, and cut downe trees that grew -by the shore, to make Caffes: two of them went over by - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Two men of -the Company -cast away -swim to -shore upon -trees.</i></span> - -helpe of a fore saile almost a mile to the maine; the other -two stayed five dayes after, till the windes would serve to fill -the sailes. The first two went to cape Ann by land, and had -fowle enough, and fowle wether by the way; the Islanders -had fish enough, shel-fish and fire to roast, and they could not -perish for lacke of foode, and wine they had to be sure; and -by this you see they were not then in any want: the wine -and goodes brought thence; the boat left there so billedgd -that it was not worth the labor to be mended.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3VIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. VIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Banishment of Master Iohn Layford, and Iohn -Oldam from Plimmouth.</i><a name="FNanchor_470_470" id="FNanchor_470_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_470_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a></p></div></div> - - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Minister -required to -renounce his -callinge.</i></div> - -<p>Master Layford was at the Merchants chardge sent to -Plimmouth plantation to be their Pastor: But the -Brethren, before they would allow of it, would have him -first renounce his calling to the office of the Ministery, received -in England, as hereticall and Papisticall, (so hee confest,) -and then to receive a new callinge from them, -after their fantasticall invention:<a name="FNanchor_471_471" id="FNanchor_471_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_471_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_119">{119}</a></span> which hee refused, -alledging and maintaining that his calling as it stood<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> -was lawfull, and that hee would not renounce it; and so -Iohn Oldam, his opinion was one the affirmative; and both -together did maintaine the Church of England to be a true -Church, although in some particulars, (they said,) defective; -concludinge so against the Tenents there: and by this -meanes cancelled theire good opinion amonst the number -of the Seperatists, that stay they must not, lest they should -be spies: and to fall fowle on this occation the Brethren -thought it would betray their cause, and make it fall under -censure, therefore against Master Layford they had found -out some scandall to be laid on his former corse of life, to -blemish that; and so, to conclude, hee was a spotted beast, -and not to be allowed where they ordained to have the Passover -kept so zealously: as for Iohn Oldam, they could see -hee would be passionate and moody, and proove himselfe a -mad Iack in his mood, and as soone mooved to be moody, -and this impatience would Minister advantage to them to be -ridd of him.</p> - -<p>Hanniball when hee had to doe with Fabius was kept in -awe more by the patience of that one enemy, then by the - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Impatience -confuted by -example.</i></span> - -resolution of the whole army: A well tempered enemy is a -terrible enemy to incounter. They injoyne him to come to -their needeles watch howse in person, and for refusinge -give him a cracked Crowne for presse money, and make the - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>New Plimmouth -presse -money.</i></span> - - -blood run downe about his eares; a poore trick, yet a good -vaile, though Luscus may see thorough it; and, for his fur<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span>ther -behaviour in the Case, proceed to sentence <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_120">{120}</a></span> him -with banishment, which was performed after a solemne -invention in this manner: A lane of Musketiers was made, - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Solemnity -of banishment.</i></span> - -and hee compelled in scorne to passe along betweene, and to -receave a bob upon the bumme be every musketier; and -then a board a shallop, and so convayed to Wessaguscus -shoare, and staid at Massachussets: to whome Iohn Layford -and some few more did resort; where Master Layford freely -executed his office and preached every Lords day, and yet -maintained his wife and children foure or five upon his industry -there, with the blessing of God and the plenty of the -Land, without the helpe of his auditory, in an honest and -laudable manner; till hee was wearied and made to leave -the Country.<a name="FNanchor_472_472" id="FNanchor_472_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_472_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3IX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. IX.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a barren doe of Virginea growne fruithfull in New -Canaan.</i><a name="FNanchor_473_473" id="FNanchor_473_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_473_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>Children, and the fruit of the Wombe, are said in holy -writt to be an inheritance that commeth of the Lord; -then they must be coupled in Gods name first, and not as -this, and some other, have done.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A great happines -comes -by propagation.</i></div> - -<p>They are as arrowes in the hand of a Gyant; and happy, -saith David, is the man that hath his quiver full of them; -and by that rule, happy is that Land, and blessed to, that is -apt and fit for increase of children.</p> - -<p>I have shewed you before, in the second part of the discourse, -how apt it is for the increase of Minerals, Vegetables, -and sensible Creatures.</p> - -<p>Now I will shew you how apt New Canaan is like<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_121">{121}</a></span>wise -for the increase of the reasonable Creatures; -Children, of all riches, being the principall: and I -give you this for an instance.</p> - -<p>This Country of New Canaan in seaven yeares time could -show more Children livinge, that have beene borne there, -then in 27. yeares could be shewen in Virginea;<a name="FNanchor_474_474" id="FNanchor_474_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_474_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> yet here -are but a handful of weomen landed, to that of Virginea.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>More Children -in New -Canaan in 7. -yeares, then -in Virginea -in 27.</i></div> - -<p>The Country doth afford such plenty of Lobsters and -other delicate shellfish, and Venus is said to be borne of the -Sea; or else it was some sallet herbe proper to the Climate, -or the fountaine at Weenaseemute<a name="FNanchor_475_475" id="FNanchor_475_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_475_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a> made her become teeming -here that had tried a campe royall in other partes where -shee had been; and yet never the neere, till shee came in -to New Canaan.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Delivered -neare Bussards -bay.</i></div> - - -<p>Shee was delivered, (in a voyage to Virginea,) about Bussardes -bay, to west of Cape Cod, where shee had a Sonne - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Dead and -buried.</i></span> - -borne, but died without baptisme and was buried; and -being a thinge remarkable, had this Epitaph followinge made -of purpose to memorize the worth of the persons.</p> - - -<h5>EPITAPH.</h5> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">Time, that bringes all thinges to light,</div> - <div class="verse">Doth hide this thinge out of sight:</div> - <div class="verse">Yet fame hath left behinde a story,</div> - <div class="verse">A hopefull race to shew the glory:</div> - <div class="verse">For underneath this heape of stones</div> - <div class="verse">Lieth a percell of small bones;</div> - <div class="verse">What hope at last can such impes have,</div> - <div class="verse">That from the wombe goes to the grave.</div> -</div></div></div> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h4 title="Chap. X."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_122">{122}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3X"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. X.</span><a name="FNanchor_476_476" id="FNanchor_476_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_476_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a man indued with many spetiall guifts sent over to be -Master of the Ceremonies.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>This was a man approoved of the Brethren, both for -his zeale and guiftes, yet but a Bubble, and at the publike -Chardge conveyed to New England, I thinke to be -Master of the Ceremonies betweene the Natives, and the - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Stenography -one guift.</i></span> - -Planters: for hee applied himselfe cheifly to pen the language -downe in Stenography: But there for want of use, -which hee rightly understood not, all was losse of labor;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> -somethinge it was when next it came to view, but what hee -could not tell.</p> - -<p>This man, Master Bubble, was in the time of Iohn Oldams -absence made the howse Chaplaine there, and every -night hee made use of his guifts, whose oratory luld his auditory - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Oratory another -guift.</i></span> - -fast a sleepe, as Mercuries pipes did Argus eies: for, -when hee was in, they sayd hee could not tell how to get -out; nay, hee would hardly out till hee were fired out, his -zeale was such: (one fire they say drives out another): hee -would become a great Merchant, and by any thinge that - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A great Merchant -a third -guift.</i></span> - -was to be sold so as hee might have day and be trusted never -so litle time: the price it seemed hee stood not much upon, -but the day: for to his freind hee shewed commodities, so -priced as caused him to blame the buyer, till the man this -Bubble did declare that it was tane up at day, -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_123">{123}</a></span> and did rejoyce in the bargaine, insistinge on the -day; the day, yea, marry, quoth his friend, if you -have doomesday for payment you are then well to passe. -But if he had not, it were as good hee had; they were payed -all alike.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>His day -made a common -prouerbe.</i></div> - -<p>And now this Bubbles day is become a common proverbe. -Hee obtained howse roome at Passonagessit and remooved -thether, because it stood convenient for the Beaver trade: -and the rather because the owner of Passonagessit had no -Corne left, and this man seemed a bigg boned man, and -therefore thought to be a good laborer, and to have store of -corne; but, contrary wise, hee had none at all, and hoped -upon this freind his host: thithere were brought the trophies - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Trophies of -honor.</i></span> - -of this Master Bubbles honor, his water tankard and -his Porters basket, but no provision; so that one gunne did<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> -serve to helpe them both to meat; and now the time for -fowle was almost past.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>His long -grace made -the meat -cold.</i></div> - -<p>This man and his host at dinner, Bubble begins to say -grace; yea, and a long one to, till all the meate was cold; -hee would not give his host leave to say grace: belike, hee -thought mine host past grace, and further learned as many -other Schollers are: but in the usage and custome of this -blinde oratory his host tooke himselfe abused, and the whiles -fell to and had halfe done before this man Bubble would -open his eies to see what stood afore him, which made him -more cautius, and learned that <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">brevis oratio penetrat Cælum</i>. -Together Bubbles and hee goes in the Canaw to Nut Island<a name="FNanchor_477_477" id="FNanchor_477_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_477_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> -for brants, and there his host makes a shotte and -breakes the winges of many: Bubble, <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_124">{124}</a></span> in hast and -single handed, paddels out like a Cow in a cage: his -host cals back to rowe two handed like to a pare of oares; -and, before this could be performed, the fowle had time to -swimme to other flockes, and so to escape: the best part of -the pray being lost mayd his host to mutter at him, and so to -parte for that time discontended.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a Composition made by the Sachem for a Theft committed -by some of his men, shewinge their honest meaninge.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>The owner of Passonagessit, to have the benefit of company, -left his habitation in the Winter and reposed at -Wessaguscus, (to his cost): meane time, in the Depth of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> -Winter, the neighbour Salvages, accustomed to buy foode, - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Salvages -betake the -howse & take -the Corne.</i></span> - -came to the howse, (for that intent perhaps,) and peepinge -in all the windowes, (then unglased,) espied corne, but no -body to sell the same; and having company and helpe at -hand did make a shift to get into the howse, and, take out -corne to serve but for the present, left enough behinde: the -Sachem having knowledge of the facte, and being advertised -likewise of the displeasure that had ben conceaved by the -Proprietor thereof at this offence, prepares a Messenger, the -Salvage that had lived in England, and sends him with -commission for the trespasse of his men, who had -tenne skinnes perposed <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_125">{125}</a></span> for it to bee payd by a day -certaine: The Sachem, at the time appointed, bringes -the Beaver to Wessaguscus where the owner lived, but just -then was gone abroade: meane time the skinnes were by the -Wessaguscus men gelded, and the better halfe by them juggled -away before the owner came; and hee by the Actors perswaded - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A dishonest -tricke.</i></span> - -to bee contended with the rest, who not so pleased -did draw the Sachem then to make a new agreement, and so -to pay his remnant left in hand, and tenne skinnes more by -a new day asigned, and then to bringe them to Passonagessit; -but the Wessaguscus men went the day before to the Salvages -with this sayinge, that they were sent to call upon him -there for payement; and received tenne skinnes, and tooke -a Salvage there to justifie that at their howse the owner -stayed the while; hee verified this, because hee saw the man -before at Wessaguscus: the Sachem did beleive the tale, -and at that time delivered up tenne skinnes on that behalfe, -in full dischardge of all demandes against the trespasse and -the trespassers, to them; who consented to him, and them, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> -the owner, and kept nine<a name="FNanchor_478_478" id="FNanchor_478_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_478_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> to themselves, and made the - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A consenting -tricke. -The Heathen -more just, -then the -Christians.</i></span> - -Salvage take the tenth, and give the owner all that yet was -to bee had, themselves confessinge their demaunds for him, -and that there was but onely one as yet prepared: so that -by this you may easily perceive the uncivilized people -are more just than the civilized.</p> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h4 title="Chap. XII."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_126">{126}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3XII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a voyadge made by the Master of the Ceremonies of New -Canaan to Neepenett, from whence hee came away; and of -the manifold dangers hee escaped.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>This woorthy member Master Bubble, a new Master of -the Ceremonies, having a conceipt in his head that -hee had hatched a new device for the purchase of Beaver, -beyond Imagination, packes up a sacke full of odde implements, -and without any company but a couple of Indians for - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Two Salvage -guides -conduct Iohn, -to Neepenett -alone.</i></span> - -guides, (and therefore you may, if you please, beeleive they -are so dangerous as the Brethren of Plimmouth give it out,) -hee betakes him to his progresse into the Inlande for Beaver, -with his carriadge on his shoulders like Milo: his guides and -hee in processe of time come to the place appointed, which -was about Neepenett,<a name="FNanchor_479_479" id="FNanchor_479_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_479_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> thereabouts being more Beavers to be -had then this Milo could carry, and both his journey men: -glad hee was good man, and his guides were willing to pleas<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span>ure -him: there the Salvages stay: night came on, but, before -they were inclined to sleepe, this good man Master Bubble -had an evation crept into his head, by misapplying the Salvages -actions, that hee must needs be gone in all hast, yea and -without his errand: hee purposed to doe it so cunningely -that his flight should not <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_127">{127}</a></span> be suspected: hee -leaves his shooes in the howse, with all his other -implements, and flies: as hee was on his way, to increase -his feare, suggestinge himselfe that hee was pressed<a name="FNanchor_480_480" id="FNanchor_480_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_480_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> by a -company of Indians and that there shafts were let fly as thick -as haile at him, hee puts of his breeches and puts them one -his head, for to save him from the shafts that flew after him -so thick that no man could perceave them, and cryinge out, -avoyd Satan, what have yee to doe with mee! thus running -one his way without his breeches hee was pittifully scratched -with the brush of the underwoods, as hee wandred up and -downe in unknowne wayes: The Salvages in the meane -time put up all his implements in the sack hee left behinde -and brought them to Wessaguscus, where they thought to -have found him; but, understanding hee was not returned, -were ferefull what to doe, and what would be conceaved of -the English was become of this mazed man, the Master of -the Ceremonies; and were in consultation of the matter. -One of the Salvages was of opinion the English would suppose -him to be made away; fearefull hee was to come in -sight. The other, better acquainted with the English, (having -lived some time in England,<a name="FNanchor_481_481" id="FNanchor_481_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_481_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>) was more confident, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> -hee perswaded his fellow that the English would be satisfied -with relation of the truth, as having had testimony of his -fidelity. So they boldly adventured to shew what they had - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>They take a -note of what -was in the -sack.</i></span> - -brougt and how the matter stood. The English, (when the -sack was opened,) did take a note in writing of all the particulers -that were in the sack; and heard what was by -the Salvages related of the acci<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_128">{128}</a></span>dents: but, when his -shoes were showne, it was thought hee would not have -departed without his shoes; and therefore they did conceave -that Master Bubble was made away by some sinister practise -of the Salvages, who unadvisedly had bin culpable of a crime -which now they sought to excuse; and straightly chardged -the Salvages to finde him out againe, and bring him dead, - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Mr. Bubble -must be -found againe -or else they -shall be destroyed.</i></span> - -or alive, else their wifes and children should be destroyed. -The poore Salvages, being in a pittifull perplexity, caused -their Countrymen to seeke out for this maz’d man; who, -being in short time found, was brought to Wessaguscus; -where hee made a discourse of his travels, and of the perrillous -passages, which did seeme to be no lesse dangerous then -these of that worthy Knight Errant, Don Quixote,<a name="FNanchor_482_482" id="FNanchor_482_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_482_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> and how -miraculously hee had bin preserved; and, in conclusion, -lamented the greate losse of his goods, whereby hee thought -himselfe undone.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Not any -thing diminished.</i></div> - -<p>The perticuler whereof being demaunded, it appeared that -the Salvages had not diminished any part of them; no, not -so much as one bit of bread: the number being knowne, -and the fragments laid together, it appeared all the bisket<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span> -was preserved, and not any diminished at all: whereby the -Master of the Ceremonies was overjoyed, and the whole -Company made themselves merry at his discourse of all his -perrillous adventures.</p> - -<p>And by this you may observe whether the Salvage people -are not full of humanity, or whether they are a dangerous -people, as Master Bubble and the rest of his tribe would perswade -you.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. XIII."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_129">{129}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3XIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a lamentable fit of Mellancolly that the Barren doe fell -into, (after the death of her infant, seeing herselfe despised -of her Sweete hart,) whereof shee was cured.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>Whether this goodly creature of incontinency went to -worke upon even termes like Phillis, or noe, it does -not appeare by any Indenture of covenants then extant; -whereby shee might legally challenge the performance of -any compleate Marriage at his hands that had bin tradeing -with her, as Demopheon here to fore had bin with his -ostis.<a name="FNanchor_483_483" id="FNanchor_483_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_483_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a></p> - - -<p>Neverthelesse, (for his future advantage,) shee indeavoured, -(like Phillis,) to gaine this Demopheon all to herselfe;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> -who, (as it seemes,) did meane nothing lesse by leaving -her for the next commer, that had any minde to coole his -courage by that meanes; the whipping post, (as it seemes,) -at that time not being in publike use for such kinde of Cony -katchers; but seeing herselfe rejected, shee grew into such a -passion of Mellancolly, on a sodaine, that it was thought shee -would exhibit a petition for redresse to grim Pluto, who had -set her a worke; and knowing that the howse of fate has - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Shee cannot -one the sodaine -resolve -which dore -to goe in att.</i></span> - -many entrances, shee was pusseld to finde the neerest way. -Shee could not resolve on a sodaine which doore would -soonest bring her to his presence handsomely.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_130">{130}</a></span> If shee should make way with a knife, shee thought -shee might spoyle her drinking in after ages; if by -poyson, shee thought it might prolonge her passage thether; -if by drowning, shee thought Caron might come the while -with his boate, and waft her out of sight; if shee should tie -up her complaint in a halter, shee thought the Ropmakers -would take exceptions against her good speede. And in this -manner shee debated with herselfe, and demurred upon the -matter: So that shee did appeare willing enough, but a -woman of small resolution.</p> - -<p>Which thing when it was publikely knowne, made many -come to comfort her. One amongst the rest was by hir -requested, on her behalfe, to write to her late unkinde Demopheon. -The Gentleman, being merrily disposed, in steed -of writing an heroicall Epistle composed this Elegi, for a -memoriall of some mirth upon the Circumstance of the matter, -to be sent unto hir, as followeth:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span></p> - - -<h5><i>CARMEN ELEGIACVM.</i></h5> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">Melpomene, (at whose mischeifous love</div> - <div class="verse">The screech owles voyce is heard the mandraks grove,)</div> - <div class="verse">Commands my pen in an Iambick vaine</div> - <div class="verse">To tell a dismall tale, that may constraine</div> - <div class="verse">The hart of him to bleede, that shall discerne</div> - <div class="verse">How much this foule amisse does him concerne.</div> - <div class="verse">Alecto, (grim Alecto,) light thy tortch</div> - <div class="verse">To thy beloved sister next the porch</div> - <div class="verse"><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_131">{131}</a></span> That leads unto the mansion howse of fate,</div> - <div class="verse">Whose farewell makes her freind more fortunate.</div> - <div class="verse">A Great Squa Sachem can shee poynt to goe</div> - <div class="verse">Before grim Minos; and yet no man know</div> - <div class="verse">That knives and halters, ponds, and poysonous things</div> - <div class="verse">Are alwayes ready, when the Divell once brings</div> - <div class="verse">Such deadly sinners to a deepe remorse</div> - <div class="verse">Of conscience selfe accusing, that will force</div> - <div class="verse">Them to dispaire, like wicked Kain, whiles death</div> - <div class="verse">Stands ready with all these to stopp their breath.</div> - <div class="verse">The beare comes by that oft hath bayted ben</div> - <div class="verse">By many a Satyres whelpe; unlesse you can</div> - <div class="verse">Commaund your eies to drop huge milstones forth,</div> - <div class="verse">In lamentation of this losse on earth</div> - <div class="verse">Of her, of whome so much prayse wee may finde,</div> - <div class="verse">Goe when shee will, shee’l leave none like behinde;</div> - <div class="verse">Shee was too good for earth, too bad for heaven.</div> - <div class="verse">Why then for hell the match is somewhat even.</div> -</div></div></div> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span></p> -<p>After this, the water of the fountaine at Ma-re Mount was -thought fit to be applyed unto her for a remedy, shee willingly -used according to the quality thereof.</p> - -<p>And when this Elegy came to be divulged, shee was so -conscious of her crime that shee put up her pipes, and with -the next shipp shee packt away to Virginea, (her former -habitation,) quite cured of her mellancolly, with the helpe of -the water of the fountaine -at Ma-re Mount.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. XIV."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_132">{132}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3XIV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XIV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Revells of New Canaan.</i><a name="FNanchor_484_484" id="FNanchor_484_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_484_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a></p></div></div> - - - -<p>The Inhabitants of Pasonagessit, (having translated the -name of their habitation from that ancient Salvage -name to Ma-re Mount,<a name="FNanchor_485_485" id="FNanchor_485_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_485_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> and being resolved to have the new -name confirmed for a memorial to after ages,) did devise -amongst themselves to have it performed in a solemne manner, -with Revels and merriment after the old English custome; -[they] prepared to sett up a Maypole upon the festivall day - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Maypole.</i></span> - -of Philip and Iacob, and therefore brewed a barrell of excellent -beare and provided a case of bottles, to be spent, with -other good cheare, for all commers of that day. And because -they would have it in a compleat forme, they had prepared a -song fitting to the time and present occasion. And upon -Mayday they brought the Maypole to the place appointed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> -with drumes, gunnes, pistols and other fitting instruments, -for that purpose; and there erected it with the help of Salvages, -that came thether of purpose to see the manner of our -Revels. A goodly pine tree of 80. foote longe was reared -up, with a peare of buckshorns nayled one somewhat neare -unto the top of it: where it stood, as a faire sea marke for -directions how to finde out the way to mine Hoste of Ma-re -Mount.</p> - -<p>And because it should more fully appeare to what end it -was placed there, they had a poem in readines made, which -was fixed to the Maypole, to shew the new name confirmed -upon that plantation; which, allthough it were made -according to the occurrents <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_133">{133}</a></span> of the time, it, being -Enigmattically composed, pusselled the Seperatists most -pittifully to expound it, which, (for the better information -of the reader,) I have here inserted.</p> - - -<h5>THE POEM.</h5> - - - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">Rise Oedipeus, and, if thou canst, unfould</div> - <div class="verse">What meanes Caribdis underneath the mould,</div> - <div class="verse">When Scilla sollitary on the ground</div> - <div class="verse">(Sitting in forme of Niobe) was found,</div> - <div class="verse">Till Amphitrites Darling did acquaint</div> - <div class="verse">Grim Neptune with the Tenor of her plaint,</div> - <div class="verse">And causd him send forth Triton with the sound</div> - <div class="verse">Of Trumpet lowd, at which the Seas were found</div> - <div class="verse">So full of Protean formes that the bold shore</div> - <div class="verse">Presented Scilla a new parramore</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> - <div class="verse">So stronge as Sampson and so patient</div> - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The man -who brought -her over was -named Samson -Iob.</i></span> - - <div class="verse">As Job himselfe, directed thus, by fate,</div> - <div class="verse">To comfort Scilla so unfortunate.</div> - <div class="verse">I doe professe, by Cupids beautious mother,</div> - <div class="verse">Heres Scogans choise<a name="FNanchor_486_486" id="FNanchor_486_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_486_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> for Scilla, and none other;</div> - <div class="verse">Though Scilla’s sick with greife, because no signe</div> - <div class="verse">Can there be found of vertue masculine.</div> - <div class="verse">Esculapius come; I know right well</div> - <div class="verse">His laboure’s lost when you may ring her Knell.</div> - <div class="verse">The fatall sisters doome none can withstand,</div> - <div class="verse">nor Cithareas powre, who poynts to land</div> - <div class="verse">With proclamation that the first of May</div> - <div class="verse">At Ma-re Mount shall be kept hollyday.</div> -</div></div></div> - - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_134">{134}</a></span> The setting up of this Maypole was a lamentable -spectacle to the precise seperatists, that lived at new -Plimmouth. They termed it an Idoll; yea, they called it - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Maypole -called an Idoll -the Calfe of -Horeb.</i></span> - -the Calfe of Horeb, and stood at defiance with the place, -naming it Mount Dagon; threatning to make it a woefull -mount and not a merry mount.</p> - -<p>The Riddle, for want of Oedipus, they could not expound; -onely they made some explication of part of it, and sayd it -was meant by Sampson Iob, the carpenter of the shipp that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> -brought over a woman to her husband, that had bin there -longe before and thrived so well that hee sent for her and her -children to come to him; where shortly after hee died: having -no reason, but because of the sound of those two words; -when as, (the truth is,) the man they applyed it to was altogether -unknowne to the Author.</p> - -<p>There was likewise a merry song made, which, (to make -their Revells more fashionable,) was sung with a Corus, every -man bearing his part; which they performed in a daunce, -hand in hand about the Maypole, whiles one of the Company -sung and filled out the good liquor, like gammedes -and Iupiter.</p> - - -<h5>THE SONGE.</h5> - - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry italic"> - - -<div class="speaker">Cor.</div> - -<div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">Drinke and be merry, merry, merry boyes;</div> - <div class="verse">Let all your delight be in the Hymens ioyes;</div> - <div class="verse">Jô to Hymen, now the day is come,</div> - <div class="verse">About the merry Maypole take Roome.</div> - <div class="verse indent4">Make greene garlons, bring bottles out</div> - <div class="verse indent4">And fill sweet Nectar freely about.</div> - <div class="verse indent4"><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_135">{135}</a></span> Vncover thy head and feare no harme</div> - <div class="verse indent4">For hers good liquor to keepe it warme.</div> - <div class="verse">Then drinke and be merry, &c.</div> - <div class="verse">Iô to Hymen, &c.</div> - <div class="verse indent4">Nectar is a thing assign’d</div> - <div class="verse indent4">By the Deities owne minde</div> - <div class="verse indent4">To cure the hart opprest with greife,</div> - <div class="verse indent4">And of good liquors is the cheife.</div> - <div class="verse">Then drinke, &c.</div> - <div class="verse">Iô to Hymen, &c.</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> -</div><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent4">Give to the Mellancolly man</div> - <div class="verse indent4">A cup or two of ’t now and than;</div> - <div class="verse indent4">This physick will soone revive his bloud,</div> - <div class="verse indent4">And make him be of a merrier moode.</div> - <div class="verse">Then drinke, &c.</div> - <div class="verse">Iô to Hymen, &c.</div> - <div class="verse indent4">Give to the Nymphe thats free from scorne</div> - <div class="verse indent4">No Irish stuff nor Scotch over worne.</div> - <div class="verse indent4">Lasses in beaver coast come away,</div> - <div class="verse indent4">Yee shall be welcome to us night and day.</div> - <div class="verse">To drinke and be merry &c.</div> - <div class="verse">Jô to Hymen, &c.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>This harmeles mirth made by younge men, (that lived in -hope to have wifes brought over to them, that would save -them a laboure to make a voyage to fetch any over,) was -much distasted of the precise Seperatists, that keepe much -a doe about the tyth of Muit and Cummin, troubling their -braines more then reason would require about things that -are indifferent: and from that time sought occasion -against my <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_136">{136}</a></span> honest Host of Ma-re Mount, to overthrow -his ondertakings and to destroy his plantation -quite and cleane. But because they presumed with their -imaginary gifts, (which they have out of Phaos box,<a name="FNanchor_487_487" id="FNanchor_487_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_487_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a>) they -could expound hidden misteries, to convince them of blindnes, -as well in this as in other matters of more consequence, -I will illustrate the poem, according to the true intent of the -authors of these Revells, so much distasted by those Moles.</p> - -<p>Oedipus is generally receaved for the absolute reader of -riddles, who is invoaked: Silla and Caribdis are two danger<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span>ous -places for seamen to incounter, neere unto Vennice; -and have bin by poets formerly resembled to man and wife. -The like licence the author challenged for a paire of his -nomination, the one lamenting for the losse of the other as -Niobe for her children. Amphitrite is an arme of the Sea, -by which the newes was carried up and downe of a rich -widow, now to be tane up or laid downe. By Triton is the -fame spread that caused the Suters to muster, (as it had bin -to Penellope of Greece;) and, the Coast lying circuler, all -our passage to and froe is made more convenient by Sea -then Land. Many aimed at this marke; but hee that played -Proteus best and could comply with her humor must be the -man that would carry her; and hee had need have Sampsons -strenght to deale with a Dallila, and as much patience -as Iob that should come there, for a thing that I did observe -in the life-time of the former.</p> - -<p>But marriage and hanging, (they say,) comes by desteny -and Scogans choise<a name="FNanchor_488_488" id="FNanchor_488_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_488_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> tis better [than] none at all. -Hee that <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_137">{137}</a></span> playd Proteus, (with the helpe of Priapus,) -put their noses out of joynt, as the Proverbe is.</p> - -<p>And this the whole company of the Revellers at Ma-re -Mount knew to be the true sence and exposition of the -riddle that was fixed to the Maypole, which the Seperatists -were at defiance with. Some of them affirmed that the first -institution thereof was in memory of a whore;<a name="FNanchor_489_489" id="FNanchor_489_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_489_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> not knowing -that it was a Trophe erected at first in honor of Maja, the -Lady of learning which they despise, vilifying the two<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> -universities with uncivile termes, accounting what is there -obtained by studdy is but unnecessary learning; not considering -that learninge does inable mens mindes to converse -with eliments of a higher nature then is to be found within -the habitation of the Mole.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a great Monster supposed to be at Ma-re-Mount; and -the preparation made to destroy it.</i><a name="FNanchor_490_490" id="FNanchor_490_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_490_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>The Seperatists, envying the prosperity and hope of the -Plantation at Ma-re Mount, (which they perceaved -beganne to come forward, and to be in a good way for gaine -in the Beaver trade,) conspired together against mine Host -especially, (who was the owner of that Plantation,) and made -up a party against him; and mustred up what aide they -could, accounting of him as of a great Monster.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_138">{138}</a></span> Many threatening speeches were given out both -against his person and his Habitation, which they -divulged should be consumed with fire: And taking advantage -of the time when his company, (which seemed little to -regard theire threats,) were gone up into the Inlands to trade -with the Salvages for Beaver, they set upon my honest host -at a place called Wessaguscus, where, by accident, they found -him. The inhabitants there were in good hope of the subvertion -of the plantation at Mare Mount, (which they principally -aymed at;) and the rather because mine host was a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> -man that indeavoured to advaunce the dignity of the Church -of England; which they, (on the contrary part,) would -laboure to vilifie with uncivile termes: enveying against the -sacred booke of common prayer, and mine host that used it -in a laudable manner amongst his family, as a practise of -piety.</p> - -<p>There hee would be a meanes to bringe sacks to their mill, -(such is the thirst after Beaver,) and helped the conspiratores -to surprise mine host, (who was there all alone;) and they -chardged him, (because they would seeme to have some reasonable -cause against him to sett a glosse upon their mallice,) -with criminall things; which indeede had beene done by such -a person, but was of their conspiracy; mine host demaunded -of the conspirators who it was that was author of that information, -that seemed to be their ground for what they now -intended. And because they answered they would not tell -him, hee as peremptorily replyed, that hee would not say -whether he had, or he had not done as they had bin -informed.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_139">{139}</a></span> The answere made no matter, (as it seemed,) -whether it had bin negatively or affirmatively made; -for they had resolved what hee should suffer, because, (as they -boasted,) they were now become the greater number: they -had shaked of their shackles of servitude, and were become -Masters, and masterles people.</p> - -<p>It appeares they were like beares whelpes in former time, -when mine hosts plantation was of as much strength as theirs, -but now, (theirs being stronger,) they, (like overgrowne -beares,) seemed monsterous. In breife, mine host must indure -to be their prisoner untill they could contrive it so that they<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> -might send him for England, (as they said,) there to suffer -according to the merrit of the fact which they intended to -father upon him; supposing, (belike,) it would proove a hainous -crime.</p> - -<p>Much rejoycing was made that they had gotten their cappitall -enemy, (as they concluded him;) whome they purposed -to hamper in such sort that hee should not be able to uphold -his plantation at Ma-re Mount.</p> - -<p>The Conspirators sported themselves at my honest host, -that meant them no hurt, and were so joccund that they feasted -their bodies, and fell to tippeling as if they had obtained a -great prize; like the Trojans when they had the custody of -Hippeus pinetree horse.</p> - - -<p>Mine host fained greefe, and could not be perswaded -either to eate or drinke; because hee knew emptines would -be a meanes to make him as watchfull as the Geese kept in -the Roman Cappitall: whereon, the contrary part, the conspirators -would be so drowsy that hee might have an -opportunity to give them a <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_140">{140}</a></span> slip, insteade of a tester. -Six persons of the conspiracy were set to watch him - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Mine Host -got out of -prison.</i></span> - -at Wessaguscus: But hee kept waking; and in the dead of -night, (one lying on the bed for further suerty,) up gets -mine Host and got to the second dore that hee was to passe, -which, notwithstanding the lock, hee got open, and shut it -after him with such violence that it affrighted some of the -conspirators.</p> - -<p>The word, which was given with an alarme, was, ô he’s -gon, he’s gon, what shall wee doe, he’s gon! The rest, (halfe -a sleepe,) start up in a maze, and, like rames, ran theire heads -one at another full butt in the darke.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Captain -tore his -clothes.</i></div> - -<p>Theire grande leader, Captaine Shrimp, tooke on most furiously -and tore his clothes for anger, to see the empty nest, -and their bird gone.</p> - -<p>The rest were eager to have torne theire haire from theire -heads; but it was so short that it would give them no hold. -Now Captaine Shrimp thought in the losse of this prize, -(which hee accoumpted his Master peece,) all his honor -would be lost for ever.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mine host -got home to -ma-re mount.</i></div> - -<p>In the meane time mine Host was got home to Ma-re -Mount through the woods, eight miles round about the head -of the river Monatoquit that parted the two Plantations, -finding his way by the helpe of the lightening, (for it thundred -as hee went terribly;) and there hee prepared powther, -three pounds dried, for his present imployement, and -foure good gunnes for him and the two assistants left at his - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Hee provides -for his enemies.</i></span> - -howse, with bullets of severall sizes, three hounderd or thereabouts, -to be used if the conspirators should pursue -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_141">{141}</a></span> him thether: and these two persons promised theire -aides in the quarrell, and confirmed that promise with -health in good rosa solis.</p> - -<p>Now Captaine Shrimp, the first Captaine in the Land, (as -hee supposed,) must doe some new act to repaire this losse, -and, to vindicate his reputation, who had sustained blemish -by this oversight, begins now to study, how to repaire or survive -his honor: in this manner, callinge of Councell, they -conclude.</p> - -<p>Hee takes eight persons more to him, and, (like the nine -Worthies of New Canaan,) they imbarque with preparation -against Ma-re-Mount, where this Monster of a man, as theire -phrase was, had his denne; the whole number, had the rest<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> -not bin from home, being but seaven, would have given Captaine -Shrimpe, (a quondam Drummer,) such a wellcome as -would have made him wish for a Drume as bigg as Diogenes -tubb, that hee might have crept into it out of sight.</p> - -<p>Now the nine Worthies are approached, and mine Host -prepared: having intelligence by a Salvage, that hastened in -love from Wessaguscus to give him notice of their intent.</p> - -<p>One of mine Hosts men prooved a craven: the other had -prooved his wits to purchase a little valoure, before mine -Host had observed his posture.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_142">{142}</a></span> The nine worthies comming before the Denne of -this supposed Monster, (this seaven headed hydra, as -they termed him,) and began, like Don Quixote against the - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Parly.</i></span> - -Windmill, to beate a parly, and to offer quarter, if mine Host -would yeald; for they resolved to send him for England; -and bad him lay by his armes.</p> - -<p>But hee, (who was the Sonne of a Souldier,) having taken -up armes in his just defence, replyed that hee would not lay -by those armes, because they were so needefull at Sea, if hee -should be sent over. Yet, to save the effusion of so much -worty bloud, as would haue issued out of the vaynes of these -9. worthies of New Canaan, if mine Host should have played -upon them out at his port holes, (for they came within danger -like a flocke of wild geese, as if they had bin tayled one -to another, as coults to be sold at a faier,) mine Host was -content to yeelde upon quarter; and did capitulate with -them in what manner it should be for more certainety, -because hee knew what Captaine Shrimpe was.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Captaine -Shrimpe promiseth -that -no violence -should bee -offered to his -person.</i></div> - -<p>Hee expressed that no violence should be offered to his -person, none to his goods, nor any of his Howsehold: but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> -that hee should have his armes, and what els was requisit -for the voyage: which theire Herald retornes, it was agreed -upon, and should be performed.</p> - -<p>But mine Host no sooner had set open the dore, and issued -out, but instantly Captaine Shrimpe and the rest of the worties -stepped to him, layd hold of his armes, and had -him downe: and so eagerly was every <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_143">{143}</a></span> man bent -against him, (not regarding any agreement made with -such a carnall man,) that they fell upon him as if they would -have eaten him: some of them were so violent that they -would have a slice with scabbert, and all for haste; untill - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Worthies -rebuked for -their unworthy -practises.</i></span> - -an old Souldier, (of the Queenes, as the Proverbe is,) that -was there by accident, clapt his gunne under the weapons, -and sharply rebuked these worthies for their unworthy -practises. So the matter was taken into more deliberate -consideration.</p> - -<p>Captaine Shrimpe, and the rest of the nine worthies, -made themselves, (by this outragious riot,) Masters of mine -Hoste of Ma-re Mount, and disposed of what hee had at his -plantation.</p> - -<p>This they knew, (in the eye of the Salvages,) would add -to their glory, and diminish the reputation of mine honest -Host; whome they practised to be ridd of upon any termes, -as willingly as if hee had bin the very Hidra of the time.</p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XVI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XVI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>How the 9. worthies put mine Host of Ma-re-Mount into -the inchaunted Castle at Plimmouth, and terrified him -with the Monster Briareus.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>The nine worthies of New Canaan having now the Law -in their owne hands, (there being no generall -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_144">{144}</a></span> Governour in the Land; nor none of the Seperation -that regarded the duety they owe their Soveraigne, -whose naturall borne Subjects they were, though -translated out of Holland, from whence they had learned to -worke all to their owne ends, and make a great shewe of Religion, -but no humanity,) for they were now to sit in Counsell -on the cause.</p> - -<p>And much it stood mine honest Host upon to be very circumspect, -and to take Eacus<a name="FNanchor_491_491" id="FNanchor_491_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_491_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> to taske; for that his voyce was -more allowed of then both the other: and had not mine -Host confounded all the arguments that Eacus could make -in their defence, and confuted him that swaied the rest, they -would have made him unable to drinke in such manner of -merriment any more. So that following this private counsell, -given him by one that knew who ruled the rost, the -Hiracano ceased that els would split his pinace.</p> - -<p>A conclusion was made and sentence given that mine -Host should be sent to England a prisoner. But when hee -was brought to the shipps for that purpose, no man durst<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> -be so foole hardy as to undertake carry him.<a name="FNanchor_492_492" id="FNanchor_492_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_492_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> So these -Worthies set mine Host upon an Island, without gunne, - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Mine host -set upon an -Island without -anything, -to shift for -himselfe.</i></span> - -powther, or shot or dogge or so much as a knife to get any -thinge to feede upon, or any other cloathes to shelter him -with at winter then a thinne suite which hee had one at that -time. Home hee could not get to Ma-re-Mount. Upon this -Island hee stayed a moneth at least, and was releeved by -Salvages that tooke notice that mine Host was a Sachem of -Passonagessit, and would bringe bottles of strong liquor -to him, and unite themselves <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_145">{145}</a></span> into a league of brother -hood with mine Host; so full of humanity are these -infidels before those Christians.</p> - -<p>From this place for England sailed mine Host in a Plimmouth -shipp, (that came into the Land to fish upon the -Coast,) that landed him safe in England at Plimmouth: and -hee stayed in England untill the ordinary time for shipping -to set forth for these parts, and then retorned:<a name="FNanchor_493_493" id="FNanchor_493_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_493_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> Noe man -being able to taxe him of any thinge.</p> - -<p>But the Worthies, (in the meane time,) hoped they had -bin ridd of him.</p> - - - -<div class="chapter"><p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span></p> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XVII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XVII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Baccanall Triumphe of the nine worthies of New -Canaan.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>The Seperatists were not so contended, (when mine -Host of Ma-re-Mount was gone,) but they were as much -discontended when hee was retorned againe: and the rather -because theire passages about him, and the businesse, were so -much derided and in songes exemplified: which, (for better -satisfaction of such as are in that kinde affected,) I have set -forth, as it was then in use by the name of the <i>Baccanall -Triumphe</i>, as followeth:</p> - - -<h5><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_146">{146}</a></span> THE POEM.<a name="FNanchor_494_494" id="FNanchor_494_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_494_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a></h5> - - - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> -<div class="sidenote"><i>Master Ben: -Iohnson.</i></div> - <div class="verse">I sing th’ adventures of nine worthy wights,</div> - <div class="verse">And pitty ’tis I cannot call them Knights,</div> - <div class="verse">Since they had brawne and braine, and were right able</div> - <div class="verse">To be installed of Prince Arthures table;</div> - <div class="verse">Yet all of them were Squires of low degree,</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span> - <div class="verse">The Magi tould of a prodigeous birth</div> - <div class="verse">That shortly should be found upon the earth,</div> - <div class="verse">By Archimedes art, which they misconster</div> - <div class="verse">Vnto their Land would proove a hiddeous monster;</div> - <div class="verse">Seaven heades it had, and twice so many feete,</div> - <div class="verse">Arguing the body to be wondrous greate,</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> - <div class="verse">Besides a forked taile heav’d up on highe</div> - <div class="verse">As if it threaten’d battell to the skie.</div> - <div class="verse">The Rumor of this fearefull prodigy</div> - <div class="verse">Did cause th’ effeminate multitude to cry</div> - <div class="verse">For want of great Alcides aide, and stood</div> - <div class="verse">Like People that have seene Medusas head.</div> - <div class="verse">Great was the greife of hart, great was the mone,</div> - <div class="verse">And great the feare conceaved by every one</div> - <div class="verse">Of Hydras hiddeous forme and dreadfull powre,</div> - <div class="verse">Doubting in time this Monster would devoure</div> - <div class="verse">All their best flocks, whose dainty wolle consorts</div> - <div class="verse">It selfe with Scarlet in all Princes Courts.</div> - <div class="verse">Not Iason nor the adventerous youths of Greece</div> - <div class="verse">Did bring from Colcos any richer Fleece.</div> - <div class="verse">In Emulation of the Gretian force</div> - <div class="verse">These Worthies nine prepar’d a woodden horse,</div> - <div class="verse"><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_147">{147}</a></span> And, prick’d with pride of like successe, divise</div> - <div class="verse">How they may purchase glory by this prize;</div> - <div class="verse">And, if they give to Hidreas head the fall,</div> - <div class="verse">It will remaine a plat forme unto all</div> - <div class="verse">Theire brave atchivements, and in time to comme,</div> - <div class="verse">Per fas aut nefas, they’l erect a throne.</div> - <div class="verse">Cloubs are turn’d trumps: so now the lott is cast:</div> - <div class="verse">With fire and sword to Hidras den they haste,</div> - <div class="verse">Mars in th’ assendant, Soll in Cancer now,</div> - <div class="verse">And Lerna Lake to Plutos court must bow.</div> - <div class="verse">What though they [be] rebuk’d by thundring Iove,</div> - <div class="verse">Tis neither Gods nor men that can remove</div> - <div class="verse">Their mindes from making this a dismall day.</div> - <div class="verse">These nine will now be actors in this play</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> - <div class="verse">And Sumon Hidra to appeare anon</div> - <div class="verse">Before their witles Combination:</div> - <div class="verse">But his undaunted spirit, nursd with meate</div> - <div class="verse">Such as the Cecrops gave their babes to eate,</div> - <div class="verse">Scorn’d their base accons; for with Cecrops charme</div> - <div class="verse">Hee knew he could defend himselfe from harme</div> - <div class="verse">Of Minos, Eacus, and Radamand,</div> - <div class="verse">Princes of Limbo; who must out of hand</div> - <div class="verse">Consult bout Hidra, what must now be done:</div> - <div class="verse">Who, having sate in Counsell, one by one</div> - <div class="verse">Retorne this answere to the Stiggean feinds;</div> - <div class="verse">And first grim Minos spake: most loving freinds,</div> - <div class="verse">Hidra prognosticks ruine to our state</div> - <div class="verse">And that our Kingdome will grow desolate;</div> - <div class="verse">But if one head from thence be tane away</div> - <div class="verse">The Body and the members will decay.</div> - <div class="verse"><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_148">{148}</a></span> To take in hand, quoth<a name="FNanchor_495_495" id="FNanchor_495_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_495_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> Eacus, this taske,</div> - <div class="verse">Is such as harebraind Phaeton did aske</div> - <div class="verse">Of Phebus, to begird the world about;</div> - <div class="verse">Which graunted put the Netherlands to rout;</div> - <div class="verse">Presumptious fooles learne wit at too much cost,</div> - <div class="verse">For life and laboure both at once hee lost.</div> - <div class="verse">Sterne Radamantus, being last to speake,</div> - <div class="verse">Made a great hum and thus did silence breake:</div> - <div class="verse">What if, with ratling chaines or Iron bands,</div> - <div class="verse">Hidra be bound either by feete or hands,</div> - <div class="verse">And after, being lashd with smarting rodds,</div> - <div class="verse">Hee be conveyd by Stix unto the godds</div><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> - <div class="verse">To be accused on the upper ground</div> - <div class="verse">Of Lesæ Majestatis, this crime found</div> - <div class="verse">T’will be unpossible from thence, I trowe,</div> - <div class="verse">Hidra shall come to trouble us belowe.</div> - <div class="verse">This sentence pleasd the friends exceedingly,</div> - <div class="verse">That up they tost their bonnets, and did cry,</div> - <div class="verse">Long live our Court in great prosperity.</div> - <div class="verse">The Sessions ended, some did straight devise</div> - <div class="verse">Court Revells, antiques and a world of joyes,</div> - <div class="verse">Brave Christmas gambols:<a name="FNanchor_496_496" id="FNanchor_496_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_496_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> there was open hall</div> - <div class="verse">Kept to the full, and sport, the Divell and all:</div> - <div class="verse">Laboure’s despised, the loomes are laid away,</div> - <div class="verse">And this proclaim’d the Stigean Holliday.</div> - <div class="verse">In came grim Mino, with his motly beard,</div> - <div class="verse">And brought a distillation well prepar’d;</div> - <div class="verse">And Eacus, who is as suer as text,</div> - <div class="verse">Came in with his preparatives the next;</div> - <div class="verse">Then Radamantus, last and principall,</div> - <div class="verse">Feasted the Worthies in his sumptuous hall.</div> - <div class="verse"><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_149">{149}</a></span> There Charon Cerberous and the rout of feinds</div> - <div class="verse">Had lap enough: and so their pastims ends.</div> -</div></div></div> - - -<h5>THE ILLVSTRATIONS.</h5> - -<p>Now to illustrate this Poem, and make the sence more -plaine, it is to be considered that the Persons at -Ma-re-Mount were seaven, and they had seaven heads and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span> -14. feete; these were accounted Hidra with the seaven heads: -and the Maypole, with the Hornes nailed neere the topp, -was the forked tayle of this supposed Monster, which they -(for want of skill) imposed: yet feared in time, (if they hindred -not mine Host), hee would hinder the benefit of their -Beaver trade, as hee had done, (by meanes of this helpe,) in -Kynyback river finely, ere they were awares; who, comming -too late, were much dismaide to finde that mine Host -his boate had gleaned away all before they came; which -Beaver is a fitt companion for Scarlett: and I beleeve that -Iasons golden Fleece was either the same, or some other -Fleece not of so much value.</p> - -<p>This action bred a kinde of hart burning in the Plimmouth -Planters, who after sought occasion against mine -Host to overthrowe his undertakings and to destroy his -Plantation; whome they accoumpted a maine enemy to -theire Church and State.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_150">{150}</a></span> Now when they had begunne with him, they -thought best to proceede: forasmuch as they thought -themselves farre enough from any controule of Iustice, and -therefore resolved to be their owne carvers: (and the rather -because they presumed upon some incouragement they had -from the favourites of their Sect in England:) and with -fire and sword, nine in number, pursued mine Host, who -had escaped theire hands, in scorne of what they intended, -and betooke him to his habitation in a night of great -thunder and lightening, when they durst not follow him, as -hardy as these nine worthies seemed to be.</p> - -<p>It was in the Moneth of Iune that these Marshallists had<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span> -appointed to goe about this mischeifous project, and deale -so crabbidly with mine Host.</p> - -<p>After a parly, hee capitulated with them about the quarter -they proffered him, if hee would consent to goe for England, -there to answere, (as they pretended,) some thing they could -object against him principall to the generall: But what it -would be hee cared not, neither was it any thing materiall.</p> - -<p>Yet when quarter was agreed upon, they, contrary wise, -abused him, and carried him to theire towne of Plimmouth, -where, (if they had thought hee durst have gone to England,) -rather then they would have bin any more affronted -by him they would have dispatched him, as Captaine Shrimp -in a rage profest that hee would doe with his Pistoll, as mine -Host should set his foote into the boate. Howsoever, the -cheife Elders voyce in that place was more powerfull -than any of the rest, who concluded <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_151">{151}</a></span> to send mine -Host without any other thing to be done to him. -And this being the finall agreement, (contrary to Shrimpe -and others,) the nine Worthies had a great Feast made, and -the furmity<a name="FNanchor_497_497" id="FNanchor_497_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_497_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> pott was provided for the boats gang by no -allowance: and all manner of pastime.</p> - -<p>Captaine Shrimpe was so overjoyed in the performance of -this exployt, that they had, at that time, extraordinary merriment, -(a thing not usuall amongst those presisians); and -when the winde served they tooke mine Host into their -Shallop, hoysed Saile, and carried him to the Northern -parts; where they left him upon a Island.</p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XVIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XVIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a Doctor made at a Commencement in New Canaan.</i><a name="FNanchor_498_498" id="FNanchor_498_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_498_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a></p></div></div> - - - -<p>The Church of Plimmouth, having due regard to the -weale publike and the Brethren that were to come over, -and knowing that they would be busily imployed to make -provision for the cure of Soules, and therefore might neglect -the body for that time, did hold themselves to be in duety -bound to make search for a fitting man, that might be able, -(if so neede requir’d,) to take the chardge upon him in that -place of imployment: and therefore called a Counsell of the - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A Councell -called.</i></span> - -whole Synagoge: amongst which company, they chose out a -man that long time had bin nurst up in the tender -bosome of the Church: one that had <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_152">{152}</a></span> speciall gifts: -hee could wright and reade; nay, more: hee had -tane the oath of abjuration, which is a speciall stepp, yea, -and a maine degree unto perferment. Him they weane, -and out of Phaos boxe<a name="FNanchor_499_499" id="FNanchor_499_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_499_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> fitt him with speciall guifts of no -lesse worth: they stile him Doctor, and forth they send him -to gaine imployement and opinion.</p> - -<p>What luck is it I cannot hit on his name: but I will give<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> -you him by a periphrasis, that you may know him when you -meete him next.</p> - -<p>Hee was borne at Wrington, in the County of Somerset, -where hee was bred a Butcher. Hee weares a longe beard, -and a Garment like the Greeke that beggd in Pauls -Church.<a name="FNanchor_500_500" id="FNanchor_500_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_500_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> This new made Doctor, comes to Salem to congratulate:<a name="FNanchor_501_501" id="FNanchor_501_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_501_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> -where hee findes some are newly come from Sea, -and ill at ease.</p> - -<p>He takes the patient, and the urinall: eies the State -there; finds the Crasis Syptomes, and the attomi natantes: -and tells the patient that his disease was winde, which -hee had tane by gapeing feasting over board<a name="FNanchor_502_502" id="FNanchor_502_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_502_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a> at Sea; but hee -would quickly ease him of that greife, and quite expell the -winde. And this hee did performe, with his gifts hee had: -and then hee handled the patient so handsomely, that hee -eased him of all the winde hee had in an instant.</p> - -<p>And yet I hope this man may be forgiven, if hee were -made a fitting Plant for Heaven.</p> - -<p>How hee went to worke with his gifts is a question; yet -hee did a great cure for Captaine Littleworth, hee cured -him of a disease called a wife:<a name="FNanchor_503_503" id="FNanchor_503_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_503_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> and yet I hope this man<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> -may be forgiven, if shee were made a fitting plant for -heaven.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_153">{153}</a></span> By this meanes hee was allowed 4. p. a moneth, -and the chirgeon’s chest, and made Phisition generall -of Salem: where hee exercised his gifts so well, that of full -42. that there hee tooke to cure, there is not one has more -cause to complaine, or can say black’s his eie. This saved -Captaine Littleworths credit, that had truck’d away the -vittels: though it brought forth a scandall on the Country -by it: and then I hope this man may be forgiven, if they -were all made fitting plants for Heaven.</p> - -<p>But in mine opinion, hee deserves to be set upon a palfrey -and lead up and downe in triumph throw new Canaan, with -a coller of Iurdans about his neck, as was one of like desert -in Richard the seconds time through the streets of London, -that men might know where to finde a Quacksaluer.<a name="FNanchor_504_504" id="FNanchor_504_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_504_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a></p> - - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XIX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XIX.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the silencing of a Minister in new Canaan.</i><a name="FNanchor_505_505" id="FNanchor_505_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_505_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>A silenced Minister, out of coveteousnesse,<a name="FNanchor_506_506" id="FNanchor_506_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_506_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> came over into -new Canaan to play the spie: Hee pretended, out of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span> -a zealous intent to doe the Salvages good, and to teach -them. Hee brought a great Bundell of Horne books with -him, and carefull hee was, (good man,) to blott out all the -crosses of them, for feare least the people of the land should -become Idolaters. Hee was in hope, with his gifts, to -prepare a great auditory against greate Iosua should arive -there.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_154">{154}</a></span> Hee applyed himselfe on the weeke dayes to the -trade of Beaver, but it was, (as might seeme,) to -purchase the principall benefite of the Lande, when the time -should come; for hee had a hope to be the Caiphas of the -Country: and well hee might, for hee was higher by the -head than any of his tribe that came after him.</p> - -<p>This man, it seemes, played the spie very handsomely; for -in the exercise of his guifts on the Lords day at Weenasimute,<a name="FNanchor_507_507" id="FNanchor_507_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_507_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> -hee espied a Salvage come in with a good Beaver - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>This Caiphas -that condemneth -Covetousnesse, -and committeth -it himselfe.</i></span> - -coate, and tooke occasion to reproove the covetous desire of -his auditory to trade for Beaver on those dayes; which -made them all use so much modesty about the matter for the -present, that hee found opportunity, the same day, to take -the Salvage a side into a corner, where (with the helpe of -his Wampampeack hee had in his pocket for that purpose -in a readinesse,) hee made a shifte to get that Beaver coate, -which their mouthes watered at; and so deceaved them all.</p> - -<p>But shortly after, when Iosua<a name="FNanchor_508_508" id="FNanchor_508_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_508_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> came into the Land, hee -had soone spied out Caiphas practice, and put him to silence;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> -and either hee must put up his pipes and be packing, or -forsake Ionas posture, and play -Demas part alltogether.<a name="FNanchor_509_509" id="FNanchor_509_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_509_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. XX."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_155">{155}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3XX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XX.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Practise of the Seperatists to gett a snare to hamper -mine Host of Ma-re-Mount.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>Although the nine Worthies had left mine Hoste upon -an Island,<a name="FNanchor_510_510" id="FNanchor_510_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_510_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> in such an inhumane manner as yee heard -before; yet when they understood that hee had got shipping -and was gone to England of his owne accord, they dispatched -letters of advise to an Agent they had there: and -by the next shipp sent after to have a snare made, that -might hamper mine Host so as hee might not any more -trouble theire conscience: and to that end made a generall - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The generall -collection -made.</i></span> - -collection of Beaver to defray the chardge,<a name="FNanchor_511_511" id="FNanchor_511_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_511_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> and hee was not -thought a good Christian that would not lay much out for -that imployment.</p> - -<p>Some contributed three pounds, some foure, some five -pounds; and procured a pretty quantity by that Devise, -which should be given to a cunning man that could make -a snare to hamper him.</p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span></p> - - -<p>The Agent, (according to his directions,) does his endeavoure, -(in the best manner hee could,) to have this instrument - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Noe cost spared -for the -getting of a -skillfull man.</i></span> - -made: and used no little diligence to have it effected.<a name="FNanchor_512_512" id="FNanchor_512_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_512_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> His -reputation stood upon the taske imposed upon him against -mine Host, the onely enemy (accounted) of their Church -and State.</p> - -<p>Much inquiry was made in London, and about, for a -skillfull man that would worke the feate. Noe cost -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_156">{156}</a></span> was spared, for gold hee had good store: first hee -inquires of one, and then another: at the last hee -heard newes of a very famous man, one that was excellent -at making subtile instruments, such as that age had never -bin acquainted with.</p> - -<p>Hee was well knowne to be the man, that had wit and -wondrous skill to make a cunning instrument where with to -save himselfe and his whole family, if all the world besides -should be drown’d; and this the best; yea, and the best -cheap too, for, no good done, the man would nothing take.</p> - -<p>To him this agent goes, and praies his aide: Declares his -cause, and tells the substance of his greivance, all at large, -and laid before his eies a heape of gold.</p> - - -<p>When all was shewd, that could be she’d, and said, what -could be said, and all too little for to have it done, the agent - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The heape of -gold.</i></span> - -then did see his gold refused, his cause despised, and thought -himselfe disgraced to leave the worke undone: so that hee -was much dismaid, yet importun’d the cunning [man], who -found no reason to take the taske in hand.</p> - -<p>Hee thought, perhaps, mine Host, (that had the slight to -escape from the nine Worthies, to chaine Argus eies, and by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> -inchauntment make the doores of the watch tower fly open -at an instant,) would not be hampered, but with much a -doe: and so hee was unwilling to be troubled with that -taske.</p> - - -<p>The agent wondring to see that his gold would doe no -good, did aske the cunning man if hee could give him no -advise? who said, hee would: and what was that, -thinke you? To let mine Host alone. Who, <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_157">{157}</a></span> being -ship’d againe for the parts of New Canaan, was put - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Mine Host -arrived againe -in Plimmouth.</i></span> - -in at Plimmouth in the very faces of them, to their terrible -amazement to see him at liberty: and told him hee had not -yet fully answered the matter they could object against him. -Hee onely made this modest reply, that hee did perceave -they were willfull people, that would never be answered: -and derided them for their practises and losse of laboure.<a name="FNanchor_513_513" id="FNanchor_513_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_513_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of Captaine Littleworth his new devise for the purchase of -Beaver.</i></p></div></div> - - - -<p>In the meane time, whiles these former passages were, -there was a great swelling fellow, of Littleworth, crept -over to Salem, (by the helpe of Master Charter party,<a name="FNanchor_514_514" id="FNanchor_514_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_514_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> the - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Charter party -Treasorer.</i></span> - -Tresorer, and Master Ananias Increase,<a name="FNanchor_515_515" id="FNanchor_515_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_515_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> the Collector for the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> -Company of Seperatists,) to take upon him their imployments -for a time.</p> - -<p>Hee, resolving to make hay whiles the Sonne did shine, -first pretended himselfe to be sent over as cheife Iustice of the -Massachussets Bay and Salem, forsoth, and tooke unto him a -councell; and a worthy one no doubt, for the Cowkeeper of -Salem was a prime man in those imployments; and to ad -a Majesty, (as hee thought,) to his new assumed dignity, hee -caused the Patent of the Massachussets, (new brought into -the Land,) to be carried where hee went in his progresse -to and froe, as an embleme of his authority: which -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_158">{158}</a></span> the vulgar people, not acquainted with, thought it to -be some instrument of Musick locked up in that covered -case,<a name="FNanchor_516_516" id="FNanchor_516_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_516_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> and thought, (for so some said,) this man of little-worth -had bin a fidler, and the rather because hee had put<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> -into the mouthes of poore silly things, that were sent alonge -with him, what skill hee had in Engines, and in things of -quaint devise: all which prooved in conclusion to be but -impostury.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Warrants -made by -Capt. Littleworth -in his -name.</i></div> - -<p>This man, thinking none so worthy as himselfe, tooke -upon him infinitely: and made warrants in his owne name, -(without relation to his Majesties authority in that place,) -and summoned a generall apparance at the worshipfull towne -of Salem:<a name="FNanchor_517_517" id="FNanchor_517_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_517_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> there in open assembly was tendered certaine -Articles, devised betweene him and theire new Pastor Master -Eager,<a name="FNanchor_518_518" id="FNanchor_518_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_518_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> (that had renounced his old calling to the Ministry -receaved in England, by warrant of Gods word, and taken a -new one there, by their fantasticall way imposed, and conferred -upon him with some speciall guifts had out of Phaos -boxe.)<a name="FNanchor_519_519" id="FNanchor_519_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_519_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a></p> - -<p>To these Articles every Planter, old and new, must signe, -or be expelled from any manner of aboade within the Compas -of the Land contained within that graunt then shewed: -which was so large it would suffice for Elbow roome for more -then were in all the Land by 700000. such an army might -have planted them a Colony with [in] that cirquit which hee -challenged, and not contend for roome for their Cattell. -But for all that, hee that should refuse to subscribe, must -pack.</p> - -<p>The tenor of the <i>Articles</i> were these: <i>That in all<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_159">{159}</a></span> causes, as well Ecclesiasticall as Politicall, wee should -follow the rule of Gods word.</i></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Mine Host -subscribed -not.</i></div> - -<p>This made a shew of a good intent, and all the assembly, -(onely mine Host replyed,) did subscribe: hee would not, -unlesse they would ad this Caution: <i>So as nothing be done -contrary or repugnant to the Lawes of the Kingdome of England.</i> -These words hee knew, by former experience, were -necessary, and without these the same would proove a very -mousetrapp to catch some body by his owne consent, (which -the rest nothing suspected,) for the construction of the worde -would be made by them of the Seperation to serve their -owne turnes: and if any man should, in such a case, be -accused of a crime, (though in it selfe it were petty,) they -might set it on the tenter hookes of their imaginary gifts, -and stretch it to make it seeme cappitall; which was the reason -why mine Host refused to subscribe.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Patent.</i></div> - -<p>It was then agreed upon that there should be one generall -trade used within that Patent, (as hee said,) and a generall -stock: and every man to put in a parte: and every man, for -his person, to have shares alike: and for their stock, according -to the ratable proportion was put in: and this to continue -for 12. moneths, and then to call an accompt.</p> - - -<p>All were united, but mine Host refused: two truckmasters -were chosen; wages prefixed; onely mine Host put in a - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>All consented -but mine -Host.</i></span> - -Caviat that the wages might be paid out of the cleare -proffit, which there in black and white was plainely put -downe.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_160">{160}</a></span> But before the end of 6. moneths, the partners in -this stock, (handled by the Truckmasters,) would -have an accoumpt: some of them had perceaved that Wam<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span>pambeacke -could be pocketted up, and the underlings, (that -went in the boats alonge,) would bee neere the Wiser for -any thinge, but what was trucked for Beaver onely.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Insteed of -proffit dis-proffit.</i></div> - -<p>The accoumpt being made betweene Captaine Littleworth, -and the two Truckmasters, it was found that instead -of increasing the proffit, they had decreased it; for the -principall stock, by this imployment, was freetted so, that -there was a great hole to be seene in the very middle of it, -which cost the partners afterwards one hundred markes to -stopp and make good to Captaine Littleworth.</p> - -<p>But mine Host, that sturred not his foote at all for the -matter, did not onely save his stock from such a Cancar, but -gained sixe and seaven for one: in the meane time hee -derided the Contributers for being catch’d in that snare.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a Sequestration made in New Canaan.</i><a name="FNanchor_520_520" id="FNanchor_520_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_520_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>Captaine Littleworth, (that had an akeing tooth at mine -Host of Ma-re-Mount,) devised how hee might put a -trick upon him, by colour of a Sequestration; and got some -persons to pretend that hee had corne and other -goods of theirs in possession; and the <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_161">{161}</a></span> rather because -mine Host had store of corne and hee had improvidently -truckt his store for the present gaine of Beaver; in so -much that his people under his chardge were put to short -allowance, which caused some of them to sicken with con<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span>ceipt -of such useage, and some of them by the practise of the -new entertained Doctor Noddy, with his Imaginary gifts. -They sent therefore to exhibit a petition to grim Minos, -Eacus and Radamant, where they wished to have the author -of their greife to be convented:<a name="FNanchor_521_521" id="FNanchor_521_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_521_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> and they had procured it -quickly, if curses would have caused it: for good prayers -would be of no validity, (as they supposed,) in this extremity.</p> - - -<p>Now in this extremity Capt. Littleworth gave commission -to such as hee had found ready for such imployments to - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Commission -for corne.</i></span> - - -enter in the howse at Ma-re-Mount, and, with a shallop, to -bring from thence such corne and other utensilles as in their -commission hee had specified. But mine Host, wary to prevent -eminent mischeife, had conveyed his powther and shott, -(and such other things as stood him in most steed for his present -condition,) into the woods for safety: and, whiles this -was put in practise by him, the shallop was landed and the -Commissioners entred the howse, and willfully bent against -mine honest Host, that loved good hospitality. After they had - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Mine Hosts -corne & goods -carried away -by violence.</i></span> - -feasted their bodies with that they found there, they carried -all his corne away, with some other of his goods, contrary to -the Lawes of hospitality: a smale parcell of refuse corne -onely excepted, which they left mine Host to keepe Christmas -with.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_162">{162}</a></span> But when they were gone, mine Host fell to make -use of his gunne, (as one that had a good faculty in -the use of that instrument,) and feasted his body neverthelesse -with fowle and venison, which hee purchased with the -helpe of that instrument, the plenty of the Country and -the commodiousnes of the place affording meanes, by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> -blessing of God; and hee did but deride Captaine Littleworth, -that made his servants snap shorte in a Country so -much abounding with plenty of foode for an industrious -man, with greate variety.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of a great Bonfire made for ioy of the arrivall of great -Iosua, surnamed Temperwell, into the Land of Canaan.</i><a name="FNanchor_522_522" id="FNanchor_522_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_522_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>Seaven shipps set forth at once, and altogether arrived -in the Land of Canaan, to take a full possession thereof: -What are all the 12. Tribes of new Israell come? No, -none but the tribe of Issacar, and some few scattered Levites -of the remnant of those that were descended of old -Elies howse.</p> - -<p>And here comes their Iosua too among them; and they -make it a more miraculous thing for these seaven shipps to -set forth together, and arrive at New Canaan together, then -it was for the Israelites to goe over Iordan drishod: perhaps -it was, because they had a wall on the right hand and -a wall on the left hand.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_163">{163}</a></span> These Seperatists suppose there was no more -difficulty in the matter then for a man to finde the -way to the Counter at noone dayes, betweene a Sergeant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> -and his yeoman: Now you may thinke mine Host will be -hamperd or never.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Men that -come to ridd -the land of -pollution.</i></div> - -<p>These are the men that come prepared to ridd the Land -of all pollution. These are more subtile then the Cunning, -that did refuse a goodly heap of gold.<a name="FNanchor_523_523" id="FNanchor_523_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_523_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> These men have -brought a very snare indeed; and now mine Host must suffer. -The book of Common Prayer, which hee used, to be despised: -and hee must not be spared.</p> - -<p>Now they are come, his doome before hand was concluded -on: they have a warrant now: A cheife one too: and now -mine Host must know hee is the subject of their hatred: the -Snare must now be used; this instrument must not be brought -by Iosua in vaine.<a name="FNanchor_524_524" id="FNanchor_524_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_524_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Courte -called about -mine Host.</i></div> - -<p>A Court is called of purpose for mine host: hee there -convented, and must heare his doome before hee goe: nor -will they admitt him to capitulate, and know wherefore they -are so violent to put such things in practise against a man -they never saw before: nor will they allow of it, though hee -decline their Iurisdiction.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A divellish -sentence against -him.</i></div> - -<p>There they all with one assent put him to silence, crying -out, heare the Governour, heare the Govern: who -gave this sentence against mine Host at first sight: that he -should be first put in the Billbowes, his goods should be all -confiscated, his Plantation should be burned downe to the -ground, because the habitation of the wicked should -no more appeare in Israell, and <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_164">{164}</a></span> his person banished -from those territories; and this put in execution with -all speede.<a name="FNanchor_525_525" id="FNanchor_525_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_525_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>The Salvages -reproove -them.</i></div> - -<p>The harmeles Salvages, (his neighboures,) came the while, -(greived, poore silly lambes, to see what they went about,) -and did reproove these Eliphants of witt for their inhumane -deede: the Lord above did open their mouthes like Balams -Asse, and made them speake in his behalfe sentences of -unexpected divinity, besides morrallity; and tould them that -god would not love them that burned this good mans howse; -and plainely sayed that they who were new come would finde -the want of such a howses in the winter: so much themselves -to him confest.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Epictetus -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">summa totius -Philosophiæ</span>.</i></div> - -<p>The smoake that did assend appeared to be the very -Sacrifice of Kain. Mine Host, (that a farre of abourd a ship -did there behold this wofull spectacle,) knew not what hee -should doe in this extremity but beare and forbeare, as Epictetus -sayes<a name="FNanchor_526_526" id="FNanchor_526_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_526_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a>: it was bootelesse to exclaime.</p> - -<p>Hee did consider then these transitory things are but <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ludibria -fortunæ</i>,<a name="FNanchor_527_527" id="FNanchor_527_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_527_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> as Cicero calls them. All was burnt downe to -the ground, and nothing did remaine but the bare ashes as -an embleme of their cruelty: and unles it could, (like to -the Phenix,) rise out of these ashes and be new againe, (to -the immortall glory and renowne of this fertile Canaan the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> -new,) the stumpes and postes in their black liveries will -mourne; and piety it selfe will add a voyce to the bare -remnant of that Monument, and make it cry for recompence, -(or else revenge,) against the Sect of cruell Schismaticks.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. XXIV."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_165">{165}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3XXIV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXIV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the digrading and creating gentry in New Canaan.</i><a name="FNanchor_528_528" id="FNanchor_528_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_528_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>There was a zealous Professor in the Land of Canaan, -(growne a great Merchant in the Beaver trade,) that -came over for his conscience sake, (as other men have done,) -and the meanes, (as the phrase is,) who in his minority had -bin prentice to a tombe maker; who, comming to more -ripenes of yeares, (though lesse discretion,) found a kinde of -scruple in his conscience that the trade was in parte against -the second commandement:<a name="FNanchor_529_529" id="FNanchor_529_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_529_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> and therefore left it off wholely, -and betooke himselfe to some other imployments.</p> - - -<p>In the end hee settled upon this course, where hee had -hope of preferrement, and become one of those things that - -<span class="sidenote"><i>An Elder.</i></span> - -any Iudas might hange himselfe upon, that is an Elder.</p> - -<p>Hee had bin a man of some recconing in his time, (as -himselfe would boast,) for hee was an officer, just under the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> -Exchequer at Westminster, in a place called Phlegeton: there -hee was comptroller, and conversed with noe plebeians, I -tell you, but such as have angels or their attendance, (I -meane some Lawyers with appertenances, that is, Clarks,) -with whome a Iugg of Beare and a crusty rolle in the terme -is as currant as a three penny scute at Hall time.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_166">{166}</a></span> There is another place thereby, called sticks: these -are two daingerous places, by which the infernall gods -doe sweare: but this of Sticks is the more daingerous of the -two, because there, (if a man be once in,) hee cannot tell how -to get out againe handsomely.</p> - -<p>I knew an under sheriff was in unawaires, and hee laboured -to be free of it: yet hee broake his back before he got so -farre as quietus est: There is no such danger in Phlegeton, -where this man of so much recconing was comptroller.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Iosua displeased.</i></div> - -<p>Hee being here, waited an opportunity to be made a -gentl. and now it fell out that a gentl. newly come into the -land of Canaan, (before hee knew what ground hee stood -upon,) had incurred the displeasure of great Iosua so highly -that hee must therefore be digraded.</p> - -<p>No reconciliation could be had for him: all hopes were -past for that matter: Where upon this man of much recconing -(pretending a graunt of the approach in avoydance,) -helpes the lame dogge over the stile, and was as jocund on -the matter as a Magpie over a Mutton.</p> - - -<p>Wherefore the Heralls, with Drums, and Trumpets, proclaiming -in a very solemne manner that it was the pleasure of - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Master -Temperwell.</i></span> - -great Iosua, (for divers and sundry very good causes and considerations, -Master Temperwell thereunto especially mooving,) -to take away the title, prerogative and preheminence<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span> -of the Delinquent, so unworthy of it, and to place the same -upon a Professor of more recconing: so that it was -made <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_167">{167}</a></span> a penall thing for any man after to lifte the -same man againe on the top of that stile, but that -hee should stand perpetually digraded from that prerogative. -And the place by this meanes being voyde, this man, of so -much more reckoning, was receaved in like a Cypher to fill -up a roome, and was made a Gentleman of the first head; -and his Coate of Armes, blazon’d and tricked out fit for that -purpose, in this Poem following.</p> - - -<h5>THE POEM.</h5> - - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">What ailes Pigmalion? Is it Lunacy;</div> - <div class="verse indent6">Or Doteage on his owne Imagery?</div> - <div class="verse indent6">Let him remember how hee came from Hell,</div> - <div class="verse indent6">That after ages by record may tell</div> - <div class="verse">The compleate story to posterity.</div> - <div class="verse">Blazon his Coate in forme of Heraldry.</div> - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Put it this -way.</i></span> - - <div class="verse indent6">Hee beareth argent alwaies at commaund,</div> - <div class="verse indent6">A barre between three crusty rolls at hand,</div> - <div class="verse indent6">And, for his crest, with froth, there does appeare</div> - <div class="verse indent6">Dextra Paw Elevant a Iugg of beare.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>Now, that it may the more easily be understood, I have -here endeavoured to set it forth in these illustrations following: -Pigmalion was an Image maker, who, doteing on his -owne perfection in making the Image of Venus, grew to be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span> -a mazed man, like our Gentleman here of the first head: and -by the figure Antonomasia<a name="FNanchor_530_530" id="FNanchor_530_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_530_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> is hee herein exemplified.</p> - -<p>Hee was translated from a tombe maker to be the -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_168">{168}</a></span> tapster at hell, (which is in Westminster, under the -Ex-Chequer office,) for benefit of the meanes hee -translated himselfe into New England, where, by the help of -Beaver and the commaund of a servant or two, hee was -advaunced to the title of a gentleman; where I left him -to the exercise of his guifts.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXV"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXV.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the manner how the Seperatists doe pay debts to them -that are without.</i><a name="FNanchor_531_531" id="FNanchor_531_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_531_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a></p></div></div> - - - -<p>There was an honest man, one M<sup>r</sup>. Innocence Fairecloath,<a name="FNanchor_532_532" id="FNanchor_532_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_532_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> -by M<sup>r</sup>. Mathias Charterparty sent over into -New Canaan, to raise a very good marchantable commodity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span> -for his benefit; for, whiles the man was bound by covenant -to stay for a time, and to imploy such servants as did there -belong to M<sup>r</sup>. Charterparty,<a name="FNanchor_533_533" id="FNanchor_533_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_533_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> hee disdained the tenents of the -Seperatists: and they also, (finding him to be none,) disdained -to be imployed by a carnall man, (as they termed -him,) and fought occasion against him, to doe him a mischeife. -Intelligence was conveyed to M<sup>r</sup>. Charterparty that -this man was a member of the Church of England, and -therefore, (in their account,) an enemy to their Church and -state. And, (to the end they might have some coloure -against him,) some of them practised to get into his debte, -which hee, not mistrusting, suffered, and gave credit for such -Commodity as hee had sold at a price. When the day of -payment came, insteede of monyes, hee, being at that time -sick and weake and stood in neede of the Beaver hee had - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Goode Payement.</i></span> - -contracted for, hee had an Epistle full of zealous -exhortations to provide for the soule; and <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_169">{169}</a></span> not to -minde these transitory things that perished with the -body, and to bethinke himselfe whether his conscience would -be so prompt to demaund so greate a somme of Beaver as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span> -had bin contracted for. Hee was further exhorted therein to -consider hee was but a steward for a time, and by all likely -hood was going to give up an accompt of his stewardship: -and therfore perswaded the creditor not to load his conscience -with such a burthen, which hee was bound by the -Gospell to ease him of (if it were possible;) and for that cause -hee had framed this Epistle in such a freindly maner to put -him in minde of it. The perusall of this, (lap’d in the paper,) -was as bad as a potion to the creditor, to see his debtor Master -Subtilety (a zealous professor as hee thought) to deride -him in this extremity, that hee could not chuse, (in admiration -of the deceipt,) but cast out these words:</p> - -<p>Are these youre members? if they be all like these, I -beleeve the Divell was the setter of their Church.</p> - -<p>This was called in question when M<sup>r</sup>. Fairecloath least -thought of it. Capt. Littleworth must be the man must -presse it against him, for blasphemy against the Church of -Salem: and to greate Iosua Temperwell hee goes with a - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Blasphemy -an example -for carnall -men.</i></span> - - -bitter accusation, to have Master Innocence made an example -for all carnall men to presume to speake the least word -that might tend to the dishonor of the Church of Salem; -yea, the mother Church of all that holy Land.</p> - -<p>And hee convented was before their Synagoge, where no -defence would serve his turne; yet was there none to be -seene to accuse him, save the Court alone.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_170">{170}</a></span> The time of his sicknes, nor the urgent cause, -were not allowed to be urg’d for him; but whatsoever -could be thought upon against him was urged, seeing hee -was a carnall man, of them that are without. So that it -seemes, by those proceedings there, the matter was adjudged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span> -before he came: Hee onely brought to heare his sentence -in publicke: which was, to have his tongue bored through; -his nose slit; his face branded; his eares cut; his body to -be whip’d in every severall plantation of their Iurisdiction; -and a fine of forty pounds impos’d, with perpetuall banishment: -and, (to execute this vengeance,) Shackles,<a name="FNanchor_534_534" id="FNanchor_534_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_534_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> (the Deacon -of Charles Towne,) was as ready as Mephostophiles, when -Doctor Faustus was bent upon mischeife.</p> - -<p>Hee is the purser generall of New Canaan, who, (with his -whipp, with knotts most terrible,) takes this man unto the -Counting howse: there capitulates with him why hee should -be so hasty for payment, when Gods deare children must pay -as they are able: and hee weepes, and sobbes, and his handkercher -walkes as a signe of his sorrow for Master Fairecloaths -sinne, that hee should beare no better affection to the -Church and the Saints of New Canaan: and strips Innocence -the while, and comforts him.</p> - -<p>Though hee be made to stay for payment, hee should not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> -thinke it longe; the payment would be sure when it did -come, and hee should have his due to a doite; hee should - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Notable Pay.</i></span> - -not wish for a token more; And then tould it him downe -in such manner that hee made Fairecloaths Innocent back -like the picture of Rawhead and blowdy bones, and -his shirte like a <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_171">{171}</a></span> pudding wifes aperon. In this -imployment Shackles takes a greate felicity, and glories -in the practise of it. This cruell sentence was stoped in -part by Sir Christopher Gardiner, (then present at the execution,) -by expostulating with Master Temperwell: who was -content, (with that whipping and the cutting of parte of his -eares,) to send Innocence going, with the losse of all his -goods, to pay the fine imposed, and perpetuall banishment -out of their Lands of New Canaan, in terrorem populi.</p> - -<p>Loe this is the payment you shall get, if you be one of -them they terme, without.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXVI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXVI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the Charity of the Seperatists.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>Charity is sayd to be the darling of Religion, and is -indeed the Marke of a good Christian: But where we -doe finde a Commission for ministring to the necessity of the -Saints, we doe not finde any prohibition against casting our -bread upon the waters, where the unsanctified, as well as the -sanctified, are in possibility to make use of it.</p> - -<p>I cannot perceave that the Seperatists doe allowe of helping -our poore, though they magnify their practise in contributing -to the nourishment of their Saints; For as much<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> -as some that are of the number of those whom they terme -without, (though it were in case of sicknesse,) upon -theire landing, when a little fresh <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_172">{172}</a></span> victuals would -have recovered their healths, yet could they not finde -any charitable assistance from them. Nay, mine Host of -Ma-re-Mount, (if hee might have had the use of his gunne, -powther and shott, and his dogg, which were denied,) hee -doubtles would have preserved such poore helples wretches -as were neglected by those that brought them over; which - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Lame charity.</i></span> - - -was so apparent, (as it seemed,) that one of their owne tribe -said, the death of them would be required at some bodies -hands one day, (meaning Master Temperwell.)</p> - -<p>But such good must not come from a carnall man: if it -come from a member, then it is a sanctified worke; if otherwise, -it is rejected as unsanctified.</p> - -<p>But when Shackles<a name="FNanchor_535_535" id="FNanchor_535_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_535_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> wife, and such as had husbands, -parents or freinds, happened to bee sick, mine Hosts helpe -was used, and instruments provided for him to kill fresh -vittell with, (wherein hee was industrious,) and the persons, -having fresh vittell, lived.</p> - -<p>So doubtles might many others have bin preserved, but -they were of the number left without; neither will those -precise people admit a carnall man into their howses, though -they have made use of his in the like case; they are such -antagonists to those that doe not comply with them, and -seeke to be admitted to be of their Church, that in scorne -they say, you may see what it is to be without.</p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXVII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXVII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of the practise of their Church.</i><a name="FNanchor_536_536" id="FNanchor_536_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_536_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a></p></div></div> - - -<p>The Church of the Seperatists is governed by Pastors, -Elders and Deacons, and there is not <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_173">{173}</a></span> any of these, -though hee be but a Cow keeper, but is allowed to exercise -his guifts in the publik assembly on the Lords day,<a name="FNanchor_537_537" id="FNanchor_537_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_537_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> -so as hee doe not make use of any notes for the helpe of -his memory:<a name="FNanchor_538_538" id="FNanchor_538_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_538_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> for such things, they say, smell of Lampe<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> -oyle, and there must be no such unsavery perfume admitted -to come into the congregation.</p> - -<p>These are all publike preachers. There is amongst these -people a Deakonesse, made of the sisters, that uses her guifts -at home in an assembly of her sexe, by way of repetition or -exhortation:<a name="FNanchor_539_539" id="FNanchor_539_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_539_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> such is their practise.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span></p> -<p>The Pastor, (before hee is allowed of,) must disclaime his -former calling to the Ministry, as hereticall; and take a new -calling after their fantasticall inventions: and then hee is -admitted to bee their Pastor.</p> - -<p>The manner of disclaimeing is, to renounce his calling -with bitter execrations, for the time that hee hath heretofore -lived in it: and after his new election, there is great joy conceaved -at his commission.<a name="FNanchor_540_540" id="FNanchor_540_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_540_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a></p> - -<p>And theire Pastors have this preheminence above the -Civile Magistrate: Hee must first consider of the complaint -made against a member: and if hee be disposed to -give the partie complained of an admonition, there is no -more to be said: if not; Hee delivers him over to the -Magistrate to deale with him in a course of Iustice, according -to theire practise in cases of that nature.<a name="FNanchor_541_541" id="FNanchor_541_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_541_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span></p> -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_174">{174}</a></span> Of these pastors I have not knowne many:<a name="FNanchor_542_542" id="FNanchor_542_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_542_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> some -I have observed together with theire carriage in New -Canaan, and can informe you what opinion hath bin conceaved -of theire conditions in the perticuler. There is one -who, (as they give it out there that thinke they speake it to -advaunce his worth,) has bin expected to exercise his gifts in -an assembly that stayed his comming, in the middest of his -Iorney falls into a fitt, (which they terme a zealous meditation,) -and was 4. miles past the place appointed before hee -came to himselfe, or did remember where abouts hee went. -And how much these things are different from the actions of -mazed men, I leave to any indifferent man to judge; and -if I should say they are all much alike, they that have seene -and heard what I have done, will not condemne mee altogether.</p> - -<p>Now, for as much as by the practise of theire Church every<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> -Elder or Deacon may preach, it is not amisse to discover their -practise in that perticuler, before I part with them.<a name="FNanchor_543_543" id="FNanchor_543_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_543_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a></p> - - -<p>It has bin an old saying, and a true, what is bred in the -bone will not out of the flesh, nor the stepping into the -pulpit that can make the person fitt for the imployment. -The unfitnes of the person undertaking to be the Messenger - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>Lewes the -II. sent a -Barber Embassador.</i></span> - -has brought a blemish upon the message, as in the time of -Lewes the Eleventh, King of France, who, (having advaunced -his Barber to place of Honor, and graced him with eminent -titles), made him so presumptuous to undertake an Embassage -to treat with forraine princes of Civile affaires.</p> - - -<p>But what was the issue? Hee behaved himselfe so -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_175">{175}</a></span> unworthily, (yet as well as his breeding would give - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>The Embassage -despised.</i></span> - -him leave,) that both the Messenger and the message -were despised; and had not hee, (being discovered,) conveyed -himselfe out of their territories, they had made him pay for -his barbarous presumption.<a name="FNanchor_544_544" id="FNanchor_544_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_544_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span></p> - -<p>Socrates sayes, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">loquere ut te videam</i>. If a man observe -these people in the exercise of their gifts, hee may thereby -discerne the tincture of their proper calling, the asses eares -will peepe through the lyons hide. I am sorry they cannot -discerne their owne infirmities. I will deale fairely with -them, for I will draw their pictures cap a pe, that you may -discerne them plainely from head to foote in their postures, -that so much bewitch, (as I may speake with modesty,) these -illiterate people to be so fantasticall, to take Ionas taske<a name="FNanchor_545_545" id="FNanchor_545_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_545_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> -upon them without sufficient warrant.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Grocer.</i></div> - -<p>One steps up like the Minister of Iustice with the ballance -onely, not the sword for feare of affrighting his auditory. -Hee poynts at a text, and handles it as evenly as hee can; -and teaches the auditory, that the thing hee has to deliver -must be well waied, for it is a very pretious thing, yes, much -more pretious then gold or pearle: and hee will teach them -the meanes how to way things of that excellent worth; that -a man would suppose hee and his auditory were to part -stakes by the scale; and the like distribution they have used -about a bag pudding.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Taylor.</i></div> - -<p>Another, (of a more cutting disposition,) steps in his steed; -and hee takes a text, which hee divides into many parts: (to -speake truly) as many as hee list. The fag end of it hee -pares away, as a superfluous remnant.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_176">{176}</a></span> Hee puts his auditory in comfort, that hee will -make a garment for them, and teach them how they -shall put it on; and incourages them to be in love with it, -for it is of such a fashion as doth best become a Christian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span> -man. Hee will assuer them that it shall be armor of proffe -against all assaults of Satan. This garment, (sayes hee,) is -not composed as the garments made by a carnall man, that -are sowed with a hot needle and a burning thread; but it is -a garment that shall out last all the garments: and, if they -will make use of it as hee shall direct them, they shall be -able, (like saint George,) to terrifie the greate Dragon, error; -and defend truth, which error with her wide chaps would -devoure: whose mouth shall be filled with the shredds and -parings, which hee continually gapes for under the cutting -bourd.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Tapster.</i></div> - -<p>A third, hee supplies the rome: and in the exercise of his -guifts begins with a text that is drawne out of a fountaine -that has in it no dreggs of popery. This shall proove unto -you, (says hee,) the Cup of repentance: it is not like unto -the Cup of the Whore of Babilon, who will make men drunk -with the dreggs thereof: It is filled up to the brim with -comfortable joyce, and will proove a comfortable cordiall to -a sick soule, sayes hee. And so hee handles the matter as -if hee dealt by the pinte and the quarte, with Nic and -Froth.<a name="FNanchor_546_546" id="FNanchor_546_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_546_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a></p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span></p> -<div class="sidenote"><i>A Cobler.</i></div> - -<p>An other, (a very learned man indeed,) goes another way -to worke with his auditory; and exhorts them to walke -upright, in the way of their calling, and not, (like -carnall men,) tread awry. And if they should <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_177">{177}</a></span> fayle -in the performance of that duety, yet they should -seeke for amendement whiles it was time; and tells them it -would bee to late to seek for help when the shop windowes -were shutt up: and pricks them forward with a freindly -admonition not to place theire delight in worldly pleasures, -which will not last, but in time will come to an end; but -so to handle the matter that they may be found to wax -better and better, and then they shall be doublely rewarded -for theire worke: and so closes up the matter in a comfortable -manner.</p> - -<p>But stay: Here is one stept up in haste, and, (being not -minded to hold his auditory in expectation of any long -discourse,) hee takes a text; and, (for brevities sake,) divides -it into one part: and then runnes so fast a fore with the -matter, that his auditory cannot follow him. Doubtles his -Father was some Irish footeman;<a name="FNanchor_547_547" id="FNanchor_547_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_547_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> by his speede it seemes - - - -<span class="sidenote"><i>A very patorick.</i></span> - -so. And it may be at the howre of death, the sonne, being -present, did participat of his Fathers nature, (according to -Pithagoras,)<a name="FNanchor_548_548" id="FNanchor_548_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_548_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> and so the vertue of his Fathers nimble feete<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span> -being infused into his braines, might make his tongue out-runne -his wit.</p> - -<p>Well, if you marke it, these are speciall gifts indeede: -which the vulgar people are so taken with, that there is no -perswading them that it is so ridiculous.</p> - -<p>This is the meanes, (O the meanes,) that they pursue: -This that comes without premeditation; This is the Suparlative: -and hee that does not approove of this, they say is a -very reprobate.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_178">{178}</a></span> Many vnwarrantable Tenents they have likewise: -some of which being come to my knowledge I wil -here set downe: one wherof, being in publicke practise -maintained, is more notorious then the rest. I will therefore -beginne with that, and convince them of manifest error by -the maintenance of it, which is this:</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><i>Tenent I.</i></div> - -<p>That it is the Magistrates office absolutely, (and not the -Minsters,) to joyne the people in lawfull matrimony.<a name="FNanchor_549_549" id="FNanchor_549_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_549_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> And<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span> -for this they vouch the History of Ruth, saying Boas was -married to Ruth in presence of the Elders of the people. -Herein they mistake the scope of the text.</p> - -<p>2. That it is a relique of popery to make use of a ring in -marriage: and that it is a diabolicall circle for the Divell to -daunce in.<a name="FNanchor_550_550" id="FNanchor_550_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_550_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a></p> - -<p>3. That the purification used for weomen after delivery -is not to be used.<a name="FNanchor_551_551" id="FNanchor_551_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_551_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a></p> - -<p>4. That no child shall be baptised whose parents are not -receaved into their Church first.<a name="FNanchor_552_552" id="FNanchor_552_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_552_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span></p> - -<p>5. That no person shall be admitted to the Sacrament of -the Lords supper that is without.<a name="FNanchor_553_553" id="FNanchor_553_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_553_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a></p> - -<p>6. That the booke of Common prayer is an idoll: and all -that use it, Idolaters.<a name="FNanchor_554_554" id="FNanchor_554_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_554_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a></p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span></p> - -<p>7. That every man is bound to beleeve a professor upon -his bare affirmation onely, before a Protestant upon oath.</p> - -<p>8. That no person hath any right to Gods creatures, but -Gods children onely, who are themselves: and that all -others are but usurpers of the Creatures.</p> - -<p>9. And that, for the generall good of their Church and -commonwealth, they are to neglect father, mother and all -freindship.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_179">{179}</a></span> 10. Much a doe they keepe about their Church -discipline, as if that were the most essentiall part of -their Religion. Tythes are banished from thence, all except -the tyth of Mint and Commin.<a name="FNanchor_555_555" id="FNanchor_555_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_555_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a></p> - -<p>11. They differ from us something in the creede too, for -if they get the goods of one, that is without, into their hands,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> -hee shall be kept without remedy for any satisfaction: and -they beleeve that this is not cosenage.<a name="FNanchor_556_556" id="FNanchor_556_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_556_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a></p> - -<p>12. And lastly they differ from us in the manner of -praying; for they winke<a name="FNanchor_557_557" id="FNanchor_557_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_557_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> when they pray, because they thinke -themselves so perfect in the highe way to heaven that they -can find it blindfould: so doe not I.<a name="FNanchor_558_558" id="FNanchor_558_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_558_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a></p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXVIII"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXVIII.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of their Policy in publik Iustice.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>Now that I have anottomized the two extreame parts of -this Politique Commonwealth, the head and the inferior -members, I will shew you the hart, and reade a short -lecture over that too; which is Iustice.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span></p> - -<p>I have a petition to exhibit to the highe and mighty M<sup>r</sup>. -Temperwell; and I have my choise whether I shall make -my plaint in a case of conscience, or bring it with in the -Compas of a point in law. And because I will goe the surest -way to worke, at first, I will see how others are answered in -the like kinde, whether it be with hab or nab, as the Iudge -did the Countryman.<a name="FNanchor_559_559" id="FNanchor_559_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_559_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a></p> - -<p>Here comes M<sup>r</sup>. Hopewell: his petition is in a case of -conscience, (as hee sayes.) But, see, great Iosua allowes -conscience to be of his side: yet cuts him off with -this answere; Law is flat against him. Well let <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_180">{180}</a></span> me -see another. I marry: Here comes one Master Doubt-not: -his matter depends, (I am sure,) upon a point in Law: -alas, what will it not doe, looke ye it is affirmed that Law is -on his side: but Conscience, like a blanket, over spreades it. -This passage is like to the Procustes of Roome, mee thinks; -and therefore I may very well say of them,</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">Even so, by racking out the joynts & chopping of the head,</div> - <div class="verse">Procustes fitted all his guests unto his Iron bedd.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>And, if these speede no better, with whome they are freinds, -that neither finde Law nor Conscience to helpe them, I doe -not wonder to see mine Host of Ma-re-Mount speede so ill, -that has bin proclaimed an enemy so many yeares in New -Canaan to their Church and State.</p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span></p> - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXIX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXIX.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>How mine Host was put into a whales belly.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>The Seperatists, (after they had burned Ma-re-Mount -they could not get any shipp to undertake the carriage -of mine Host from thence, either by faire meanes or fowle,) -they were inforced, (contrary to their expectation,) to be -troubled with his company:<a name="FNanchor_560_560" id="FNanchor_560_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_560_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a> and by that meanes had time -to consider more of the man, then they had done of the -matter: wherein at length it was discovered that they, (by -meanes of their credulity of the intelligence given them in -England of the matter, and the false Carecter of the man,) -had runne themselves headlonge into an error, and had done -that on a sodaine which they repented at leasure, but -could not tell which way to help it <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_181">{181}</a></span> as it stood now. -They could debate upon it and especially upon two -difficult points, whereof one must be concluded upon: If -they sent mine Host away by banishment, hee is in possibility -to survive, to their disgrace for the injury done: if they -suffer him to stay, and put him in <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">statu quo prius</i>, all the -vulgar people will conclude they have bin too rashe in -burning a howse that was usefull, and count them men -unadvised.</p> - -<p>So that it seemes, (by theire discourse about the matter,) -they stood betwixt Hawke and Bussard: and could not tell<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span> -which hand to incline unto. They had founded him secretly: -hee was content with it, goe which way it would. Nay -Shackles<a name="FNanchor_561_561" id="FNanchor_561_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_561_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a> himselfe, (who was imployed in the burning of the -howse, and therefore feared to be caught in England,) and -others were so forward in putting mine Host <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">in statu quo -prius</i>, after they had found their error, (which was so apparent -that Luceus eies would have served to have found it -out in lesse time,) that they would contribute 40. shillings a -peece towards it; and affirmed, that every man according to -his ability that had a hand in this black designe should be -taxed to a Contribution in like nature: it would be done -exactly.</p> - -<p>Now, (whiles this was in agitation, and was well urged by -some of those partys to have bin the upshot,) unexpected, -(in the depth of winter, when all shipps were gone out of -the land,) in comes M<sup>r</sup>. Wethercock, a proper Mariner; and, -they said, he could observe the winde: blow it high, blow it -low, hee was resolved to lye at Hull<a name="FNanchor_562_562" id="FNanchor_562_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_562_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> rather than incounter -such a storme as mine Host had met with: and this was a -man for their turne.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_182">{182}</a></span> Hee would doe any office for the brethren, if they -(who hee knew had a strong purse, and his conscience -waited on the strings of it, if all the zeale hee had) would -beare him out in it: which they professed they would. -Hee undertakes to ridd them of mine Host by one meanes<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> -or another. They gave him the best meanes they could, -according to the present condition of the worke, and letters -of credence to the favoures of that Sect in England; with -which, (his busines there being done, and his shipp cleared,) -hee hoyst the Sayles and put to Sea: since which time mine -Host has not troubled the brethren, but onely at the Counsell -table: where now Sub iudice lis est.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4><a id="Chap_3XXX"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXX.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of Sir Christopher Gardiner Knight, and how hee spedd -amongst the Seperatists.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>Sir Christopher Gardiner,<a name="FNanchor_563_563" id="FNanchor_563_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_563_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> (a Knight, that had bin a traveller -both by Sea and Land; a good judicious gentleman -in the Mathematticke and other Sciences usefull for -Plantations, Kimistry, &c. and also being a practicall Enginer,) -came into those parts, intending discovery.</p> - -<p>But the Seperatists love not those good parts, when they -proceede from a carnall man, (as they call every good Protestant); -in shorte time [they] had found the meanes to pick -a quarrell with him. The meanes is that they pursue to -obtaine what they aime at: the word is there, the meanes.</p> - -<p>So that, when they finde any man like to proove an<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span> -enemy to their Church and state, then straight <span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_183">{183}</a></span> the -meanes must be used for defence. The first precept -in their Politiques is to defame the man at whom they aime, -and then hee is a holy Israelite in their opinions who can -spread that same brodest, like butter upon a loafe: no matter -how thin, it will serve for a vaile: and then this man, -(who they have thus depraved,) is a spotted uncleane leaper: -hee must out, least hee pollute the Land, and them that are -cleane.</p> - -<p>If this be one of their guifts, then Machevill<a name="FNanchor_564_564" id="FNanchor_564_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_564_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> had as good -gifts as they. Let them raise a scandall on any, though -never so innocent, yet they know it is never wiped cleane -out: the staind marks remaines; which hath bin well -observed by one in these words of his,</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">Stick Candles gainst a Virgin walls white back;</div> - <div class="verse">If they’l not burne yet, at the least, they’l black.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>And thus they dealt with Sir Christopher: and plotted by -all the wayes and meanes they could, to overthrow his -undertakings in those parts.</p> - -<p>And therefore I cannot chuse but conclude that these -Seperatists have speciall gifts: for they are given to envy -and mallice extremely.</p> - -<p>The knowledge of their defamacion could not please the -gentleman well, when it came to his eare; which would -cause him to make some reply, as they supposed, to take<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> -exceptions at, as they did against Faire cloath:<a name="FNanchor_565_565" id="FNanchor_565_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_565_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> and this -would be a meanes, they thought, to blow the coale, and -so to kindle a brand that might fire him out of the Country -too, and send him after mine Host of Ma-re-Mount.</p> - -<p>They take occasion, (some of them,) to come to his -howse when hee was gone up into the Country, and -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_184">{184}</a></span> (finding hee was from home,) so went to worke that -they left him neither howse nor habitation nor servant, -nor any thing to help him, if hee should retorne: but -of that they had noe hope, (as they gave it out,) for hee was -gone, (as they affirmed,) to leade a Salvage life, and for that -cause tooke no company with him: and they having considered -of the matter, thought it not fit that any such man -should live in so remoate a place, within the Compas of their -patent. So they fired the place, and carried away the persons -and goods.</p> - -<p>Sir Christopher was gone with a guide, (a Salvage,) into -the inland parts for discovery: but, before hee was returned, -hee met with a Salvage that told the guide, Sir Christopher -would be killed: Master Temperwell, (who had now found -out matter against him,) would have him dead or alive. -This hee related; and would have the gentleman not to goe -to the place appointed, because of the danger that was -supposed.</p> - -<p>But Sir Christopher was nothing dismaid; hee would on, -whatsoever come of it; and so met with the Salvages: and -betweene them was a terrible skermish: But they had the -worst of it, and hee scaped well enough.</p> - -<p>The guide was glad of it, and learnd of his fellowes that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span> -they were promised a great reward for what they should doe -in this imployment.</p> - -<p>Which thing, (when Sir Christopher understood,) hee gave -thanks to God; and after, (upon this occasion to sollace -himselfe,) in his table booke hee composed this sonnet, which -I have here inserted for a memoriall.</p> - - -<h5><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_185">{185}</a></span> THE SONNET.</h5> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza italic"> - <div class="verse">Wolfes in Sheeps clothing, why will ye</div> - <div class="verse">Think to deceave God that doth see</div> - <div class="verse">Your simulated sanctity?</div> - <div class="verse">For my part, I doe wish you could</div> - <div class="verse">Your owne infirmities behold,</div> - <div class="verse">For then you would not be so bold.</div> - <div class="verse">Like Sophists, why will you dispute</div> - <div class="verse">With wisdome so? You doe confute</div> - <div class="verse">None but yourselves. For shame, be mute,</div> - <div class="verse indent2">Least great Jehovah, with his powre,</div> - <div class="verse">Do come upon you in a howre</div> - <div class="verse">When you least think, and you devoure.</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p>This Sonnet the Gentleman composed as a testimony of his -love towards them, that were so ill-affected towards him; -from whome they might have receaved much good, if they -had bin so wise to have imbraced him in a loving fashion.</p> - -<p>But they despise the helpe that shall come from a carnall -man, (as they termed him,) who, after his retorne from those -designes, finding how they had used him with such disrespect, -tooke shipping, and disposed of himselfe for England;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> -and discovered their practises in those parts towards his -Majesties true harted Subjects, which they made -wery of their aboade in those parts.</p> - - - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<h4 title="Chap. XXXI."><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_186">{186}</a></span> <a id="Chap_3XXXI"></a><span class="smcap">Chap. XXXI.</span></h4> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="summary"><i>Of mine Host of Ma-re-Mount how hee played Ionas after -hee had bin in the Whales belly for a time.</i></p></div></div> - - -<p>Mine Host of Ma-re-Mount, being put to Sea, had delivered -him, for his releefe by the way, (because the shipp -was unvitteled, and the Seamen put to straight allowance, -which could hold out but to the Canaries,) a part of his -owne provision, being two moneths proportion; in all but 3. -small peeces of porke, which made him expect to be famished -before the voyage should be ended, by all likelyhood. -Yet hee thought hee would make one good meale, before -hee died: like the Colony servant in Virginea, that, before -hee should goe to the gallowes, called to his wife to set on -the loblolly pot, and let him have one good meale before hee -went; who had committed a petty crime, that in those dayes -was made a cappitall offence.</p> - -<p>And now, mine Host being merrily disposed, on went the -peeces of porke, wherewith hee feasted his body, and cherished -the poore Sailers; and got out of them what M<sup>r</sup>. Wethercock, -their Master, purposed to doe with him that hee had -no more provision: and along they sailed from place to place, -from Iland to Iland, in a pittifull wether beaten ship, where -mine Host was in more dainger, (without all question,) then<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span> -Ionas, when hee was in the Whales belly; and it was the -great mercy of God that they had not all perished. Vittelled -they were but for a moneth, when they wayd Ancor and left -the first port.</p> - -<p><span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_187">{187}</a></span> They were a pray for the enemy for want of -powther, if they had met them: besides the vessell -was a very slugg, and so unserviceable that the Master called -a counsell of all the company in generall, to have theire -opinions which way to goe and how to beare the helme, who -all under their hand affirmed the shipp to be unserviceable: -so that, in fine, the Master and men and all were at their -wits end about it: yet they imployed the Carpenters to -search and caulke her sides, and doe theire best whiles they -were in her. Nine moneths they made a shifte to use her, -and shifted for supply of vittells at all the Islands they -touched at: though it were so poorely, that all those helpes, -and the short allowance of a bisket a day, and a few Lymons -taken in at the Canaries, served but to bring the vessell in -view of the lands end.</p> - -<p>They were in such a desperat case, that, (if God in his -greate mercy had not favoured them, and disposed the -windes faire untill the vessell was in Plimmouth roade,) they -had without question perished; for when they let drop an -Anchor, neere the Island of S. Michaels,<a name="FNanchor_566_566" id="FNanchor_566_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_566_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a> not one bit of -foode left, for all that starving allowance of this wretched -Wethercock, that, if hee would have lanched out his beaver,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> -might have bought more vittells in New England then he, -and the whole ship with the Cargazoun, was worth, (as the -passingers hee carried who vittelled themselves affirmed). -But hee played the miserable wretch, and had possessed his -men with the contrary; who repented them of waying -anchor before they knew so much.</p> - -<p>Mine Host of Ma-re-Mount, (after hee had bin in -<span class="originpage"><a id="OPage_188">{188}</a></span> the Whales belly,) was set a shore, to see if hee -would now play Ionas, so metamorphosed with a -longe voyage that hee looked like Lazarus in the painted -cloath.</p> - -<p>But mine Host, (after due consideration of the premisses,) -thought it fitter for him to play Ionas in this kinde, then -for the Seperatists to play Ionas in that kinde as they -doe. Hee therefore bid Wethercock tell the Seperatists, -that they would be made in due time to repent those -malitious practises, and so would hee too; for hee was -a Seperatist amongst the Seperatists, as farre as his wit -would give him leave; though when hee came in Company -of basket makers, hee would doe his indevoure to make -them pinne the basket, if hee could, as I have seene him. -And now mine Host, being merrily disposed, haveing past -many perillous adventures in that desperat Whales belly, -beganne in a posture like Ionas, and cryed, Repent you -cruell Seperatists, repent; there are as yet but 40. dayes, if -Iove vouchsafe to thunder, Charter and the Kingdome of the -Seperatists will fall asunder: Repent you cruell Schismaticks, -repent. And in that posture hee greeted them by -letters retorned into new Canaan; and ever, (as opportunity -was fitted for the purpose,) he was both heard and seene in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span> -posture of Ionas against them, crying, repent you cruel -Seperatists, repent; there are as yet but 40. dayes; if Iove -vouchsafe to thunder, the Charter and the Kingdome of the -Seperatists will fall a sunder: Repent, you cruell Schismaticks, -repent. If you will heare any more of this proclamation -meete him at the next markettowne, for -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cynthius aurem vellet</i>.<a name="FNanchor_567_567" id="FNanchor_567_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_567_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t345.jpg" width="200" height="136" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t347.jpg" width="500" height="81" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - -<h2 class="nobreak"><a id="A_TABLE_OF_THE_CONTENTS_OF_THE_THREE_BOOKES"></a>A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS<br /> - -OF THE THREE BOOKES:</h2> - -<h3>The Tenents of the first Booke.</h3> - -</div> - -<p> -Chapters.<br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1I">1</a>. <i>Prooving New England the principall part of all America, and -most commodious and fit for a habitation and generation.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1II">2</a>. <i>Of the originall of the Natives.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1III">3</a>. <i>Of a great mortallity happened amongst the Natives.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1IV">4</a>. <i>Of their howses and habitations.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1V">5</a>. <i>Of their Religion.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1VI">6</a>. <i>Of the Indians apparrell.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1VII">7</a>. <i>Of their Childbearing.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1VIII">8</a>. <i>Of their reverence and respect to age.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1IX">9</a>. <i>Of their Juggelling tricks.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1X">10</a>. <i>Of their Duelles.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XI">11</a>. <i>Of the maintenance of their reputation.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XII">12</a>. <i>Of their Traffick and trade one with another.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XIII">13</a>. <i>Of their Magazines and Storehowses.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XIV">14</a>. <i>Of theire Subtilety.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XV">15</a>. <i>Of their admirable perfection in the use of their sences.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XVI">16</a>. <i>Of their acknowledgement of the creation and immortality of the Soule.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XVII">17</a>. <i>Of their Annalls and Funeralls.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XVIII">18</a>. <i>Of their Custome in burning the Country.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XIX">19</a>. <i>Of their Inclination to drunckennes.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_1XX">20</a>. <i>Of their Philosophicall life.</i> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span></p> - - -<h3>The Tenents of the second Booke.</h3> - -<p> -Chap.<br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2I">1</a>. <i>The generall Survey of the Country.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2II">2</a>. <i>What trees are there and how commodious.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2III">3</a>. <i>What Potherbes are there and for Sallets.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2IV">4</a>. <i>Of the Birds of the aire and fethered Fowles.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2V">5</a>. <i>Of the Beasts of the Forrest.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2VI">6</a>. <i>Of Stones and Mineralls.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2VII">7</a>. <i>Of the Fishes and what commodity they proove.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2VIII">8</a>. <i>Of the goodnes of the Country and the Fountaines.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2IX">9</a>. <i>A Perspective to view the Country by.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_2X">10</a>. <i>Of the great Lake of Erocoise.</i> -</p> - - -<h3>The Tenents of the third Booke.</h3> - -<p> -Chap.<br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3I">1</a>. <i>Of a great legue made betweene the Salvages and English.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3II">2</a>. <i>Of the entertainment of Master Westons people.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3III">3</a>. <i>Of a great Battaile fought betweene the English and the Indians.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3IV">4</a>. <i>Of a Parliament held at Wessaguscus.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3V">5</a>. <i>Of a Massacre made upon the Salvages.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3VI">6</a>. <i>Of the Surprizing of a Marchants Shipp.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3VII">7</a>. <i>Of Thomas Mortons Entertainement and wrack.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3VIII">8</a>. <i>Of the banishment of Iohn Layford and Iohn Oldam.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3IX">9</a>. <i>Of a barren doe of Virginea growne Fruithfull.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3X">10</a>. <i>Of the Master of the Ceremonies.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XI">11</a>. <i>Of a Composition made for a Salvages theft.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XII">12</a>. <i>Of a voyage made by the Master of the Ceremonies for Beaver.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XIII">13</a>. <i>A lamentable fitt of mellancolly cured.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XIV">14</a>. <i>The Revells of New Canaan.</i><br /> -<br /> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span><a href="#Chap_3XV">15</a>. <i>Of a great Monster supposed to be at Ma-re-Mount.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XVI">16</a>. <i>How the nine Worthies of New Canaan put mine Host of Ma-re-Mount into an inchaunted Castle.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XVII">17</a>. <i>Of the baccanall Triumphe of New Canaan.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XVIII">18</a>. <i>Of a Doctor made at commencement.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XIX">19</a>. <i>Of the silencing of a Minister.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XX">20</a>. <i>Of a practise to get a snare to hamper mine host of Ma-re-Mount.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXI">21</a>. <i>Of Captaine Littleworths devise for the purchase of Beaver.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXII">22</a>. <i>Of a Sequestration in New Canaan.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXIII">23</a>. <i>Of a great bonfire made in New Canaan.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXIV">24</a>. <i>Of the digradinge and creatinge of Gentry.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXV">25</a>. <i>Of the manner how the Seperatists pay their debts.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXVI">26</a>. <i>Of the Charity of the Seperatists.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXVII">27</a>. <i>Of the practise of their Church.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXVIII">28</a>. <i>Of their Policy in publik Iustice.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXIX">29</a>. <i>How mine Host was put into a Whales belly.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXX">30</a>. <i>How Sir Christopher Gardiner, Knight, speed amongst the Seperatists.</i><br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Chap_3XXXI">31</a>. <i>How mine Host of Ma-re-Mount played Jonas after hee got out of the Whales belly.</i> -</p> - - -<p class="center large p2">FINIS.</p> - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t351a.jpg" width="200" height="70" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -<p class="center p4 x-large">THE PRINCE SOCIETY.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t351b.jpg" width="200" height="229" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span></p> - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t353.jpg" width="500" height="102" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - - -<h2 class="nobreak">OFFICERS<br /> - -<span class="small">OF</span><br /> - -<span class="large">THE PRINCE SOCIETY.</span><br /> - -1883.</h2> - -</div> - - -<div class="center"> -<table class="left" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="center"><i>President.</i></td></tr> -<tr><td>THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M.</td><td><span class="smcap">Boston, Mass.</span></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="center"><i>Vice-Presidents.</i></td></tr> -<tr><td>JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M.</td><td><span class="smcap">Boston, Mass.</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>WILLIAM B. TRASK, <span class="smcap">Esq.</span></td><td><span class="smcap">Boston, Mass.</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>THE HON. CHARLES H. BELL, LL.D.</td><td><span class="smcap">Exeter, N.H.</span></td></tr> -<tr><td>JOHN MARSHALL BROWN, A.M.</td><td><span class="smcap">Portland, Me.</span></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="center"><i>Corresponding Secretary.</i></td></tr> -<tr><td>THE REV. HENRY W. FOOTE, A.M.</td><td><span class="smcap">Boston, Mass.</span></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="center"><i>Recording Secretary.</i></td></tr> -<tr><td>DAVID GREENE HASKINS, <span class="smcap">Jr.</span>, A.M.</td><td><span class="smcap">Cambridge, Mass.</span></td></tr> -<tr><td colspan="2" class="center"><i>Treasurer.</i></td></tr> -<tr><td>ELBRIDGE H. GOSS, <span class="smcap">Esq.</span></td><td><span class="smcap">Boston, Mass.</span></td></tr> -</table></div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t354.jpg" width="500" height="127" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - - -<h2 class="nobreak">THE PRINCE SOCIETY.<br /> - -1883.</h2> - -</div> - - -<div class="center"> -<table class="left" border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr><td>The Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B.</td><td>Quincy, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Thomas Coffin Amory, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William Sumner Appleton, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Walter T. Avery, Esq.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Mr. Thomas Willing Balch</td><td>Philadelphia, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>George L. Balcom, Esq.</td><td>Claremont, N.H.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Charles Candee Baldwin, M.A.</td><td>Cleveland, Ohio.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Samuel L. M. Barlow, Esq.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>James Phinney Baxter, A.M.</td><td>Portland, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Charles H. Bell, LL.D.</td><td>Exeter, N.H.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John J. Bell, A.M.</td><td>Exeter, N.H.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Samuel Lane Boardman, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. James Ware Bradbury, LL.D.</td><td>Augusta, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>J. Carson Brevoort, LL.D.</td><td>Brooklyn, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rev. Phillips Brooks, D.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Sidney Brooks, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Horace Brown, A.B., LL.B.</td><td>Salem, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Mrs. John Carter Brown</td><td>Providence, R.I.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John Marshall Brown, A.M.</td><td>Portland, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Joseph O. Brown, Esq.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Philip Henry Brown, A.M.</td><td>Portland, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Thomas O. H. P. Burnham, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>George Bement Butler, Esq.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Mellen Chamberlain, A.M.</td><td>Chelsea, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. William Eaton Chandler, A.M.</td><td>Washington, D.C.</td></tr> -<tr><td>George Bigelow Chafe, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span>Clarence H. Clark, Esq.</td><td>Philadelphia, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Gen. John S. Clark</td><td>Auburn, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Samuel Crocker Cobb</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Ethan N. Coburn, Esq.</td><td>Charlestown, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Jeremiah Colburn, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Deloraine P. Corey, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Erastus Corning, Esq.</td><td>Albany, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Ellery Bicknell Crane, Esq.</td><td>Worcester, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Abram E. Cutter, Esq.</td><td>Charlestown, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William M. Darlington, Esq.</td><td>Pittsburg, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John Ward Dean, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Charles Deane, LL.D.</td><td>Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Edward Denham, Esq.</td><td>New Bedford, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John Charles Dent, Esq.</td><td>Toronto, Canada.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Prof. Franklin B. Dexter, A.M.</td><td>New Haven, Ct.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rev. Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Samuel Adams Drake, Esq.</td><td>Melrose, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Henry Thayer Drowne, Esq.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Henry H. Edes, Esq.</td><td>Charlestown, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Jonathan Edwards, A.B., M.D.</td><td>New Haven, Ct.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William Henry Egle, A.M, M.D.</td><td>Harrisburgh, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Janus G. Elder, Esq.</td><td>Lewiston, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Samuel Eliot, LL.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Alfred Langdon Elwyn, M.D.</td><td>Philadelphia, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>James Emott, Esq.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. William M. Evarts, LL. D.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Joseph Story Fay, Esq.</td><td>Woods Holl, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John S. H. Fogg, M.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rev. Henry W. Foote, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Samuel P. Fowler, Esq.</td><td>Danvers, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>James E. Gale, Esq.</td><td>Haverhill, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Isaac D. Garfield, Esq.</td><td>Syracuse, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Marcus D. Gilman, Esq.</td><td>Montpelier, Vt.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. John E. Godfrey</td><td>Bangor, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Abner C. Goodell, Jr., A.M.</td><td>Salem, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Elbridge H. Goss, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Justice Horace Gray, LL.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span>William W. Greenough, A.B.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Isaac J. Greenwood, A.M.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Charles H. Guild, Esq.</td><td>Somerville, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>David Greene Haskins, Jr., A.M.</td><td>Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Francis B. Hayes, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Rutherford B. Hayes, LL.D.</td><td>Fremont, Ohio.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Thomas Wentworth Higginson, A.M.</td><td>Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>W. Scott Hill, M.D.</td><td>Augusta, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>James F. Hunnewell, Esq.</td><td>Charlestown, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Theodore Irwin, Esq.</td><td>Oswego, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rev. Henry Fitch Jenks, A.M.</td><td>Lawrence, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Clark Jillson</td><td>Worcester, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Mr. Sawyer Junior</td><td>Nashua, N.H.</td></tr> -<tr><td>George Lamb, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Edward F. De Lancey, Esq.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William B. Lapham, M.D.</td><td>Augusta, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Henry Lee, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John A. Lewis, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Henry Cabot Lodge, Ph.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Orsamus H. Marshall, Esq.</td><td>Buffalo, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William T. R. Marvin, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William F. Matchett, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Frederic W. G. May, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John Norris McClintock, A.M.</td><td>Concord, N.H.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rev. James H. Means, D.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>George H. Moore, LL.D.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rev. James De Normandie, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Prof. Charles E. Norton, A.M.</td><td>Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John H. Osborne, Esq.</td><td>Auburn, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>George T. Paine, Esq.</td><td>Providence, R.I.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Nathaniel Paine, Esq.</td><td>Worcester, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John Carver Palfrey, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Daniel Parish, Jr., Esq.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Francis Parkman, LL.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Augustus T. Perkins, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rt. Rev. William Stevens Perry, D.D., LL.D.</td><td>Davenport, Iowa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William Frederic Poole, LL.D.</td><td>Chicago, Ill.</td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span>Rear Admiral George Henry Preble, U. S. N.</td><td>Brookline, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Samuel S. Purple, M.D.</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Edward Ashton Rollins, A.M.</td><td>Philadelphia, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Nathaniel Foster Safford, A.M.</td><td>Milton, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Joshua Montgomery Sears, A.B.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John Gilmary Shea, LL.D.</td><td>Elizabeth, N.J.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Mark Skinner</td><td>Chicago, Ill.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rev. Carlos Slafter, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Charles C. Smith, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Oliver Bliss Stebbins, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>George Stevens, Esq.</td><td>Lowell, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>George Stewart, Jr., Esq.</td><td>Quebec, Canada.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Russell Sturgis, A.M.</td><td>London, Eng.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William B. Trask, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Joseph B. Walker, A.M.</td><td>Concord, N.H.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William Henry Wardwell, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Miss Rachel Wetherill</td><td>Philadelphia, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Henry Wheatland, A.M., M.D.</td><td>Salem, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>John Gardner White, A.M.</td><td>Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William Adee Whitehead, A.M.</td><td>Newark, N.J.</td></tr> -<tr><td>William H. Whitmore, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Henry Austin Whitney, A.M.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Marshall P. Wilder, Ph.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Henry Winsor, Esq.</td><td>Philadelphia, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Charles Levi Woodbury, Esq.</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Ashbel Woodward, M.D.</td><td>Franklin, Ct.</td></tr> -<tr><td>J. Otis Woodward, Esq.</td><td>Albany, N.Y.</td></tr> - - -<tr><td colspan="2" class="center pad2">LIBRARIES.</td></tr> -<tr><td>American Antiquarian Society</td><td>Worcester, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Amherst College Library</td><td>Amherst, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Astor Library</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Bibliothèque Nationale</td><td>Paris, France</td></tr> -<tr><td>Bodleian Library</td><td>Oxford, Eng.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Boston Athenæum</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span>Boston Library Society</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>British Museum</td><td>London, Eng.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Concord Public Library</td><td>Concord, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Eben Dale Sutton Reference Library</td><td>Peabody, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Free Public Library</td><td>Worcester, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Free Public Library of Toronto</td><td>Toronto, Canada.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Gloucester Public Library</td><td>Gloucester, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Grosvenor Library</td><td>Buffalo, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Harvard College Library</td><td>Cambridge, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Historical Society of Pennsylvania</td><td>Philadelphia, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Library Company of Philadelphia</td><td>Philadelphia, Pa.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Library of Parliament</td><td>Ottawa, Canada.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Library of the State Department</td><td>Washington, D.C.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Literary and Historical Society of Quebec</td><td>Quebec, Canada.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Long Island Historical Society</td><td>Brooklyn, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Maine Historical Society</td><td>Portland, Me.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Maryland Historical Society</td><td>Baltimore, Md.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Massachusetts Historical Society</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Mercantile Library</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Minnesota Historical Society</td><td>St. Paul, Minn.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Newburyport Public Library, Peabody Fund</td><td>Newburyport, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>New England Historic Genealogical Society</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Newton Free Library</td><td>Newton, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>New York Society Library</td><td>New York, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Peabody Institute of the City of Baltimore</td><td>Baltimore, Md.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Plymouth Public Library</td><td>Plymouth, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Portsmouth Athenæum</td><td>Portsmouth, N.H.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Public Library of Cincinnati</td><td>Cincinnati, Ohio.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Public Library of the City of Boston</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Redwood Library</td><td>Newport, R.I.</td></tr> -<tr><td>State Historical Society of Wisconsin</td><td>Madison, Wis.</td></tr> -<tr><td>State Library of Massachusetts</td><td>Boston, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>State Library of New York</td><td>Albany, N.Y.</td></tr> -<tr><td>State Library of Rhode Island</td><td>Providence, R.I.</td></tr> -<tr><td>State Library of Vermont</td><td>Montpelier, Vt.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Williams College Library</td><td>Williamstown, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Woburn Public Library</td><td>Woburn, Mass.</td></tr> -<tr><td>Yale College Library</td><td>New Haven, Ct.</td></tr> -</table></div> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t359.jpg" width="500" height="129" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - - - -<h2 class="nobreak">PUBLICATIONS OF THE SOCIETY.</h2> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">New England’s Prospect.</span></p> - -<p>A true, lively and experimentall description of that part of <i>America</i>, commonly called -Nevv England: discovering the State of that Countrie, both as it stands to our new-come -<i>English</i> Planters; and to the old Natiue Inhabitants. By <span class="smcap">William Wood</span>. London, -1634. Preface by Charles Deane, LL.D.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The Hutchinson Papers.</span></p> - -<p>A Collection of Original Papers relative to the History of the Colony of Massachusetts-Bay. -Reprinted from the edition of 1769. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M., and -William S. Appleton, A.M. 2 vols.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">John Dunton’s Letters from New England.</span></p> - -<p>Letters written from New England A.D. 1686. By John Dunton in which are -described his voyages by Sea, his travels on land, and the characters of his friends -and acquaintances. Now first published from the Original Manuscript in the Bodleian -Library, Oxford. Edited by William H. Whitmore, A.M.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The Andros Tracts.</span></p> - -<p>Being a Collection of Pamphlets and Official Papers issued during the period between -the overthrow of the Andros Government and the establishment of the second Charter of -Massachusetts. Reprinted from the original editions and manuscripts. With a Memoir -of Sir Edmund Andros, by the editor, William H. Whitmore, A.M. 3 vols.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Sir William Alexander and American Colonization.</span></p> - -<p>Including three Royal Charters, issued in 1621, 1625, 1628; a Tract entitled an -Encouragement to Colonies, by Sir William Alexander, 1624; a Patent, from the Great -Council for New England, of Long Island, and a part of the present State of Maine; a -Roll of the Knights Baronets of New Scotland; with a Memoir of Sir William Alexander, -by the editor, the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">John Wheelwright.</span></p> - -<p>Including his Fast-day Sermon, 1637; his Mercurius Americanus, 1645, and other -writings; with a paper on the genuineness of the Indian deed of 1629, and a Memoir by -the editor, Charles H. Bell, A.M.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span></p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Voyages of the Northmen to America.</span></p> - -<p>Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to Western voyages by Northmen in -the tenth and eleventh centuries, in an English translation by North Ludlow Beamish; -with a Synopsis of the historical evidence and the opinion of Professor Rafn as to the -places visited by the Scandinavians on the coast of America. Edited, with an Introduction, -by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">The Voyages of Samuel de Champlain.</span></p> - -<p>Including the Voyage of 1603, and all contained in the edition of 1613, and in that of -1619; translated from the French by Charles P. Otis, Ph.D. Edited, with a Memoir and -historical illustrations, by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M. 3 vols.</p> - - -<p><span class="smcap">New English Canaan, or New Canaan.</span></p> - -<p>Containing an abstract of New England, composed in three books. I. The first setting -forth the Originall of the Natives, their Manners and Customes, together with their tractable -Nature and Love towards the English. II. The Natural Indowments of the Countrie, -and what Staple Commodities it yieldeth. III. What People are planted there, their -Prosperity, what remarkable Accidents have happened since the first planting of it, together -with their Tenents and practice of their Church. Written by Thomas Morton of Cliffords -Inne, Gent, upon ten Years Knowledge and Experiment of the Country, 1632. Edited, -with an Introduction and historical illustrations, by Charles Francis Adams, Jr., A.B.</p> - - -<h3><a id="VOLUMES_IN_PREPARATION"></a>VOLUMES IN PREPARATION.</h3> - -<p>1. <span class="smcap">Captain John Mason</span>, the founder of New Hampshire, including his Tract on Newfoundland, -1620, the several American Charters in which he was a Grantee, and other -papers; and a Memoir by the late Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with historical illustrations, -by John Ward Dean, A.M.</p> - -<p>2. <span class="smcap">Sir Ferdinando Gorges</span>, including his Tract entitled A Brief Narration, 1658, -American Charters granted to him, and other papers; with historical Illustrations and -a Memoir by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M.</p> - -<p>3. <span class="smcap">Sir Humphrey Gilbert</span>, including his Discourse to prove a Passage by the North-West -to Cathaia and the East Indies; his Letters Patent to discover and possess lands in -North America, granted by Queen Elizabeth, June 11, 1578. With historical Illustrations -and a Memoir.</p> - -<p>4. <span class="smcap">Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony in America.</span> Containing the Royal -Charter of Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Ralegh for discovering and planting of new -lands and countries, March 25, 1584, with letters, discourses, and narratives of the -Voyages made to Virginia at his charges, with original descriptions of the country, commodities, -and inhabitants. Edited, with a Memoir and historical illustrations, by the -Rev. Increase N. Tarbox, D.D.</p> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 200px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t361a.jpg" width="200" height="70" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -<h2 class="nobreak">INDEX.</h2> - -<div class="figcenterb" style="width: 50px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t361ab.jpg" width="50" height="47" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - -</div> - - -<div class="chapter"> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span></p> - - - - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<img src="images/zill_t363.jpg" width="500" height="127" alt="decoration" /> -</div> - - -<div class="index"> - -<p class="large center p4">INDEX.</p> - -</div> - -<ul class="index"><li class="ifrst">A.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aberdecest, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Acomenticus"></a>Acomenticus:</li> -<li class="isub1">charter granted to, by Gorges, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton dies at, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Adams, John:</li> -<li class="isub1">on name of Merry-Mount, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on fate of Wollaston, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on Thomas Morton, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">injuries to library of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Adams, John Q., <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Adders, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ælianus, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Air of New England, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alcides, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alecto, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alexander, Sir William, quoted, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alder, the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Allen, J. A., notes on wild animals of New England by, <a href="#Page_199">199-215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Allerton, Isaac:</li> -<li class="isub1">his course toward Morton in England, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his mission to England in 1629, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">carries Morton back to Plymouth, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tries to obtain charter for Plymouth, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">brings over goods, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Allize, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alsatian Squire, the, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Amphitrite, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Animals, wild of New England, chapter on, <a href="#Page_199">199-215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Antinomian controversy, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Antonomasia, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Anúnime</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Arbor-vitæ, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Archimedes, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Argus eyes, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aristotle, cited, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Armoniack, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arms. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Fire-arms">Fire-arms</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Arthur’s Table, King, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arundel, Earl of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Ascowke</i>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ash, the, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aspinwall, William, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Audubon, John James, quoted, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Auk, the great, formerly found in Boston Bay, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst">B.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bacchanal Triumph, poem, <a href="#Page_290">290-4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bagnall, Walter, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Baptism, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">“Barren doe, the,” <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264-6</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span>Barrowe, Henry, on Common Prayer, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Bass, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Beach, the, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Bears"></a>Bears: used by Indians, <a href="#Page_142">142-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">value of skins of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">description of, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Indian methods of hunting, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">flesh of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Beaver"></a>Beaver: value of skins of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">gain in, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">regulation of trade in, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">virtues of tails of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">description of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">muskrats passed for, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Dutch trade in, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a theft compounded in, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plenty of, at Nipnet, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">compared to Jason’s Fleece, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bible, the, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bibliography of <i>New Canaan</i>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Billington, John, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Birch, the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Birds, chapter on, <a href="#Page_189">189-99</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Black-lead, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blackstone, William: moves from Wessagusset to Boston, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">contributes to Morton’s arrest, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">an Episcopalian, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bluefish, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bole Armoniack, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Book of Common Prayer, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">an idol, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton persecuted for using, <a href="#Page_92">92-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Book of Sports</i>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Boston Bay: savages about in 1625, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlers about in 1628, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">description of in 1630, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">great auks seen in, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">French vessel wrecked in, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Bradford, John, on Common Prayer, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Bradford, Governor William: cited, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letters of, on arrest of Morton, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">generally correct, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">literary skill of, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">absence of humor in, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">referred to as Rhadamant, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Brant, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Breames, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brereton, Sir William, grant to, from John Gorges, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brewster, William, notes on birds by, <a href="#Page_189">189-99</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Briareus, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bridges, Robert, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bright, Rev. Francis, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Brimstone, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bristol, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brown, Peter, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Browne, Robert, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Brutus, supposed descent of Indians from, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bubble, <a href="#Page_266">266-8</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270-3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Buckingham, Duke of, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Burdet, Rev. George, corresponds with Laud, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burglary, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Burning"></a>Burning undergrowth: Indian custom of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">protection against, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bursley, John, at Wessagusset, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Buzzard’s Bay, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Butler, Samuel, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst">C.</li> - -<li class="indx">Caen, William and Emery de, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Caiaphas, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cain, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span>Campbell, Lord: on royal proclamations, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Canada: derivation of name, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">first conquest of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Canary Islands: as a market, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton at, <a href="#Page_342">342-3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cane, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Caunoŭnicus, funeral rites of his son, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cape Ann: Lyford moves to, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton at, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cape Cod, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">French vessel wrecked on, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cape Verde Islands, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Carheil, Father, cited, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Caribdis, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Cattup Keen</i>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Carlisle, Earl of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Casco Bay, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">royalists about, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Cau-ompsk</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cecrops, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cedars: at Mount Wollaston, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">where to be found large, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">abundance and size of, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">white, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cerberus, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chalk-stones, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Champlain"></a>Champlain, lake: protection for discovery of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton on, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Josselyn’s expedition to discover, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">when named, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <i>n.</i> (<i>See</i> <a href="#Erocoise">Erocoise</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Champlain: his <i>Voyages</i> quoted, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his map, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Charity of the Separatists, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Charity</i>, the, comes to New England in June, 1622, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Chauquaqock</i>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Charles I.: corruption of court of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">character and government of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">financial straits of, in 1635, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">turning point in fortunes of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charlestown: settlement of, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deacons of church of, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charon, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charter party, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Cradock_Governor_Matthew">Cradock, Matthew</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Chastity, absence of, among Indians, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Chelsea, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Cheshetue</i>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chestnut, the, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chickatawbut, dwelling-place of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cunning of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his mother’s grave despoiled, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">speech of, <a href="#Page_247">247-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Weston’s men living with, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chingachgook, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Christmas, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“brave gambols,” <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Church practices in New England, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322-34</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Church of England: Winthrop’s detestation of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Morton, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Lyford, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dignity of, advanced in New England by Morton, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Ratcliff a member of, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Churching of women, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cicero, quoted, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cithyrea, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clams, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clarendon, Lord, cited, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clayton’s <i>Virginia</i>, cited, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cleaves, George: Morton in employ of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in employ of Rigby, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“a fire-brand of dissension,” <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clerk, Roger, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cockles, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coddington, Governor William, writes to Winthrop about Morton, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span>Cod-fish, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">markets for, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">superiority of New England, <i>ib.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Cod-liver oil, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coins, old, found at Richmond Island, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Coke, Sir Edward, on proclamations, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colchos, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Commissions, system of, in favor at court of Charles I., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conies, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Common Prayer: Book of, treatment of in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trouble occasioned by in Scotland, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton’s use of, cause of his persecution, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reference to in <i>New Canaan</i>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">an idol, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Connecticut, Blue Laws of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Copper, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cormorants, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Cos"></a><i>Cos</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cottington, Lord, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cotton, John, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Council_for_New_England"></a>Council for New England: efforts of to settle the Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">grant to Robert Gorges, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">secures proclamation about sale of fire-arms to Indians, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">gives patent to Company of Massachusetts Bay, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quarrel of with Massachusetts Company, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">unequal to the emergency in 1634, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plan for dividing territory of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">divides New England, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">surrender of patent by, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">records of quoted, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">issues patent to Walter Bagnall, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Court: held at Salem, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Boston, to try Morton, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Cradock_Governor_Matthew"></a>Cradock, Governor Matthew, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">before Privy Council, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“an imposterous knave,” <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">default of in <i>quo warranto</i> proceedings, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on Morton, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Master Charterparty <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cranes, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cromwell, Oliver, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crows, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crow-blackbirds, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cupid, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cypress-trees, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cynthius, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">D.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dagon, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Davis, Captain John, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Deaconess"></a>Deaconess, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Deacons, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Deane, Charles: cited, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accuracy of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Decameron</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">De Costa, B. F.: quoted, <a href="#Page_92">92-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">referred to, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Deer"></a>Deer: skins of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142-3</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">killed by Indians, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">followed by scent, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">kinds of, <a href="#Page_200">200-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preyed on by wolves, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and luzerans, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Deer-traps, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Deer Island, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Delilah, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Demas, part of, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Demophoön, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dermer, Captain Thomas: redeems captives, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quoted concerning pestilence of 1616, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Devil, the: estimation of among Indians, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rules the Powows, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dexter, Rev. H. M., <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Diogenes, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tub of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dodge, General, cited, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">“Doe, the barren,” <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264-6</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span>Dog-fish, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Don Quixote</i>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dorchester, Lord, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dorset, Earl of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dover, N. H., Hiltons at, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Downing, Emanuel: before Privy Council, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">account of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">instructed to find evidence against Morton, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on humming-bird, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Drails, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Drunkenness, Indian tendency to, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ducks: kinds of, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preyed on by luzeran, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Dudley, Governor Thomas, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Duxbury, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">E.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eacus, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eager, Pastor Master. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Skelton_Rev_Samuel">Skelton</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">East Indies, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Edmunds, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eels, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Egypt, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Elder-tree, the, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Elders of church, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Elephants, their supposed religion, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Elias house, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eliot, Dr. John, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Eliot, John, quoted, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Elk, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Ellis, Rev. Dr. G. E., quoted, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Elm, the, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>En animia</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Endicott"></a>Endicott, John: arrival of, at Salem, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">visits Mt. Wollaston, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">occupies the Gorges grant, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his instructions, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">meets “old planters,” <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">attempts to reärrest Morton, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">derided by Morton, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">mutilates royal standard, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">issues warrant to arrest Morton, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">governor, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">libelled in <i>New Canaan</i>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">called Littleworth, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298-9</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton’s animosity to, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cured of a wife, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sends settlers to Charlestown, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Salem, <a href="#Page_303">303-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and the charter case, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fraud imputed to, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">punishes Ratcliff, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">second marriage of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Epictetus, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Episcopalians: take up Morton’s cause, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in early Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Erocoise"></a>Erocoise, lake of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234-7</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Champlain">Champlain</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Esculapius, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Executions. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Hanging">Hanging</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Exercising in church, by lay members, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_322">322-30</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">F.</li> - -<li class="indx">Faircloath, Innocence (<i>See</i> <a href="#Ratcliff_Philip">Ratcliff</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Fairfax, Lord, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Falcons and falconry, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Falkland, Lord, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Falstaff, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Faustus, Dr., <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Fire-arms"></a>Fire-arms: supplied to Indians, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trade in forbidden, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in hands of Indians in 1628, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Firing the country. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Burning">Burning</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Fish, poisonous in the tropics, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">kinds of in New England, <a href="#Page_221">221-8</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span>Fisheries, vessels engaged in, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fitcher: a partner of Wollaston, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">left in charge at Mt. Wollaston and expelled by Morton, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Finch, Sir John, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Flora, patroness of May-day, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Flounders, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Flowers in New England, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Footmen, running, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Force’s <i>Tracts</i>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Foxes, <a href="#Page_206">206-8</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fox-skins, value of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Franchise, the, in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Freeles, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">French authority, on Indians’ senses, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Frenchmen, captured, among Indians, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">“Froth, Nick and,” <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Fuller, Dr. Samuel: dies of pestilence, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">supposed to be alluded to as Eacus, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">note on, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Salem, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Furmety, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <i>n.</i>; <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Furs: profit of trade in, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">regulation of trade in, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Indian use of, <a href="#Page_141">141-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">prices of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Beaver">Beaver</a>, <a href="#Deer">Deer</a>, <a href="#Bears">Bear</a>.)</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">G.</li> - -<li class="indx">Galena, found in Woburn, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Ganymede, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gardiner, Sir Christopher: before Privy Council, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his prefatory verses to <i>New English Canaan</i>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on descent of Indians, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">intercedes for Ratcliff, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">note on, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">adventures of, <a href="#Page_338">338-42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sonnet by, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Geese: descriptions of, <a href="#Page_189">189-90</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preyed on by luzeran, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Gellius, Aulus, quoted, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Gentry, created and degraded by Winthrop, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gerard’s <i>Herbal</i>, referred to, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ghent, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gibbons, Major Edward, <a href="#Page_90">90-1</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Gifte</i>, the, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gloucester, Morton at, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Golgotha, a new-found, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Goodman, John: adventure of, with a wolf, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">hears lions roar, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Gookin, Daniel, quoted, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">procures issues of proclamation on fire-arms, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his curiosity as to New England, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton ingratiates himself with, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in correspondence with Morton, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">intrigues against Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">failure in, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">works through Court influences, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">renews complaints against Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">shapes Laud’s policy to New England, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his plan, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to be governor-general, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his influence with Lords Commissioners, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">represents “thorough” in New England, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">thought to be on the New England coast in 1635, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his plans in 1635, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">circumvents Winslow, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">grantee of Maine from Council for New England, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appointed by King, governor-general, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">failure of, caused by want of money, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">age of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death of Mason fatal to plans of, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">publication of <i>New Canaan</i> not agreeable<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span> to, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pretends to be friendly to Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“casheers” Morton, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">grants charter to Acomenticus, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">career of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">eulogized, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Sir C. Gardiner, an agent of, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Gorges, John: succeeds to R. Gorges’s grant, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deeds land to Brereton and Oldham, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gorges, Lord, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gorges, Captain Robert, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrives in Boston Bay, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">extent of his grant, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">returns to England, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">validity of grant to, denied, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrests Weston, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Goshawks, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gover, Anna, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grant, John, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grapes in New England, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gray, Professor Asa, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greek, supposed resemblance of Indian words to, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greene, Charles, <a href="#Page_99">99-101</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greene, Richard, in charge of Wessagusset settlement, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greenland, excessive cold of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grouse in New England, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst">H.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Habbe or nabbe,” <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hacche, Roger atte, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hake, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hale, Robert, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Halibut, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Hame</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hamilton, Marquis of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hampden, John, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Handmaid</i>, the, Morton’s voyage in, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Hanging"></a>Hanging: the Weymouth, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249-52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">early in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Virginia, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hannibal, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hares, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Harris, Rev. Thaddeus Mason, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Harvard University: Library bulletin referred to, <a href="#Page_99">99-100</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">students at, whipped, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hawks and falcons in New England, <a href="#Page_195">195-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Hawk and buzzard,” <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hawthorn-trees, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Heath-hen, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hebrew tribes, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">origin of Indians traced to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hedgehogs, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hemlock-trees, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hemp in New England, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Herbs of New England, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Herons, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Herring, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hickory, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Higginson, Rev. F., quoted, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Higginson, T. W., quoted, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hiltons, the: at Piscataqua, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">contribute to Morton’s arrest, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Hippeus pine-tree horse,” <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Holbein, Hans, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Holland, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hollis, Sir William, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Horace, quoted, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Horeb, the calf of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Horse-mackerel, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Howes, Edward, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Howes, Edward, Jr., <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Hudibras</i>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hudson, Hendrick, voyages and fate of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span>Hudson, the, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hull, so called in 1628, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hume, David, on royal proclamations, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Humfrey, John: before Privy Council, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“an imposterous knave,” <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">goes to New England, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Gorges refers to patience of, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Humming-bird, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hunt, Captain Thomas, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hutchinson, Mrs. Ann, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hyde, Sir Nicholas, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hydra, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">I.</li> - -<li class="indx">Indians: Morton’s popularity with, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">number in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">modesty of women, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">desire for guns and spirits, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fire-arms among, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pestilence of 1616 among, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">origin of, <a href="#Page_123">123-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">language of, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">descendants of Hebrew tribes, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Frenchmen captives among, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their wigwams, <a href="#Page_134">134-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their eating, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their hospitality, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their games and removals, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their religion, <a href="#Page_139">139-41</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their dress, <a href="#Page_141">141-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their trade, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their modesty, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their children born white, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their bodies well shaped, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">color of their eyes, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their respect to age, <a href="#Page_148">148-50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their conjuring tricks, <a href="#Page_150">150-3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their duels, <a href="#Page_153">153-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their money, <a href="#Page_157">157-9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their manufactures, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their storehouses, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their baskets, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">did not use salt, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their cunning, <a href="#Page_161">161-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">acuteness of their senses, <a href="#Page_165">165-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">distinguish French from Spanish by smell, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">crimes among, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their funerals, <a href="#Page_169">169-71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">thievery among, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their custom of firing the country, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">distant commerce of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">contented life of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">superiority to English beggars, <a href="#Page_175">175-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">utensils and method of drinking, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deer-traps of, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">method of hunting bears, <a href="#Page_209">209-10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">lobster-feasts of, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">belied by Plymouth people, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">compound theft at Wessagusset, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">accompany Bubble to Nipnet, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">return his property, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">witness Morton’s punishment, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reprove punishment of Morton, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Massachusetts">Massachusetts</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Indian women: absence of chastity among, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton’s relations with, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their dress, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their modesty, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their child-bearing, <a href="#Page_145">145-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">their care of their infants, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ireland, no venomous beasts in, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Irocoise, the great lake. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Champlain">Champlain</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Iron-stones, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Iroquois, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Isles of Shoals, Morton at, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Israelites, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">origin of Indians traced to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst">J.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jackals, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">James I., <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sends snake-stones to Virginia, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span>Jason, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Golden Fleece of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jeffreys, William: at Wessagusset, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">corresponds with Gorges, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letters of Morton to, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">carries letters to Winthrop, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letters from quoted, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jews, origin of Indians traced to, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Job, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Edward, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jonah, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jonson, Ben, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">may have met Morton, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">note on “poem,” <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quoted, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Jordan, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Josselyn, Captain John, quoted, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Josselyn, Henry, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">date of expedition of, to New Hampshire, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Jove, let, vouchsafe to thunder,” <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jupiter, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">K.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Kantántowwit</i>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Kennebec: Morton follows Plymouth people to the, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Plymouth grant on the, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kennet, White, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kytan, an Indian god, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Killock, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">King’s Bench, warrant did not run in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kirk, David, Louis and Thomas, conquest of Canada by, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Kodtup Kēn</i>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Koüs</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst">L.</li> - -<li class="indx">Laconia, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Lannerets, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Larks, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Latin, supposed similarity with Indian tongue, <a href="#Page_123">123-6</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Laud, Archbishop William: becomes Primate, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">influence of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">head of Lords Commissioners, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">played upon by Gorges, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Morton, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322-34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">New England not to be suffered to languish, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">supreme in England in 1635, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his fortunes turn, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">corresponds with Burdet, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">orders Common Prayer to be used, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Lazarus, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lead ore, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Leadstones, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Learning, vilified in New England, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Leather, made by Indians, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lechford’s <i>Plaine Dealing</i> quoted, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322-34</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lenox, Duke of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lerna, lake, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lewis, Alonzo, quoted, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Libertines, New England will not brook, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lime, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Limestone in Weymouth, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Lions in New England, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Littleworth. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Endicott">Endicott</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Lobsters, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Lords_Commissioners"></a>Lords Commissioners of Plantations: appointment of board of, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span>who composed, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">powers of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">news of appointment of, in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">last meeting of, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton’s dependence on, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dedication of <i>New Canaan</i> to, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Louis XI., <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lowndes’s <i>Manual</i>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lucan, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Luscus, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Luzerans: description of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">value of furs of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Lyford, Rev. John:</li> -<li class="isub1">at Hull, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">moves to Cape Ann, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Plymouth, <a href="#Page_262">262-4</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Lyman, Theodore, notes on fish, <a href="#Page_221">221-8</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">M.</li> - -<li class="indx">Machiavelli, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Macháug</i>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Mackerel, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mackerel-shark, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Maine: trading-stations in, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">royalists in, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maja, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Manchester, Earl of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Manittóoes</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Maple, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marble in New England, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marblehead, quality of stone at, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Ma-re-Mount, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Merry-Mount">Merry Mount</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Marlins, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marriage in Massachusetts, a civil contract, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mars, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Martens: value of furs of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">described, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Mary & John</i>, arrival of at Hull, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Maske</i>, the North Star, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mason, Captain John: hostile to Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">grantee of New Hampshire from Council of New England, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">builds ships to take governor-general to New England, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">financial needs of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death of, and note on, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Massachusetts"></a>Massachusetts: latent spirit of rebellion in, in 1632, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">emigration to, in 1634, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">panic in, in 1635, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">preparations against, in 1635, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">church practices in, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322-34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">complaints against, in 1638, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">appeals to king a misdemeanor in, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">location and advantages of, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">elk seen in, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">population of, in 1632-7, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">baptism limited to franchise in, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">description of community in, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">justice in, <a href="#Page_334">334-6</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Massachusetts Charter: attack on in Privy Council, in 1632, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">obtained by influence, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sent for by Privy Council, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">second attack on, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not returned to England, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plan for vacating, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>quo warranto</i> proceedings to set aside, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">demand for return of, in 1638, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Massachusetts Company: grant to, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">difficulty of, with Council of New England, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">procures charter, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“old planters,” jealousy of, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">instructions of, to Endicott, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">policy of, to, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">regulates trade in furs, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">complaints against, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">treasurer of, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">patent-case of, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Massachusetts Indians: number of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Weston’s men killed by, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">humanity of, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span>Massasoit: a night in his lodge, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">detains Samoset, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Mather, Cotton, quoted, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Matta</i>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Mattapan</i>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maverick, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Maverick, Samuel: says that Morton had a patent, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">moves from Wessagusset to Noddle’s Island, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in connection with Morton’s arrest, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his assessment for charge of Morton’s arrest, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cited, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">refers to Morton’s arraignment at Boston, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">an Episcopalian, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">May, Thomas, quoted, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Mayberry, S. P., on Walter Bagnall, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">May-day festivities: immorality of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Mount Wollaston, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276-82</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">May-pole, the: of Merry-Mount, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">custom of erecting, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cut down by Endicott, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Medusa, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Meechin</i>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Melpomene, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Menhaden, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Mephistopheles, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mermaid, the, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Merriam, Mr., identifies simpes as woodcock, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Merry-Mount"></a>Merry-Mount: fountain at, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mayday at, <a href="#Page_276">276-84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to be made a woeful mount, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">monster at, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Mount_Wollaston">Mt. Wollaston</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Metawna</i>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Mice, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Milo, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Milton, John, quoted, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Minerals of New England, <a href="#Page_215">215-21</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Ministers"></a>Ministers: ordination of, at Plymouth, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Salem, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">use of notes by, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ordination of, in New England, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">superior to magistrates in New England, <i>ib.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">first in New England, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">absent-mindedness of a, <i>ib.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">did not marry in New England, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ministers’ sons, whipped, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Minos, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mint and Cummin, tithes of, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Mittànnug</i>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Mona</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Monatoquit, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">limestone near to, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Money, Indian. (<i>See</i> Wampum.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Monsall, Ralph, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Monthly Anthology</i>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Moose, description and uses of, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morell, Rev. William, quoted, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Morton, Nathaniel, cited, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morton, Thomas: comes to Massachusetts with Wollaston, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">suspected of murder, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his previous life, <a href="#Page_4">4-5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his acquaintance with classics, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his first coming to New England, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his silence about Wollaston, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">inaccuracy of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his fondness for field sports, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his treatment of Indians, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">relations of, with Indian women, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his verses, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">supplies Indians with guns, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">silence of, on subject, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trades in Maine, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">visits Wessagusset, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">number of his neighbors, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">remonstrated with for sale of fire-arms, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span>on proclamations, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrest of, by Standish, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">escape of, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">taken to Plymouth, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sent to England, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cost of arrest of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reaches England, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not proceeded against, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">could have been proceeded against in Star Chamber, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ingratiates himself with Gorges, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Allerton, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">good results of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">returns to Plymouth, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to Mount Wollaston, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">refuses to sign agreement, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">disregards trade regulations, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">an agent of Gorges, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">profits of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">attempt to re-arrest, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">re-arrest of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trial and sentence of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sent back to England, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">charges against him, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">punishment of, <a href="#Page_46">46-8</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a warrant for his arrest from King’s Bench, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a “libertine,” <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">driven away from Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in Exeter jail, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">allies himself to enemies of Massachusetts Charter, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">makes complaint before Privy Council, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">gives reason of failure of complaint, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">forwards more complaints, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">elation of, in 1634, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his letters to William Jeffreys, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">crying as Jonas, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plays on Laud’s foibles, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322-34</a>, <i>n.</i>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">has Winslow put in Fleet prison, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Solicitor of Council for New England, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">promptness of, in legal proceedings, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on Captain John Mason, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Cradock on, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in pay of Cleaves, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in disgrace with Gorges, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">witnesses Acomenticus charter, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">starved out of England, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Plymouth in 1643, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pretends to be a Commonwealth’s man, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">goes to Maine, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to Rhode Island, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to Boston, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arraigned, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">extraordinary proceedings against, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">petition of, <a href="#Page_88">88-90</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">imprisonment, release and death of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a man out of place, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Episcopalian defenders of, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“his faults,” <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">oppressively dealt with in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">small literary merit of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">may have met Butler and Jonson, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sense of humor of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">style of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Richmond Island, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">uses Common Prayer, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Cape Ann, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Nut Island, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">date of arrest, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">references of, to Winthrop, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">gets game for settlers, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Salem, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Canary Islands, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his voyage to England, <a href="#Page_342">342-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mount Dagon, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Mount_Wollaston"></a>Mount Wollaston: why so called, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">character and number of settlers at, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">description and sketch of, <a href="#Page_9">9-10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">view from, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">location of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">morals at, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">May-day festivities at, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a refuge of runaways, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">within grant to Massachusetts Company, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">destruction of house at, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Common Prayer at, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fountain at, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">monster at, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Muskrats, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">value of skins of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">description of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Muscles, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Munnoh</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span>N.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Nan weeteo</i>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Nantasket, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Nanepashemet, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Naumkeag, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nebuchadnezzar, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Necut</i>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Neent</i>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Neptune, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Netherlands, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="New_Canaan"></a><i>New Canaan</i>: political significance of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">as a political pamphlet, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reference to Lake Irocoise in, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">where written, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">referred to by Bradford, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">latest revision of, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">no copies of, get to New England, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">publication of, not agreeable to Gorges, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">referred to by Winthrop, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">references to Book of Common Prayer in, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ribaldry of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">criticism of, <a href="#Page_95">95-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">referred to in <i>Hudibras</i>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">humor in, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a connecting link, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">bibliography of, <a href="#Page_99">99-101</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">titlepages of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">printing of, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cause of errors in, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rules for present edition of, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">New England: emigration to, in 1634, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">royal policy towards, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">church practices in, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">division of, in 1635, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">commission for governing, in 1637, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">location and temperature of, <a href="#Page_120">120-1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">winds not violent in, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plenty of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">air of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">beauty of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">motives of settlers in, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">no boggy ground in, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">perfumed air of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231-2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">superiority of, to Virginia, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">natural waters of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">population of, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fertility of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">people of, never have colds, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rainfall of, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">coast and harbors of, <i>ib.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fecundity of women in, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">universities vilified in, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Council_for_New_England">Council for New England</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>New English Canaan.</i> (<i>See</i> <a href="#New_Canaan"><i>New Canaan</i></a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">New Hampshire, population of, in 1634, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Newburyport: galena found in, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">silver ore, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Newcomein, John, <a href="#Page_216">216-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Niagara Falls, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Nick and Froth,” <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Nilus, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Niobe, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nipnets, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Nneesnneánna</i>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Noddy, Doctor, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Nokehick</i>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">North Star, the Indian name of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Northwest passage, interest in the, in 1632, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Noses out of joint,” <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Notes used in preaching, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nourse, H. S., on Elk in South Lancaster, Mass., <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Nowell, Increase, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Nut Island, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nuttall’s <i>Ornithology</i>, cited, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst">O.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oaks in New England, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oates, Jack, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Œdipus, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oil, cod-liver, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Old Planters,” jealousy of Massachusetts Company, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span>Oldham, John, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Hull, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">takes Morton to England, <a href="#Page_29">29-32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his promises of gain in New England, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his scheme for trading, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">does not press matters against Morton, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">receives grant from John Gorges, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tries to organize expedition, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“a jack in his mood,” <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his treatment at Plymouth, <a href="#Page_262">262-4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oliver le Daim, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Om</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Ordination. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Ministers">Ministers</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Otters, value of furs of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ounce, the, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Ovid, quoted, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Owls, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oysters, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">P.</li> - -<li class="indx">Palfrey, J. G., quoted, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">“Pan the Shepherds’ God,” <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Papasiquineo. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Pasconaway">Pasconaway</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Parkman, Francis, quoted, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Partridges, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Pasconaway"></a>Pasconaway, the sachem, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his tricks and incantations, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his daughter’s marriage, <a href="#Page_154">154-5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Pascopan</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Paskanontam</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Passonagessit: description of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">signification of name, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">grave at, desecrated, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Master Bubble at, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">revels at, <a href="#Page_276">276-82</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">mine host, sachem of, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Mount_Wollaston">Mt. Wollaston</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Pastors. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Ministers">Ministers</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Patent of Massachusetts: granted, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">brought over by Endicott, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">its case, <i>ib.</i>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Paul’s Walk, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Pawtucket, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peabody, W. B. O., referred to, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peddock, Leonard, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Peddock’s Island, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Pemaquid, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Penelope, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Pennacook, the Bridal of</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Pestilence"></a>Pestilence among Indians in 1616-7, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">nature of, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Squanto’s fraud about, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phaethon, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phaos box, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">explained, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Pharsalia</i>, May’s continuation of, quoted, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Pheasants, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phillips, Rev. George, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phillips Creek, Weymouth, site of Wessagusset settlement, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phlegethon, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phœbus, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phyllis <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pike, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pilchers, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pillory and whetstone, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Pine-trees, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pipe-staves as merchandise, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Piscataqua, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Hiltons and Thomson at, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Plague. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Pestilence">Pestilence</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Plaice, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Plantations, Foreign, board of Lords Commissioners of. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Lords_Commissioners">Lords Commissioners</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Plato, Indians practise Commonwealth of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Plough patent” in Maine, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Plymouth, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlers at, in 1628, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton carried to, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Indians about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span> destroyed by pestilence, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Billington hanged at, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">population of, in 1634, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Samoset’s appearance at, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">treatment of Weston at, <a href="#Page_245">245-6</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">people of, at Passonagessit <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton visits, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">cattle at, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Lyford and Oldham at, <a href="#Page_262">262-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reordination of ministers at, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">no vessel arrives at, in June 1628, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Christmas at, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton arrives again at, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ministers at, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Book of Common Prayer at, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Pocahontas, “a well-featured but wanton young girl,” <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Porcupines, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Portland, Earl of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Portland Harbor, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Potomac, the, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Powahs, Indian, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Pratt, Phineas, cited, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Praying, manner of, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Priapus, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Privy Council: petition to, against Massachusetts Company, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">order of, stopping emigration to New England, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Proclamations, royal: about fire-arms, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">not law, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">violation of, punishable in Star Chamber, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Procrustes, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Proteus, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Purchase, Mr., cures himself of sciatica, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Purification of women, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Putnam, F. W., <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Pygmalion, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pythagoras, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Q.</li> - -<li class="indx">Quacksalver, punishment of, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Quail, in New England, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Quebec, capture of, by Kirk, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Quincy: seal of town of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">slate in, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Quo warranto</i> proceedings to set aside Massachusetts Charter, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">R.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rabbits, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rabelais, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Raccoon, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rasdall: a partner of Wollaston, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">follows him to Virginia, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">disappears, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Ratcliff_Philip"></a>Ratcliff, Philip: before Privy Council, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">thought a lunatic, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">promised cropping of Winthrop’s ears, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">called Faircloath, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">punishment of, <a href="#Page_316">316-8</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rattlesnakes, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">antidotes to poison of, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Rats, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Razor-shell, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Readings, conjectural, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Red-lead, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Reordination. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Ministers">Ministers</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Reproductions, slavishness of, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Reynolds, Dr. John, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Rhadamanthus, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rhode Island, Morton in, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Richmond Island: Walter Bagnall at, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">coins found on, <i>ib.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">whetstones at, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">vessels at, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rigby, Alexander, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ring, use of, in marriage, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rogers, Mr., preacher at Plymouth, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span>Running footmen, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Rupert, Prince, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">S.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sables, value of, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Sal, Isle of, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Salem: suffering at, in 1629-30, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a doctor made at, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Dr. Fuller at, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Endicott holds a court at, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">ordination of ministers at, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton at, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">church of, abused by Ratcliff, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">church of, vilified, <a href="#Page_317">317-8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">use of Common Prayer at, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Salmon, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Salt: abundance of, in tropics, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">use of, unknown among Indians, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">given to them by Morton, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Saltonstall, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">before Privy Council, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Samoset, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Samson, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sanaconquam, an Indian god, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sanderling, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sandpiper, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sargent, Professor C. S., <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Savage, James, cited, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Scallops, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scent, acuteness of Indian, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sciatica, cured by raccoon grease, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scogan, John, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">choice of, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scotland: policy of Charles I. breaks down in, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">troubles of 1638 in, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scylla, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sea-sickness, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sequestration, in <i>New Canaan</i>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Serat, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Sesick</i>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shackles: possibly Aspinwall, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">whips Faircloath, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fed by Morton, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">burns Morton’s house, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shad, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shakespeare, William, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shawmut, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shaler, Professor N. S., notes by, <a href="#Page_215">215-20</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shell-heaps: at Cotuit, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">origin of, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Ships, number of engaged in fisheries, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shoals, Isles of, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shrimpe, Captaine. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Standish">Standish</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Silver in New England, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Simpes, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Skelton_Rev_Samuel"></a>Skelton, Rev. Samuel, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">called Eager, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Slafter, Rev. E. F., quoted, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Slate: in Quincy and Weymouth, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Richmond Island, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Smart, Captain, brings over falcons to the king, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Smelts, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, John, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quoted, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, Ralfe, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Snakes, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Snipes, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Socrates, quoted, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Solomon: sayings of, quoted, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">referred to, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sommers, Will, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">South Lancaster, Mass., elks in, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">South Sea, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Sparke,” <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sparrow-hawks, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Spruce-trees, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Squanto, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">made use of by Chickatawbut, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">kidnapped, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span>Squanto’s Chappel: chalkstones at, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fountain at, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Squantum, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">slate at, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Squidraket, Sagamore, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Squirrels, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">St. Michaels, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">St. Paul’s Church, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stam, Jacob Frederick, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Standish"></a>Standish, Miles: kills Indians at Wessagusset, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sent to arrest Morton, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">threatens to shoot him, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">takes offence at Morton, in 1643, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Wessagusset, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Captain Shrimpe, <a href="#Page_285">285-7</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">a quondam drummer, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">called Minos, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Star Chamber, court of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stenography, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sterling, Earl of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stones, chapter on, <a href="#Page_215">215-20</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Strachey, Edward, quoted, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Strafford, Earl of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stubbs, his <i>Anatomy of Abuses</i> cited, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Students of Harvard College, whipped, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Sturgeon, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Styx, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Swan</i>, the, Weston’s vessel, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Swans, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Swift, Lindsay, quoted, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst">T.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tantoquineo, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tartars, supposed descent of Indians from, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tassell gentles, <a href="#Page_196">196-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Teal, kinds of, in New England, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Temperwell, Joshua. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Winthrop_Governor_John">Winthrop, John</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Thomson, David: at Piscataqua, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">moves to Boston Bay, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on origin of Indians, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">authorities concerning, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Thorough,” Gorges policy, the New England branch of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tin, in New England, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Titta</i>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tithes, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tornadoes, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trade with Indians, liquor the life of, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Fire-arms">Fire-arms</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Trade: profits of in New England, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">regulations of Massachusetts Company, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">disregarded by Morton, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trade-winds, effect of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Traps, to take deer, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trees: effect of burning underbrush on, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">where to look for large, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">of New England, <a href="#Page_182">182-7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Triton, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trojans, supposed descent of Indians from the, <a href="#Page_126">126-7</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trout, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trumbull, J. Hammond: on name of Passonagessit, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">notes by, on Indian words, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his notes to <i>Plaine Dealing</i> referred to, <a href="#Page_322">322-34</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Turbot, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Turkeys: garments made of feathers of, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">hunted by Indians, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wild, in New England, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Turtledoves, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tuttle, C. W., <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - - -<li class="ifrst"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span>U.</li> - -<li class="indx">Universities, vilified in New England, <a href="#Page_281">281-2</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Uttaquatock, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">V.</li> - -<li class="indx">Venice, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Venus, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vermilion, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Virgil, quoted, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Virginia: prices of furs in, in 1650, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wolves in, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">corn not planted in, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">inferiority of, to New England, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the “barren doe” of, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">population of, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">execution in, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">W.</li> - -<li class="indx">Walnut, the, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Wampum"></a>Wampum, <a href="#Page_157">157-9</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wampumpeack. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Wampum">Wampum</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Warham, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Warwick, Earl of, had no influence at Court, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Washburne, John, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Walford, Thomas: moves from Wessagusset to Mishawum, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">an Episcopalian, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Wessagusset"></a>Wessagusset: plantations at, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Robert Gorges at, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dispersion of his settlement, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Indians killed at, by Standish, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">locality of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">separation of settlers at, in 1628, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton arrested at, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Episcopalians, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">those dwelling at, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">muscle-bank at, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">skirmish at, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the hanging at, <a href="#Page_249">249-51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlers killed at, <a href="#Page_253">253-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Lyford at, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton at, in winter, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Indians compound theft at, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">bring Bubble’s things to, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Weymouth">Weymouth</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Weston, Andrew: comes to New England in <i>Charity</i>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">takes an Indian boy back to England, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">date of his voyage, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Weston, Thomas: establishes a plantation at Wessagusset, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">account of, <a href="#Page_245">245-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his men killed by Indians, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">comes to New England, <a href="#Page_255">255-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">treatment of, <a href="#Page_257">257-9</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wethercock, Mr., <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342-3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Weymouth"></a>Weymouth, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">slate and limestone in, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <i>n.</i> (<i>See</i> <a href="#Wessagusset">Wessagusset</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Whetstones, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Richmond Island, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">punishment of pillory and, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <i>n.</i> (<i>See</i> <a href="#Cos"><i>Cos</i></a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Whipping-post, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">White, William and Susannah, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Whitney, Professor J. D., on Isle of Sal and poisonous fish, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Whitney, George, quoted, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Whittier, J. G., <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Widgeon, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Widow, the, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Deaconess">Deaconess</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Wiggin, Thomas: cited in regard to Morton, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">before Privy Council, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quoted, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Wigwams, described, <a href="#Page_134">134-8</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wildrake, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Williams, Edward, quoted, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Williams, Roger, quoted, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Willis, William, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Wilson, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span>Winnisimmet, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">origin of name of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fountain at, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Winnepurkitt, the marriage of, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Winslow, Governor Edward, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quoted, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sent to England in 1634, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sails, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reaches London, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">petitions Lords Commissioners, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">put in Fleet prison, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">describes Morton at Plymouth in 1648, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">goes on mission to Massasoit, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marriage of, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Winsor, Justin, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Winthrop_Governor_John"></a>Winthrop, Governor John, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">arrival of, in New England, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">imposes sentence on Morton, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">has warrant for Morton’s arrest, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">criticism of, on complaint to Privy Council, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rejoices over failure of complaint, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">“King Winthrop,” <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">receives letter of Morton to Jeffreys, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Gorges refers to patience of, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">excuses not sending out charter in 1638, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on arrest of Morton in 1644, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quoted, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">absence of humor in, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">course towards Bagnall, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">called Joshua, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">referred to as Temperwell, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">degrades gentry, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">has Ratcliff whipped, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">responsible for wants of settlement, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">upon civil marriages, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">on Book of Common Prayer, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">methods of, as judge, <a href="#Page_334">334-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">course towards Sir C. Gardiner, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Without, them that are,” <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Woburn: galena found in, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">silver ore, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Wollaston, facts concerning name of, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <i>n.</i> (<i>See</i> <a href="#Mount_Wollaston">Mount Wollaston</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Wollaston, Captain: settles at Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">composition of his company, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">leaves Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sells his servants in Virginia, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tradition as to death of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wolves: deer persecuted by, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">black, value of furs of, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">description of, <a href="#Page_208">208-9</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Wonder-Working Providence</i>, quoted, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Wood, William, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Woodcock, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Woodman, “Auld,” <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wood’s <i>Prospect</i>: quoted, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">referred to, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <i>n.</i>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">when written, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Worcester: black-lead found in, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <i>n.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">country of Nipnets, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Wotawquenauge</i>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wrentham, black-lead found in, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <i>n.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Wrington, Samuel Fuller born in, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><i>Wunanumau</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Y.</li> - -<li class="indx">York, Archbishop of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">York, Maine. (<i>See</i> <a href="#Acomenticus">Acomenticus</a>.)</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Z.</li> - -<li class="indx">Zones, the: New England, how placed in, <a href="#Page_115">115-22</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Aristotle’s theory of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li></ul> - - -</div> - - -<div class="chapter"> - -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span> - - - -<h2 class="nobreak"> -<span class="blackletter">Council of the Prince Society.</span><br /> -1883.</h2> - - -<ul> -<li>EDMUND F. SLAFTER.</li> -<li>JOHN WARD DEAN.</li> -<li>WILLIAM B. TRASK.</li> -<li>CHARLES H. BELL.</li> -<li>JOHN MARSHALL BROWN.</li> -<li>HENRY W. FOOTE.</li> -<li>DAVID GREENE HASKINS, <span class="smcap">Jr.</span></li> -<li>ELBRIDGE H. GOSS. -</li> -</ul> - -</div> - - -<hr class="tb" /> - - -<div class="chapter footnotes"><h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Bradford, pp. 235-6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> A Captain Wolliston is mentioned -by Smith (<i>Description of New England</i>, -<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vi. p. 136) as -the lieutenant of “one Captain Barra, -an English pirate, in a small ship, with -some twelve pieces of ordnance, about -thirty men and near all starved,” whom -Smith encountered in 1615, while a captive -in the hands of the French freebooters. -Though it has found a place -in biographical dictionaries on account -of two eminent men of one family from -Staffordshire who bore it, the name of -Wollaston is rarely met with. It is not -found, for instance, in the present directories -of either Boston or New York, -and but twice in that of Philadelphia. -It has been given to islands in both the -Arctic and the Antarctic oceans, but -the family to which it belonged seems -to have originated in an inland English -county. (Lower’s <i>Patronymica Britannica</i>). -The Captain, or Lieutenant, -Wolliston, therefore, whom Smith fell -in with in 1615 may have been, and -probably was, the same who ten years -later gave his name to the hill on -Quincy Bay. It is not likely that two -Captain Wollastons were sea-adventurers -at the same time. That it actually -was the same man is, however, matter -of pure surmise.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Bradford, p. 154.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_44">*44</a>, <a href="#OPage_124">*124-127</a>, <a href="#OPage_138">*138</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 321.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>N. E. Memorial</i>, p. 160.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. viii. p. 323.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_13">*13</a>, <a href="#OPage_71">*71</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401, n.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Bradford, p. 236.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_17">*17</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <i>note</i> 2, <a href="#OPage_59">*59</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Bradford, p. 118.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Bradford, p. 120.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Pl.</i>, p. 299.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_60">*60</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_113">*113-118</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. i. p 397.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Lowell Inst. Lectures</i> of Mass. Hist. -Soc. 1869, p. 147. Samuel Maverick, -however, writing to Lord Clarendon in -the year 1661, asserts that Morton had -a patent. <i>Coll. N. Y. Hist. Soc.</i> 1869, -p. 40.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Palfrey (vol. i. p. 222) speaks of it as -“a bluff.” This is an error. The slope -from where Morton’s house stood to the -water is very gradual.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 395.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_51">*51</a>, <a href="#OPage_106">106</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 305.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> This View of Mount Wollaston is -taken from Rev. Dr. William P. Lunt’s -<i>Two Discourses on Occasion of the Two -Hundredth Anniversary of the Gathering -of the First Congregational Church, -Quincy</i>, (p. 37). It represents the place -very accurately as it appeared in 1840, -and as it is supposed to have appeared -from the time of the first settlement until -recently. The single tree was a lofty red-cedar, -which must have been there when -Wollaston landed, as it was a large tree -of a long-lived species, and died from age -about 1850. The trunk is still (1882) -standing; and, though all the bark has -dropped off, it measures some 66 inches -in circumference. The central part of -the above cut, including the tree, has -been adopted as a seal for the town of -Quincy, with the motto “<span class="smcap">Manet</span>.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_115">*115-18</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_59">*59</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_114">*114</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Bradford, pp. 236-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_103">*103</a>, <a href="#OPage_117">*117</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_141">*141-9</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Morton uniformly speaks of the place -as Ma-re-Mount, and John Adams on -this point commented in his notes as -follows:—“The Fathers of Plymouth, -Dorchester, Charlestown, &c., I suppose -would not allow the name to be Ma-re-Mount, -but insisted upon calling it Merry-Mount, -for the same reason that the -common people in England will not call -gentlemen’s ornamental grounds gardens, -but insist upon calling them pleasure-grounds, -<i>i. e.</i>, to excite envy and -make them unpopular.” -</p> -<p> -Ma-re-Mount, however, was a characteristic -bit of Latin punning on Morton’s -part, designed to tease his more austere -neighbors. He himself says (<i>Infra</i>, -<a href="#OPage_132">*132</a>): “The inhabitants of Passonagessit, -having translated the name of their habitation -from that ancient salvage name -to Ma-re-Mount ... the precise seperatists -that lived at New Plimmouth -stood at defiance with the place threatening -to make it a woefull mount and -not a merry mount.” (<i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_134">*134</a>.) In -view of the situation of the place, Ma-re-Mount -was a very appropriate name, but -it may well be questioned whether it -was ever so called by any human being -besides Morton, or by him except in -print. Bradford calls it Merie-mounte. -(p. 237.) The expression used by Morton, -that they “translated the name” -from Passonagessit to Ma-re-Mount, -would naturally suggest that the Indian -name might find its equivalent in the -Latin one, and mean simply “a hill by -the sea.” On this point, however, J. -Hammond Trumbull writes: “Morton’s -‘Passonagessit’ has been a puzzle to me -every time it has caught my eye since -I first marked it twenty years ago or -more with double (??). Morton, as he -shows in chap. ii. of book <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span>, could not -write the most simple Indian word without -a blunder. What <i>may</i> have been -the name he makes ‘Passonagessit’ we -cannot guess, unless it survives in -some early record. There is no trace of -‘sea,’ or ‘water,’ or ‘mount’ in it. If -it stands for <i>Pasco-naig-és-it</i>, it means -‘at [a place] near the little point,’ but -I know so little of the local topography -that I hesitate to suggest this interpretation.” -The rendering here suggested by -Dr. Trumbull does apply sufficiently -well to the locality. Mount Wollaston -is a part of the neck which connects -the peninsulas locally known in Quincy -as Germantown and Hough’s Neck with -the mainland.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Bradford, p. 253.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Whitney’s <i>Hist. of Quincy</i>, p. 18.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_55">*55</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Josselyn says of the “Indesses,” as -he calls them, “All of them are of a -modest demeanor, considering their savage -breeding; and indeed do shame our -<i>English</i> rusticks whose rudeness in many -things exceedeth theirs.” (<i>Two Voyages</i>, -pp. 12, 45.) When the Massachusets -Indian women, in September, 1621, -sold the furs from their backs to the first -party of explorers from Plymouth, Winslow, -who wrote the account of that expedition, -says that they “tied boughs -about them, but with great shamefacedness, -for indeed they are more modest -than some of our English women are.” -(<i>Mourt</i>, p. 59.) See also, to the same -effect, Wood’s <i>Prospect</i>, (p. 82.) It suggests, -indeed, a curious inquiry as to -what were the customs among the ruder -classes of the British females during the -Elizabethan period, when all the writers -agree in speaking of the Indian women -in this way. Roger Williams, for instance, -referring to their clothing, says: -“Both men and women within doores, -leave off their beasts skin, or English -cloth, and so (excepting their little apron) -are wholly naked; yet but few of the -women but will keepe their skin or cloth -(though loose) neare to them, ready to -gather it up about them. Custome hath -used their minds and bodies to it, and in -such a freedom from any wantonnesse -that I have never seen that wantonnesse -amongst them as, (with griefe) I have -heard of in Europe.” (<i>Key</i>, pp. 110-11.) -And he adds, “More particular: -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“Many thousand proper Men and Women,</div> - <div class="verse indent2">I have seen met in one place:</div> - <div class="verse">Almost all naked, yet not one</div> - <div class="verse indent2">Thought want of clothes disgrace.”</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -In Parkman’s <i>Jesuits in North America</i> -(ch. iv.) there is a very graphic account -of the missionary Le Jeune’s experience -among the Algonquins, in which -he describes the interior of the wigwam -on a winter’s evening. “Heated to suffocation, -the sorcerer, in the closest possible -approach to nudity, lay on his back, -with his right knee planted upright and -his left leg crossed on it, discoursing volubly -to the company, who, on their part, -listened in postures scarcely less remote -from decency.” Le Jeune says, “<span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Les -filles et les jeunes femmes sont à l’exterieur -tres honnestement couvertes, mais -entre elles leurs discours sont puants, -comme des cloaques</span>;” and Parkman -adds, “The social manners of remote -tribes of the present time correspond -perfectly with Le Jeune’s account of -those of the Montagnais.” See also -<i>Voyages of Champlain</i>, Prince Soc., -vol. iii. pp. 168-70.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Parkman says that “chastity in women -was recognized as a virtue by many -tribes.” (<i>Jesuits in North America</i>, -p. xxxiv.) Of the New England Indians -Williams remarks,—“Single fornications -they count no sin, but after -marriage then they count it heinous for -either of them to be false.” (<i>Key</i>, p. 138.) -Judging by an incident mentioned by -Morton, however, adultery does not -seem to have been looked upon as a -very grave offense among the Indians of -the vicinity in which he lived. (<i>Infra</i>, -<a href="#OPage_32">*32</a>.) On the general subject of morality -among young Indian women, especially -in the vicinity of trading-posts, see Parkman’s -<i>Jesuits in North America</i> (pp. -xxxiv, xlii) and the letter from Father -Carheil to the Intendant Champigny, in -<i>The Old Régime in Canada</i> (p. 427).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_135">*135</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iii. p. 62.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iv. p. 478.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Hazlitt’s <i>Popular Antiquities of -Great Britain</i>, p. 121. See also on this -subject, Strutt’s <i>Sports and Pastimes</i>, -p. 352.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_132">*132-7</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Bradford, p. 237.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Bradford, p. 238.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi, p. 70. -See also note 202 in Trumbull’s ed. of -Lechford’s <i>Plaine Dealing</i>, p. 117.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Bradford, p. 240.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_78">*78</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>n.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_137">*137</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Bradford, p. 204.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i> p. 233.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_149">*149</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Mem. Hist. of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 83.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_124">*124</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_181">*181</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iii, pp. 63, 64.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Bradford, p. 241.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">XII.</span> Coke, p. 75.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>Hist. of England</i> (Edition of Harper -Bros.) vol. iv. p. 280.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Lives of the Chief Justices</i>, vol. i. p. -283. See also a paper on “Royal Proclamations,” -in Disraeli’s <i>Curiosities of -Literature</i> (ed. 1863), vol. iii., p. 371.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> Bradford, p. 241-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_137">*137-43</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iii. pp. 63-4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_150">*150</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_144">*144</a>, <a href="#OPage_155">155</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> The letters in full are in Bradford’s -<i>Letter-Book</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. -iii. pp. 62-4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> The names of neither Maverick nor -Walford appear in this list, though in -his history Bradford especially mentions -Winnisimmet (p. 241) as one of the places -the settlers at which contributed to the -charge. They may, as Savage suggests, -(<i>Winthrop</i>, vol. i. p. *43 n.) have been -included with Blackstone, though, considering -what Maverick’s means were, -this does not seem probable. Edward -Hilton lived at Dover, eight miles above -Piscataqua. (Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, -p. 315. <i>Proc. of Mass. Hist. Soc. 1875-6</i>, -pp. 362-8.) Mr. Deane suggests that -Little Harbor, the place formerly occupied -by Thomson, was meant by Piscataqua. -(<i>Ib.</i>, 368.) The locality of Bursley -and Jeffreys greatly confused the authorities -for a time, but it no longer seems -open to question. (<i>Proc. of Mass. Hist. -Soc. 1878</i>, p. 198.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Hazard, vol. i. p. 243.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Bradford, p. 238; <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_134">*134</a>. Dagon -was the sea-god of the Philistines, -upon the occasion of whose feast, at -Gaza, Samson pulled down the pillars -of the temple. <i>Judges</i>, xvi.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Oldham’s “vast conceits of extraordinary -gain of three for one” afterwards -caused “no small distraction” to the sober-minded -governor and assistants of -the Massachusetts Company. Young’s -<i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 147.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. 80.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 171; -Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 147.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Bradford, p. 243.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_156">*156</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">XII.</span> Coke, p. 76.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Campbell’s <i>Chief Justices</i>, vol. ii. -p. 42.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Campbell’s <i>Lord Chancellors</i>, vol. -iii. p. 256.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Bradford, p. 237.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Bradford, p. 250.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_157">*157</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Bradford, p. 252.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iii. p. 63.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 145.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_158">*158-9</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Hazard, vol. i. p. 252.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, pp. 96, -148.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_119">*119</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_160">*160</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_161">*161</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 311.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *30.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> <i>Records</i>, vol. i. p. 74.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_163">*163</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Records</i>, vol i. p. 75.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_163">*163</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> <i>Coll. of N. Y. Hist. Soc.</i> (1869), p. 42.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_186">*186-7</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 321; <i>Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, 1860-2, p. 133.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Bradford, p. 253.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *57.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Morton says (<i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_163">*163</a>) “the -Snare must now be used; this instrument -must not be brought by Iosua -[Winthrop] in vaine.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> <i>Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, Lowell Inst. Lectures -(1869), p. 377.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 250.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Bradford, p. 253.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Mem. Hist. of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 336.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *102.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. i. p. 391.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Bradford, pp. 251-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Clarendon’s <i>Rebellion</i>, B. <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> § 27; -B. <span class="smcap lowercase">VI.</span> § 404.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> Winthrop. vol. i. p. *100. Downing -sent a detailed account of the hearing, -now lost, to Winthrop; see Hutchinson, -vol. ii. p. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. -33, n.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. i. p. 392.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Bradford, p. 297.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *190.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> <i>Mem. Hist. of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 338.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. 80.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> <i>Mem. Hist. of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 338. -The reference here, as at some other -places, is to Deane’s chapter on “The -Charter of King Charles I.” As a rule, -in works of this description, dealing -with the sources of history, it is not -permissible to refer to contemporaneous -authorities. Mr. Deane, however, so -far as New England history is concerned, -may fairly be made an exception -to this rule. His knowledge is so -exhaustive and his accuracy so great that -a reference to him I consider just as good -and as permissible as a reference to the -original authorities.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *56, n.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 391-3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> <i>Briefe Narration</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> Mass. Hist. -Coll., vol. vi. p. 82. Hazard, vol. i. -p. 390-4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> <i>Proc. of Amer. Antiq. Soc.</i>, 1867, -p. 124. Winthrop, vol. ii. p. 233. Hazard, -vol. i. p. 347.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Hazard, vol. i. p. 347.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> William Jeffreys was one of the Robert -Gorges Company. He had contributed -to the cost of arresting Morton in -1628 and sending him to England. Morton, -in writing to him, could not but have -been aware of this; but not improbably, -during the time of his return to Mount -Wollaston in 1630, he had seen more of -Jeffreys, and found that he too, like the -rest of the “old planters,” looked on the -Massachusetts Company with jealousy -and apprehension. At that time, indeed, -Jeffreys was in active correspondence -with Gorges, and outspoken in his complaints. -(<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. -p. 3.) Hence the familiarity of the address. -It is apparent from the letter, -however, that Morton, when he wrote it, -was so sure of his position and so elated -with a sense of his own importance that -he could not contain himself. He could -not resist the desire to let his old acquaintances -in America know what an important -personage he had become, and he -probably hoped they would show the -letter to Winthrop and every one else. -It was a childish outbreak of delight and -vanity.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> There is some confusion about these -dates. The letter itself is dated the 1st -of May, and the commission is here said -on that day to have passed the great seal. -The commissioners may have designated -Gorges as governor-general at this time, -and ordered a commission as such to be -at once made out to him; but a year -later the King’s intention of appointing -him was formally announced. (<i>Proc. of -Amer. Antiq. Soc.</i>, 1867, p. 120.) The -probability is that the business relating -to the colonies was regarded as of little -moment and done in the most careless -and irregular way, hardly a record even -of it being kept. Some proceedings were -thus begun and not carried out, and -other things were done twice.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Morton is here quoting from the -<i>New Canaan</i>, (p. *188) and its very last -page. It would seem, therefore, now to -have been written, though it was not -published until three years later. (See -<i>Infra</i>, pp. <a href="#Page_78">78-9</a>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, pp. <a href="#Page_44">44-5</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> This letter is in Hubbard, pp. 428-30 -(<span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi.), and -in Winthrop, vol. ii. pp. *190-1. The -readings do not materially differ, but the -punctuation has been corrected and the -spelling is modern.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> <i>Mem. Hist. of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 379, n.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *137.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *143.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, vol i. p. *102.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> <i>Autobiography of Sir Simonds -D’Ewes</i>, vol. ii. p. 118.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *172.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, pp. <a href="#OPage_172">*172-9</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Bradford, pp. 329-30.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_66">66</a>. Winthrop, vol. i. p. *157.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. i. p. 401 n. <i>Mem. Hist. of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 341.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *161, *187.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. i. p. 403. <i>Mem. Hist. -of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 343.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> In January, 1640, Richard Vines -wrote to Governor Winthrop, of Sir Ferdinando, -that he was then “nere 80 -yeares ould.” (<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. -vii. p. 342.) This can hardly be correct, -however, as subsequently he served -on the royal side in the civil wars, and -was among the prisoners taken by Fairfax -when he stormed Bristol in September, -1645. (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. -iii. p. 342.) He must, however, have -then been a very old man, as fifty-four -years before, in 1591, he had distinguished -himself at the siege of Rouen, -in Essex’s English contingent. (Devereux’s -<i>Earls of Essex</i>, vol. i. p. 271).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_98">*98</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> See further on this subject, Winthrop, -vol. i. pp. *161, *187; which is -also referred to in the same work, vol. -ii. p. *12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Hazard, vol. i. p. 400.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. 127.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *231.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vii. p. 330.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_96">*96-100</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <i>n.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_98">*98</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *137.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Bradford, p. 254.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. 81.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *12.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vii. p. -331.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Hazard, vol. i. p. 474.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Hutchinson’s <i>State Papers</i>, p. 106.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *264.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *266.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *269.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> <i>Ib.</i>, p. *298.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> Bradford, p. 375.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. 175.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> See Mr. Deane’s note on the -“Plough patent,” in <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. -Coll.</i>, vol. vii. pp. 88-96. Also the note -on Cleaves, <i>Ib.</i> p. 363. D’Israeli (<i>Curiosities -of Literature</i>, vol. iii. p. 488) -gives a singular anecdote of Rigby.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vii. p. 343.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. 148.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 147, <i>n.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *189.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_61">61-3</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. i. p. *298.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> <i>N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll.</i>, 1869, p. 40.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> <i>Records</i>, vol. ii. p. 90.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> <i>Hist. of New England</i>, vol. ii. p. 225.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_138">*138</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *192.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> <i>New York Hist. Soc. Coll.</i>, 1869, p. 40.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> “It is undeniable that Morton became -an object of aversion largely for -the reason that he used the Prayer -Book.” (<i>Mag. of Amer. Hist.</i>, vol. viii. -p. 83.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> White’s <i>Memoirs of the Protestant -Episcopal Church</i>, p. xxii. <i>n.</i> See also -Oliver’s <i>Puritan Commonwealth</i>, pp. -37-9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_138">*138</a>. See, also, <a href="#OPage_50">*50</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, -<i>note</i> 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> <i>Mag. of Amer. Hist.</i>, vol. viii. p. 89.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> <i>Wonder-Working Providence</i>, p. 30.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> “Such a rake as Morton, such an -addle-headed fellow as he represents -himself to be, could not be cordial with -the first people from Leyden, or with -those who came over with the patent, -from London or the West of England. -I can hardly conceive that his being a -Churchman, or reading his prayers from -a Book of Common Prayer, could be -any great offence. His fun, his songs -and his revels were provoking enough, -no doubt. But his commerce with the -Indians in arms and ammunition, and -his instructions to those savages in the -use of them, were serious and dangerous -offences, which struck at the lives -of the new-comers, and threatened the -utter extirpation of all the plantations.” -(<i>Notes of John Adams</i>, 1802.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#Page_249">249-52</a>, and <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *14.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> Winthrop, vol. ii. p. *166.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> See Deane’s note to Bradford, p. 254.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> <i>Harvard Univ. Library Bulletin</i>, -No. 10, p. 244.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, pp. <a href="#Page_78">78-9</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> <i>Mag. of Amer. Hist.</i>, vol. viii. p. -94, n.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> Mr. DeCosta says that the titlepage -of the copy in the Library of the -Society for the Propagation of the -Gospel reads in this way. <i>Mag. of -Amer. Hist.</i>, vol. viii. p. 94, n. 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> This copy was in the Adams Library -for many years, and until within a -quite recent period. It cannot, however, -now (1882) be found. It would appear to -have been stolen, together with many -other volumes and almost innumerable -autographs, which formerly lent a peculiar -value to the John Adams Collection, -given by him in 1822 to the town of -Quincy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> “Mint and cumin” uniformly appears as “muit and cummin;” “humming-bird” -as “hunning-bird.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, pp. 61-3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> In regard to the Board of Lords -Commissioners of 1634, see <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_57">57-60</a>. -The royal letter patent in the original -Latin is in Hazard, vol. i. pp. 344-7. -There are translations of it in Hubbard -(pp. 264-8) and in Bradford (pp. -456-8), together with notes by Harris -in his edition of the former, and by -Deane in the latter.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> [seth.] Wherever in this edition an -apparently obvious misprint in the text -of 1637 has been, as in the present case, -corrected, the misprinted word, as it -appears in the original, is printed between -brackets as a foot-note.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> In regard to Sir Christopher Gardiner, -see <i>infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_182">*182-4</a> and <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> [<i>Connick.</i>] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> [<i>stife.</i>]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> [<i>muit.</i>]</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> The Isle of Sall appears on the map -in the <i>Geography</i> of Peter Heylyn, London, -1674, as one of the Cape Verde -Islands. It is called in the text Insula -Salis, and on other old maps Isle of Sal, -or Ilha do Sal. There are some ten islands -in the group. Professor J. D. Whitney -writes that several islands are known -by the name of Sall, and that the one referred -to by Morton is probably that off -the north shore of Cuba. “A good deal -has been written about the poisonous -fishes of the waters about the island of -Cuba. The disease produced by eating -poisonous fish is called <i>ciguatera</i>, and the -fish itself is said to be <i>ciguato</i>. All that -is definitely known about the matter -seems to be that quite a large number -of species of fish in that region are believed -to be liable to some disease, the -nature and course of which is unknown; -and that those who eat the fish thus diseased -are themselves liable to be attacked -by the malady called <i>ciguatera</i>.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Morton here apparently refers at -second hand to Aristotle’s <i>resumé</i> of the -ancient belief of five zones, two only of -which were habitable. <i>Meteorologica</i>, -B. II. ch. v. § 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> From this passage it would appear -that the Isle of Sall and the tropical waters, -which Morton in this chapter refers -to as having been visited by him, were -in the neighborhood of the Western and -Cape Verde Islands. In his time the -word <i>tornado</i> had probably not been -adopted into the English language, and -in writing it Morton gives to the letter -<i>d</i> the peculiar Western Island or Portuguese -pronunciation.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> Morton here confounds Davis with -Hudson. Davis’s three voyages were -made in 1585-6-7, and it was in the first -of them that he discovered the straits -which bear his name. He afterwards -made five voyages to the East Indies, in -the last of which he was killed in a fight -with some Japanese on the coast of Malacca. -Hudson made four voyages between -1607 and 1610, during the last of -which he passed a winter, frozen in, near -the entrance to Hudson Bay. His crew -mutinied, and turned him adrift in an -open boat, on the 22d of July, 1610. He -was never heard of again; and it is his -“fate,” probably, which Morton had in -mind. No other noted discoverer of the -Northwest Passage was lost prior to 1634. -The discovery of that passage, however, -then excited as active an interest as it -has since, or does now. In 1632 Edward -Howes sent out to Governor Winthrop -a printed “Treatise of the North-West -Passage” (<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, -vol. vi. p. 480) which is still in the library -of the Massachusetts Historical Society.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> The phrase in the <i>Meteorologica</i> (<i>ubi -supra</i>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <i>note</i> 1.) is, “the parts under -the Bear (<i>i.e.</i>, north) by cold are uninhabitable.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container" lang="la" xml:lang="la"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">Impiger extremos curris mercator ad Indos,</div> - <div class="verse">Per mare pauperiem fugiens, per saxa, per ignes.</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> - - <div class="sig"><span class="smcap">Horace</span>, <i>Epist.</i> I. ll. 45-6.</div> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> “18. Yea, I hated all my labor which -I had taken under the sun: because I -should leave it unto the man that shall -be after me. -</p> -<p> -“19. And who knoweth whether he -shall be a wise man or a fool?” -</p> - -<p class="sig"> -<i>Ecclesiastes</i>, ch. ii. vers. 18, 19. -</p> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of Ashton -Phillips in Somerset, has already been -frequently referred to in the introductory -portions of this volume. Of an old -West Country family and pure English -descent, he was born about the year -1560 (<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vii. p. -329). He early devoted himself to a military -and naval life, and in 1591 served -under Essex at the siege of Rouen. Subsequently -he is said to have been wounded, -either at Amiens, or during the siege -of Paris by Henry IV. In consequence -of his services he was appointed by -Queen Elizabeth royal governor of Plymouth, -and in 1597 was designated as -one of the staff of Essex in the Ferrol -expedition, with the title of Sergeant-Major. -In 1601 he was concerned in -Essex’s insurrection, and was one of the -principal witnesses against the Earl at -his trial. After a considerable period of -imprisonment he was released, and, on -the accession of James I., was reappointed -governor of Plymouth. In 1605 he became -interested in American discovery -and colonization, and in 1607 he was one -of the projectors of the Popham colony -in Maine. During the next thirteen -years he was engaged in fishing and -trading ventures to New England, and -indefatigable in collecting information -as to America. (Palfrey, vol. i. p. 79.) -In 1620 he procured from James I. the -great patent of the Council for New -England. In 1623 he sent out the Robert -Gorges expedition which settled -itself at Wessagusset. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_2">2-4</a>.) -His subsequent connection with Morton, -and his intrigues against the Massachusetts -colony and charter, have been sufficiently -referred to in this volume. -During the Civil War Gorges espoused -the royal side, and was made a prisoner -when Fairfax captured Bristol in August -1645. He died probably about the -10th of May 1647, as he was buried on -the 14th of that month. -</p> -<p> -In regard to Gorges, see Belknap’s -<i>American Biography</i>; Folsom’s <i>Catalogue -of Original Documents in the -English Archives relating to the Early -History of the State of Maine</i>; Williamson’s -<i>Maine</i>; Palfrey’s <i>New England</i> -(vol. i.); Poole’s Introduction to Johnson’s -<i>Wonder Working Providence</i>; -Devereux’s <i>Earls of Essex</i> (vol. i.); -and the <i>Briefe Narration</i> (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. -Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. 44), and Gorges’s -own letters, to Winthrop and others, in -the <i>Winthrop Papers</i>. (<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. -Coll.</i>, vol. vii.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> That is, in 1634. See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> These are the Inner Harbor (Boston), -so called, and Dorchester, Quincy, -and Weymouth bays. The latter includes -all the inlets south and west of -Nut and Pettuck’s islands and Hull, -among which is Hingham Bay.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> “Sleetch, <i>n.</i> The thick mud or slush -lying at the bottom of rivers.” <i>Webster.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> [iland.] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_6">6-7</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> In the letter already quoted from -(<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>), Mr. J. H. Trumbull remarked -that “Morton, as he shows in -chap. ii. of book <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span>, could not write -the most simple Indian word without a -blunder.” As respects the words which -Morton believed to be Indian-Greek, -Mr. Trumbull has further kindly furnished -the following notes: “<i>En animia</i>—<i>Wunanumau</i>, -as Eliot wrote it, -signifies ‘he is well disposed, or well -minded toward another,’ or ‘is pleased -with’ him. There is another word, -nearly related, which Morton may have -had in mind, meaning ‘to help,’ ‘do a -favor to,’—<i>aninumeh</i>, ‘help me’ (Eliot), -<i>anúnime</i> (R. Williams).”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> “<i>Paskanontam</i> (Eliot), ‘he suffers -from hunger,’ ‘is starving.’ In Eliot’s -orthography, <i>paskuppoo</i> would signify -‘he eats hungrily,’ or ‘as if starving,’ -and from this comes the verbal <i>Paskup-wen</i> -or <i>Paskuppoo-en</i> ‘a starving eater’—Morton’s -‘greedy gut.’”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> “Eliot’s <i>paskanontam</i>, as above, -which is well enough translated by -‘halfe starved.’”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> “I can make nothing of these words. -They certainly do <i>not</i> mean ‘set it upright.’”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> “An island is <i>munnoh</i> (Eliot).”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> “Here Morton mistook the word. -<i>Cos</i> is, probably, <i>Koüs</i> (Eliot), ‘sharp-pointed,’ -or, from the same root, <i>mukqs</i>, -(Eliot), <i>mucks</i> (R. Williams), ‘an awl,’ -used for boring wampum, beads, &c.; -<i>cau-ompsk</i> (R. Williams) was ‘a whetstone,’ -<i>i. e.</i>, a sharpening stone.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> “<i>Om</i> (<i>aum</i>, Eliot), is fish-hook; -<i>aumau-i</i>, ‘he is fishing’ (with hook and -line,) R. Williams; whence <i>omaën</i>, -(Eliot) ‘a fisherman.’”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> “Probably misprinted for <i>Pantucket</i>—the -equivalent of <i>Pautucket</i>, meaning -‘at the fall’ of the river. (The <i>n</i> -was not distinctly sounded, but represents -the nasalization of the preceding -vowel.)”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> “<i>Mattapan</i> means ‘sitting down’—or -‘a <i>setting</i> down’—and usually -designates the end of a ‘carry’ or portage, -where the canoes were put in water -again.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> Winslow, in his Relations, says of -the Indians: “The people are very ingenious -and observative; they keep account -of time by the moon, and winters -or summers; they know divers of -the stars by name; in particular they -know the north star, and call it <i>maske</i>, -which is to say, <i>the bear</i>.” (Young’s -<i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, pp. 365-6.) See also -to the same effect, Roger Williams’s -<i>Key</i> (<i>Publications of the Narragansett -Club</i>, vol. i.) and Mr. Trumbull’s note -(p. 105). Mr. Trumbull now further -adds: “The name (<i>maske</i>) was given to -Ursa Major or Charles’s Wain, not to -the North Star; and by nearly all Algonkin -tribes. An interesting note on -this point can be found in Hopkins’s -<i>Hist. Memorials of the Housatonic Indians</i> -(p. 11), and another in Dawson’s -<i>Acadian Geology</i> (2d ed. p. 675), showing -that the Micmacs still know that -constellation as <i>Mooin</i>, ‘the bear.’”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Roger Williams, in the preface to his -<i>Key</i> (p. 23), says: “Wise and judicious -men, with whom I have discoursed, maintain -their [the Indians] original to be -northward from Tartaria.” The Asiatic -origin of the North American Indians -was a necessary part of the scriptural -dogma of the origin and descent of -man. It is safe, however, to assert that, -first and last, every possible theory on this -subject has been carefully elaborated. -It is not necessary, in connection with -the <i>New Canaan</i>, to enter into the discussion, -as the views of those, from St. -Gregory to Voltaire, who have taken -part in it, have been laboriously collected -by Drake in his <i>Book of Indians</i> (ch. ii.).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> [muit.] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> See <i>Infra</i> <a href="#OPage_182">*182-4</a> and <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> David Thomson occupied the island -in Boston Harbor, which still bears his -name, from some time in 1625, apparently, -until his death in 1628 (<i>supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_24">24</a>). He left a widow and an only son, -who inherited the island. Originally, -Thomson seems to have been a messenger, -or possibly an agent, of the Council -for New England. In November, 1622, -a patent, covering a considerable tract of -land, was issued to him, and the next -year, he then being apparently a young -man and newly married, he came out -and established himself at Piscataqua, -whence he afterwards moved to Boston -Harbor. All that is known of Thomson -can be found in Mr. Deane’s <i>Notes to -an Indenture, &c.</i>, in the <i>Proc. Mass. -Hist. Soc.</i>, 1876 (pp. 358-81). See also, -<i>Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, 1878 (p. 204), -and <i>Memorial History of Boston</i> (vol. i. -p. 83).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Morton’s attempt to trace the origin -of the North American Indians from -Brutus, and the support he finds for his -theory in the resemblance of some Indian -to Greek words, there being no reason -to suppose that Brutus or the Latins -had any acquaintance with Greek, reads -like a humorous satire on the historical -methods in vogue with the writers of -his time. Until within the last century -there were two historical events, or events -assumed to be historical, to one or the -other of which it was deemed safe to -refer the origin of any modern nation. -These events were the Siege of Troy -and the Flood,—the profane and the -sacred beginnings of modern history. -Morton wrote in 1635, and his mind naturally -had recourse to the profane theory. -Fifteen years later, Milton began his -history of England, and at the outset came -in contact with Brutus. “That which we -have,” he then remarks, “of oldest seeming, -hath by the greater part of judicious -antiquaries been long rejected for a -modern fable.” He nevertheless “determined -to bestow the telling over even -of these reputed tales, ... seeing that -ofttimes relations heretofore accounted -fabulous have been after found to contain -in them many footsteps and reliques -of something true; as what we read in -poets of the flood, and giants little believed, -till undoubted witnesses taught -us that all was not feigned.” Then -passing on, he says: “After the flood, -and the dispersing of nations, as they -journeyed leisurely from the East, Gomer, -the eldest son of Japhet, and his -offspring, as by authorities, arguments -and affinity of divers names is generally -believed, were the first that peopled all -these west and northern climes.” Coming -down to Brutus and the whole progeny -of kings, and following Geoffrey of -Monmouth, Milton then recounts in detail -the marriages, voyages, adventures -and mishaps of the descendants of Æneas -until Brutus reached an “island, not yet -Britain but Albion, in a manner desert -and inhospitable; kept only by a remnant -of giants, whose excessive force and -tyranny had destroyed the rest. These -Brutus destroys,” and, after this, “in a -chosen place, builds Troja Nova, changed -in time to Trinovantum, now London.” -</p> -<p> -The superiority of Morton’s historical -method to Milton’s, or to that in use -in Milton’s time, is obvious. Accepting -the common origin, he premises that he -does <i>not</i> find that “when Brutus did -depart from Latium his whole number -went with him at once.” Accordingly, -some of them being put to sea, “<i>might</i> -encounter with a storm,” and then being -carried out of sight of land, “they <i>might</i> -sail God knoweth whether, and so <i>might</i> -be put on this coast, as well as any -other.” And hence the author is “bold -to conclude that the original of the natives -of New England may be well conjectured -to be from the scattered Trojans, -after such time as Brutus departed from -Latium.” -</p> -<p> -It would be easy to quote from many -serious productions, contemporaneous -with the <i>New Canaan</i> and a century -after it, examples of the same method -of daring historical hypothesis; a single -instance will, however, suffice. In -his history of Lynn, written in 1829, the -Rev. Alonzo Lewis says (p. 21): “The -Indians are supposed by some to be -the remnants of the long lost ten tribes -of Israel; and their existence in tribes, -the similarity of some of their customs, -and the likeness of many words in their -language, seem to favor this opinion.” -</p> -<p> -More sensible than either Thomas -Morton or Mr. Lewis, William Wood, -in writing his <i>New England’s Prospect</i>, -in 1633, remarks (p. 78), that “Some -have thought they [the Indians] might -be of the dispersed Jews, because some -of their words be near unto the Hebrew; -but by the same rule they may conclude -them to be some of the gleanings of all -nations, because they have words which -sound after the Greek, Latin, French, -and other tongues.” -</p> -<p> -There is in the <i>Magnalia</i> (book <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> -part iii.) a lengthy but highly characteristic -passage, in which Mather recounts -the points of resemblance which -the evangelist Eliot saw between the Indians -and “the posterity of the dispersed -and rejected Israelites.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> Peddock’s, or Pettick’s, Island, still -so called, is one of the largest islands in -Boston Bay. It lies directly opposite to -George’s Island and Hull, from which -last it is separated by a narrow channel, -and is between Weymouth and Quincy -bays, on the east and west. See Shurtleff’s -<i>Description of Boston</i>, p. 557.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Leonard Peddock seems to have -been in the employment of the Council -for New England. In the records of the -Council for the 8th of November, 1622, -is the following entry: “Mr. Thomson -is ordered to pay unto Leo: Peddock -£10 towards his paynes for his last Imployments -to New England.” Subsequently, -on the 19th of the same month: -“It is ordered that a Letter be written -from the Counsell to Mr. Weston, to deliver -to Leonard Peddock, a boy Native -of New England called papa Whinett -belonging to Abbadakest, Sachem of -Massachusetts, which boy Mr Peddock -is to carry over with him” (<i>Proceedings -of the American Antiquarian Society</i>, -April, 1867, pp. 70, 74). -</p> -<p> -Andrew Weston had returned to England -in the <i>Charity</i>, leaving Wessagussett -in September, 1622 (<i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>). He -would seem to have brought over the -Indian boy in question with him. From -the entry in the records of the Council -for New England, just quoted, it would -appear that Leonard Peddock was in -New England during the summer of -1622. The reference to him in the text -is additional evidence that Morton was -there at the same time, and in company -with Weston.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> This is undoubtedly a misprint for -Auckies, which was a sailor’s corruption -for Auks. The Great Auk (<i>Alca -impennis</i>) is probably referred to. This -bird, now supposed to be extinct, was -formerly common on the New England -coast. Audubon, writing in 1838, says: -“An old gunner, residing on Chelsea -Beach, near Boston, told me that he -well remembered the time when the -Penguins were plentiful about Nahant -and some other islands in the bay.” -(<i>Am. Ornithological Biog.</i>, vol. iv. -p. 316.) Professor Orton, alluding to this -passage, in the <i>American Naturalist</i> -(1869, p. 540), expresses the opinion -that the Razor-billed Auk was the bird -referred to; but Professor F. W. Putnam -adds, in a foot-note, that “the ‘old -hunter’ was undoubtedly correct in his -statement, as we have bones of the species -taken from the shell-heaps of Marblehead, -Eagle Hill in Ipswich, and -Plum Island.” Dr. Jeffries Wyman -found them in the shell-heaps at Cotuit. -See <i>Mem. Hist. of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 12. -</p> -<p> -There is an elaborate paper on the -Great Auk, under the title of “The -Garefowl and its Historians,” by Professor -Alfred Newton, in the <i>Natural -History Review</i> for 1865, p. 467.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Morton would seem to be mistaken -in this statement. Between 1614 and -1619 two French vessels were lost on the -Massachusetts coast. One was wrecked -on Cape Cod, and the crew, who succeeded -in getting on shore, were most -of them killed by the savages, and -the remainder enslaved in the way described -in the text. Two of these captives -were subsequently redeemed by -Captain Dermer (Bradford, p. 98). The -other vessel was captured by the savages -in Boston Bay, and burned. This is the -vessel referred to by Morton as riding at -anchor off Peddock’s Island. The circumstances -of the capture are described -in Phinehas Pratt’s narrative (<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. -Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iv. pp. 479, 489). All the -crew, he says, were killed, and the ship, -after grounding, was burned. Pratt’s -statement is distinct, and agrees with -Bradford’s, that the captives among the -Indians were the survivors from the vessel -wrecked on Cape Cod, not from that -captured in Boston Bay.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> Pratt’s account of this survivor -among the French crew is to be found -in <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iv. pp. 479, -489. He says that “one of them was -wont to read much in a book (some say -it was the New Testament), and that the -Indians enquiring of him what his book -said, he told them it did intimate that -there was a people like French men that -would come into the country and drive -out the Indians.” The account given by -Mather (<i>Magnalia</i>, B. <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> ch. ii. § 6) is -curiously like that in the text. After -quoting the substance of Pratt’s statement -he adds: “These infidels then -blasphemously replied, ‘God could not -kill them;’ which blasphemous mistake -was confuted by a horrible and unusual -plague, whereby they were consumed in -such vast multitudes that our first planters -found the land almost covered with -their unburied carcases; and they that -were left alive were smitten into awful -and humble regards of the English by -the terrors which the remembrance of the -Frenchman’s prophecy had imprinted on -them.” -</p> -<p> -Pratt, whom Mather followed, claims -to have derived his knowledge of these -events during the winter of 1622-3 directly -from savages concerned in them. -The probability is that the tradition of -the French captive, and his book and -prophecy, was a common one among the -settlers both at Plymouth and about -Boston Bay. Pratt apparently had a -habit, as he grew old, of appropriating -to his own account many of the earlier -and more striking incidents of colonial -history. (Mather’s <i>Early New England</i>, -p. 17.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> The mysterious pestilence, which in -the years 1616 and 1617 swept away -the New England Indians from the Penobscot -to Narragansett Bay, is mentioned -by all the earlier writers, and its character -has recently been somewhat discussed. -There can be no doubt that it -practically destroyed the tribes, especially -the Massachusetts and the Pokanokets, -among which it raged. The former -were reduced from a powerful people, -able, it is said, to muster three thousand -warriors, to a mere remnant a few hundred -strong. The Pokanokets were in -some localities, notably at Plymouth, -actually exterminated, and the country -left devoid of inhabitants (<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. -Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 148; Young’s <i>Chron. of -Pilg.</i>, p. 183). Winslow gave a description -of the desolation created by this -pestilence, and of the number of the unburied -dead, very like that in the text -(Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, pp. 183, 206). -On this subject, see also, Bradford, pp. -102, 325; Johnson, p. 16; Wood’s <i>Prospect</i>, -p. 72; <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. -vi. p. 57. -</p> -<p> -No definite conclusion as to the nature -of this pestilence has been reached by -medical men. It has been suggested that -it was the yellow-fever (Palfrey, vol. i. -p. 99, <i>n</i>). As, however, it raged equally -in the depth of the severest winter as -in summer, this could not have been -the case (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. -p. 57; Bradford, p. 325). Other modern -medical authorities have inclined -to the opinion that it was a visitation -of small-pox (Dr. Holmes in <i>Mass. -Hist. Soc.</i>, <i>Low. Inst. Lect.</i>, 1869, p. -261; Dr. Green’s <i>Centennial Address -before the Mass. Med. Soc.</i>, June 7, 1881, -p. 12). In support of this hypothesis -Captain Thomas Dermer is quoted, who, -sailing along the coast in 1619-20, wrote -“we might perceive the sores of some -that had escaped, who described the -spots of such as usually die” (Purchas, -vol. iv. p. 1778). On the other hand, -none of the contemporaneous writers -who speak of the disease ever call it the -small-pox, though all of them were perfectly -familiar with small-pox, and a very -large portion of them probably bore its -marks. Dermer speaks of it as “the -plague.” Bradford, when the same pestilence -raged on the Connecticut, described -it as “an infectious fever.” Dr. -Fuller, the first New England physician, -then died of it (Bradford, p. 314). He -could not but have been familiar with -the small-pox and its symptoms; and it -would seem most improbable that he -should have died of that disease among -his dying neighbors, and not have known -what was killing him. Moreover, in -1633-4 the small-pox did rage among -the Indians, and Bradford, in giving a -fearfully graphic account of its ravages, -adds, “they [the Indians] fear it more -than the plague.” Josselyn also draws -the same distinction, saying (<i>Two Voyages</i>, -p. 123): “Not long before the -English came into the country, happened -a great mortality amongst [the -Indians]; especially where the English -afterwards planted, the East and Northern -parts were sore smitten by the contagion; -first by the plague, afterwards, -when the English came, by the small-pox.” -</p> -<p> -It would seem, therefore, that the pestilence -of 1616-7 was clearly not the -small-pox. More probably it was, as -Bradford says, “an infectious fever,” -or some form of malignant typhus, due -to the wretched sanitary condition of the -Indian villages, which had become over-crowded, -owing to that prosperous condition -of the tribes which Smith describes -as existing at the time of his visit to the -coast in 1614 (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. -vi. p. 109).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> “Their houses, which they call wigwams, -are built with poles pitcht into -the ground of a round form for most -part, sometimes square. They bind down -the tops of their poles, leaving a hole -for smoak to go out at, the rest they -cover with the bark of trees, and line -the inside of their wigwams with mats -made of rushes painted with several -colors. One good post they set up in -the middle that reaches to the hole in -the top, with a staff across before it; at -a convenient height, they knock in a -pin upon which they hang their kettle. -Beneath that they set up a broad stone -for a back which keepeth the post from -burning. Round by the walls they spread -their mats and skins where the men sleep -whilst their women dress their victuals. -They have commonly two doors, one -opening to the south, the other to the -north, and, according as the wind sets, -they close up one door with bark and -hang a deers skin or the like before the -other. Towns they have none, being -always removing from one place to another -for conveniency of food, sometimes -to those places where one sort of fish is -most plentiful, other whiles where others -are. I have seen half a hundred of their -wigwams together in a piece of ground -and they show prettily; within a day or -two or a week they have been all dispersed.” -(Josselyn’s <i>Voyages</i>, p. 126). -See also Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. -144.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Giving in his <i>Key</i> (p. 48) the Indian -combination of words signifying “let -us lay on wood,” Roger Williams adds: -“This they do plentifully when they lie -down to sleep winter and summer, abundance -they have and abundance they -lay on: their fire is instead of our bed-clothes. -And so, themselves and any -that have any occasion to lodge with -them, must be content to turn often to -the fire, if the night be cold, and they -who first wake must repair the fire.” -Elsewhere he says: “God was pleased -to give me a painful, patient spirit, to -lodge with them in their filthy, smoky -holes.” See also Gookin’s <i>Indians</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> -<i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 150. -</p> -<p> -When Stephen Hopkins and Edward -Winslow were sent on their mission to -Massasoit, in June, 1621, they say of their -entertainment on the night they arrived -at his lodge: “Late it grew, but victuals -he offered none; for indeed he had -not any, being he came so newly home. -So we desired to go to rest: he layd us -on the bed with himself and his wife, -they at the one end and we at the other, -it being only planks layd a foot from the -ground, and a thin mat upon them. -Two more of his chief men, for want -of room, pressed by and upon us; so -that we were worse weary of our lodging -than of our journey.” (<i>Mourt</i>, p. 45). -Two nights of this entertainment sufficed -for the embassadors who “feared -we should either be light-headed for -want of sleep, for what with bad lodging, -the savages barbarous singing, (for -they use to sing themselves asleep,) -lice and fleas within doors, and musketos -without, we could hardly sleep all -the time of our being there.” (<i>Ib.</i>, p. 46) -Another observer remarked of the New -England Indians: “Tame cattle they -have none, excepting Lice, and Dogs of -a wild breed” (Josselyn’s <i>Voyages</i>, p. -127); and to the same effect Roger -Williams notes (<i>Key</i>, p. 74): “In middle -of summer, because of the abundance of -fleas, which the dust of the house breeds, -they [the Indians] will fly and remove -on a sudden to a fresh place.” -</p> -<p> -Smith, describing the Virginia Indians, -says (<i>True Travels</i>, vol. i. p. -130): “Their houses are built like our -arbors, of small young springs bowed and -tyed, and so close covered with mats, or -the barkes of trees very handsomely, that -nothwithstanding either winde, raine, or -weather, they are as warm as stoves, -but very smoaky, yet at the toppe of the -house there is a hole made for the smoake -to go into right over the fire. -</p> -<p> -“Against the fire they lie on little -hurdles of Reeds covered with a mat, -borne from the ground a foote and more -by a hurdle of wood. On these round -about the house they lie heads and points, -one by the other, against the fire, some -covered with mats, some with skins, and -some stark naked lie on the ground, from -six to twenty in a house.” -</p> -<p> -In Parkman’s <i>Jesuits in North America</i> -there is a lively account of Le Jeune’s -experience in passing the winter of 1633-4 -among the Algonquins: “Put aside -the bear-skin, and enter the hut. Here, -in a space some thirteen feet square, were -packed nineteen savages, men, women -and children, with their dogs, crouched, -squatted, coiled like hedge-hogs, or lying -on their backs, with knees drawn up -perpendicularly to keep their feet out of -the fire.... The bark covering was full -of crevices, through which the icy blasts -streamed in upon him from all sides; and -the hole above, at once window and -chimney, was so large, that, as he [Le -Jeune] lay, he could watch the stars as -well as in the open air. While the fire -in the midst, fed with fat pine-knots, -scorched him on one side, on the other -he had much ado to keep himself from -freezing. At times, however, the crowded -hut seemed heated to the temperature -of an oven. But these evils were light -when compared to the intolerable plague -of smoke. During a snow-storm, and -often at other times, the wigwam was -filled with fumes so dense, stifling, and -acrid, that all its inmates were forced -to lie flat on their faces, breathing -through mouths in contact with the cold -earth. Their throats and mouths felt -as if on fire; their scorched eyes streamed -with tears.... The dogs were not an -unmixed evil, for by sleeping on and -around [Le Jeune], they kept him warm -at night; but, as an offset to this good -service, they walked, ran and jumped -over him as he lay” (pp. 27-8).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> In regard to the food of the Indians -and their alternate gluttony and abstinence, -see Josselyn’s <i>Two Voyages</i>, pp. -129-30; Wood’s <i>Prospect</i>, p. 57. Wood’s -account of the Indians is usually the -best. As respects eating, he says: “At -home they will eate till their bellies stand -South, ready to split with fulnesse: it -being their fashion, to eate all at sometimes, -and sometimes nothing at all in -two or three days, wise providence being -a stranger to their wilder dayes.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> “<i>Cattup keen?</i> ‘Are you hungry?’ -<i>Meechin</i>, ‘meat;’ or, as an Indian -would be more likely to say, <i>Meech</i>, ‘eat.’ -In Eliot’s orthography, <i>Kodtup kēn?</i> -<i>Meechum</i>, ‘victuals, food,’ or <i>meech</i>, -‘eat.’”—<i>J. H. Trumbull.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_240_240" id="Footnote_240_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_240_240"><span class="label">[240]</span></a> In regard to the hospitality of the -Indians, Wood says (<i>Prospect</i>, p. 59): -“Though they be sometimes scanted, -yet are they as free as Emperors, both -to their countrymen and English, be he -stranger or mere acquaintance; counting -it a great discourtesie not to eat of -their high conceited delicates, and sup -of their un-oat-meal’d broth, made thick -with fishes, fowles and beasts boiled -all together; some remaining raw, the -rest converted by over-much seething to -a loathed mass, not halfe so good as -<i>Irish Boniclapper</i>.” See also Gookin’s -<i>Indians</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. -153. -</p> -<p> -So also Roger Williams (<i>Key</i>, ch. ii. -and iii.): “If any stranger came in, -they presently give him to eat of what -they have; many a time, and at all times -of the night (as I have fallen in travel, -upon their houses) where nothing hath -been ready, have themselves and their -wives, risen to prepare me some refreshing.” -</p> -<p> -“In Summer-time I have knowne -them lye abroad often themselves, to -make room for strangers, English, or -others.” -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“<i>I have known them leave their House and Mat</i></div> - <div class="verse indent2"><i>to lodge a friend or stranger,</i></div> - <div class="verse"><i>Where Jewes and Christians oft have sent</i></div> - <div class="verse indent2"><i>Christ Jesus to the manger.</i>”</div> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_241_241" id="Footnote_241_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_241_241"><span class="label">[241]</span></a> In regard to the games and removals -of the Indians, see Williams’s <i>Key</i>, -chs. xi. and xxviii.; Smith’s <i>True Travels</i>, -vol. i. p. 133; Gookin’s <i>Indians</i>, -<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 153; and -Wood’s <i>Prospect</i>; pp. 63, 73-5. Wood -gives an excellent description of the -Indian game of foot-ball: “Their goals -be a mile long placed on the sands, -which are as even as a board; their -ball is no bigger than a hand-ball, which -sometimes they mount in the air with -their naked feet, sometimes it is swayed -by the multitude; sometimes also it is -two days before they get a goal; then -they mark the ground they win, and -begin the next day.... Though they -play never so fiercely to outward appearance, -yet anger-boiling blood never -streams in their cooler veins; if any -man be thrown, he laughs out his foil, -there is no seeking of revenge, no quarrelling, -no bloody noses, scratched faces, -black eyes, broken shins, no bruised -members or crushed ribs, the lamentable -effects of rage; but the goal being -won, the goods on the one side lost; -friends they were at the foot-ball, and -friends they must meet at the kettle.” -To the same effect see Strachey’s -<i>Historie</i>, p. 78.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_242_242" id="Footnote_242_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_242_242"><span class="label">[242]</span></a> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ipsisque in hominibus nulla gens est -neque tam immansueta, neque tam fera, -quæ non, etiam si ignoret qualem habere -deum deceat, tamen habendum sciat</span> -(<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Legibus</i>, Lib. <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> § 8). -</p> -<p> -<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quæ est enim gens, aut quod genus -hominum, quod non habeat sine doctrinâ -anticipationem quandam deorum?</span> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">De -Natura Deorum</i>, Lib. <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> § 16).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_243_243" id="Footnote_243_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_243_243"><span class="label">[243]</span></a> The reference here is to Wood’s -<i>New England’s Prospect</i> (p. 70). In regard -to the time when this work was -written and published, see Mr. Deane’s -preface to the edition in the publications -of the Prince Society. Morton makes -numerous references to it in the <i>New -Canaan</i> (<i>infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_38">*38</a>, <a href="#OPage_53">53</a>, <a href="#OPage_64">64</a>, <a href="#OPage_84">84</a>, <a href="#OPage_99">99</a>). -The present reference is one of the few -unintelligible passages in the book. -Wood’s language, to which Morton apparently -takes exception, is as follows: -“As it is natural to all mortals to worship -something, so do these people; but -exactly to describe to whom their worship -is chiefly bent, is very difficult; -they acknowledge especially two, Ketan, -who is their good God, to whom they -sacrifice after their garners be full with a -good crop: upon this God likewise they -invocate for fair weather, for rain in time -of drought, and for the recovery of their -sick; but if they do not hear them, then -they verify the old verse, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Flectere si -nequeo Superes, Acheronta movebo</i>, their -Pow-wows betaking themselves to their -exorcisms and unromantick charms ... -by God’s permission, through the Devil’s -help, their charms are of force to produce -effects of wonderment.” Morton -would seem to have wished to depreciate -Wood, as an authority on New England, -and so, playing upon his name and the -title of his book, he implied that he had -taken a much more elevated view of the -religious development of the Indians -than could be justified either by the actual -facts, or the judgment of the best -informed. -</p> -<p> -Being unintelligible, the passage, from -the word “neither” to the end of the -paragraph, is reproduced here in all respects, -including punctuation, as it is in -the text of the original edition.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_244_244" id="Footnote_244_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_244_244"><span class="label">[244]</span></a> There is no expression of this nature -to be found anywhere in those writings -of Sir William Alexander which have -come down to us and are included in the -publications of the Prince Society. He -may have used the expression quoted in -conversation, or in a letter. Winslow, in -Mourt, says: “They [the savages] are a -people without any religion, or knowledge -of any God” (p. 61). This statement he -subsequently, however, retracted in his -<i>Good News</i> (Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, -p. 355), where he says, “therein I erred, -though we could then gather no better.” -</p> -<p> -The subject of the religion of the North -American aborigines has been treated by -Parkman in the introduction to the <i>Jesuits -in North America</i> (pp. lxvii.-lxxxix.), -and he concludes that “the primitive Indian, -yielding his untutored homage to -an All-pervading grand Omnipotent Spirit, -is a dream of poets, rhetoricians and sentimentalists.” -To the same effect Palfrey, -at the close of his vigorous discussion -of the same subject (vol. i. p. 45), -declares that the devout Indian of the -“untutored mind is as fabulous as the -griffin or the centaur.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_245_245" id="Footnote_245_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_245_245"><span class="label">[245]</span></a> Thomas May, better known as the -historian and secretary of the Long Parliament, -was born in 1595 and died in -1650. In 1627 he published a translation -of Lucan’s <i>Pharsalia</i>, with a <i>supplementum</i>, -or continuation (1630), by -himself in seven books. This continuation -he subsequently translated into Latin, -and it is included in Lemaire’s edition -of the <i>Pharsalia</i> in his <i>Bibliotheca Classica -Latina</i> (Paris, 1832). The passage -to which Morton refers is in the third -book of the continuation (ll. 108-78). -The following are some of the verses:— -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“But in a higher kind (as some relate)</div> - <div class="verse">Do Elephants with men communicate.</div> - <div class="verse">(If you believe it) a religion</div> - <div class="verse">They have, and monthly do adore the Moon,</div> - <div class="verse">Besides the loftie Nabathæan wood,</div> - <div class="verse">Of vast extent, Amylo’s gentle flood,</div> - <div class="verse">Gliding along, the sandie mould combines.</div> - <div class="verse">Thither, as oft as waxing Cynthia shines</div> - <div class="verse">In her first borrowed light, from out the wood,</div> - <div class="verse">Come all the Elephants, and in the floud</div> - <div class="verse">Washing themselves (as if to purifie)</div> - <div class="verse">They prostrate fall; and when religiously</div> - <div class="verse">They have adored the Moon, return again</div> - <div class="verse">Into the woods with joy.”</div> -</div></div></div> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_246_246" id="Footnote_246_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_246_246"><span class="label">[246]</span></a> In his Latin poem on New England, -which the Rev. William Morell wrote -during his eighteen months’ residence at -Wessagusset as the spiritual head of the -Robert Gorges settlement of 1623, there -is a description of the Indian and his -garments. The following is the author’s -English rendering of his more elegant -Latin original:— -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“Whose hayre is cut with greeces, yet a locke</div> - <div class="verse">Is left; the left side bound up in a knott:</div> - <div class="verse">Their males small labour but great pleasure know,</div> - <div class="verse">Who nimbly and expertly draw the bow;</div> - <div class="verse">Traind up to suffer cruell heat and cold,</div> - <div class="verse">Or what attempt so ere may make them bold;</div> - <div class="verse">Of body straight, tall, strong, mantled in skin</div> - <div class="verse">Of deare or bever, with the hayre-side in;</div> - <div class="verse">An otter skin their right armes doth keepe warme,</div> - <div class="verse">To keepe them fit for use, and free from harme;</div> - <div class="verse">A girdle set with formes of birds or beasts,</div> - <div class="verse">Begirts their waste, which gentle gives them ease.</div> - <div class="verse">Each one doth modestly bind up his shame,</div> - <div class="verse">And deare-skin start-ups reach up to the same;</div> - <div class="verse">A kind of <i>pinsen</i> keeps their feet from cold,</div> - <div class="verse">Which after travels they put off, up-fold,</div> - <div class="verse">Themselves they warme, their ungirt limbes they rest</div> - <div class="verse">In straw, and houses, like to sties.”</div> -</div></div> -<div class="stanza"> -<div class="sig"> -<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 131. -</div> - -</div> -<p> -Wood’s description of the Indian apparel -is very like Morton’s. He says, -however: “The chiefe reasons they render -why they will not conforme to our -English apparell are because their women -cannot wash them when they be soyled, -and their meanes will not reach to buy -new when they have done with their old; -and they confidently beleeve, the English -will not be so liberall as to furnish them -upon gifture: therefore they had rather -goe naked than be lousie, and bring their -bodies out of their old tune, making them -more tender by a new acquired habit, -which poverty would constrain them to -leave.” (<i>Prospect</i>, p. 56). -</p> -<p> -The description given by Winslow -(Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 365) is very -similar to Morell’s. See also Gookin’s -<i>Indians</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. -152; Josselyn’s <i>Two Voyages</i>, pp. 128-9, -and Williams’s <i>Key</i>, ch. xx. -</p> -<p> -Smith (<i>True Travels</i>, vol. i. p. 129) -says: “For their apparell, they are -sometimes covered with the skinnes of -wilde beasts, which in winter are dressed -with the hayre, but in Sommer without. -The better sort use large mantels of -Deare skins, not much differing in fashion -from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered -with white beads, some with -copper, others painted after their manner. -But the common sort have scarce -to cover their nakednesse, but with grasse, -the leaves of trees or such like. We have -seene some use mantels made of Turkey -feathers so prettily wrought and woven -with threads that nothing could be discerned -but the feathers.”</p></div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_247_247" id="Footnote_247_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_247_247"><span class="label">[247]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_248_248" id="Footnote_248_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_248_248"><span class="label">[248]</span></a> Speaking of a ceremony common to -the Algonquins and the Hurons, of propitiating -their fishing-nets by formally -marrying them every year to two young -girls, Parkman says: “As it was indispensable -that the brides should be virgins, -mere children were chosen” (<i>The -Jesuits in North America</i>, p. lxix. <i>note</i>). -The subject of female chastity among -the Indians has already been referred to -(<i>supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_17">17</a>), and it is extremely questionable -whether they had any conception -of it. Winslow, in his <i>Good News</i> -(Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 364) says:—“When -a maid is taken in marriage, -she first cutteth her hair, and after weareth -a covering on her head, till her hair -be grown out. Their women are diversely -disposed; some as modest, as -they will scarce talk one with another -in the company of men, being very -chaste also; yet others seem light, lascivious, -and wanton.... Some common -strumpets there are, as well as -in other places; but they are such as -either never married, or widows, or put -away for adultery; for no man will keep -such an one to wife.” Strachey (<i>Historie</i>, -p. 65), says of the Virginians: -“Their younger women goe not shadowed -[clothed] amongst their owne companie, -until they be nigh eleaven or -twelve returnes of the leafe old, nor are -they much ashamed thereof, and therefore -would the before remembered Pochahuntas, -a well featured, but wanton -yong girle, Powhatan’s daughter, sometymes -resorting to our fort, of the age -then of eleven or twelve yeares, get the -boyes forth with her into the markett -place, and make them wheele, falling on -their hands, turning up their heeles upwards, -whome she would followe, and -wheele so her self, naked as she was, all -the fort over; but being over twelve -yeares, they put on a kind of semecinctum -lethern apron (as doe our artificers or -handycrafts men) before their bellies, -and are very shamefac’t to be seen bare.” -Ellis, in his <i>Red Man and White Man</i> -(p. 185), remarks on this point: “The -obscenity of the savages is unchecked in -its revolting and disgusting exhibitions. -Sensuality seeks no covert.” -</p> -<p> -Under these circumstances it is unnecessary -to say that Morton’s statements as -to the red cap and the Sachem’s privilege -are pure fiction, and what Parkman -says of the Hurons is probably true of -the Massachusetts,—their women were -wantons before marriage and household -drudges after it. (<i>Jesuits in North -America</i>, p. xxxv).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_249_249" id="Footnote_249_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_249_249"><span class="label">[249]</span></a> To the same effect Roger Williams -says: “Most of them count it a shame -for a woman in travell to make complaint, -and many of them are scarcely -heard to groane. I have often known in -one quarter of an hour a woman merry -in the house, and delivered and merry -again: and within two dayes abroad, and -after foure or five dayes at worke.” -(<i>Key</i>, ch. xxiii.). See also Josselyn’s -<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 127. Wood’s account -is almost as comprehensive, though not -quite so detailed and graphic as Josselyn’s: -“They likewise sew their husband’s -shooes, and weave mats of Turkie -feathers; besides all their ordinary -household drudgery which dayly lies -upon them, so that a bigge belly hinders -no businesse nor a childbirth takes much -time, but the young infant being greased -and footed, wrapped in a Beaver skin, -bound to his goode behaviour with his -feete up to his bumme, upon a board two -foot long and one foot broade, his face -exposed to all nipping weather, this little -<i>Pappouse</i> travels about with his bare-footed -mother, to paddle in the Icie -Clammbanks after three or four daies -of age have sealed his passe-board and -his mother’s recovery.” (<i>Prospect</i>, p. -82). See also Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, -p. 358.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_250_250" id="Footnote_250_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_250_250"><span class="label">[250]</span></a> The idea that the Indian was born -white was very commonly entertained -in the first half of the seventeenth century. -Lechford, in his <i>Plaine Dealing</i>, -says (p. 50): “They are of complexion -swarthy and tawny; their children are -borne white, but they bedaube them with -oyle, and colours, presently.” Josselyn -also speaks of the Indians “dying -[their children] with a liquor of boiled -Hemlock-Bark” (<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 128). -Speaking of the Virginia women, Smith -says: “To make [their children] hardie, -in the coldest mornings they them wash -in the rivers, and by paynting and oyntments -so tanne their skinnes, that after -a year or two, no weather will hurt -them.” (<i>True Travels</i>, vol. i. p. 131). -Strachey gives a more particular account -of the supposed process: The Indians -“are generally of a cullour browne or -rather tawny, which they cast themselves -into with a kind of arsenick stone, ... -and of the same hue are their women; -howbeit, yt is supposed neither of them -naturally borne so discouloured; for Captain -Smith (lyving somtymes amongst -them) affirmeth how they are from the -womb indifferent white, but as the men, -so doe the women, dye and disguise themselves -into this tawny cowler, esteeming -yt the best beauty to be neerest such a -kynd of murrey as a sodden quince is -of (to liken yt to the neerest coulor I -can), for which they daily anoint both -face and bodyes all over with such a -kind of fucus or unguent as can cast -them into that stayne.” (<i>Historie</i>, p. 63).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_251_251" id="Footnote_251_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_251_251"><span class="label">[251]</span></a> “If there was noticed a remarkable -exemption from physical deformities, -this was probably not the effect of -any peculiar congenital force or completeness, -but of circumstances which -forbade the prolongation of any imperfect -life. The deaf, blind or lame child -was too burdensome to be reared, and -according to a savage estimate of usefulness -and enjoyment, its prolonged life -would not requite its nurture.” Palfrey, -vol. i. p. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_252_252" id="Footnote_252_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_252_252"><span class="label">[252]</span></a> Mr. Trumbull writes: “Morton’s -<i>nan weeteo</i> stands for Eliot’s <i>nanwetee</i> -(<i>nanwetue</i>, Cotton), ‘a bastard.’ -<i>Titta</i> should be <i>tatta</i>, a word common -among Indians, which is well -enough translated by Morton. Eliot -renders it ‘I know not,’ and R. Williams -adds to this meaning, ‘I cannot tell; it -may be so.’ -</p> -<p> -“<i>Cheshetue</i> is unknown to me, but -I am inclined to believe that Morton -heard something like it, in the connection -and substantially with the meaning -he gives it,—some adjective of dispraise, -qualifying <i>squaa</i>, or, as we write it, -<i>squaw</i>.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_253_253" id="Footnote_253_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_253_253"><span class="label">[253]</span></a> [likenesse.] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_254_254" id="Footnote_254_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_254_254"><span class="label">[254]</span></a> The observations of Roger Williams -led him to a different conclusion: -“Their affections, especially to their -children, are very strong.... This extreme -affection, together with want of -learning, makes their children saucie, -bold and undutifull. I once came into -a house, and requested some water to -drink; the father bid his sonne (of -some 8 yeeres of age) to fetch some -water: the boy refused, and would not -stir; I told the father, that I would correct -my child, if he should so disobey -me &c. Upon this the father took up -a sticke, the boy another, and flew at -his father: upon my persuasion, the -poore father made him smart a little, -throw down his stick, and run for water, -and the father confessed the benefits of -correction, and the evill of their too indulgent -affections.” (<i>Key</i>, ch. v.) -</p> -<p> -To the same effect Champlain wrote -(<i>Voyages</i>, vol. iii. p. 170): “The children -have great freedom among these -tribes. The fathers and mothers indulge -them too much, and never punish -them. Accordingly they are so bad -and of so vicious a nature, that they -often strike their mothers and others. -The most vicious, when they have -acquired the strength and power, strike -their fathers. They do this whenever -the father or mother does anything that -does not please them. This is a sort -of curse that God inflicts upon them.” -Winslow, on the other hand, in his <i>Good -News</i>, lends some support to Morton’s -statement in the text. He says: “The -younger sort reverence the elder, and -do all mean offices, whilst they are -together, although they be strangers.” -(Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 363.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_255_255" id="Footnote_255_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_255_255"><span class="label">[255]</span></a> This Sachem, “the most noted powow -and sorcerer of all the country,” is -better known by the name of Passaconaway. -There is quite an account of -him in Drake’s <i>Book of the Indians</i> -(B. <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> ch. vii). He is the Pissacannawa -mentioned by Wood in his <i>Prospect</i> -(p. 70), of whom the savages reported -that he could “make the water -burn, the rocks move, the trees dance, -metamorphize himself into a flaming -man.” Morton says of the Indian conjurers, -“some correspondency they have -with the Devil out of all doubt;” Wood, -to the same effect, remarks that “by -God’s permission, through the Devil’s -helpe, their charmes are of force to produce -effects of wonderment;” Smith -declares of the Indians, “their chiefe -God they worship is the Devil” (<i>True -Travels</i>, vol. i. p. 138); Mather intimates -that it was the devil who seduced -the first inhabitants of America into it -(<i>Magnalia</i>, B. <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> ch. i. § 3), and Winthrop, -describing the great freshet of -1638, records that the Indians “being -pawawing in this tempest, the Devil -came and fetched away five of them” -(vol. i. p. *293). -</p> -<p> -See also Gookin’s <i>Indians</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. -Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 154; Young’s -<i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 356; and Champlain’s -<i>Voyages</i>, vol. iii. p. 171. Champlain -says the Indians do not worship -any God; “they have, however, some -respect for the devil.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_256_256" id="Footnote_256_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_256_256"><span class="label">[256]</span></a> [Ingling.] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_257_257" id="Footnote_257_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_257_257"><span class="label">[257]</span></a> In regard to the Indian Powaws, -priests, or medicine men, and their methods -of dealing with the sick, see the detailed -account in Champlain’s <i>Voyages</i>, -vol. iii. pp. 171-8; Josselyn’s <i>Two Voyages</i>, -p. 134; Wood’s <i>Prospect</i>, p. 71; Williams’s -<i>Key</i>, ch. xxxi.; Gookin’s <i>Indians</i>, -<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 154; Young’s -<i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, pp. 317, 357; Lechford’s -<i>Plaine Dealing</i>, (Trumbull’s ed.) p. 117; -Parkman’s <i>Jesuits in North America</i>, -pp. lxxxiv.-lxxxvii.; also <i>Magnalia</i>, B. -<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> part. iii., where Mather says: “In -most of their dangerous distempers, it is -a <i>powaw</i> that must be sent for; that is, -a priest who has more familiarity with -Satan than his neighbors; this conjurer -comes and roars and howls and uses -magical ceremonies over the sick man, -and will be well paid for it when he is -done; if this don’t effect the cure, the -‘man’s time is come, and there’s an -end.’” For a summary in Indian medical -practice, see further, Ellis’s <i>Red -Man and White Man</i>, pp. 127-33.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_258_258" id="Footnote_258_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_258_258"><span class="label">[258]</span></a> Passaconoway, already referred to -(<i>supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <i>note</i>), dwelt at a place -called Pennakook, and his dominions extended -over the sachems living upon the -Piscataqua and its branches. The young -Sachem of Saugus was named Winnepurkitt, -and was commonly known -among the English as George Rumney-marsh. -He was a son of Nanepashemet, -and at one time proprietor of Deer -Island in Boston Harbor. (Drake’s <i>Book -of the Indians</i>, ed. 1851, pp. 105, 111, -278.) The incident in the text has been -made the subject of a poem, <i>The Bridal -of Pennacook</i>, by Whittier, and Drake -repeats it; but as Winnepurkitt is said -by Drake to have been born in 1616, and -to have succeeded Montowampate as -Sachem in 1633, and as Morton, at the -close of the present chapter, declares that -“the lady, when I came out of the -country [in 1630], remained still with her -father,” the whole story would seem to be -not only highly inconsistent with what -we know of Indian life and habits, but -also at variance with facts and dates.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_259_259" id="Footnote_259_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_259_259"><span class="label">[259]</span></a> [not determined.] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_260_260" id="Footnote_260_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_260_260"><span class="label">[260]</span></a> Josselyn’s account of the Indian -wampum is written, more than any -other which has come down to us, in the -spirit of the <i>New Canaan</i>: “Their Merchandize -are their beads, which are their -money, of these there are two sorts, blew -Beads and white Beads, the first is their -Gold, the last their Silver, these they -work out of certain shells so cunningly -that neither <i>Jew</i> nor Devil can counterfeit, -they dril them and string them, and -make many curious works with them to -adorn the persons of their Sagamores -and principal men and young women, as -Belts, Girdles, Tablets, Borders for their -womens hair, Bracelets, Necklaces, and -links to hang in their ears. Prince -<i>Phillip</i>, a little before I came for England, -coming to Boston, had a coat on -and Buskins set thick with these Beads -in pleasant wild works, and a broad belt -of the same; his Accoutrements were -valued at Twenty pounds. The English -Merchant giveth them ten shillings a -fathom for their white, and as much -more or near upon for their blew beads.” -(<i>Two Voyages</i>, pp. 142-3.) -</p> -<p> -There is a much better description of -wampum in Lawson’s account of Carolina, -quoted by Drake (<i>Book of the Indians</i>, -p. 328), in which he says that -wampum was current money among the -Indians “all over the continent, as far -as the bay of Mexico.” Lawson’s explanation -of the fact that wampum was -not counterfeited to any considerable -extent is much more natural than Morton’s. -It cost more to counterfeit it than -it was worth. “To make this <i>Peak</i> -it cost the English five or ten times as -much as they could get for it; whereas -it cost the Indians nothing, because they -set no value upon their time, and therefore -have no competitors to fear, or that -others will take its manufacture out of -their hands.” -</p> -<p> -Roger Williams (<i>Key</i>, ch. xxvi.) devotes -considerable space to this subject, -and says: “They [the Indians] hang -these strings of money about their necks -and wrists; as also upon the necks and -wrists of their wives and children. They -make [girdles] curiously of one, two, -three, foure and five inches thickness and -more, of this money which (sometimes -to the value of ten pounds and more) -they weare about their middle and as a -scarfe about their shoulders and breasts. -Yea, the Princes make rich Caps and -Aprons (or small breeches) of these -Beads thus curiously strung into many -formes and figures: their blacke and -white finely mixt together.” See also -Trumbull’s notes in his edition of the -<i>Key</i>, and Palfrey, vol. i. p. 31. Parkman -(<i>Jesuits in North America</i>, pp. xxxi., -lxi.) says of wampum: “This was at -once their currency, their ornament, their -pen, ink and parchment.” He describes -the uses to which it was put among the -Hurons and Iroquois, but adds: “The -art [of working it] soon fell into disuse, -however; for wampum better than their -own was brought them by the traders, -besides abundant imitations in glass and -porcelain.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_261_261" id="Footnote_261_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_261_261"><span class="label">[261]</span></a> “How have foule hands (in smoakie -houses) the first handling of these Furres -which are often worne upon the hands -of Queens and heads of Princes!” (Williams’s -<i>Key</i>, p. 158.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_262_262" id="Footnote_262_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_262_262"><span class="label">[262]</span></a> There is obviously some corruption -of the original manuscript here, but I -have been unable to obtain any even -plausible suggestion of what word may -have been turned into “reles” through -the compositor’s inability to decipher -copy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_263_263" id="Footnote_263_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_263_263"><span class="label">[263]</span></a> There is not much to be said on -the manufactures, utensils and trade of -the New England aborigines. Gookin -(<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 151) has -a comprehensive paragraph on the subject, -and there is a passage in Josselyn -(<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 143). See also Williams’s -<i>Key</i>, ch. xxv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_264_264" id="Footnote_264_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_264_264"><span class="label">[264]</span></a> Josselyn also speaks of “baskets, -bags and mats woven with <i>Sparke</i>.” -(<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 143.) “Spart,” Mr. -Trumbull writes, “was a northern English -name for the dwarf-rush, and (as -‘spart’ in the glossaries) for osiers, and -I <i>guess</i>, Morton’s and Josselyn’s <i>sparke</i> -is another form of that name.” Gookin -says (<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 151): -“Some of their baskets are made of -rushes; some, of bents; others, of maize-husks; -others, of a kind of silk grass; -others, of a kind of wild hemp; and -some, of barks of trees.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_265_265" id="Footnote_265_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_265_265"><span class="label">[265]</span></a> Wood says of the Indian women: -“Their corn being ripe, they gather it, -and drying it hard in the Sun, conveigh -it to their barnes, which be great holes -digged in the ground in forme of a -brasse pot, seeled with rinds of trees, -wherein they put their corne, covering -it from the inquisitive search of their -gurmundizing husbands, who would eate -up both their allowed portion, and reserved -seed, if they knew where to finde -it. But our hogges having found a way -to unhindge their barne doores, and -robbe their garners, they are glad to -implore their husbands helpe to roule -the bodies of trees over their holes, to -prevent these pioneers, whose theevery -they as much hate as their flesh.” -(<i>Prospect</i>, p. 81.) Mather also, in enumerating -the points of resemblance between -the Indians and the Israelites, -(<i>Magnalia</i>, B. <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> part iii.) says: “They -have, too, a great unkindness for our -<i>swine</i>; but I suppose that is because -the hogs devour the clams, which are -a dainty with them.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_266_266" id="Footnote_266_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_266_266"><span class="label">[266]</span></a> See Ellis’s <i>Red Man and White -Man</i>, p. 148; also, <i>infra</i>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <i>n.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_267_267" id="Footnote_267_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_267_267"><span class="label">[267]</span></a> This Sachem has already been sufficiently -referred to (<i>Supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.) All -that is known concerning him can be -found in Drake’s <i>Book of the Indians</i>, -(ed. 1851), pp. 107-9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_268_268" id="Footnote_268_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_268_268"><span class="label">[268]</span></a> Morton’s neighbors at Wessaguscus -were William Jeffrey, John Bursley and -such others of the Robert Gorges expedition -of 1623 as still remained there. -(<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.) See also <i>Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc.</i> 1878, p. 198.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_269_269" id="Footnote_269_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_269_269"><span class="label">[269]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_77">*77</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_270_270" id="Footnote_270_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_270_270"><span class="label">[270]</span></a> “Frumenty, <i>n.</i> [Also <i>furmenty</i> and -<i>fumety</i>; from Lat. <i>frumentum</i>]. Food -made of wheat boiled in milk, and seasoned -with sugar, cinnamon, &c.” <i>Webster.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_271_271" id="Footnote_271_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_271_271"><span class="label">[271]</span></a> Squanto. See <i>infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_104">*104</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_272_272" id="Footnote_272_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_272_272"><span class="label">[272]</span></a> In reference to this passage, Mr. -Francis Parkman writes: “I have -searched my memory in vain for anything -in the early French writers answering -to Morton’s statement. I don’t -think that Cartier, Champlain, Biard, -Lescarbot or Le Jeune, the principal writers -before 1635, make the extraordinary -assertions in question. In fact, as there -were no Spaniards in Canada, and likely -to be none on French vessels going there, -Indians of those parts would hardly have -the opportunity of distinguishing between -them by smell or otherwise. Indeed, -they did not know the existence of -such a nation.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_273_273" id="Footnote_273_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_273_273"><span class="label">[273]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#OPage_27">*27</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_274_274" id="Footnote_274_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_274_274"><span class="label">[274]</span></a> “Kytan was an appellation of the -greatest <i>manito</i>. The word signifies -‘greatest’ or ‘pre-eminent.’ See my -note (p. 207) in Lechford’s <i>Plaine Dealing</i> -(p. 120), where is mention of ‘Kitan, -their good god.’ Roger Williams -in a letter to Thomas Thorowgood, 1635, -names ‘their god Kuttand to the south-west’ -(<i>Jewes in America</i>, 1650, p. 6) -but in his <i>Key</i>, he writes the name Cautantowit -(<i>To the Reader</i>, p. 24.) i. e., -<i>Keihte-anito</i>—‘greatest manito.’ -</p> -<p> -“I have not met with the name <i>Sanaconquam</i> -elsewhere: at least I do not -remember seeing it except in Morton. -The derivation is apparently from a -word meaning to press upon, to op-press, -to crush, or the like.” (<i>Manuscript Letter -of J. H. Trumbull</i>, June 25, 1882.) -</p> -<p> -See, also, authorities referred to <i>supra</i>, -p. <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <i>note</i>, and also Ellis’s <i>Red Man -and White Man</i>, pp. 134-9. Morell has -a passage on the Indian’s methods of -worship in his poem. (<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. -Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 136.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_275_275" id="Footnote_275_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_275_275"><span class="label">[275]</span></a> Roger Williams says: “They will -relate how they have it from their -Fathers, that Kantántowwit made one -man and woman of a stone, which disliking, -he broke them in pieces, and made -another man and woman of a tree, which -were the Fountaines of all mankind.” -(<i>Key</i>, ch. xxi.) -</p> -<p> -“They believe that the soules of men -and women goe to the Sou-west, their -great and good men and women to Cantántowwit -his House, where they have -hopes (as the Turks have) of carnal -Joyes: Murtherers, theeves and Lyers, -their souls (say they) wander restlesse -abroad.” (<i>Ib.</i>) -</p> -<p> -Wood, enlarging on this, says: “Yet -do they hold the immortality of the -never-dying soul, that it shall passe to the -South-west <i>Elysium</i>, concerning which -their <i>Indian</i> faith jumps much with -the <i>Turkish Alchoran</i>, holding it to be -a kind of Paradise, wherein they shall -everlastingly abide, solacing themselves -in odoriferous Gardens, fruitfull corn-fields, -green meadows, bathing their -hides in the coole streams of pleasant -Rivers, and shelter themselves from -heat and cold in the sumptuous Pallaces -framed by the skill of Natures curious -contrivement. Concluding that neither -care nor pain shall molest them but that -Natures bounty wil administer all things -with a voluntary contribution from the -overflowing storehouse of their <i>Elysian</i> -Hospital, at the portall whereof they -say lies a great Dog, whose churlish -snarlings deny a <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Pax intrantibus</i> to unworthy -intruders.” (<i>Prospect</i>, p. 79.) -</p> -<p> -Parkman says: “The primitive Indian -believed in the immortality of the soul, -but he did not always believe in a state -of future reward and punishment.” -(<i>Jesuits in North America</i>, p. lxxx.) -Referring to a case in which one of the -Jesuits quoted an Indian as saying -“there was no future life,” Parkman -adds: “It would be difficult to find another -instance of the kind.” -</p> -<p> -The romantic view of the Indian on -this point was taken by Arnold, in his -<i>History of Rhode Island</i> (vol. i. p. 78), -and the realistic view by Palfrey, in his -<i>New England</i> (vol. i. p. 49); and, -though writing at the same time, the -two seem to be controverting each other. -See Ellis’s <i>Red Man and White Man</i>, -p. 115.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_276_276" id="Footnote_276_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_276_276"><span class="label">[276]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, p. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_277_277" id="Footnote_277_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_277_277"><span class="label">[277]</span></a> Roger Williams, also, in a passage -just quoted (<i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <i>note</i>), speaks -of the future punishment supposed, -among the New England Indians, to be -allotted to thieves and liars. Josselyn, -on the other hand, describes them as -“very fingurative or theevish” (<i>Two Voyages</i>, -p. 125); and Gookin says: “They -are naturally much addicted to lying -and speaking untruth: and unto stealing, -especially from the English” (<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. -Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 149). Winslow -describes the severe punishments inflicted -for theft (Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, -p. 364). Dodge, in his <i>Wild Indians</i> -(pp. 63-5), explains this discrepancy in -the authorities. He says: “All these -authors are both right and wrong. In -their own bands, Indians are perfectly -honest.... It [theft] is the sole unpardonable -crime among Indians.” He -then describes, like Winslow, the severity -of the punishments inflicted for thefts; -“but,” he adds, “this wonderfully exceptional -honesty extends no further -than to the members of his immediate -band. To all outside of it, the Indian -is not only one of the most arrant -thieves in the world, but this quality or -faculty is held in the highest estimation.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_278_278" id="Footnote_278_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_278_278"><span class="label">[278]</span></a> The reference is to ch. iii. of the -Third Booke (<i>infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_106">*106-8</a>). This passage -would seem to indicate that the -third book of the <i>New Canaan</i> was written -first, and that the two other books -were prepared subsequently, probably in -imitation of Wood’s <i>Prospect</i>. (See -<i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_279_279" id="Footnote_279_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_279_279"><span class="label">[279]</span></a> “Yea, I saw with mine owne eyes -that at my late comming forth of the Countrey, -the chiefe and most aged peaceable -Father of the countrey, Caunoŭnicus, -having buried his sonne, he burned -his owne Palace, and all his goods in it, -(amongst them to a great value) in a -sollemne remembrance of his sonne, and -in a kind of humble Expiation to the -Gods, who, (as they believe) had taken -his sonne from him.” (Williams’s <i>Key</i>, -ch. xxxii.) In the same passage Williams -says: “Upon the Grave is spread the Mat -that the party died on, the Dish he ate -in, and, sometimes, a faire Coat of skin -hung upon the next tree to the Grave, -which none will touch, but suffer it there -to rot with the dead.” See also Young’s -<i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, pp. 142, 143, 154, 363; -Strachey’s <i>Historie</i>, p. 90. -</p> -<p> -“In times of general Mortality they -omit the Ceremonies of burying, exposing -their dead Carkases to the Beasts of -prey. But at other times they dig a Pit -and set the diseased therein upon his -breech upright, and, throwing in the -earth, cover it with the sods and bind -them down with sticks, driving in two -stakes at each end; their mournings -are somewhat like the howlings of the -Irish, seldom at the grave but in the -Wigwam where the party dyed, blaming -the Devil for his hard-heartedness, and -concluding with rude prayers to him to -afflict them no further.” (Josselyn, <i>Two -Voyages</i>, p. 132.) There is a highly -characteristic passage to the same effect -in Wood’s <i>Prospect</i>, p. 79.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_280_280" id="Footnote_280_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_280_280"><span class="label">[280]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_281_281" id="Footnote_281_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_281_281"><span class="label">[281]</span></a> The reference is to Wood’s <i>New -England’s Prospect</i>, p. 13; where, also, -the Indian custom of firing the country -in November is described.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_282_282" id="Footnote_282_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_282_282"><span class="label">[282]</span></a> Gookin says: “This beastly sin of -drunkenness could not be charged upon -the Indians before the English and -other Christian nations, as Dutch, -French, and Spaniards, came to dwell -in America: which nations, especially -the English in New-England, have cause -to be greatly humbled before God, that -they have been, and are, instrumental to -cause these Indians to commit this great -evil and beastly sin of drunkenness.” -(<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. p. 151.) -</p> -<p> -In regard to the peculiarities of Indian -drunkenness, see Dodge’s <i>Wild -Indians</i>, pp. 333-5. What is there -said of the Indians of “the plains” is -probably true of all the northern American -Indians. “This passion for intoxication -amounts almost to an insanity.... -To drink liquor as a beverage, -for the gratification of taste, or for the -sake of pleasurable conviviality, is something -of which the Indian can form no -conception. His idea of pleasure in -the use of strong drink is to get drunk, -and the quicker and more complete that -effect, the better he likes it.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_283_283" id="Footnote_283_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_283_283"><span class="label">[283]</span></a> “They live in a country where <i>we</i> -now have all the conveniences of human -life: but as for <i>them</i>, their <i>housing</i> is -nothing but a few <i>mats</i> tyed about <i>poles</i> -fastened in the earth, where a good <i>fire</i> -is their <i>bed-clothes</i> in the coldest seasons; -their <i>clothing</i> is but a skin of -a beast, covering their <i>hind-parts</i>, their -<i>fore-parts</i> having but a little apron, -where nature calls for secrecy; their -<i>diet</i> has not a greater dainty than their -<i>Nokehick</i>, that is a spoonful of their -<i>parched meal</i>, with a spoonful of <i>water</i>, -which will strengthen them to travel a -day to-gether; except we should mention -the flesh of <i>deers</i>, <i>bears</i>, <i>mose</i>, -<i>rackoons</i>, and the like, which they have -when they can <i>catch</i> them; as also a -little <i>fish</i>, which, if they would preserve, -it was by <i>drying</i>, not by <i>salting</i>; -for they had not a grain of <i>salt</i> in the -world, I think, till we bestowed it on -them.” <i>Magnalia</i>, B. <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> part iii. In -his <i>Letters and Notes on the North -American Indians</i> (<i>Letter No. 17</i>) Catlin -comments on the failure of the Indians -to make any use of salt, even in -localities where it abounds. See <i>supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_284_284" id="Footnote_284_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_284_284"><span class="label">[284]</span></a> The relations supposed to exist between -the Indians and the devil have -been referred to in a previous note, -<i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>. It is, however, a somewhat -curious fact that the aboriginal -hierarchy, suggested in the text, had a -few years before found its exact political -counterpart in the talk of the English -people. “‘Who governs the land?’ -it was asked. ‘Why, the King.’ ‘And -who governs the King?’ ‘Why, the -Duke of Buckingham.’ ‘And who governs -the Duke?’ ‘Why, the Devil.’” -(Ewald’s <i>Stories from the State Papers</i>, -vol. ii. p. 117.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_285_285" id="Footnote_285_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_285_285"><span class="label">[285]</span></a> “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Sed quoniam, (ut præclare scriptum -est a Platone) non nobis solum -nati sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria, -vindicat, partem amici.</span>” <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Officiis</i>, -Lib. <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> § 7. The words “<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">partem -parentes</span>” are not in the original, but -have been inserted by modern scholars -as rendering the quotation from Plato -more correct.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_286_286" id="Footnote_286_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_286_286"><span class="label">[286]</span></a> In annotating this chapter I have -been indebted to Professors Asa Gray -and C. S. Sargent of Harvard University -for assistance, they having sent me -several of the more technical notes. This -and the five following chapters of the -<i>New Canaan</i> have a certain interest as -being among the earliest memoranda on -the trees, animals, birds, fish and geology -of Massachusetts. The only earlier -publication of at all a similar character is -Wood’s <i>New England’s Prospect</i>, which -appeared in 1634, and contained the result -of observations made during the four -years 1629 to 1633. Morton’s acquaintance -with the country was earlier and -longer than Wood’s, but the <i>New Canaan</i> -was not published until three years -after the <i>Prospect</i>, which it followed -closely in its description of the country -and its products. Josselyn’s first voyage -was made in 1638, and his stay in New -England covered a period of fifteen -months, July, 1638, to October, 1639. His -second visit was in 1663, and lasted until -1671. The <i>New England’s Rarities</i> was -published in 1672, and the <i>Two Voyages</i> -in 1674. Josselyn’s alone of these works -can make any pretence to a scientific -character or nomenclature, but the four -taken together constitute the whole body -of early New England natural history -and geology. Only occasional reference -to this class of subjects is found in other -writers.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_287_287" id="Footnote_287_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_287_287"><span class="label">[287]</span></a> The White Oake includes, no doubt, -<i>Quercus alba</i> and <i>bicolor</i>, and the Redd -Oake, <i>Quercus rubra</i>, <i>tinctoria</i> and <i>coccinea</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_288_288" id="Footnote_288_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_288_288"><span class="label">[288]</span></a> Edward Williams, in his <i>Virginia</i> -(<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Force’s Tracts</i>, No. 11. p. 14), written -in 1650, says: “Nor are Pipestaves -and Clapboard a despicable commodity, -of which one man may with ease make -fifteen thousand yearely, which in the -countrey itselfe are sold for 4 l. in the <i>Canaries</i> -for twenty pound the thousand, -and by this means the labour of one -man will yeeld him 60 l. <i>per annum</i>, at -the lowest Market.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_289_289" id="Footnote_289_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_289_289"><span class="label">[289]</span></a> Probably <i>Fraxinus Americana</i>, although -two other species of Ash are -common in Massachusetts, the Red and -the Black Ash (<i>F. pubescens</i> and <i>sambucifolia</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_290_290" id="Footnote_290_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_290_290"><span class="label">[290]</span></a> It is interesting to note that, at this -early day, two forms of our one species -of Beech were distinguished by the color -of the wood, a distinction which has often -been adopted by Botanists and is still -considered by mechanics and woodsmen.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_291_291" id="Footnote_291_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_291_291"><span class="label">[291]</span></a> This refers, no doubt, to our different -species of Hickory, although the -Butternut (<i>Juglans cinerea</i>) is common -in Massachusetts.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_292_292" id="Footnote_292_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_292_292"><span class="label">[292]</span></a> Both the White and the Pitch Pine -(<i>Pinus strobus</i>, and <i>rigida</i>) are probably -referred to.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_293_293" id="Footnote_293_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_293_293"><span class="label">[293]</span></a> “For I have seene of these stately -high growne trees, ten miles together -close by the River side, from whence by -shipping they might be conveyed to any -desired Port.” (Wood’s <i>New England’s -Prospect</i>, p. 15.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_294_294" id="Footnote_294_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_294_294"><span class="label">[294]</span></a> The Red Cedar (<i>Juniperus virginia</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_295_295" id="Footnote_295_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_295_295"><span class="label">[295]</span></a> This is clearly a contemptuous reference -to Wood, who in his <i>Prospect</i> (p. -15) had said, “The Cedar tree is a -tree of no great growth, not bearing -above a foote and a halfe square at the -most, neither is it very high. I suppose -they be much inferiour to the Cedars of -<i>Lebenon</i>, so much commended in holy -writ.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_296_296" id="Footnote_296_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_296_296"><span class="label">[296]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_297_297" id="Footnote_297_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_297_297"><span class="label">[297]</span></a> The White Cedar (<i>Chamaecyparis -thyoides</i>); or perhaps Arbor-Vitæ -(<i>Thuja occindentalis</i>), which is the -“more bewtifull tree.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_298_298" id="Footnote_298_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_298_298"><span class="label">[298]</span></a> A misprint for Gerard, whose <i>Herball, -or Generall Historie of Plants</i>, was -published in 1597, and Johnson’s edition -of it in 1633.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_299_299" id="Footnote_299_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_299_299"><span class="label">[299]</span></a> This probably includes both the -Black Spruce (<i>Picea nigra</i>) and the -Hemlock (<i>Truga canadensis</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_300_300" id="Footnote_300_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_300_300"><span class="label">[300]</span></a> “Spruce is a goodly Tree, of which -they make Masts for Ships, and Sail -Yards: It is generally conceived by -those that have skill in Building of Ships, -that here is absolutely the best Trees in -the World, many of them being three -Fathom about, and of great length.” -(Josselyn, <i>Rarities</i>, p. 63.) “At <i>Pascataway</i> -there is now a Spruce-tree brought -down to the water-side by our Mass-men -of an incredible bigness, and so long that -no Skipper durst ever yet adventure to -ship it, but there it lyes and Rots.” -(<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 67.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_301_301" id="Footnote_301_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_301_301"><span class="label">[301]</span></a> [whether.] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_302_302" id="Footnote_302_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_302_302"><span class="label">[302]</span></a> Probably the Sugar, Red and White -Maples are intended: <i>Acer saccharinum</i>, -<i>rubrum</i> and <i>dasycarpum</i>. It is -singular that no reference to the manufacture -of maple sugar by the Indians -occurs.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_303_303" id="Footnote_303_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_303_303"><span class="label">[303]</span></a> (Elder) <i>Sambucus Canadensis</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_304_304" id="Footnote_304_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_304_304"><span class="label">[304]</span></a> Wood (<i>Prospect</i>, p. 15) says, “Two -sorts, Red and White.” None of our -native Grape vines bear White grapes.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_305_305" id="Footnote_305_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_305_305"><span class="label">[305]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_306_306" id="Footnote_306_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_306_306"><span class="label">[306]</span></a> Perhaps our little Beach plum (<i>P. -maritima</i>) is intended. The wild American -Plum-tree is probably not a native -of Massachusetts, although it was early -cultivated by the aborigines and settlers.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_307_307" id="Footnote_307_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_307_307"><span class="label">[307]</span></a> (<i>Sassafras officinale.</i>)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_308_308" id="Footnote_308_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_308_308"><span class="label">[308]</span></a> The Ginseng (<i>Aralia quinquefolia</i>), -or the Wild Sarsaparilla (<i>Aralia nudicaulis</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_309_309" id="Footnote_309_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_309_309"><span class="label">[309]</span></a> In Chapter IX. of this Book (<i>infra</i>, -<a href="#OPage_94">*94</a>) Morton again refers to the growth -of hemp in New England, as evidence -of the fertility of the soil. He declares -“that it shewteth up to be tenne foote -high and tenne foote and a halfe.” -Thomas Wiggin, also, in writing of -New England in November, 1632, says: -“As good hempe and fflax as in any -parte of the world, growes there naturally.” -(<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. viii. -p. 322.) Hemp, however, is not native -to New England or America. That -spoken of must have been grown from -seed brought over by the colonists. -Morton may have seen it growing in -garden soil at Plymouth and Wessagusset, -but that any field of it ever reached -a height of ten or ten and a half feet -in eastern Massachusetts is very questionable.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_310_310" id="Footnote_310_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_310_310"><span class="label">[310]</span></a> Professor Gray of Harvard University -has furnished me the following note -on this chapter:— -</p> -<p> -“Unlike Josselyn, the author evidently -was not an herbalist, and wrote at random. -His pot-marjoram, thyme and -balm, though not to be specifically identified, -and none of them of the same -species as in England, must be represented -by our American pennyroyal -(<i>Hedeoma pulegioides</i>), a native mint -(<i>Mentha borealis</i>), wild basil (<i>Pycnanthemum</i>), -and a species of <i>Monarda</i>, -sometimes called balm, all sweet herbs -of the New England coast. Alexander -is hardly to be guessed. Angelica as a -genus occurs here, but not the officinal -species. Wild sarsaparilla (<i>Aralia nudicaulis</i>) -was probably in view. Purslane -is interesting in this connection, -adding as it does to the probability that -this plant was in the country before the -settlement. There are no Anniseeds in -New England, and it is impossible to -guess what the author meant. It was -probably a random statement founded -on nothing in particular. The Honeysuckles -were doubtless the two species -of <i>Azalea</i> to which the name is still -applied.” Wood also says (<i>Prospect</i>, pp. -11, 12), “There is likewise growing all -manner of Hearbes for meate and medicine, -and not only in planted Gardens, -but in the woods, without either the art or -helpe of man, as sweete Marjoram, Purselane, -Sorrell, Peneriall, Yarrow, Myrtle, -Saxifarilla, Bayes, &c.” See also Mr. -Tuckerman’s introductory matter and -notes, in his edition of <i>New England’s -Rarities</i> [1865], and Professor Gray’s -chapter (vol. i. ch. ii.) on the Flora of -Boston and vicinity, and the changes it -has undergone, in the <i>Memorial History -of Boston</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_311_311" id="Footnote_311_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_311_311"><span class="label">[311]</span></a> For the greater part of the notes to -this chapter, and for all those of a technical -character, I am indebted to Mr. -William Brewster, of Cambridge. To -his notes I have added a few references -to, and extracts from, other early works -more or less contemporaneous with the -<i>New Canaan</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_312_312" id="Footnote_312_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_312_312"><span class="label">[312]</span></a> Probably the Whistling Swan (<i>Cygnus -Americanus</i>), now a rare visitor to -New England. Wood, also, in his poetical -enumeration of birds and fowls -(<i>Prospect</i>, p. 23), speaks of -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“The Silver Swan that tunes her mournfull breath,</div> - <div class="verse">To sing the dirge of her approaching death.”</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -Further on (p. 26) he says, “There be -likewise many Swannes which frequent -the fresh ponds and rivers, seldome consorting -themselves with Duckes and -Geese; these be very good meate, the -price of one is six shillings.” In his -enumeration of birds of New England, -Josselyn (<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 100) mentions -“<i>Hookers</i> or wild-<i>Swans</i>.” This -bird is not included in Peabody’s <i>Report -on the Ornithol. of Massachusetts</i> (1839).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_313_313" id="Footnote_313_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_313_313"><span class="label">[313]</span></a> The Brant (<i>Bernicla brenta</i>), common -at the present day.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_314_314" id="Footnote_314_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_314_314"><span class="label">[314]</span></a> The Snow Goose (<i>Anser hyperboreus</i>), -now rare in New England, although -common throughout the West.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_315_315" id="Footnote_315_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_315_315"><span class="label">[315]</span></a> The Canada Goose (<i>Bernicla Canadensis</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_316_316" id="Footnote_316_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_316_316"><span class="label">[316]</span></a> The Black Duck (<i>Anas obscura</i>), -still abundant. The identity of the other -two is doubtful: the Pide Duck may -have been the Pied or Labrador Duck -(<i>Camptolæmus Labradorius</i>), a species -formerly common but now nearly if not -wholly extinct; the Gray Duck is probably -the Pintail (<i>Dafila acuta</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_317_317" id="Footnote_317_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_317_317"><span class="label">[317]</span></a> The Green-winged Teal (<i>Querquedula -Carolinensis</i>) and the Blue-winged -Teal (<i>Querquedula discors</i>), both noted -for the delicacy of their flesh.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_318_318" id="Footnote_318_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_318_318"><span class="label">[318]</span></a> Probably the American Widgeon, or -Baldpate (<i>Mareca Americana</i>). The -name Widgeon is sometimes applied -to other species, however.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_319_319" id="Footnote_319_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_319_319"><span class="label">[319]</span></a> Probably some species of web-footed -bird, but exactly what is not clear. Mr. -Merriam, in his <i>Review of the Birds of -Connecticut</i> (pp. 104-5), identifies Morton’s -Simpe as the American Woodcock -(<i>Philohela minor</i>), but in this he -is doubtless in error. In the first place, -it is not likely that a keen sportsman -like Morton would have shot woodcock -merely out of curiosity, and “more did -not regard them;” in the second place, -Josselyn, in enumerating the different -sorts of ducks, speaks of “<i>Widgeons</i>, -<i>Simps</i>, <i>Teal</i>, Blew wing’d and green -wing’d.” (<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 101.) But -for the reference in the next paragraph -in the text, and the disparaging manner -in which the bird in question is alluded -to, it would be inferred that Simpes was -a natural misprint for Snipes. That, -however, is clearly not the case.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_320_320" id="Footnote_320_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_320_320"><span class="label">[320]</span></a> The Sanderling (<i>Calidris arenaria</i>), -a common Sandpiper, peculiar in lacking -the usual hind toe. The context indicates -that other shore birds were included -under this name. “There are little Birds -that frequent the Sea-shore in flocks -called <i>Sanderlins</i>, they are about the -bigness of a <i>Sparrow</i>, and in the fall of -the leaf will be all fat; when I was first -in the Countrie the <i>English</i> cut them -into small pieces to put into their Puddings -instead of suet. I have known -twelve score and above kill’d at two -shots.” (Josselyn’s <i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 102.) -To precisely the same effect Wood says -(<i>Prospect</i>, p. 27), “I myselfe have killed -twelve score at two shootes.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_321_321" id="Footnote_321_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_321_321"><span class="label">[321]</span></a> Neither the Whooping Crane (<i>Grus -Americana</i>) nor the Sandhill Crane (<i>Grus -pratensis</i>) is now found in New England. -The latter is probably the species -referred to here. Our large Heron -(<i>Ardea herodias</i>) is often called Crane -by country people, but it does not eat -corn, and “in a dishe” would hardly be -considered “a goodly bird.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_322_322" id="Footnote_322_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_322_322"><span class="label">[322]</span></a> The Wild Turkey (<i>Meleagris gallipavo -Americana</i>) is mentioned by all the -early writers as an abundant bird; but -it disappeared almost as rapidly as the -Indians, before the encroachment of the -white settlers. Peabody, writing in 1839 -(<i>Report on the Fishes, Reptiles, and -Birds of Massachusetts</i>, p. 352), says: -“It is still found occasionally in our -western mountains, and also on the Holyoke -range, where some are taken every -year.” Its total extinction probably -occurred only a few years later.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_323_323" id="Footnote_323_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_323_323"><span class="label">[323]</span></a> Probably an exaggeration, although -Audubon mentions one that weighed -thirty-six pounds; the ordinary weight -of the full-grown male is from fifteen to -twenty pounds, a gobbler weighing twenty-five -pounds being an unusually large -bird. Yet Morton’s statement is fully -borne out by other contemporary authorities. -Wood says, “The Turky is a very -large bird, of a blacke colour, yet white -in flesh; much bigger then our English -Turky. He hath the use of his long legs -so ready, that he can runne as fast as a -Dogge, and flye as well as a Goose: of -these sometimes there will be forty, three-score -and an hundred of a flocke, sometimes -more and sometimes lesse; their -feeding is Acorns, Hawes, and Berries, -some of them get a haunt to frequent our -<i>English</i> corne: In Winter when the -Snow covers the ground, they resort to -the Sea-shore to looke for Shrimps, and -such small fishes at low tides. Such as -love Turkie hunting must follow it in -Winter after a new falne Snow, when he -may follow them by their tracts; some -have killed ten or a dozen in halfe a -day; if they can be found towards an -evening, and watched where they peirch, -if one came about ten or eleaven of the -clocke, he may shoote as often as he -will, they will sit, unlesse they be slenderly -wounded. These Turkies remain -all the yeare long. The price of a good -Turkie cocke is foure shillings: and he -is well worth it, for he may be in weight -forty pound; a Hen two shillings.” -(<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, p. 24.) So -also Josselyn: “I have heard several credible -persons affirm, they have seen <i>Turkie -Cocks</i> that have weighed forty, yea -sixty pounds; but out of my personal -experimental knowledge I can assure -you, that I have eaten my share of a -<i>Turkie Cock</i>, that when he was pull’d -and garbidg’d, weighed thirty pound.” -He adds, however, that even then [1670] -“the <i>English</i> and the <i>Indians</i> having -now destroyed the breed, so that ’tis very -rare to meet with a wild <i>Turkie</i> in the -Woods.” (<i>New England’s Rarities</i>, -p. 9.) See also <i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 99, -where the same writer says: “If you -would preserve the young Chickens alive, -you must give them no water, for if they -come to have their fill of water, they -will drop away strangely, and you will -never be able to rear any of them.” John -Clayton, in his <i>Letter to the Royal Society</i> -[1688], says of Virginia: “There -be wild Turkies extream large; they -talk of Turkies that have been kill’d, -that have weigh’d betwixt 50 and 60 -Pound weight; the largest that ever I -saw, weigh’d something better than 38 -Pound.” (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Force’s Tracts</i>, No. 12, -p. 30.) Williams, in his <i>Virginia</i> [1650], -speaks of “infinites of wilde Turkeyes, -which have been knowne to weigh fifty -pound weight, ordinarily forty.” (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> -<i>Force’s Tracts</i>, No. 11, p. 12.) See also -Strachey’s <i>Historie</i>, p. 125; Young’s -<i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 253.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_324_324" id="Footnote_324_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_324_324"><span class="label">[324]</span></a> In regard to this expression Mr. -Trumbull writes: “<i>Metawna</i> is <i>mittànnug</i> -(R. Williams), <i>muttannunk</i> -(Eliot),—Englished by ‘a thousand;’ -but to the Indians less definite, ‘a great -many,’ more than he could count. -<i>Neent</i> is possibly a misprint for <i>necut</i> -(<i>nequt</i>, Eliot), ‘one,’—but, more likely, -stands for ‘I have,’ or its equivalent, -‘there is to me.’ Roger Williams -(p. 164) puts the numeral first, <i>nneesnneánna</i>, -‘I have killed two,’—<i>shwinneánna</i>, -[‘I have killed] three,’” &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_325_325" id="Footnote_325_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_325_325"><span class="label">[325]</span></a> The Pheasant of Morton and other -early writers has been supposed by ornithologists -to be the Prairie Hen or -Pinnated Grouse (<i>Cupidonia cupido</i>), a -species which, however, has dark not -“white flesh,”—“formerly ... so common -on the ancient busky site of the city -of Boston, that laboring people or servants -stipulated with their employers, -not to have the <i>Heath-Hen</i> brought to -table oftener then a few times in the -week.” (Nuttall’s <i>Ornithology</i>, vol. i. -p. 800.) There is good evidence that -this bird once ranged over a large part -of Southern New England; it is still -found on Martha’s Vineyard, where it -is carefully protected and is not uncommon. -Elsewhere it does not now occur -much to the eastward of Illinois.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_326_326" id="Footnote_326_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_326_326"><span class="label">[326]</span></a> The Ruffed Grouse (<i>Bonasa umbella</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_327_327" id="Footnote_327_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_327_327"><span class="label">[327]</span></a> The American Partridge, Quail, or -Bob White (<i>Ortyx Virginiana</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_328_328" id="Footnote_328_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_328_328"><span class="label">[328]</span></a> Of doubtful application. Our Horned -Lark (<i>Eremophila alpestris</i>) is the nearest -North American ally of the English -Skylark, but it is so differently colored -that Morton probably had in mind some -other species, perhaps the Titlark (<i>Anthus -ludovicianus</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_329_329" id="Footnote_329_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_329_329"><span class="label">[329]</span></a> Three species of Crows are found in -New England: the Raven (<i>Corvus carnivorus</i>), -now confined to the northern -parts of Maine, New Hampshire, and -Vermont; the Common Crow (<i>Corvus -Americanus</i>); and the Fish Crow (<i>Corvus -ossifragus</i>), which occasionally wanders -to Massachusetts from its true home -in the Middle and Southern States. -The latter may have been the Rook. -“Kight” is a dubious appellation, possibly -referring to the Swallow-tailed Kite -(<i>Nauclerus furcatus</i>), now a rare straggler -from the South, but formerly, as -some ornithologists believe, of regular -occurrence in New England.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_330_330" id="Footnote_330_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_330_330"><span class="label">[330]</span></a> The descriptions given for these -Hawks are too vague to be of much use -in determining species. A clew is often -furnished by familiar terms of falconry, -which, we may assume, would be naturally -applied to American representatives -of Old World forms. Morton, -however, uses these terms very loosely, -or, perhaps, with a regard to fine distinctions -of meaning not now understood. -In such a case nothing can be -done beyond pointing out their accepted -significance and probable application.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_331_331" id="Footnote_331_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_331_331"><span class="label">[331]</span></a> The male of <i>Falco lanarius</i>, a Falcon -found in the southern and south-eastern -parts of Europe, as well as in -Western Asia and the adjoining portions -of Africa. An American variety, the -Prairie Falcon (<i>Falco lanarius polyagrus</i>), -has a wide range in the West, but -is not known to have occurred to the -eastward of Illinois. The bird referred -to by Morton is doubtless the Duck -Hawk (<i>Falco peregrinus</i>), an allied species -not uncommon in New England.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_332_332" id="Footnote_332_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_332_332"><span class="label">[332]</span></a> In the records of the Council for -New England, under date of the 26th of -November, 1635, or about the time that -Morton was writing the <i>New Canaan</i>, -is the following entry: “The Hawks -brought over by Capt. Smart are to be -presented to his Majesty on Saturday -next, by the Lords of those Provinces. -And the said Captain to be recommended -to his Majestys service upon occasion -of employments for his care and -industry used to bring them over, and -for other his services done in those -parts.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_333_333" id="Footnote_333_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_333_333"><span class="label">[333]</span></a> The Cockchafer.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_334_334" id="Footnote_334_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_334_334"><span class="label">[334]</span></a> <i>I. e.</i>, like the Buzzard-Hawks of the -genus <i>Buteo</i>, a sluggish tribe of <i>Raptores</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_335_335" id="Footnote_335_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_335_335"><span class="label">[335]</span></a> Properly of general application to -the genus <i>Falco</i>; if used specifically here -there is no clew to its precise meaning.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_336_336" id="Footnote_336_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_336_336"><span class="label">[336]</span></a> Usually written <i>tercel</i>, and sometimes -<i>tiercel</i> or <i>tiërcel</i>. The male of -any hawk, so termed because he is a -third smaller than the female, or, as some -have thought, because it was believed -that every third bird hatched was a -male. The name, as used in falconry, -almost always refers to the male Goshawk -(<i>Astur palumbarius</i>), while with -the addition of <i>gentil</i>, or <i>gentle</i>, it -indicated the female or young of this -species. The bird alluded to here is -probably the American Goshawk (<i>Astur -atricapillus</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_337_337" id="Footnote_337_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_337_337"><span class="label">[337]</span></a> The American Sparrow Hawk (<i>Falco -sparverius</i>), a small and richly colored -Falcon, would be likely to be used for -such a purpose.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_338_338" id="Footnote_338_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_338_338"><span class="label">[338]</span></a> If not applied to the male Goshawk -(see note on “tassel gentles”), perhaps -referring to Hawks of the genus <i>Buteo</i>, -represented in New England by three -species, <i>Buteo borealis</i>, <i>B. lineatus</i> and -<i>B. Pennsylvanicus</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_339_339" id="Footnote_339_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_339_339"><span class="label">[339]</span></a> If Morton always uses <i>tassel</i> in its -commonly accepted sense (see preceding -notes), another application must be -sought for the present name. The accompanying -text may relate to the Marsh -Hawk (<i>Circus cyaneus Hudsonius</i>), the -adult male of which is our whitest New -England Hawk, and the young or female -perhaps the reddest. The Marsh Hawk -does not prey on full-grown poultry, but -it may have been credited with depredations -committed by other species, a -piece of injustice by no means uncommon -at the present day.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_340_340" id="Footnote_340_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_340_340"><span class="label">[340]</span></a> The Pigeon Hawk (<i>Falco columbarius</i>) -is the New England representative -of the European Merlin (<i>Falco -regulus</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_341_341" id="Footnote_341_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_341_341"><span class="label">[341]</span></a> Probably the Crow Blackbird (<i>Quiscalus -purpureus æneus</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_342_342" id="Footnote_342_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_342_342"><span class="label">[342]</span></a> The Sharp-shinned Hawk (<i>Accipiter -fuscus</i>), a common New England species -closely allied to the European Sparrow -Hawk (<i>Accipiter nisus</i>). Our Cooper’s -Hawk (<i>Accipiter cooperi</i>) also may -be referred to under this name.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_343_343" id="Footnote_343_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_343_343"><span class="label">[343]</span></a> The Ruby-throated Humming-bird -(<i>Trochilus colubris</i>), our only New England -species. The Humming-birds are -peculiar to the New World; hence the -wonder and interest with which they -were regarded by the early explorers -and colonists. There is a letter from -Emanuel Downing to John Winthrop, -Jr., of the 21st of November, 1632, in -which is this paragraph: “You have a -litle bird in your contrie that makes -a humminge noyse, a little bigger then a -bee, I pray send me one of them over, -perfect in his fethers, in a little box.” -(<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. vi. p. 40<sup>e</sup>.) -There are many descriptions of this bird -in the earlier writers, though none that -I have found so early as Downing’s letter. -Wood says: “The Humbird is one -of the wonders of the Countrey, being no -bigger than a Hornet, yet hath all the dimensions -of a Bird, as bill and wings, with -quils, Spider-like legges, small clawes: -For colour, shee is glorious as the Raine-bow; -as shee flies, shee makes a little -humming noise like a humble bee: -wherefore she is called the Humbird.” -(<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, p. 24.) Josselyn’s -description is especially good: -“The <i>Humming Bird</i>, the least of all -Birds, little bigger than a <i>Dor</i>, of variable -glittering Colours, they feed upon -Honey, which they suck out of Blossoms -and Flowers with their long Needle-like -Bills; they sleep all Winter, and are not -to be seen till the Spring, at which time -they breed in little Nests, made up like a -bottom of soft, Silk-like matter, their -Eggs no bigger than a white Pease, they -hatch three or four at a time, and are -proper to this Country.” (<i>New England’s -Rarities</i>, p. 6.) See also Clayton’s -<i>Letter</i>, &c. (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Force’s Tracts</i>, -No. 12, p. 33).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_344_344" id="Footnote_344_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_344_344"><span class="label">[344]</span></a> For all the technical and scientific -notes to this chapter I am indebted to -Mr. Joel A. Allen, of the Museum of -Comparative Zoölogy of Harvard College. -To the matter contributed by -him I have merely added, as in the immediately -preceding chapters, extracts -from other writers, more or less contemporaneous -with Morton, which seemed -to me to be illustrative of the text, or in -the same spirit with it. This chapter of -Morton’s is more complete, though probably -of less value, than Wood’s and Josselyn’s -chapters on the same subject.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_345_345" id="Footnote_345_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_345_345"><span class="label">[345]</span></a> The <i>Elke</i> here mentioned is the -Moose (<i>Alces malchis</i>) of American -writers; it is specifically the same as the -elk of Northern Europe. From Wood’s -account (<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, -p. 18), it would seem that the moose in -Morton’s time ranged into eastern Massachusetts, -though not found now south -of northern Maine. The moose has -but a single fawn at a birth, not three -as stated in the text. -</p> -<p> -Mr. Allen then adds to the above note: -“I have met with no published record -of the occurrence of the American Elk, -or Wapiti Deer (<i>Cervus Canadensis</i>), in -eastern Massachusetts. Since publishing -a statement to this effect (<i>Mem. -Hist. Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 10), however, I -have learned through the kindness of a -correspondent (Henry S. Nourse, Esq., -of South Lancaster, Mass.,) that early in -the eighteenth century sixteen elk were -seen near a brook in South Lancaster, -one of which was killed. The tradition -is supported by the fact that the antlers -of the individual killed were preserved -in the family of the lucky hunter (Jonas -Fairbanks) for a long period, and afterwards -placed on the top of a guide-board, -where they still remain, moss-grown -and weather-worn by eighty years -of sun and storm. Since the receipt of -Mr. Nourse’s letter (dated Feb. 25, -1882), his account has been corroborated -by information from another source. -That the antlers mentioned belonged to -an elk and not to a moose is beyond -question.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_346_346" id="Footnote_346_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_346_346"><span class="label">[346]</span></a> “The <i>English</i> have some thoughts -of keeping them tame, and to accustome -them to the yoake, which will be a great -commoditie: First, because they are so -fruitfull, bringing forth three at a time, -being likewise very uberous. Secondly, -because they will live in Winter without -any fodder. There be not many of these -in the <i>Massachusetts Bay</i>, but forty miles -to the Northeast there be great store of -them.” (<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, p. -18.) There are very good descriptions -of the Moose, and the methods pursued -in hunting them, in Gorges’s <i>Brief Relation</i> -(<span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. ix. p. -18) and in Josselyn’s <i>Two Voyages</i>, (pp. -88, 137). See, also, <i>New England’s -Rarities</i>, p. 19.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_347_347" id="Footnote_347_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_347_347"><span class="label">[347]</span></a> The common Virginian Deer (<i>Cariacus -Virginianus</i>), formerly more or less -abundant throughout the eastern half of -the United States.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_348_348" id="Footnote_348_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_348_348"><span class="label">[348]</span></a> The number of fawns produced at a -birth is commonly two, sometimes one, -and still more rarely three; although -three is stated to be the usual number -in various seventeenth-century accounts -of the natural productions of New England, -Virginia, &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_349_349" id="Footnote_349_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_349_349"><span class="label">[349]</span></a> Mourt, in his <i>Relation</i> (p. 8), records -how Governor William Bradford, of -Plymouth, was caught in one of these -traps, and “horsed up by the leg,” -when the first party from the <i>Mayflower</i> -was exploring Cape Cod in November, -1620. Wood says: “An <i>English</i> Mare -being strayed from her owner, and -growne wild by her long sojourning in -the woods ranging up and down with -the wild crew, stumbled into one of these -traps which stopt her speed, hanging -her like <i>Mahomet’s</i> tombe, betwixt earth -and heaven; the morning being come -the <i>Indians</i> went to looke what good successe -their Venison trapps had brought -them, but seeing such a long scutted -Deere, praunce in their Meritotter, they -bade her good morrow, crying out, -what cheere what cheere, <i>Englishmans -squaw</i> horse; having no better epithete -than to call her a woman horse, but -being loath to kill her, and as fearefull -to approach neere the friscadoes of her -Iron heeles, they posted to the <i>English</i> -to tell them how the case stood or hung -with their squaw horse, who unhorsed -their Mare, and brought her to her former -tamenesse, which since hath brought -many a good foale, and performed much -good service.” (<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, -p. 75.) Williams, in his <i>Key</i> -(ch. xxvii.), describes how the deer -caught in these traps were torn and -devoured by wolves before the Indians -came to secure them. See, also, Colonel -Norwood’s <i>Voyage to Virginia</i>. (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> -<i>Force’s Tracts</i>, No. 10, p. 39.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_350_350" id="Footnote_350_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_350_350"><span class="label">[350]</span></a> <i>Wesil</i>, obsolete for <i>weasand</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_351_351" id="Footnote_351_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_351_351"><span class="label">[351]</span></a> The “third sort of Deere,” of which -the author evidently had no personal -knowledge, is doubtless a myth, as the -Virginia Deer is the only species of small -deer found in the United States, <i>south</i> -of New England, east of the Mississippi -River. The statement that it is “lesse -then the other” (<i>i. e.</i> Virginian Deer), -together with the southern habitat assigned -it, preclude reference to the Caribou -of northern New England, which -the name “rayne deare” otherwise suggests.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_352_352" id="Footnote_352_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_352_352"><span class="label">[352]</span></a> “They desire to be neare the Sea, so -that they may swimme to the Islands -when they are chased by the Woolves.” -(<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, p. 18.) Deer -Island is consequently a very common -name along the New England coast; and -of the island bearing that name in Boston -harbor, now the site of the city -reformatory institutions, Wood says: -“This Iland is so called, because of the -Deare which often swimme thither from -the Maine, when they are chased by the -woolves: some have killed sixteene Deere -in a day upon this Iland.” Young’s -<i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 405. See, also, -Shurtleff’s <i>Description of Boston</i>, p. 464.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_353_353" id="Footnote_353_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_353_353"><span class="label">[353]</span></a> The Beaver (<i>Castor fiber</i>). The account -of the way “they draw the logg -to the habitation appoynted” is a fanciful -exaggeration, hardly less ridiculous -than the preceding statement about the -precaution the animal takes in winter to -preserve his tail! -</p> -<p> -<i>Cunny</i>, mentioned in the first paragraph, -is doubtless a seventeenth-century -barbarism for <i>cony</i>, a name at this -time commonly applied to the rabbit. -The context, both here and in the account -of the <i>muskewashe</i>, seems to imply -this, although the word is correctly -written <i>cony</i> in the paragraph relating to -Hares. In some of the early accounts -of Virginia, published in the first half of -the seventeenth century, <i>hares</i> and <i>cunnies</i> -are enumerated in the lists of animals, -where the latter name evidently -means <i>cony</i> or <i>rabbit</i>. <i>Serat</i>, in the same -paragraph, is a term of much greater -obscurity of application.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_354_354" id="Footnote_354_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_354_354"><span class="label">[354]</span></a> “The tail, as I have said in another -Treatise, is very fat and of a masculine -vertue, as good as <i>Eringo’s</i> or <i>Satyrion</i>-Roots.” -(Josselyn’s <i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 93.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_355_355" id="Footnote_355_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_355_355"><span class="label">[355]</span></a> Bradford, writing of the year 1636, -gives the following prices: “The coat -beaver usualy at 20<i>s.</i> per pound, and -some at 24<i>s.</i>; the skin at 15 and sometimes -16. I doe not remember any under -14. It may be the last year might be -something lower” (p. 346). In 1671 Josselyn -says: “A black Bears Skin heretofore -was worth forty shillings, now -you may have one for ten.” (<i>Rarities</i>, -p. 14.) The following prices were -named as ruling in Virginia in 1650; -(<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Force’s Tracts</i>, No. 11, p. 52.) -</p> -<p> -“Sables, from 8<i>s.</i> the payre, to 20<i>s.</i> -a payre. -</p> -<p> -“Otter skins, from 3<i>s.</i> to 5<i>s.</i> a piece. -</p> -<p> -“Luzernes, from 2<i>s.</i> to 10. a piece. -</p> -<p> -“Martins the best, 4<i>s.</i> a piece. -</p> -<p> -“Fox skins, 6<i>d.</i> a piece. -</p> -<p> -“Muske Rats skins, 2<i>s.</i> a dozen. -</p> -<p> -“Bever skins that are full growne, in -season, are worth 7<i>s.</i> a piece. -</p> -<p> -“Bever skins, not in season, to allow -two skins for one, and of the lesser, three -for one. -</p> -<p> -“Old Bever skins in mantles, gloves -or caps, the more worne the better, so -they be full of fur, the pound weight is -6<i>s.</i>” See <i>infra</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>note</i> 4, and also -<a href="#OPage_80">*80</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_356_356" id="Footnote_356_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_356_356"><span class="label">[356]</span></a> The servant here referred to was -probably Walter Bagnall, of Richmond -Island, who was killed by Indians, Oct. -3, 1631. See <i>infra</i>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_357_357" id="Footnote_357_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_357_357"><span class="label">[357]</span></a> The common Otter (<i>Lutra Canadensis</i>), -now of rare occurrence in the more -settled parts of southern New England.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_358_358" id="Footnote_358_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_358_358"><span class="label">[358]</span></a> The <i>Luseran</i>, or <i>Luseret</i>, is the Bay -Lynx, or Wild-cat (<i>Lynx rufus</i>). -</p> -<p> -“The Ounce or the wild Cat, is as big -as a mungrell dogge; this creature is by -nature feirce, and more dangerous to bee -met withall than any other creature, not -feering either dogge or man; he useth -to kill Deere which he thus effecteth: -Knowing the Deeres tracts, he will lie -lurking in long weedes, the Deere passing -by he suddenly leapes upon his backe, -from thence gets to his necke, and -scratcheth out his throate: he hath likewise -a devise to get Geese, for being -much of the colour of a Goose, he will -place himselfe close by the water, holding -up his bob taile, which is like a Goose -necke; the Geese seeing this counterfeiting -Goose, approch nigh to visit him, -who with a sudden jerke apprehends his -mistrustlesse prey.” (<i>New England’s -Prospect</i>, pp. 19, 20.) Josselyn says: “I -once found six whole Ducks in the belly -of one I killed by a Pond side.” (<i>Rarities</i>, -p. 16.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_359_359" id="Footnote_359_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_359_359"><span class="label">[359]</span></a> The <i>Martin</i>. Under this name are -doubtless confounded the Marten (<i>Mustela -Americana</i>) and the Fisher (<i>M. -Pennanti</i>). The size, however, even in -case the Fisher alone were referred to, -is greatly overstated.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_360_360" id="Footnote_360_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_360_360"><span class="label">[360]</span></a> The <i>Racowne</i> is the common well-known -Raccoon (<i>Procyon lotor</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_361_361" id="Footnote_361_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_361_361"><span class="label">[361]</span></a> Josselyn says of the Raccoon: “their -grease is soveraign for wounds with -bruises, aches, streins, bruises; and to -anoint after broken bones and dislocations.” -(<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 85.) A little -further on (p. 92) he notes: “One Mr. -<i>Purchase</i> cured himself of the <i>Sciatica</i> -with <i>Bears</i>-greese, keeping some of it -continually in his groine.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_362_362" id="Footnote_362_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_362_362"><span class="label">[362]</span></a> The <i>Redd Fox</i> is our common Red -Fox (<i>Vulpes vulgaris</i>, var. <i>Pennsylvanicus</i>). -The <i>Gray Fox</i> is doubtless the -Virginian or Gray Fox (<i>Urocyon cinereoargentatus</i>) -of the South and West, an -animal formerly occurring in New England -but long since nearly extirpated. -This is inferred from Josselyn’s account -of the <i>Jaccal</i> (<i>New England’s Rarities</i>, -p. 22), rather than from any clew -given in Morton’s text. The absence -of strong scent referred to relates to the -Gray Fox, a character mentioned by -Josselyn in his brief but sufficiently explicit -description of his Jaccal.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_363_363" id="Footnote_363_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_363_363"><span class="label">[363]</span></a> “The Indians say they have black -foxes, which they have often seen, but -never could take any of them. They -say they are Manittóoes, that is Gods, -spirits, or divine powers, as they say of -every thing which they cannot comprehend.” -(Williams’s <i>Key</i>, ch. xvii.) The -black fox-skin, Josselyn says (<i>Rarities</i>, -p. 21), “heretofore was wont to be valued -at fifty and sixty pound, but now -you may have them for twenty shillings; -indeed there is not any in <i>New England</i> -that are perfectly black, but silver -hair’d, that is sprinkled with gray hairs.” -The black wolf’s skin, he says (<i>ib.</i> p. 16), -“is worth a <i>Beaver</i> Skin among the <i>Indians</i>, -being highly esteemed for helping -old Aches in old people, worn as a Coat.” -Of the foxes Wood remarks: “Some of -these be blacke; their furre is of much -esteeme.” (<i>Prospect</i>, p. 19.) Elsewhere -he says that the fur of a black wolf was -“worth five or sixe pounds Sterling.” -(<i>Ib.</i> 20.) -</p> -<p> -See, also, <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>note</i> 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_364_364" id="Footnote_364_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_364_364"><span class="label">[364]</span></a> The <i>Wolf</i> is the large Gray Wolf (<i>Canis -lupus</i>), formerly abundant throughout -New England, and well known to -vary in color as mentioned by Morton.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_365_365" id="Footnote_365_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_365_365"><span class="label">[365]</span></a> “They be made much like a Mungrell, -being big boned, lanke paunched, deepe -breasted, having a thicke necke and -head, pricke eares, and long snoute, with -dangerous teeth, long staring haire, and -a great bush taile.... It is observed -that they have no joynts from their head -to the taile, which prevents them from -leaping or sudden turning.” (<i>New England’s -Prospect</i>, p. 20.) See Josselyn’s -<i>Rarities</i>, p. 14, and <i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 83. -He says: “They commonly go in routs, -a rout of Wolves is 12 or more, sometimes -by couples.” Of the Virginia species, -Clayton says: “Wolves there are -great store; you may hear a Company -Hunting in an Evening, and yelping like -a pack of Beagles; but they are very -cowardly, and dare scarce venture on -anything that faces them; yet if hungry -will pull down a good large Sheep -that flies from them. I never heard -that any of them adventured to set on -Man or Child.” (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Force’s Tracts</i>, No. -12, p. 37.) According to Strachey, these -Virginia wolves were “not much bigger -then English foxes.” (<i>Historie</i>, p. 125.) -Wood, however, says that the Massachusetts -wolves cared “no more for an ordinary -Mastiffe, than an ordinary Mastiffe -cares for a Curre; many good dogges -have been spoyled by them.” Shortly -after the landing from the <i>Mayflower</i> at -Plymouth, John Goodman, one evening -in January, “went abroad to use his -lame feet, that were pitifully ill with the -cold he had got, having a little spaniel -with him. A little way from the plantation -two great wolves ran after the dog; -the dog ran to him and betwixt his legs -for succour. He had nothing in his -hand, but took up a stick and threw at -one of them and hit him, and they presently -ran both away, but came again. -He got a pale-board in his hand; and -they set both on their tails grinning at -him a good while; and went their way -and left him.” (Young’s <i>Chron. of -Pilg.</i>, p. 178.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_366_366" id="Footnote_366_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_366_366"><span class="label">[366]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <i>note</i> 2, and <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <i>note</i> 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_367_367" id="Footnote_367_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_367_367"><span class="label">[367]</span></a> The common Black Bear (<i>Ursus -Americanus</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_368_368" id="Footnote_368_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_368_368"><span class="label">[368]</span></a> “For Beares they be common, being -a great black kind of Beare, which be -most fierce in Strawberry time, at which -time they have young ones; at this time -likewise they will goe upright like a man, -and clime trees, and swim to the Islands: -which if the <i>Indians</i> see, there will be -more sportful Beare bayting than Paris -Garden can afford. For seeing the -Beares take water, an <i>Indian</i> will leape -after him, where they goe to water cuffes -for bloody noses, and scratched sides; -in the end the man gets the victory, riding -the Beare over the watery plaine till -he can beare him no longer.” (<i>New -England’s Prospect</i>, p. 17.) “He makes -his Denn amongst thick Bushes, thrusting -in here and there store of <i>moss</i>, -which being covered with snow and -melting in the daytime with heat of the -Sun, in the night is frozen into a thick -coat of Ice; the mouth of his Den is -very narrow, here they lye single, never -two in a Den all winter. The <i>Indian</i> -as soon as he finds them, creeps in upon -all four, seizes with his left hand upon -the neck of the sleeping <i>Bear</i>, drags him -to the mouth of the Den, where with a -club or small hatchet in his right hand -he knocks out his brains before he can -open his eyes to see his enemy.” (<i>Two -Voyages</i>, p. 91.) Wood adds that bear’s -flesh was “accounted very good meete, -esteemed of all men above Venison.” -Clayton says that “their flesh is commended -for a very rich sort of Pork.” -(<i>Virginia</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Force’s Tracts</i> No. 12, -p. 37.) “Beares there be manie towardes -the sea-coast, which the Indians hunt -most greedily; for indeed they love -them above all other their flesh, and -therefore hardly sell any of them unto -us, unles upon large proffers of copper, -beads and hatchetts. We have eaten of -them, and they are very toothsome sweet -venison, as good to be eaten as the flesh -of a calfe of two yeares old; howbeit -they are very little in comparison of -those of Muscovia and Tartaria.” (Strachey’s -<i>Historie</i>, p. 123.) See, also, Josselyn’s -<i>New England’s Rarities</i>, pp. 13-14, -and <i>Two Voyages</i>, pp. 91-2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_369_369" id="Footnote_369_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_369_369"><span class="label">[369]</span></a> The well-known Muskrat or Musquash -(<i>Fiber zibethicus</i>) of our ponds. -The “stones” are the oder glands. In -respect to <i>Cunny</i>, see <i>supra</i> <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <i>note</i> 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_370_370" id="Footnote_370_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_370_370"><span class="label">[370]</span></a> The <i>Porcupine</i> is the Canadian Porcupine -(<i>Erethizon dorsatus</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_371_371" id="Footnote_371_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_371_371"><span class="label">[371]</span></a> The <i>Hedgehogg</i> is the same as the -Porcupine, the author being in error in -regarding it as “of the like nature to -our English Hedgehoggs.” The English -Hedgehog belongs to a very different -order of mammals, and has no representative -in America.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_372_372" id="Footnote_372_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_372_372"><span class="label">[372]</span></a> The <i>Conyes</i> are Hares, the small -ones of the “Southerne parts” being -the little Gray Hare or Wood Rabbit -(<i>Lepus sylvaticus</i>) of southern New -England. Those of “the North” are -the Varying Hare (<i>Lepus Americanus</i>), -or White Rabbit, which is brown in -summer and white in winter. The reference -to <i>black</i> ones is an error, wild -black hares being unknown except -in cases of Melanism, which are of extremely -rare occurrence. We have no -<i>species</i> of hare which is black. Rabbit, -it may be added, is a name not strictly -applicable to any indigenous mammal -of America, it being the vernacular -specific designation of an Old World -species of hare.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_373_373" id="Footnote_373_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_373_373"><span class="label">[373]</span></a> The “<i>Squirils</i> of three sorts” are (1) -the Gray Squirrel (<i>Sciurus Carolinensis</i>); -(2) the Red Squirrel, or Chickaree -(<i>S. Hudsonius</i>); (3) the Flying Squirrel -(<i>Sciuropterus volucellus</i>). A fourth -kind, the Striped Squirrel, or Chipmunk -(<i>Tamias striatus</i>) is not mentioned. -The “batlike winges” are of -course neither batlike, nor even wings at -all, but merely a narrow furred membrane -extending along the sides of the -body, from the fore to the hind limbs.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_374_374" id="Footnote_374_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_374_374"><span class="label">[374]</span></a> [and] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_375_375" id="Footnote_375_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_375_375"><span class="label">[375]</span></a> “1639. <i>May</i>, which fell out to be -extream hot and foggie, about the middle -of <i>May</i>, I kill’d within a stones -throw of our house, above four score -Snakes, some of them as big as the -small of my leg, black of colour, and -three yards long, with a sharp horn -on the tip of their tail two inches in -length.” (Josselyn’s <i>Two Voyages</i>, pp. -22-3.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_376_376" id="Footnote_376_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_376_376"><span class="label">[376]</span></a> Mr. J. H. Trumbull writes: “Morton’s -<i>ascowke</i> is Eliot’s <i>askook</i>, R. Williams’s -<i>askùg</i>, ‘a snake.’ In Zeifberger’s -Delaware, <i>achgook</i>; whence (through -Heckewelder) Cooper’s <i>Chingachgook</i>, -‘the Great Serpent,’ in the <i>Last of the -Mohicans</i>.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_377_377" id="Footnote_377_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_377_377"><span class="label">[377]</span></a> Williams, in his <i>Key</i>, gives the name -as <i>Sések</i>. See, also, Mr. Trumbull’s note -in his edition of the <i>Key</i> (p. 130), in the -publications of the Narragansett Society. -Wood gives it as <i>seasicke</i>. (<i>Prospect</i>, -p. 86.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_378_378" id="Footnote_378_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_378_378"><span class="label">[378]</span></a> The stories first told in Europe of -the Rattlesnake (<i>Crotalus durissus</i>) -were of the most exaggerated kind. He -was described as a reptile of prodigious -size, which could fly, and which poisoned -by its breath. (<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, -p. 39.) The first mention of this -snake in Massachusetts is found in Higginson’s -<i>New England’s Plantation</i> -[1630]. It is as follows: “This country -being very full of woods and wildernesses, -doth also much abound with -snakes and serpents, of strange colors -and huge greatness. Yea, there are -some serpents, called rattlesnakes, that -have rattles in their tails, that will not -fly from a man as others will, but will -fly upon him and sting him so mortally -that he will die within a quarter of -an hour after, except the party stinged -have about him some of the root of an -herb called snake-weed to bite on, and -then he shall receive no harm.” (Young’s -<i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 255.) Wood gives -an admirable description of the rattlesnake -(<i>Prospect</i>, pp. 38-9), and also -speaks of “the Antidote to expel the -poyson, which is a root caled Snake -weede, which must be champed, the -spittle swallowed, and the roote applied -to the sore.... Five or six men have -been bitten by them, which by using of -snakeweede were all cured, never any -yet losing his life by them.” Josselyn, in -his <i>Rarities</i> (p. 39), says: “The <i>Indians</i> -when weary with travelling, will take -them up with their bare hands, laying -hold with one hand behind their Head, -with the other taking hold of their Tail, -and with their teeth tear off the Skin of -their backs, and feed upon them alive; -which they say refresheth them.” He -further says that the heart of the rattlesnake -“swallowed fresh” (<i>Rarities</i>, p. -39), or “dried and pulverized and drunk -with wine or beer” (<i>Voyages</i>, p. 114), is -an antidote against its poison. In Clayton’s -<i>Virginia</i> (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Force’s Tracts</i>, No. 12, -p. 39), there is a very entertaining passage, -too long to extract, on Rattlesnakes, -and the use of East India snake-stones -“that were sent [to Virginia] by King -<i>James</i> the Second, the Queen, and some -of the Nobility, purposely to try their -Virtue and Efficacy,” at curing the bite -of vipers, &c.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_379_379" id="Footnote_379_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_379_379"><span class="label">[379]</span></a> The <i>Mice</i>, which our author found -in “good store,” belong chiefly to three -species,—namely, the common short-tailed -Meadow Mouse (<i>Arvicola riparius</i>), -the White-footed Mouse, or Deer -Mouse (<i>Hesperomys leucopus</i>), and the -Long-tailed Jumping Mouse, or Kangaroo -Mouse (<i>Zapus Hudsonius</i>). The -common House Mouse (<i>Mus musculus</i>) -is an exotic pest, which doubtless had -not at that time made its appearance. -Morton is quite right in stating: “but -for Rats, the Country by Nature is -troubled with none.” The Black Rat -(<i>Mus rattus</i>) was quite early introduced, -but the Gray, Wharf, or Norway Rat -(<i>Mus decumanus</i>) probably did not -make its appearance till fully a century -after Morton wrote his <i>New English -Canaan</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_380_380" id="Footnote_380_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_380_380"><span class="label">[380]</span></a> Morton, as was natural for a keen -sportsman who had himself been in the -tropics, was wiser on the subject of Lions -than other Englishmen in New England. -From the first landing at Plymouth, -when John Goodman and Peter Browne, -getting lost in the woods, heard “two -lions roaring exceedingly,” down to -1639, when Josselyn heard “of a young -Lyon (not long before) kill’d at Pascataway -by an Indian,” there were vague -stories of these animals having been -either seen or heard in the New England -woods. Josselyn argued on the great -probability that there were lions because -there were jackals (<i>Rarities</i>, p. 21); -and Wood said that “the Virginians saw -an old Lyon in their Plantation, who -having lost his Iackall, which was wont -to hunt his prey, was brought so poore -that he could goe no further.” (<i>Prospect</i>, -p. 17.) Strachey speaks of having -found the skins and claws of lions in -the hands of the Indians. (<i>Historie</i>, p. -124.) The animal referred to in all these -cases was doubtless the Panther or Catamount -(<i>Felis concolor</i>). On this subject -see also Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, -p. 176, <i>note</i>; Tuckerman’s <i>New England’s -Rarities</i>, p. 57, <i>note</i>; and the -<i>Mem. History of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_381_381" id="Footnote_381_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_381_381"><span class="label">[381]</span></a> For the scientific and technical notes -to this chapter I am indebted to Professor -N. S. Shaler of Harvard University. -As in the three preceding chapters, certain -other notes of my own have been -added, which are of a wholly different -character, and will readily be distinguished -from Professor Shaler’s.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_382_382" id="Footnote_382_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_382_382"><span class="label">[382]</span></a> The marble of Marble Harbor, or -Marblehead, is not, in the present sense -of the word, a marble at all, but is, in -fact, a porphyry. In the old sense of -the word it designated any smooth-striped -or spotted stones, such as are found -there.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_383_383" id="Footnote_383_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_383_383"><span class="label">[383]</span></a> No limestone, good or bad, is known -to exist on the Monatoquit now; the -nearest limestone is at Bear (or Bare) -Hill, in Stoneham.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_384_384" id="Footnote_384_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_384_384"><span class="label">[384]</span></a> There is a locality in East Braintree, -included in the Wainwright estate, at -the foot of Wyman’s Hill and facing the -Weymouth Fore-river, into which the -Monatoquit flows, where is a quarry -from which stone bearing some external -resemblance to limestone was formerly -taken for ballast. This place -has always been locally called the -Quaw, though the origin and meaning -of the name have never been known. -It would seem that this must be the place -referred to in the text, and that Quaw, -or Quor, is a corruption of the Indian -Attaquatock.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_385_385" id="Footnote_385_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_385_385"><span class="label">[385]</span></a> There are no “chalke stones” at -Squanto’s Chapelle, <i>i.e.</i>, Squantum, or -anywhere else in this part of the world. -Morton may possibly have mistaken pebbles -of decayed felspar for chalk.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_386_386" id="Footnote_386_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_386_386"><span class="label">[386]</span></a> There is some slate in Quincy and -Weymouth that <i>might</i> be used for roofing, -and a quarry of it was long worked -for material for gravestones, &c., on -Squantum Bay, a mile or so from Mount -Wollaston; but it is slate of a very -poor sort. The nearest workable slate -is in Vermont and Maine.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_387_387" id="Footnote_387_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_387_387"><span class="label">[387]</span></a> This passage is more than usually -confused, even for Morton. It is difficult -to say whether he is perpetrating a clumsy -joke, or indulging in a malicious insinuation. -John Billington was hanged at -Plymouth in September, 1630, being apparently -the second person so executed in -what is now Massachusetts, the first having -been executed at Weymouth during -the winter of 1622-3. (<i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_108">*108-10</a>.) -The man shot by Billington, and for -whose murder he was hung, was John -New-comin (Bradford, p. 277), whence -Morton’s play upon the name. Billington -had two sons, but he was by no -means “beloved.” As Bradford, writing -about him as early as 1625, said, “he is a -knave,” adding prophetically “and so -will live and die.” (Savage’s <i>Winthrop</i>, -vol. i. p. *36). Why Morton should have -called him “Ould Woodman” is not -clear. From his immediately going on -to talk of the “woodden prospect,” and -the wish of its author to secure for himself -a monopoly of the Richmond Island -whetstones, which “Ould Woodman labored -to get a patent of,” it would seem -as if he had intended to convey the idea -that William Wood, the author of the -<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, was one of -the “many sonnes” of “Old Woodman,” -who had been hanged at Plymouth. -That such was Morton’s intention, -however, is not clear. The passage is -muddled, but not necessarily malicious.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_388_388" id="Footnote_388_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_388_388"><span class="label">[388]</span></a> The words quoted are not Ovid’s, -but Virgil’s. <i>Eclogues</i>, viii. 43.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_389_389" id="Footnote_389_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_389_389"><span class="label">[389]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_390_390" id="Footnote_390_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_390_390"><span class="label">[390]</span></a> Josselyn, in his <i>Two Voyages</i> (p. 202), -speaks of the “excellent whetstones” -then (1670) found at Richmond Island. -</p> -<p> -“There is a species of slate quite -abundant on Richmond’s Island, and -some other Islands in Casco Bay, which -has been used for oil-stones. Josselyn, -in his <i>Voyages</i>, says that ‘tables of slate -could be got out long enough for a -dozen men to sit at.’” See a communication -on this passage of the <i>New Canaan</i>, -signed J. P. B., in the <i>Portland -Press</i> of January 2, 1883. Professor -Shaler adds: “It is interesting to note -the fact that Morton saw that whetstones -could be made the basis for trade. -Stones suitable for this purpose are rare -in Europe, and to-day a New Hampshire -company ships large quantities to Europe -and even to Australia.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_391_391" id="Footnote_391_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_391_391"><span class="label">[391]</span></a> Richmond Island lies directly south-east -of Cape Elizabeth and close to -it. From what Morton says in the next -chapter and elsewhere (<i>infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_149">*149</a>), it -would seem that before his arrest by -Standish in June, 1628,—that is, in the -summer of 1627,—he had a fur station on -the coast of Maine. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.) Winthrop, -writing under date of October 22, -1631, mentions the murder of “Walter -Bagnall, called Great Watt, and one -John P—— who kept with him,” by the -Indians at Richmond Island. He adds: -“This Bagnall was sometimes servant -to one in the bay, and these three years -had dwelt alone in the said isle, and had -gotten about £400 most in goods. He -was a wicked fellow, and had much -wronged the Indians.” (Winthrop, vol. -i. p. *63). Bagnall would, from this, appear -to have been one of Morton’s servants -at Mount Wollaston, as he alone -in “the bay,” at that time, had any -number of servants, or was engaged in -trade on the Maine coast. As Bagnall -was killed in 1631, and had then lived -alone at Richmond Island three years, -he seems to have taken up his abode -there in 1628, the time of the breaking -up of the company at Mount Wollaston -by Standish and Endicott, and the settlement -at Richmond Island was thus the -Maine offshoot of that at Merry-mount. -Bagnall was probably that one of Morton’s -servants who, he says, was reputed, -when he died, to have made a thousand -pounds in the fur trade in five years, -“whatsoever became of it.” (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#OPage_78">*78</a>). -Morton’s expression here of “five years” -agrees with Winthrop’s “three years,” -and confirms this surmise. Bagnall had -died in 1631. Morton had gotten control -at Mount Wollaston in 1626. (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_15">15</a>.) Bagnall had remained there as his -servant two years, until 1628; then had -been frightened away and gone to Richmond -Island, where he had lived three -years more, as Winthrop says,—making -in all Morton’s five years. In his -phrase “whatsoever became of it” Morton -characteristically throws out an insinuation -in regard to Bagnall’s possessions. -He probably meant to imply -some underhand proceeding to get hold -of them on the part of the Massachusetts -Bay people. Recently a theory has -been advanced in the Maine press, that -Bagnall was an Episcopalian, and competitor -in trade of the Massachusetts -Company; and that Winthrop and his -associates, not being able otherwise to -get rid of him, compassed his death by -indirect means. (See a letter of S. P. -Mayberry in <i>Portland Press</i> of Jan. 9, -1883.) Winthrop says that most of the -possessions in question were in goods. -A portion would naturally be in the form -of money, and it was left for the present -generation to form a most plausible surmise -as to “whatsoever became” of -some of this money. On May 11, 1855, -an old stone pot was turned up by the -ploughshare, on Richmond Island, containing -fifty-two coins; and Mr. Willis, -the historian of Portland, then took -occasion, in a letter to the Massachusetts -Historical Society (<i>Proceedings</i>, May -1857, pp. 183-8), to “express the belief -that the money [was] connected with the -fate of Walter Bagnall, who was killed -by Sagamore Squidraket and his party, -Oct. 3, 1631.” There was nothing to -show that any of the coins were of a -later date than 1631. A patent for -Richmond Island, together with fifteen -hundred acres on the main land, was -issued to Bagnall by the Council for -New England, Dec. 2, 1631, just three -months after his death. (<i>Records of -the Council</i>, pp. 51-2.) Morton was -then in England, and unquestionably in -communication with Gorges. (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_49">49</a>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_392_392" id="Footnote_392_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_392_392"><span class="label">[392]</span></a> Doubtless the magnetic iron oxides. -None of these are known to me nearer -than in the mountains forming the westerly -part of the Berkshire Hills, from -New York City to the Adirondacks, except -in Cumberland, R. I., where there -is some iron of this nature.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_393_393" id="Footnote_393_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_393_393"><span class="label">[393]</span></a> No ironstones are known around -Massachusetts bay; the nearest deposits -are in Rhode Island.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_394_394" id="Footnote_394_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_394_394"><span class="label">[394]</span></a> Small quantities of galena ore have -been found in Woburn and that vicinity. -There are some localities near Newburyport -where the savages may have -found small quantities of galena.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_395_395" id="Footnote_395_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_395_395"><span class="label">[395]</span></a> Black leade is doubtless plumbago, -or graphite; it is found in Wrentham -and in Worcester, Mass., as well as at -various points in Rhode Island.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_396_396" id="Footnote_396_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_396_396"><span class="label">[396]</span></a> Red leade is doubtless an ochre, such -as may have been found near Cranston, -R. I.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_397_397" id="Footnote_397_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_397_397"><span class="label">[397]</span></a> Boll armoniack is the <i>Bolus armeniaca</i> -of the old apothecaries. <i>Bolus</i> is the -prefix to several old pharmacopial names, -having lost its original special signification -and come to be a given term for -all lumpy substances. Here it means a -sort of reddish clay, such as may be used -for marking,—a clayey ochre such as -may have come from about Providence, -R. I.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_398_398" id="Footnote_398_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_398_398"><span class="label">[398]</span></a> Vermilion oxide of mercury is not -known to occur this side of the Rocky -Mountains. It is likely that he mistook -some brilliant ochre for true vermilion. -It may be, however, that the aborigines -traded for it with western tribes. -Their copper implements probably came -from Lake Superior. Many evidences -of almost as wide a commerce could be -adduced.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_399_399" id="Footnote_399_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_399_399"><span class="label">[399]</span></a> Brimstone, or sulphur, does not exist -in its metallic state this side of the Cordilleras. -He may have seen some pyrite-bearing -schists, such as occur in Maine, -which in dumping give a sulphuric smell.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_400_400" id="Footnote_400_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_400_400"><span class="label">[400]</span></a> Tin does not occur in this region. -Some localities are known in Maine and -elsewhere in New England, but they -could hardly have been found by the -Savages, or known to Morton.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_401_401" id="Footnote_401_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_401_401"><span class="label">[401]</span></a> Copper in its metallic state, the only -form in which he would have recognized -it, does not occur about Massachusetts -Bay. A very little of it has -been found in Cumberland, R. I., in the -valley of the Blackstone River.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_402_402" id="Footnote_402_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_402_402"><span class="label">[402]</span></a> No silver, except when combined -with lead and zinc ore, has ever been -found in this district. Some occurs in -the district from Woburn to Newburyport. -Metallic silver could not have -been known to the natives. The nearest -localities for metallic gold are the -streams of Vermont, New Hampshire, -and western Maine, in which district -placer gold occurs in considerable quantities, -and some auriferous quartz veins -are known. -</p> -<p> -Professor Shaler adds to his foregoing -notes: “The general impression which -I get from the writer is that he was a -bad observer, but not more untruthful -than most of the seventeenth century -travellers. He does not say that gold -or silver had been seen by him, and -limits his hearsay evidence to a single -mine. Except for the extraordinary -stuff about the whetstones,—wherein -we may perhaps see something of the -<i>Maypole</i> humor,—it is, for its time, a -rather sober and reasonable story.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_403_403" id="Footnote_403_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_403_403"><span class="label">[403]</span></a> This is the name by which Morton -invariably designates John Endicott. For -reasons which have been explained in -the preliminary matter to this edition of -the <i>New Canaan</i> (<i>supra</i>, pp. <a href="#Page_38">38-42</a>), its -author felt—and, as will be seen, never -missed an opportunity to express—a -peculiar bitterness towards Endicott.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_404_404" id="Footnote_404_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_404_404"><span class="label">[404]</span></a> For the notes to this chapter I am -indebted to Theodore Lyman, of the -Massachusetts Fish Commission. Higginson, -in his <i>New England’s Plantation</i>, -has a passage on Fish (Young’s -<i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, pp. 248-51), and Williams, -in his <i>Key</i>, devotes a chapter (xix.) -to the same subject. Wood again, in his -<i>Prospect</i> (pp. 27-31), deals with it in his -peculiar manner, and Josselyn, both in -his <i>Voyages</i> (pp. 104-15) and in his -<i>Rarities</i> (pp. 22-37), devotes a good -deal of space to the enumeration of the -different kinds of New England fishes, -their peculiarities, and the methods of -taking them. In editing the <i>Rarities</i>, -Mr. Tuckerman remarked that he had -“little to offer in elucidation of the list -[of fishes], which, indeed, in good part, -appears sufficiently intelligible,”—a remark -equally applicable to the present -chapter of the <i>New Canaan</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_405_405" id="Footnote_405_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_405_405"><span class="label">[405]</span></a> Portland Harbor. See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, -<i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_406_406" id="Footnote_406_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_406_406"><span class="label">[406]</span></a> This proves that the <i>local</i> Cod, <i>i. e.</i>, -those that breed close to the shore, have -much decreased; and this partly by over-fishing, -and partly by the falling-off of -their food in the form of young fishes -coming to the sea from rivers and brooks.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_407_407" id="Footnote_407_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_407_407"><span class="label">[407]</span></a> This is perhaps the first mention in -America of cod-liver oil, now so much -used in medicine.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_408_408" id="Footnote_408_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_408_408"><span class="label">[408]</span></a> The Striped Bass (<i>Labrax</i>). The -Bass mentioned four paragraphs below, -as chasing mackerel “into the shallow -waters,” may perhaps be the Bluefish -(<i>Temnodon</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_409_409" id="Footnote_409_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_409_409"><span class="label">[409]</span></a> This is either an expression which -has wholly passed out of use, or else a -misprint. Probably the latter. It may, -however, also be surmised that Morton -characteristically coined a word from -the Latin, and here meant to refer to -the various large fish in New England -waters, such as the Horse Mackerel -(<i>Thynnus secundo dorsalis</i>), the Mackerel -Shark (<i>Lamna punctata</i>), and -the common Dogfish (<i>Acanthias Americanus</i>), -all of which follow schools of -mackerel, bass, &c., into shoal waters -and prey upon them.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_410_410" id="Footnote_410_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_410_410"><span class="label">[410]</span></a> “These Macrills are taken with -drailes, which is a long small line, with -a lead and a hooke at the end of it, -being baited with a peece of a red -cloath.” (<i>New England’s Prospect</i>, p. -30.) This instrument still bears the same -name and is used in the same way.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_411_411" id="Footnote_411_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_411_411"><span class="label">[411]</span></a> When caught in the Thames, within -the jurisdiction of the Lord Mayor of London, -the Sturgeon (<i>Acipenser</i>) is a royal -fish reserved for the sovereign. “The -Sturgeon is a Regal fish too, I have seen -of them that have been sixteen foot in -lenghth.” (Jossel., <i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 105.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_412_412" id="Footnote_412_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_412_412"><span class="label">[412]</span></a> But little attention has been paid -as yet in the United States to the Sturgeon -fisheries, in spite of their great -abundance.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_413_413" id="Footnote_413_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_413_413"><span class="label">[413]</span></a> [jieele.] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_414_414" id="Footnote_414_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_414_414"><span class="label">[414]</span></a> “There be a greate store of Salt -water Eeles, especially in such places -where grasse growes: for to take these -there be certaine Eele pots made of -Osyers, which must be baited with a -peece of Lobster, into which the Eeles -entering cannot returne backe againe; -some take a bushell in a night in this -maner, eating as many as they have -neede of for the present, and salt up the -rest against Winter. These Eeles be not -of so luscious a tast as they be in England, -neither are they so aguish, but are -both wholsom for the body, and delightfull -for the taste.” (<i>New England’s -Prospect</i>, p. 30.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_415_415" id="Footnote_415_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_415_415"><span class="label">[415]</span></a> Morton confounds the Shad (<i>Alosa -præstabilis</i>), or Allize (corruption of the -French <i>Alose</i>), with the smaller Alewife. -This, with the Smelt and the Eel, are -among the few shore fishes that are still -found in comparative plenty. The Menhaden -is used in our time to set corn.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_416_416" id="Footnote_416_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_416_416"><span class="label">[416]</span></a> At the present time the Halibut -(<i>Hippoglossus</i>) is seldom caught near the -shore or in shoal water. It is taken by -the Gloucester fishermen along the outer -banks, in depths of a hundred to two -hundred fathoms. The New England -Turbot (<i>Lophopsetta</i>) of our coasts is a -different fish, and rarely ventures to the -north of Cape Cod. The fishermen -frequently sell our turbot as chicken-halibut.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_417_417" id="Footnote_417_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_417_417"><span class="label">[417]</span></a> The Flounder (<i>Pseudopleuronectes</i>), -whereof there are several species.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_418_418" id="Footnote_418_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_418_418"><span class="label">[418]</span></a> Hake (<i>Phycis</i>) are still somewhat -common.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_419_419" id="Footnote_419_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_419_419"><span class="label">[419]</span></a> Morton probably means the Menhaden -(<i>Brevoortia</i>). The European Pilchard, -the adult of the Sardine, is not -found on our coast.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_420_420" id="Footnote_420_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_420_420"><span class="label">[420]</span></a> Probably the Double-crested Cormorant -(<i>Phalacrocorax dilophus</i>). The -Common Cormorant (<i>P. carbo</i>) also -occurs in New England, but it is rare -to the southward of Maine. Both species -breed abundantly on rocky shores -about the Gulf of St. Lawrence and -northward, visiting New England waters -during the autumn and winter. While -with us they are exclusively maritime, -frequenting by choice the vicinity of -outlying ledges and small, rocky islands. -When passing from place to place, they -often fly in large flocks, which are usually -arranged in long lines or single -files. They live on fish, which they -capture by diving.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_421_421" id="Footnote_421_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_421_421"><span class="label">[421]</span></a> This paragraph, and the one on -clams immediately following it, throw -considerable light on the formation of -the shell-heaps, a question which has -been recently much discussed. See the -paper of Professor F. W. Putnam, read at -the meeting of the Maine Historical Society -in Portland, in December, 1882, -which will appear in the report of the -proceedings of that meeting in the Collections -of the Society.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_422_422" id="Footnote_422_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_422_422"><span class="label">[422]</span></a> We, in this country, have not retained -the European taste for mussels -and for razor-shells (<i>Solen</i>).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_423_423" id="Footnote_423_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_423_423"><span class="label">[423]</span></a> The eating of scallops (<i>Pecten</i>) has -been revived within a few years.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_424_424" id="Footnote_424_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_424_424"><span class="label">[424]</span></a> A strong spirit of emulation existed -in the early years of the seventeenth -century, between the advocates of New -England and those of Virginia, as sites -for colonization. Morton was always a -stanch New Englander, and in this -chapter, as well as in those which immediately -precede and follow it, he loses -no opportunity to assert the superiority of -the Massachusetts climate and products -over those of the country further south. -It is needless to point out that his advocacy -led him into ludicrously wild -statements.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_425_425" id="Footnote_425_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_425_425"><span class="label">[425]</span></a> There is no natural spring of any -kind at Mount Wollaston, though water -is easily obtained by digging.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_426_426" id="Footnote_426_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_426_426"><span class="label">[426]</span></a> Winnisimmet, the Indian name of -Chelsea. Upon the significance of the -name Mr. Trumbull writes: “I have -my doubts about Morton’s Weenasemute, -but am inclined to believe that his -interpretation is founded on fact. <i>Ashim</i> -(= <i>asim</i>, in local dialect) is once -used by Eliot (<i>Cant.</i> iv. 12) for ‘fountain.’ -It denotes a place from which water (for -drinking) is taken. <i>Winn’ashim</i>, or -<i>Winn’asim</i>, means ‘the good fountain,’ -or spring; and <i>Winn’asim-ut</i> (or <i>et</i>) is -‘at the good spring.’ The efficacy of -the water ‘to cure barrenness’ may have -been Morton’s embellishment, but not -improbably was an Indian belief.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_427_427" id="Footnote_427_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_427_427"><span class="label">[427]</span></a> Squantum, in Quincy.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_428_428" id="Footnote_428_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_428_428"><span class="label">[428]</span></a> This is a gross exaggeration. Thomas -Wiggin, in November, 1622, wrote: -“For the plantation in Mattachusetts, -the English there being about 2000 people, -yonge and old.” (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. -Coll.</i>, vol. viii. p. 322.) Writing on May -22, 1634, about the time Morton referred -to (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>), Governor Winthrop -says: “For the number of our people, -we never took any surveigh of them, -nor doe we intend it, except inforced -throughe urgent occasion (David’s example -stickes somewhat with us) but I -esteeme them to be in all about 4000: -soules and upwarde.” (<i>Proc. Mass. -Hist. Soc.</i>, Dec. 14, 1882.) So in the -<i>New England’s Prospect</i> (p. 42), Wood -speaks of the population of Massachusetts -as “foure thousand soules.” In -the spring of 1634 there may have been -five hundred persons in the Plymouth -colony, and as many more in New Hampshire -and Maine, making a total New -England population of five thousand at -the time Morton was writing. When -the <i>New Canaan</i> was published, however, -in 1637, the population undoubtedly -was as large as 12,000.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_429_429" id="Footnote_429_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_429_429"><span class="label">[429]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <i>note</i> 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_430_430" id="Footnote_430_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_430_430"><span class="label">[430]</span></a> This astounding proposition was in -the early days of the settlement not peculiar -to Morton. Higginson, in his -<i>New Englands Plantation</i>, speaks of -the “extraordinary clear and dry air, -that is of a most healing nature to all -such as are of a cold, melancholy, phlegmatic, -rheumatic temper of body,” and -concludes what he has to say on the -subject with his often-quoted sentiment -that “a sup of New-England’s air is -better than a whole draught of Old -England’s ale.” (Young’s <i>Chron. of -Mass.</i>, pp. 251-2.) Williams, too, says -in his <i>Key</i> (ch. xiii.): “The <i>Nor-West</i> -wind (which occasioneth <i>New-England</i> -cold) comes over the cold -frozen Land, and over many millions -of Loads of Snow: and yet the pure -wholesomnesse of the Aire is wonderfull, -and the warmth of the Sunne, such -in the sharpest weather, that I have -often seen the Natives Children runne -about starke naked in the coldest -dayes.” Again, in the pamphlet entitled -<i>New England’s First Fruits</i>, -printed in London in 1643, it was stated, -in reply to the objection of extreme winter -cold, that “the cold there is no impediment -to health, but very wholsome -for our bodies, insomuch that all sorts -generally, weake and strong, had scarce -ever such measure of health in all their -lives as there.... Men are seldome -troubled in winter with coughes and -Rheumes.” (<span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. i. -p. 249.) Josselyn, however, writing -nearly thirty years later, remarks: -“Some of our <i>New-England</i> writers -affirm that the <i>English</i> are never, or -very rarely, heard to sneeze or cough, -as ordinarily they do in <i>England</i>, which -is not true.” (<i>Two Voyages</i>, p. 184.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_431_431" id="Footnote_431_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_431_431"><span class="label">[431]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <i>note</i> 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_432_432" id="Footnote_432_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_432_432"><span class="label">[432]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#OPage_17">*17</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_433_433" id="Footnote_433_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_433_433"><span class="label">[433]</span></a> Wood in his <i>Prospect</i> (p. 2), referring -to the approach to Boston Bay from -Cape Anne, had said: “The surrounding -shore being high, and showing many -white Cliffes, in a most pleasant prospect.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_434_434" id="Footnote_434_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_434_434"><span class="label">[434]</span></a> The Second Book of the <i>New Canaan</i>, -it would seem, originally ended -with this chapter. The next chapter -was an afterthought of the author, written -before December, 1635, as is evident -from the allusions in it to events then -taking place. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.) Wood’s -<i>Prospect</i> was published in 1634, and the -constant references to it in the first two -books of the <i>New Canaan</i> show that -they were both written subsequent to its -publication, probably during that year. -In the Third Book there are no allusions -to the <i>Prospect</i>, and the reference -to the Third Book in the Second -(<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#OPage_51">*51</a>), to which attention has -already been called, show that it must -have been written before the others, -and probably during the year 1633. -It would seem to have been completed -in May, 1634. There is, however, also -a reference to be found in the Third -Book to the Second (<i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_120">*120</a>), but -it was probably interpolated during a -revisal of the manuscript.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_435_435" id="Footnote_435_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_435_435"><span class="label">[435]</span></a> Now Lake Champlain. “By the -Indians north of the St. Lawrence and -the Lakes, it was called the Lake of the -Iroquois, as likewise the River Richelieu, -connecting it and the River St. -Lawrence, they called the River of the -Iroquois. Champlain discovered the -lake in 1609, and gave it his own name. -(<i>Voyages</i>, Prince Soc. ed., vol. ii. pp. -210-20; Parkman’s <i>Pioneers of France</i>, -p. 316.) On some of the early maps it -is put down ‘Lake Champlain or Irocoise.’ -It is so called in Purchas’s -<i>Pilgrims</i> (vol. iv. p. 1643). The region -about the lake was sometimes called -Irocosia. The Iroquois lived on the -south of the lake, and, as their enemies -on the north approached them through -this lake, they naturally called it the -Lake of the Iroquois.” (<i>MS. letter of -Rev. E. F. Slafter.</i>)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_436_436" id="Footnote_436_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_436_436"><span class="label">[436]</span></a> The measurement and distance here -given are very nearly correct. Lake -Champlain is 126 miles long by about -14 in width at its broadest part. Burlington -is not far from 240 miles from -Boston.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_437_437" id="Footnote_437_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_437_437"><span class="label">[437]</span></a> In regard to the imaginary attractions -and advantages of Laconia and -its great lake, see Belknap’s <i>American -Biography</i>, vol. i. p. 377.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_438_438" id="Footnote_438_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_438_438"><span class="label">[438]</span></a> The two brothers, William and -Emery de Caen, became prominent in -the history of Canadian settlement in -1621, and remained so for a number of -years. They did not, however, plant -a colony of French in America, nor was -the name of Canada, or of its famous -river, derived from their name. On -this point see Parkman’s <i>Pioneers of -France</i>, pp. 184, <i>note</i>, and 391-5. Morton’s -derivation of the name Canada is -entitled to much the same weight as his -derivation of the names Pantucket and -Mattapan. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.) It was not, -however, peculiar to him as, forty years -later, Josselyn also speaks (<i>Rarities</i>, p. 5) -of “the River <i>Canada</i>, (so called from -Monsieur <i>Cane</i>).”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_439_439" id="Footnote_439_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_439_439"><span class="label">[439]</span></a> On the breaking out of the war between -England and France in 1627, -under the influence of Buckingham, -Sir William Alexander had been instrumental -in organizing an expedition to -seize the French possessions in America. -At its head were three Huguenots of -Dieppe,—David, Louis and Thomas -Kirk, brothers. The expedition was -successful, and on the 20th of July, 1629, -Champlain surrendered Quebec to Louis -Kirk. Daniel Kirk, the admiral of -the expedition, returned to England in -November of the same year; but his -brother Thomas remained in Canada -and held Quebec as an English conquest -until July, 1632, when, in accordance -with the conditions of the peace of April -14, 1629, it was restored to France. -See Kirke’s <i>First English Conquest of -Canada</i>, pp. 63-93; Parkman’s <i>Pioneers -of France</i>, pp. 401-11; also Mr. Deane’s -note in <i>Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc.</i> for 1875-6, -pp. 376-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_440_440" id="Footnote_440_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_440_440"><span class="label">[440]</span></a> The number of beaver-skins really -carried to England by Kirk was seven -thousand. (Kirke’s <i>First English Conquest -of Canada</i>, p. 85.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_441_441" id="Footnote_441_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_441_441"><span class="label">[441]</span></a> It is unnecessary to say that Morton -was here writing at random. He confounds -the Potomac with the Hudson, -though, a few paragraphs further on -(<i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_99">*99</a>), he states the facts in regard -to the latter river correctly; and the -latitude he gives has no significance, being -that of Poughkeepsie, on the Hudson, -and Cleveland, on Lake Erie. The Potomac -nowhere flows so far north as 40°. -The falls referred to are probably -those of Niagara. They had not then -been discovered (Parkman’s <i>Jesuits -in North America</i>, p. 142), though -vague reports concerning them had -reached the French through the Indians, -and they are plainly indicated on Champlain’s -map of 1629. (<i>Voyages</i>, Prince -Soc. ed., vol. i. p. 271, <i>note</i>.) Some -loose stories in regard to the rivers, falls, -lakes and islands of the interior had -been picked up by Morton, probably in -his talks with seamen and others who -had taken part in Kirk’s expedition. -He certainly fell in with these in London, -and it is more than likely that -at the house of Gorges he saw Champlain’s -map of 1629; though upon that -the falls are placed at 43½ degrees of -latitude, instead of at 41½. In 1634 there -was no other map. On the strength of -the information thus gathered, he made -the statements contained in this chapter. -The little he knew had been -obtained in England, after his return -there in 1631; for the Massachusetts Indians -can hardly have known much of -the remote interior, and in 1630 no attempts -even at exploration away from -the seashore had been made by the straggling -occupants of the New England -coast.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_442_442" id="Footnote_442_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_442_442"><span class="label">[442]</span></a> The stories here referred to probably -came from the Indians of Connecticut -and Maine, and referred to the -rivers and lakes of New England, but -were afterwards supposed to have had a -wider significance.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_443_443" id="Footnote_443_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_443_443"><span class="label">[443]</span></a> Williams (<i>Key</i>, 64) gives <i>Macháug</i> -as the Indian word for <i>No</i>, but it really -signifies <i>no-thing</i> (<i>Key</i>, 182). <i>Matta</i>, -as Morton gives it, is the simple negative.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_444_444" id="Footnote_444_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_444_444"><span class="label">[444]</span></a> Henry Josselyn was a brother of -John Josselyn, author of <i>New Englands -Rarities</i> and the <i>Two Voyages to New -England</i>, frequently quoted in the notes -to this edition of the <i>New Canaan</i>. He -came out from England in the interest -of Mason, as stated in the text, in 1634, -and passed the remainder of his life in -Maine, living at Black Point in the town -of Scarborough. He died in 1683. He -was deputy-governor of the province, -and one of the most active and influential -men in it, holding, through all -changes of proprietorship and government, -the most important offices. See -Mr. Tuckerman’s Introduction to the -<i>New Englands Rarities</i>; <i>Hist. of Cumberland -County, Maine</i>, p. 362.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_445_445" id="Footnote_445_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_445_445"><span class="label">[445]</span></a> Of Captain John Mason of New -Hampshire and the Laconia enterprise, -it is not necessary to speak at length in -this connection. Mason was the most -prominent character in the early history -of New Hampshire, and the loss which -his death, in December 1635, entailed -on the projects of Gorges and Morton -has already been referred to (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>). -The late Charles W. Tuttle, of Boston -was at the time of his death engaged in -preparing a life of Mason, which would -unquestionably have been a valuable -addition to the history of the settlement -of New England. The material he had -collected is now in the possession of his -family. In regard to the Laconia Company -and its projects, see Belknap’s -<i>American Biography</i>, under the title -<i>Gorges</i>, and Mr. Deane’s note in the -<i>Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, 1875-6, pp. -376-80.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_446_446" id="Footnote_446_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_446_446"><span class="label">[446]</span></a> Wood’s statement here referred to -is found on the first page of the <i>Prospect</i>, -and is as follows: “The Place -whereon the <i>English</i> have built their -Colonies, is judged by those who have -best skill in discovery, either to bee an -Island, surrounded on the North side -with the spacious River <i>Cannada</i>, and -on the South with <i>Hudsons</i> River, or -else a <i>Peninsula</i>, these two Rivers overlapping -one another, having their rise -from the great Lakes which are not farre -off one another, as the <i>Indians</i> doe certainly -informe us.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_447_447" id="Footnote_447_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_447_447"><span class="label">[447]</span></a> In 1631 no less than 15,174 skins, -the greater portion beaver, were exported -from the New Netherlands, -valued at about £12,000. (O’Callaghan’s -<i>New Netherland</i>, p. 139.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_448_448" id="Footnote_448_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_448_448"><span class="label">[448]</span></a> The Nipmucks, or Nipnets, inhabited -the present county of Worcester. -(<i>Hist. of Worcester County</i>, vol. i. p. -8.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_449_449" id="Footnote_449_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_449_449"><span class="label">[449]</span></a> This is a confused, rambling account -of the familiar Indian incidents -which took place during the first year -after the landing at Plymouth. There -is nothing of historical value in it, and -nothing which has not been more accurately -and better told by Bradford, -Winslow, Mourt and Smith.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_450_450" id="Footnote_450_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_450_450"><span class="label">[450]</span></a> Captain Thomas Hunt, who commanded -one of the vessels of Smith’s -squadron, in his voyage of 1614. (Bradford, -p. 95.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_451_451" id="Footnote_451_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_451_451"><span class="label">[451]</span></a> Morton, in this chapter, confounds -Samoset with Squanto. It was Squanto -who was kidnapped by Hunt and had -been in England, but it was Samoset who -walked into the Plymouth settlement, -on the 26th of March [<span class="smcap lowercase">N. S.</span>], 1621, -and saluted the planters with “wellcome -in the English phrase.” Squanto -was a native of Plymouth, but Samoset -belonged at Pemaquid, in Maine. -(Mourt, Dexter’s ed., <i>note</i> 295, p. 83.) -Hence Morton speaks of his having -been detained by Massasoit as a captive. -He apparently came to Massachusetts the -year before on Captain Dermer’s vessel, -in company with Squanto. Dr. Dexter -is seriously in error in his account of -Squanto in <i>note</i> 315 of his edition of -Mourt. Squanto could not have been -one of the Weymouth captives of 1605.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_452_452" id="Footnote_452_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_452_452"><span class="label">[452]</span></a> This is the familiar anecdote of -Squanto. (Bradford, p. 113; Young’s -<i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 292.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_453_453" id="Footnote_453_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_453_453"><span class="label">[453]</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_454_454" id="Footnote_454_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_454_454"><span class="label">[454]</span></a> The most connected account of -Thomas Weston and his abortive plantation -at Wessagusset, already referred -to (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>), is that contained in Adams’s -<i>Address on the 250th Anniversary -of the Settlement of Weymouth</i>, pp. 5-22. -Winslow in Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, -Bradford, and Phinehas Pratt (<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. -Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iv.) are the original authorities.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_455_455" id="Footnote_455_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_455_455"><span class="label">[455]</span></a> This is a wholly confused and misleading -account of the skirmish which -took place between the Plymouth party, -under command of Miles Standish, and -the Massachusetts Indians living near -Wessagusset, immediately after the killing -of Pecksuot and Wituwamat, in -March, 1623. The correct account of -the affair is in Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, -p. 341. Why Morton speaks of it as -a battle between the English and the -French is inexplicable.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_456_456" id="Footnote_456_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_456_456"><span class="label">[456]</span></a> See <i>supra</i>, pp. <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>. The -Plymouth people may have despoiled -the grave of Chickatawbut’s mother of -its bear-skins during some one of their -earlier visits to Boston Bay. Their last -visit to those parts, prior to the “battle” -spoken of in this chapter, was in November, -1622 (Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i> -p. 302), when they got little in the way -of supplies, and heard nothing but complaints -from the Indians of Weston’s people, -who had then been several months -at Wessagusset. It is far more probable -that these latter stripped the grave -at Passonagessit. In any event there can -be little doubt that Morton himself had -visited the spot while taking his “survey -of the country” during the previous -summer (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>), and it is quite clear -that the despoiling the grave had no connection -with the subsequent “battle,” in -which Chickatawbut took no part.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_457_457" id="Footnote_457_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_457_457"><span class="label">[457]</span></a> “Insomuch as our men could have -but one certain mark, and then but the -arm and half face of a notable villain, as -he drew [his bow] at Captain Standish; -who, together with another both discharged -at once at him, and brake his -arm.” (Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 341.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_458_458" id="Footnote_458_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_458_458"><span class="label">[458]</span></a> This is the famous Wessagusset -hanging which Butler introduced into -his poem of <i>Hudibras</i> (Canto II. lines -409-36), in the passage already referred -to (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>). It is as follows:— -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“Our Brethren of New-England use</div> - <div class="verse">Choice malefactors to excuse,</div> - <div class="verse">And hang the Guiltless in their stead,</div> - <div class="verse">Of whom the Churches have less need;</div> - <div class="verse">As lately ’t happen’d: In a town</div> - <div class="verse">There liv’d a Cobler, and but one,</div> - <div class="verse">That out of Doctrine could cut Use,</div> - <div class="verse">And mend men’s lives as well as shoes.</div> - <div class="verse">This precious Brother having slain,</div> - <div class="verse">In times of peace an Indian,</div> - <div class="verse">(Not out of malice, but mere zeal,</div> - <div class="verse">Because he was an Infidel),</div> - <div class="verse">The mighty Tottipottymoy</div> - <div class="verse">Sent to our Elders an envoy,</div> - <div class="verse">Complaining sorely of the breach</div> - <div class="verse">Of league held forth by Brother Patch,</div> - <div class="verse">Against the articles in force</div> - <div class="verse">Between both churches, his and ours,</div> - <div class="verse">For which he craved the Saints to render</div> - <div class="verse">Into his hands, or hang th’ offender;</div> - <div class="verse">But they maturely having weigh’d</div> - <div class="verse">They had no more but him o’ th’ trade,</div> - <div class="verse">(A man that served them in a double</div> - <div class="verse">Capacity, to teach and cobble),</div> - <div class="verse">Resolv’d to spare him; yet to do</div> - <div class="verse">The Indian Hoghan Moghan too</div> - <div class="verse">Impartial justice, in his stead did</div> - <div class="verse">Hang an old Weaver that was bed rid.”</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -That a man was hung at Wessagusset, -in March 1623, for stealing corn from -the Indians, there can be no doubt. -There is equally little doubt that it was -the real thief who was hung. (Pratt’s -<i>Relation</i>, <span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iv. -p. 491; Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 332; -Bradford, p. 130.) I have already (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_96">96</a>) given my own theory as to how -the incident came to take the shape it -did in Butler’s poem. He wrote, I -think, from a vague recollection of an -amusing traveller’s-story, which he had -heard told somewhere years before. -There is no reason to suppose that he -had ever seen the <i>New Canaan</i>. -</p> -<p> -It has always been assumed that Butler’s -version of the affair,—the vicarious -execution version,—coming out as -it did in 1664, at a period of violent -reaction against Puritanism, and when -the New England colonies were in extreme -popular disfavor,—obtained a -foothold in English popular tradition; -much such a foothold, in fact, as the -Connecticut Blue Laws. It was an intangible -something, always at hand to -be cast as a mocking reproach in the -face of a sanctimonious community. As -such it was sure to be resented and disproved; -but never by any disproof could -it be exorcised from the popular mind, -or finally set at rest. This may have -been the case, and the references to the -matter in Hutchinson (vol. i. p. 6, <i>note</i>), -in Hubbard (p. 77), and in Grahame -(Ed. 1845, vol. i. p. 202, <i>note</i>), certainly -look that way. I do not remember, however, -to have myself ever met this particular -charge among the many and singular -charges, much more absurd, which English -writers have from time to time gravely -advanced against America. In Uring’s -<i>Voyages</i> (p. 116-8) there is a singular -account of a similar vicarious execution, -which never could have met the eye of -the author of <i>Hudibras</i>, inasmuch as it -was not published until 1726; but it -shows that either some such event did -take place, or that its having taken -place was at one period a stock traveller’s-tale.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_459_459" id="Footnote_459_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_459_459"><span class="label">[459]</span></a> Three of Weston’s company were -among the Massachusetts Indians at the -time of the Wessagusset killing; one of -the three had before domesticated himself -with them; the other two, disregarding -Standish’s orders, had straggled -off, the day before the massacre, to a -neighboring Indian village. After the -massacre the savages put all three to -death by torture. (Pratt’s <i>Narrative</i>, -<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. iv. p. 486; -Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 344.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_460_460" id="Footnote_460_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_460_460"><span class="label">[460]</span></a> Will Sommers was the famous jester -and court fool of Henry VIII. His -witticisms are frequently met with in the -plays and annals of the period; and the -portrait, said to be by Holbein and of -him, looking through a window and tapping -on the glass, was formerly a prominent -feature in the gallery at Hampton -Court. It is very questionable, however, -whether the story alluded to in -the text belongs to Sommers. He -had been dead eighty years or more -when Morton wrote, and the stories -connected with him had been gotten -together by Armin, and printed in his -<i>Nest of Ninnies</i>, in 1608. This book -Morton had probably seen. In it there -is a story of another famous fool, Jack -Oates, of an earlier period, which is -probably the one Morton had in mind. -Oates is represented as giving an earl, -the guest of his patron, Sir William -Hollis, “a sound box on the ear,” for -saluting Lady Hollis, and then excused -himself on the ground of “knowing not -your eare from your hand, being so like -one another.” (Doran’s <i>Court Fools</i>, -p. 182.) Remembering this story in the -<i>Nest of Ninnies</i>, Morton, with his well-developed -faculty for getting everything -wrong, seems to have fathered it on the -most famous and popular of the occupants -of the <i>Nest</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_461_461" id="Footnote_461_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_461_461"><span class="label">[461]</span></a> For the detailed account of the Wessagusset -killing, see Winslow’s <i>Relation</i> -in Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, pp. 336-41; -Adams’s <i>250th Anniversary of Weymouth</i>, -pp. 18-22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_462_462" id="Footnote_462_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_462_462"><span class="label">[462]</span></a> Mr. Trumbull, in a note (125) to Williams’s -<i>Key</i> (p. 59). explains a blunder -here made by Morton. The correct -word is <i>wotawquenauge</i>, which means -“coat-men,” or men wearing clothes, the -<i>waútacone-nûaog</i> of Williams. This, -Morton confounded with another name -for Englishmen, <i>chauquaqock</i>, meaning, -“knife- [<i>i. e.</i>, sword-] men,” which -he understood to mean “cut-throats.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_463_463" id="Footnote_463_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_463_463"><span class="label">[463]</span></a> Weston, in 1622, got into serious -trouble with the English government, in -regard to some ordnance and military -stores, which he had obtained a license -to send to New England, and had then -sold to the French, with whom the English -were at war. (Bradford, p. 150.) He -seems to have been in hiding in consequence -of this transaction; and early in -1623 went on board of one of the fishing-vessels -in the disguise of a blacksmith, -and came out in her to the stations -on the Maine coast. There he -must have learned of the extreme straits, -if not of the abandonment, of his plantation -at Wessagusset, and he set out, with -a companion or two, in an open boat, -for Massachusetts Bay. He was wrecked -near the mouth of the Merrimac, and -barely escaped with his life. The savages -there stripped him to his shirt, and -in this plight he reached Thomson’s -plantation at Piscataqua. Thence he -found his way to Plymouth, arriving -there, not as Morton says, “with supply -and means to have raised [his company’s] -fortunes,” but in absolute destitution. -Bradford’s account of his reception -and of what ensued (pp. 133-4, 149-53) -is very different from that given -in the text; and, it is hardly necessary -to add, reads much more like the truth.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_464_464" id="Footnote_464_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_464_464"><span class="label">[464]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_465_465" id="Footnote_465_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_465_465"><span class="label">[465]</span></a> The incident here alluded to was -the seizure of the <i>Swan</i>, under a warrant -issued by Captain Robert Gorges, -acting as Lieutenant of the Council for -New England, in November, 1623. The -<i>Swan</i> was a small vessel of 30 tons -measurement, which Weston had sent -out with his expedition, in 1622. His -plan was, when the larger vessel—the -<i>Charity</i>, in which his company went -out—returned to England, to have the -<i>Swan</i> remain in New England, to be -used for trading purposes. Accordingly, -all through the winter of 1622-3, it had -been at Wessagusset, except when employed -by the people there in obtaining -supplies in connection with the Plymouth -people. When, in March, 1623, -Wessagusset was abandoned, the company -went in the <i>Swan</i> to the Maine -fishing-stations. Here Weston found the -vessel in the course of the following summer, -and recovered possession of her. -He then began to trade along the coast. -Meanwhile, in September, Captain Robert -Gorges arrived, and immediately set -out to look for Weston, in order to call -him to account for the ordnance transactions -referred to in the preceding note, -and also for the disorderly conduct of his -people at Wessagusset during the previous -winter. Starting for the eastward, -he was driven into Plymouth Harbor by -heavy weather, and while he was lying -there the <i>Swan</i> made its appearance -with Weston on board. Bradford’s account -of what ensued, including the seizure -of the vessel, differs <i>toto cœlo</i> from -that in the text. He says that Captain -Robert Gorges, acting as governor-general -under his commission from the -Council for New England, at once organized -a sort of a court,—he, Bradford, -acting as an assistant in it,—and proceeded -to arraign and try Weston. As a result -of the whole proceedings Gorges threatened -to send Weston under arrest back -to England. Through the intercession of -Bradford, however, he was mollified, -and finally Weston was released on his -own promise to appear when called for. -Gorges then went to Wessagusset, leaving -Weston with the <i>Swan</i> at Plymouth. -After a time Gorges seems to have concluded -that it would be very convenient -for him to have control of the <i>Swan</i>, at -any rate for that winter. Accordingly -he sent a warrant to Plymouth for its -seizure and the arrest of Weston. Bradford, -not liking this proceeding, took -some exception to the warrant, and refused -to allow it to be served. At the -same time it was intimated to Weston -that he had better take himself and his -vessel off. This he would not do. Apparently -his crew was mutinous and -unruly, their wages being long in arrears, -and the <i>Swan</i> destitute of supplies. -He seems to have looked upon -arrest and seizure as the best way out of -his difficulties. Presently a new warrant -came from Gorges, and both vessel and -prisoner were removed to Wessagusset. -This was in November. There they -passed the winter of 1623-4. Towards -spring Gorges went in the <i>Swan</i> to the -eastward, Weston accompanying him, -apparently as a pilot. The tidings received -there led the disappointed young -Lieutenant of the Council to decide on -immediately returning to England. Accordingly -he came back to Wessagusset, -and thence went probably to the fishing-stations, -very possibly in the <i>Swan</i>. -Before leaving he effected some sort of -a settlement with Weston,—Bradford -intimates much to the advantage of the -latter,—who was released from arrest, -had his vessel restored to him, and was -compensated for whatever loss he had -sustained. Weston thereupon reappeared -at Plymouth, and thence went to Virginia. -He seems to have traded along -the coast for some years, but finally -drifted back to England, where in 1645 -he died, at Bristol, of the plague. (Bradford, -pp. 140-53. Young’s <i>Chron. of -Pilg.</i>, pp. 296-8, 302.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_466_466" id="Footnote_466_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_466_466"><span class="label">[466]</span></a> This chapter relates to incidents of -no apparent consequence, and of which -there is no other record. It is not easy -even to fix the time at which they occurred, -and it would seem as if Morton, -in his rambling, incoherent way, had -confused the events of one year with those -of another. The only time when “35 -stout knaves” were landed, at all in the -way described, at Plymouth, was in July, -1622, when the <i>Charity</i> brought in there -Weston’s company. Yet Morton speaks -of there then being “three cows” at -Plymouth, which would indicate that -Morton’s arrival, referred to in the text, -was not in July 1622, but at some time -subsequent to the spring of 1624, when -Winslow brought over “three heifers -and a bull, the first beginning of any -cattle of that kind in the land.” (Bradford, -p. 158.) Yet Weston, again, had -no “barque” at Plymouth after 1623. -The chapter seems to have been introduced -simply for the purpose of working -on the church prejudices of Laud against -the Puritans. (See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_93">93-4</a>.) There -is in it a combination of “the booke of -common prayer” and “claret sparklinge -neate,” which is suggestive of the <i>Book -of Sports</i> as well as of “the Word of -God.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_467_467" id="Footnote_467_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_467_467"><span class="label">[467]</span></a> Bradford, p. 158.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_468_468" id="Footnote_468_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_468_468"><span class="label">[468]</span></a> <span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Facilis descensus Averno</span>. <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Æneid</i>, -vi. 127.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_469_469" id="Footnote_469_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_469_469"><span class="label">[469]</span></a> A <i>killock</i> is a small anchor. The -phrase in the text means that the wind -caused the boat to drag her anchor, and -she went ashore and was stove in.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_470_470" id="Footnote_470_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_470_470"><span class="label">[470]</span></a> The episode of Lyford and Oldham, -in the history of the Plymouth plantation, -is told in detail by Bradford. The -account in the text differs from Bradford’s -account only in that it is the -other side of the story. (See Bradford, -pp. 172-88.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_471_471" id="Footnote_471_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_471_471"><span class="label">[471]</span></a> See <i>infra</i>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <i>note</i>. Though Lyford -frequently exercised in the Plymouth -church, as an elsewhere ordained -brother, he was never installed as its -pastor. When admitted to it, Bradford -says he made “a large confession,” saying, -among other things, “that he held -not himself a minister till he had a new -calling.” (Bradford, pp. 181, 185, 188.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_472_472" id="Footnote_472_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_472_472"><span class="label">[472]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_473_473" id="Footnote_473_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_473_473"><span class="label">[473]</span></a> This chapter and Chapter XIII. -(pp. 273-6) relate to the same matter. -It is impossible to venture a surmise -even as to their meaning. It would -seem clear that they have no historical -value, but relate rather to some -humorous incident—having the full -seventeenth-century flavor of coarseness—which -occurred in the settlement of -Boston Bay. Apparently, judging by the -expressions, “this goodly creature of incontinency” -(<i>Infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_129">*129</a>), “that had -tried a camp royal in other parts” (<a href="#OPage_121">*121</a>), -some English prostitute found her way -out to Mount Wollaston, in company -with one of the adventurers there, and -subsequently went on to Virginia. She -may have come with Wollaston, and -been left in Boston Bay when her companion -went to Virginia, and then followed -him, giving birth to a child on -the way. This would explain the allusion -to Phyllis and Demophoön subsequently -made (p. *129). It is, however, -a mere surmise on a subject not worth -puzzling over.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_474_474" id="Footnote_474_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_474_474"><span class="label">[474]</span></a> It does not need to be said that this -is one of Morton’s preposterous statements. -As the settlement of Virginia -dated from 1607, the twenty-seven years -he speaks of was equivalent to saying, -“up to the time at which he was writing,” -viz. 1634. Virginia was then not -only a much older settlement, but it had -a population largely in excess of that of -New England.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_475_475" id="Footnote_475_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_475_475"><span class="label">[475]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <i>note</i> 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_476_476" id="Footnote_476_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_476_476"><span class="label">[476]</span></a> This chapter and Chapter XII. -are, historically speaking, as inexplicable -as Chapters IX. and XIII. There is -nothing in any of the contemporaneous -records to indicate who is referred to -under the pseudonym of Bubble.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_477_477" id="Footnote_477_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_477_477"><span class="label">[477]</span></a> One of the smallest of the islands in -Boston Bay, still called by the same name. -It lies off Mount Wollaston, and a mile -or so away, and between it and Pettuck’s -Island. (See Shurtleff’s <i>Description of -Boston</i>, p. 360.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_478_478" id="Footnote_478_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_478_478"><span class="label">[478]</span></a> [view] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_479_479" id="Footnote_479_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_479_479"><span class="label">[479]</span></a> Nipnet, or Worcester County; see -<i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_480_480" id="Footnote_480_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_480_480"><span class="label">[480]</span></a> [present] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_481_481" id="Footnote_481_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_481_481"><span class="label">[481]</span></a> Squanto is apparently referred to -here. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <i>note</i> 2.) There is -no incident in Squanto’s life—of which -there is a quite detailed account to be -gathered from the early Plymouth records—which -is suggestive of the events -described in the text.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_482_482" id="Footnote_482_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_482_482"><span class="label">[482]</span></a> The first part of <i>Don Quixote</i> was -published in 1605, and the second part -in 1615. It was first translated into -English by Thomas Skelton, in 1612-20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_483_483" id="Footnote_483_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_483_483"><span class="label">[483]</span></a> The reference here is to the story of -Demophoön and Phyllis, told by Ovid -(<i>Heroides</i>, II.) Demophoön, son of -Theseus and Phædra, accompanied the -Greeks to Troy; and on his return, -Phyllis, the daughter of the Thracian -king Sithon, fell in love with him, and -he consented to marry her. But before -the nuptials were celebrated, he went to -Attica to settle his affairs at home, and -as he tarried longer than Phyllis had -expected, she began to think that she -was forgotten, and put an end to her -life. She was metamorphosed into a -tree. (See Smith’s <i>Dictionary</i>, title -<i>Demophoön</i>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_484_484" id="Footnote_484_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_484_484"><span class="label">[484]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_17">17-19</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_485_485" id="Footnote_485_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_485_485"><span class="label">[485]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <i>note</i> 4.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_486_486" id="Footnote_486_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_486_486"><span class="label">[486]</span></a> John Scogan was the famous court -buffoon, attached to the household of -Edward IV., whose head Justice Shallow -makes the youthful Falstaff break -at the court gate (<i>Henry IV.</i> Part II. -act iii. sc. 2), though Falstaff is represented -as having died at least twenty -years before Scogan could have been -born. In regard to him, see Doran’s -<i>Court Fools</i>, pp. 123-30. “Scogan’s -choice,” in Morton’s day, seems to have -been a popular expression, signifying -that a choice of some sort is better -than no power to choose at all. It was -derived probably from the story of Scogan, -that he was once ordered to be -hanged, but allowed the privilege of -choosing the tree. He escaped the penalty -by being unable to find a tree to -his liking. Morton uses the expression -again, see <i>infra</i>, <a href="#OPage_137">*137</a>. But the reference -here is as obscure as “the poem.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_487_487" id="Footnote_487_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_487_487"><span class="label">[487]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_488_488" id="Footnote_488_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_488_488"><span class="label">[488]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_489_489" id="Footnote_489_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_489_489"><span class="label">[489]</span></a> “Ye Roman Goddes Flora.” (Bradford, -p. 237.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_490_490" id="Footnote_490_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_490_490"><span class="label">[490]</span></a> In regard to the arrest of Morton by Standish, in June, 1628, see <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_27">27-9</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_491_491" id="Footnote_491_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_491_491"><span class="label">[491]</span></a> See <i>infra</i>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_492_492" id="Footnote_492_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_492_492"><span class="label">[492]</span></a> Morton here confounds his experience -in Boston, two years later, with that -at Plymouth in 1628. In 1630 the master -of the <i>Gift</i> refused to carry him back -to England. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.) In the spring -of 1628, however, no vessel seems to have -arrived at Plymouth from England, as -Allerton then brought over an assortment -of goods, and came in a fishing-vessel -by way of the Maine stations. -(Bradford, p. 232.) Allerton returned -to London in the course of the succeeding -summer or autumn, but it is not -probable then any vessel left Plymouth -in June, 1628, bound for England. (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_29">29</a>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_493_493" id="Footnote_493_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_493_493"><span class="label">[493]</span></a> It was not until towards the close of -the summer of the next year that Morton -returned to Massachusetts in company -with Allerton. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_36">36-7</a>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_494_494" id="Footnote_494_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_494_494"><span class="label">[494]</span></a> Morton implies above that the -“Poem” which follows was written -shortly after the events to which it relates -occurred, and before his return to -New England in 1629. It was then, it -seems, “in use” in London. The name -of Ben Jonson appears in the margin of -the original edition, as of this reprint, -and opposite the first two lines, as above. -Exactly what this signifies it is impossible -now to say. Some critics that I -have consulted are inclined to think -that Jonson, who was then about fifty-five -years old and at the height of his -fame, may have written all the verses. -Others suggest that Morton, by putting -the name in the margin, meant to imply -that Jonson wrote them all, and that -this was another of the unscrupulous -tricks of the author of the <i>New Canaan</i>. -Neither explanation commends itself to -my judgment. The first five verified -lines are a paraphrase of five lines at -the beginning of one of Jonson’s productions, -for a poem it is not. In his -published works (Gifford’s ed. [1816], -vol. viii. p. 241) they appear as follows:— -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“I sing the brave adventure of two wights,</div> - <div class="verse">And pity ’tis, I cannot call them knights:</div> - <div class="verse">One was; and he for brawn and brain right able</div> - <div class="verse">To have been styled of king Arthur’s table.</div> - <div class="verse">The other was a squire, of fair degree.”</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -With the last of the foregoing lines the -paraphrase stops, and the rest of the -verses in the <i>New Canaan</i> are, it must -in justice be said, not only more cleanly, -but in other respects superior to those -to be found in Jonson’s works. Indeed, -where the latter are not unintelligible, -they are almost unequalled for the nastiness -in which the writer seems to revel. -Gifford not too strongly remarks of them, -“I dislike the subject.” Morton, it appears -to me, abandoning, at the sixth -line, the paraphrase with which he began, -went on with a production of his own, but -very properly put Jonson’s name opposite -the lines he borrowed from him. The -remainder is in his own style, and not -inferior to the mass of the contemporary -verse. He himself explains it. The -“nine worthy wights” are Standish and -his party, who were sent to arrest him. -The “prodigeous birth,” was the establishment -of the Mount Wollaston plantation. -The “seven heads” were the -seven persons composing the company at -Mount Wollaston at the time of the arrest. -The “forked tail” was the Maypole, -with its antlered top. The fear that -the Hydra of Ma-re Mount would devour -“all their best flocks” refers to the apprehended -competition in the fur trade. -The “Soll in Cancer” indicates the -season; the “thundering Jove” the -storm, in which Morton made his escape -from his captors at Wessagusset. The -arrest at Mount Wollaston is passed over -very lightly. Then follows the discussion -among the magistrates at Plymouth, -as to the disposition to be made of the -prisoner. Standish would seem to be designated -under the name of Minos. He -recommends death. Eacus is more difficult -to identify. In the preceding -chapter (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>), Morton speaks of -him as being the one whose “voice was -more allowed of then both the others.” -My supposition is that, by Eacus, Morton -meant Dr. Samuel Fuller, who then -apparently (Bradford, pp. 264, <i>note</i>, 306, -<i>note</i>) stood, next to Standish, at the head -of the assistants. Morton says that he -“confounded all the arguments that -Eacus could make;” and he afterwards, -in the <i>New Canaan</i>, refers to Fuller -with peculiar bitterness. (<i>Infra</i>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.) -“Sterne Radamant” is clearly Bradford, -“the cheif Elder.” The remainder -of the poem calls for no explanation; -and the whole of it is much less unintelligible -than is usual with Morton.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_495_495" id="Footnote_495_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_495_495"><span class="label">[495]</span></a> [what] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_496_496" id="Footnote_496_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_496_496"><span class="label">[496]</span></a> “Brave Christmas gambols” were, -it may be remarked, not greatly in vogue -in the Plymouth of 1628. (See Bradford, -p. 112.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_497_497" id="Footnote_497_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_497_497"><span class="label">[497]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_498_498" id="Footnote_498_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_498_498"><span class="label">[498]</span></a> The personage referred to, in this -amusing but extremely scurrilous chapter, -is Dr. Samuel Fuller. There is a notice -of Dr. Fuller in Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i> -(p. 222, <i>note</i>), and in Eliot’s <i>Biog. Dict.</i> -He was one of those who came over in -the <i>Mayflower</i>; but that he was born in -the County of Somerset, and bred a -butcher, appears only from the statement -in the text. At Plymouth, besides -being the physician of the colony, he -was a magistrate and a deacon of the -church. He died there, of an infectious -fever, in 1633, and his best possible epitaph -is read in Bradford (p. 314): “A -man godly, and forward to do good, -being much missed after his death.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_499_499" id="Footnote_499_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_499_499"><span class="label">[499]</span></a> <i>Infra</i>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_500_500" id="Footnote_500_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_500_500"><span class="label">[500]</span></a> Paul’s Walk, as the central nave -of old St. Paul’s was called, was in the -reign of Charles I. much what a business -arcade is now. There is a vivid -description of it, with extracts from -writers of the time, in W. H. Ainsworth’s -romance, <i>Old St. Paul’s</i> (B. <span class="smcap lowercase">II.</span> -ch. 7). See also, Gardiner’s <i>Charles I.</i> -(vol. ii. p. 11).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_501_501" id="Footnote_501_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_501_501"><span class="label">[501]</span></a> The visit of Dr. Fuller to Salem, -referred to in the text, may have taken -place in 1628. Though he was also there -in 1629; and again in 1630, when he -likewise visited Charlestown. (Young’s -<i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 222, <i>note</i>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_502_502" id="Footnote_502_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_502_502"><span class="label">[502]</span></a> This description of the usual effect -of sea-sickness I take to be peculiar to -Morton.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_503_503" id="Footnote_503_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_503_503"><span class="label">[503]</span></a> Endicott’s first wife was Anna Gover, -a cousin of Governor Cradock. -Little is known of her. She came to -New England with her husband, and -died during the very early days of -the settlement, as she seems to have -been in failing health in September, -1628. Endicott was married to his -second wife August 18, 1630; on the -17th of the following month he sat among -the magistrates at Boston in judgment -upon the author of the <i>New Canaan</i>, -who had been “sent for” just five days -after the marriage, which seems to have -taken place at Charlestown. (Winthrop, -vol. i. p. *30; Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, -pp. 131, 292; <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_43">43-4</a>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_504_504" id="Footnote_504_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_504_504"><span class="label">[504]</span></a> This was the case of Roger Clerk, -of Wandsworth, attached in the chamber -of the Guildhall of London, before -the mayor and aldermen, on the 13th -of May, 1382, on a plea of deceit and -falsehood as to Roger atte Hacche. -The record is to be found in Riley’s -<i>Memorials of London and London -Life</i> (pp. 464-6), and is very curious as -illustrating English manners in the time -of Richard II. Morton’s reference -would indicate that the case had then -been handed down as a tradition for two -hundred and fifty years. It seems that -Clerk gave Hacche a bit of old parchment, -rolled up in “a piece of cloth of -gold,” asserting that it was very good -for the ailments with which his wife -was afflicted. Upon being arraigned, -Clerk contended that upon the parchment -was written “a good charm for -fevers.” Upon examination, no word -of the alleged charm was found in the -paper. The court then told the prisoner -“that a straw beneath his foot would -be of just as much avail for fevers, -as this charm of his was; whereupon, -he fully granted that it would be so. -And because that the same Roger Clerk -was in no way a literate man, and seeing -that on the examinations aforesaid, -(as well as others afterwards made,) -he was found to be an infidel, and altogether -ignorant of the art of physic or -of surgery; and to the end that the people -might not be deceived and aggrieved -by such ignorant persons etc.; it was -adjudged that the same Roger Clerk -should be led through the middle of the -City, with trumpets and pipes, he riding -on a horse without a saddle, the said -parchment and a whetstone, for his lies, -being hung about his neck, an urinal -also being hung before him, and another -urinal on his back.” -</p> -<p> -The punishment of the “pillory and -the whetstone,” as it was called, was -that ordinarily imposed on those telling -falsehoods. In another case in the same -volume (p. 316) it is thus given in detail: -“The said John shall come out -of Newgate without hood or girdle, -barefoot and unshod, with a whetstone -hung by a chain from his neck, and -lying on his breast, it being marked with -the words,—‘A false liar;’ and there -shall be a pair of trumpets trumpeting -before him on his way to the pillory.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_505_505" id="Footnote_505_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_505_505"><span class="label">[505]</span></a> The person referred to in this chapter -was probably the Rev. Francis -Bright, of whom very little is known. -He was one of the three ministers sent -over by the Massachusetts Company in -1629, Higginson and Skelton being the -other two. In June of that year, when -Graves and the Spragues were sent by -Endicott to effect a settlement at -Charlestown, Bright accompanied them -as “minister to the Company’s servants.” -(Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, pp. 316, -376.) As such, he was the Caiaphas, -or high-priest, of that region, and it -naturally devolved on him to “exercise -his guifts on the Lords day at -Weenasimute.” Morton further says -that the person he refers to had been -a silenced minister in England. That -Bright had been silenced is not known, -but both Skelton and Higginson had -been (<i>Magnalia</i>, B. <span class="smcap lowercase">I.</span> ch. iv. § 4; -Neal’s <i>Hist. of Puritans</i>, vol. ii. p. 229); -and, though Hubbard intimates that -Bright was a conformist (p. 113), yet, -in the Company’s letter to Endicott, the -three ministers are stated to have “declared -themselves to us to be of one -judgment, and to be fully agreed on the -manner how to exercise their ministry.” -(Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 160.) Winthrop, -Morton adds, “spied out Caiphas -practise; and he must be packing.” -Bright returned to England shortly after -Winthrop’s arrival. Johnson says (<i>Wonder-working -Providence</i>, p. 20) that he -“betooke him to the Seas againe,” -when he saw that “all sorts of stones -would not fit in the building.” -</p> -<p> -Samuel Skelton is referred to by -Morton a few pages further on (<i>Infra</i>, -<a href="#Page_306">306</a>) as “Pastor Master Eager,” which -name may be taken to imply “covetousness” -in him. But, though Skelton -might be termed the “Caiphas” of the -country, he was not silenced by Winthrop. -He can, therefore, hardly be the -person here aimed at.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_506_506" id="Footnote_506_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_506_506"><span class="label">[506]</span></a> [courteousnesse] See <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>n.</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_507_507" id="Footnote_507_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_507_507"><span class="label">[507]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <i>note</i> 3, and <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_508_508" id="Footnote_508_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_508_508"><span class="label">[508]</span></a> Iosua Temperwell. Under this name -Morton always designates Governor -John Winthrop.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_509_509" id="Footnote_509_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_509_509"><span class="label">[509]</span></a> Caiaphas was the high-priest of the -Jews; Jonas, or Jonah, was the first -Hebrew prophet sent to a heathen nation. -The propriety of these two Biblical -allusions in this connection is, therefore, -apparent enough. The allusion to -Demas is more obscure, as he is only -mentioned by Paul as a fellow-disciple -who had forsaken him, “having loved -this present world, and is departed unto -Thessalonica.” (II. <i>Timothy</i> iv. 10.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_510_510" id="Footnote_510_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_510_510"><span class="label">[510]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#OPage_144">*144</a>, <a href="#OPage_151">*151</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_511_511" id="Footnote_511_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_511_511"><span class="label">[511]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_512_512" id="Footnote_512_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_512_512"><span class="label">[512]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_513_513" id="Footnote_513_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_513_513"><span class="label">[513]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_514_514" id="Footnote_514_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_514_514"><span class="label">[514]</span></a> By this name Morton designates -Matthew Cradock, the first Governor -of the Massachusetts Bay Company, -though he never came to America. -Cradock was a wealthy London merchant, -and as such subscribed largely to -the funds of the company. In regard -to him, see Dr. Young’s note in <i>Chron. -of Mass.</i> (p. 137).</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_515_515" id="Footnote_515_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_515_515"><span class="label">[515]</span></a> It is not clear who Morton may -have intended to designate by this -name. John Washburne was the secretary -and “collector for the company” -at the time Endicott was sent over, but -of him nothing is known. (Young’s -<i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 55.) It would seem -more probable that Increase Nowell -was the person Morton had in mind. -Nowell was one of the original patentees, -contributing money to forward the -purposes of the company, serving on -committees, &c. (<i>Ib.</i> p. 262.) He -came to New England with Winthrop, -and was among the magistrates who -were present at the trial of Morton in -September, 1630. (<i>Records</i>, vol. i. -pp. 73, 75.) He was the first ruling-elder -of the Charlestown church. He -is described as having been “a worthy -pious man” (Eliot); and if he was the -person intended by Morton,—which is -not at all clear,—the propriety of calling -him Ananias, if it rests on anything, -is not apparent from the record.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_516_516" id="Footnote_516_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_516_516"><span class="label">[516]</span></a> The “covered case,” in which Governor -Winthrop is supposed to have -brought over the charter of 1629, is still -to be seen in the office of the Secretary -of the Commonwealth at the State -House in Boston; and that in which -Endicott brought over the patent of -1628 was, it may be inferred from the -text, similar in appearance. It very -much resembles the case for “some instrument -of musick,” being a flat, narrow -box, 2 feet 10 inches long, by 3½ -inches wide and 3 inches deep. It has -a species of circular annex, so to speak, -at its middle, intended to contain the seal. -This annex, like the box, is of wood, -and is 7 by 8 inches in surface, and the -same in depth as the main case, of which -it is a part. The whole is covered with -stamped leather, now brown and mouldered -with age. There are, however, -some things about this case which suggest -doubts as to its having been made -quite so early as the time of Charles I.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_517_517" id="Footnote_517_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_517_517"><span class="label">[517]</span></a> In regard to this meeting at Salem, -and the action taken at it, see <i>supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_38">38-40</a>. No record or other mention of -it, except that contained in the text, has -come down to us.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_518_518" id="Footnote_518_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_518_518"><span class="label">[518]</span></a> See <i>supra</i> <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_519_519" id="Footnote_519_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_519_519"><span class="label">[519]</span></a> This refers to the famous Salem -ordination of Skelton and Higginson, -July 20 and August 6, 1629; in regard -to which see Palfrey, vol. i. pp. 295-6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_520_520" id="Footnote_520_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_520_520"><span class="label">[520]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_41">41-2</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_521_521" id="Footnote_521_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_521_521"><span class="label">[521]</span></a> [converted] See <i>supra</i> <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_522_522" id="Footnote_522_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_522_522"><span class="label">[522]</span></a> The arrival of Winthrop’s fleet in -June, 1630, is here referred to. It has -already been stated that Iosua Temperwell -is intended for Governor Winthrop. -It will be noticed that Morton, much as -he disliked him, always refers to Winthrop, -if not with respect, yet with a -certain restraint of tone and insinuation -which he did not show to others, such -as Endicott, Fuller and Standish.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_523_523" id="Footnote_523_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_523_523"><span class="label">[523]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#OPage_156">*156</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_524_524" id="Footnote_524_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_524_524"><span class="label">[524]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>. See, also, the petition of -Winslow, while a prisoner in the Fleet, -to the Lords of the Council. (<i>Proc. of -Mass. Hist. Soc.</i> 1860-2, p. 133.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_525_525" id="Footnote_525_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_525_525"><span class="label">[525]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_43">43-5</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_526_526" id="Footnote_526_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_526_526"><span class="label">[526]</span></a> T. W. Higginson, who in 1866 published -a translation of Epictetus, furnishes -me the following note on this -allusion: “The phrase ‘bear and forbear’ -has always been received as the -formula especially characteristic of Epictetus. -It is most explicitly preserved to -us in the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Noctes Atticæ</i> of Aulus Gellius -(B. <span class="smcap lowercase">XVII.</span> ch. xix. §§ 5-6). Gellius says: -‘<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Verba duo dicebat</span>: <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀνέχου καὶ ἀπέχου</span>,’ -having previously explained their meaning. -There was in 1634 no English -translation of any portion of Epictetus -containing the phrase; nor was he an -author then much read at the English -universities. Morton probably, therefore, -got the quotation from the Latin -of Aulus Gellius; if, indeed, he did not -pick it up in listening to the talk of -some more scholarly man,—possibly -Ben Jonson.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_527_527" id="Footnote_527_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_527_527"><span class="label">[527]</span></a><span lang="la" xml:lang="la"> Ille hæc ludibria fortunæ, ne sua -quidem putavit, quæ nos appelamus -etiam bona.</span> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Paradoxa</i>, I. 1.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_528_528" id="Footnote_528_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_528_528"><span class="label">[528]</span></a> I am unable to suggest any explanation -of the allusions contained in this -chapter. There is no apparent clew -either to the “zealous Professor” whose -conscience did not permit him to cut -tombstones, or to the “gentleman newly -come into the land,” who “incurred the -displeasure” of Governor Winthrop and -was degraded.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_529_529" id="Footnote_529_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_529_529"><span class="label">[529]</span></a> “Thou shalt not make unto thee -any graven image, or any likeness of -anything that is in heaven above, or -that is in the earth beneath, or that is -in the water under the earth.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_530_530" id="Footnote_530_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_530_530"><span class="label">[530]</span></a> “Antonomasia (<i>Rhet.</i>). The use -of the name of some office, dignity, profession, -science or trade, instead of the -proper name of the person; as where -<i>his majesty</i> is used for a king, or <i>his -lordship</i> for a nobleman, or when, instead -of Aristotle, we say <i>the philosopher</i>; -or, conversely, the use of a proper -name instead of an appellative, as where -a wise man is called a <i>Cato</i>, or an eminent -orator a <i>Cicero</i>, the application -being supported by a resemblance in -character.” (<i>Webster.</i>)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_531_531" id="Footnote_531_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_531_531"><span class="label">[531]</span></a> The phrase “them that are without -[the church]” calls for no explanation. -It was common in early New -England, and both Lyford and Bradford -are found using it (Bradford, pp. 184, -187) exactly as Morton uses it, who -probably picked it up at Plymouth.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_532_532" id="Footnote_532_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_532_532"><span class="label">[532]</span></a> Innocence Fairecloath is the name -under which Morton alludes to Philip -Ratcliff. This man was a servant or -agent of Governor Matthew Cradock. -He got into trouble with Endicott and -the members of the Salem church, and, -according to Winthrop, “being convict, -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ore tenus</i>, of most foul, scandalous invectives -against our churches and government, -was censured to be whipped, -lose his ears, and be banished the plantation, -which was presently executed.” -(p. *56.) Another authority speaks of -the offence as a “most horible blasphemy.” -(<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. viii. -p. 323.) In the <i>Records of Massachusetts</i> -(p. 88), under date of June 14 -(24 <span class="smcap lowercase">N. S.</span>), 1631, the sentence read as -follows: “It is ordered, that Philip -Ratcliffe shall be whipped, have his -ears cut off, fined 40 l., and banished -out of the limits of this jurisdiction, for -uttering malicious and scandalous -speeches against the government and -the church of Salem, &c., as appeareth -by a particular thereof, proved upon -oath.” The severity of this sentence -caused much scandal in England after -Ratcliff returned there, and in April of -the next year Edward Howes wrote out -to John Winthrop, Jr.: “I have heard -diverse complaints against the severitie -of your Government especially Mr. Indicutts, -and that he shalbe sent for over, -about cuttinge off the Lunatick mans -eares, and other grievances.” (<span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> -<i>Mass. Hist. Coll.</i>, vol. ix. p. 244.) In -regard to Ratcliff’s subsequent connection -with the Gorges-Mason attacks on -the company before the Privy Council, -see <i>supra</i>, <a href="#Page_50">50-2</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, and <i>Proceedings of -Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, vol. xx., January meeting, -1883.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_533_533" id="Footnote_533_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_533_533"><span class="label">[533]</span></a> See <i>supra</i> <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <i>note</i> 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_534_534" id="Footnote_534_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_534_534"><span class="label">[534]</span></a> The first two deacons of the church -at Charlestown were Robert Hale and -Ralph Monsall. The Charlestown church, -however, was not organized until November, -1632, sixteen months after Ratcliff’s -punishment. (Budington’s <i>First -Church of Charlestown</i>, pp. 31, 34.) -</p> -<p> -The Boston church in June, 1631, had -but one deacon, William Aspinwall -(Ellis’s <i>First Church of Boston</i>, p. 328), -in regard to whom there is a detailed -note in Savage’s <i>Winthrop</i> (p. *32). He -was the deacon of the Charlestown -church at the time Morton was arraigned -and punished, and it is possible -that Morton refers to him as Shackles. -Aspinwall was a man of prominence in -the settlement; but it must be remembered -that, thirteen years later, “two of -our ministers’ sons, being students in -the college, robbed two dwelling-houses -in the night of some pounds. Being -found out, they were ordered by the -gouvernours of the college to be there -whipped, which was performed by the -president himself—yet they were about -20 years of age.” (Winthrop, vol. ii. -p. *166.) If the president of the college -could officiate at the whipping-post in -1644, in a case of what Winthrop calls -“burglary,” there seems no good reason -why the deacon of the church should -not have officiated there in 1631 in a -case which the same authority calls -“foul, scandalous invectives against our -churches.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_535_535" id="Footnote_535_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_535_535"><span class="label">[535]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_536_536" id="Footnote_536_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_536_536"><span class="label">[536]</span></a> The character of the <i>New Canaan</i> -as a political pamphlet of the time, intended -to effect a given result in a particular -quarter, has already been referred -to. (<i>Supra</i>, pp. <a href="#Page_68">68-9</a>.) In this respect -the present chapter is the most significant -one in the book. It was intended to act -on the well-known prejudices of Archbishop -Laud, the head and controlling -spirit of that Board of Lords Commissioners -of Foreign Plantations which -then had supreme authority over the -colonies. To that Board Morton dedicated -his book; and at the time he was -writing it the Lords Commissioners, and -especially the Archbishop, were taking -active measures to vacate the Massachusetts -charter and to assume the direct -government of the colonies. It is its -connection with these facts which alone -gives any great degree of historical value -to the present chapter. In itself it is -not deserving of careful annotation, as -it contains nothing that is new, and the -ground is much better covered by Lechford -in his <i>Plaine Dealing</i>. Like Morton, -Lechford was a lawyer; and, unlike -Morton, he was by nature a devout -man. A member of the Church of England -he has given in his book a remarkably -vivid and fair-minded description -of the practice of the New England -churches during the earliest days of the -settlement. Mr. Trumbull’s very learned -and elaborate notes to his edition of -the <i>Plaine Dealing</i>, which is the edition -referred to in the notes to the present -chapter, have cleared up Lechford’s text -wherever it is obscure; and they obviate -the necessity of any careful annotation -of the present chapter, except where it -is desirable to call notice to the special -bearing any particular assertion made -may be supposed to have had on Archbishop -Laud’s idiosyncrasies.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_537_537" id="Footnote_537_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_537_537"><span class="label">[537]</span></a> “Teaching in the church publicly,” -was, it will be remembered, one of the -offences charged against Winslow before -the Lords Commissioners at the hearing -of 1634, for which, at Archbishop Laud’s -“vehement importunity,” he was committed -to the Fleet. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>; <i>Proc. -Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, 1860-2, p. 131.) On -the real practice of the New England -churches in regard to the exercise of -their gifts by lay members, see <i>Plaine -Dealing</i>, p. 42.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_538_538" id="Footnote_538_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_538_538"><span class="label">[538]</span></a> “I suppose the first preacher that -ever thus preached with notes in our -New-England was the Reverend Warham.” -(<i>Magnalia</i>, B. <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> part 2, ch. -xviii.) In regard to John Warham, -first of Dorchester and subsequently of -Windsor, Connecticut, see Dr. Young’s -note in <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 347.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_539_539" id="Footnote_539_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_539_539"><span class="label">[539]</span></a> There probably never was any regularly -chosen deaconess in New England. -The office was recognized as -having come down from the primitive -churches (Dexter’s <i>Congregationalism</i>, -p. 69); and Robert Browne in his definitions, -in the <i>Life and Manners of all -true Christians</i>, says: “The <i>widow</i> is a -person having office of God to pray for -the church, and to visit and minister to -those which are afflicted and distressed -in the church; for the which she is tried -and received as meet.” (Bacon’s <i>Genesis -of the New England Churches</i>, p. -84.) Bradford in his <i>Dialogue</i>, written -in 1648, speaking of the Separatist church -at Amsterdam, says, that besides the pastor, -teacher, elders and deacons, there -was “one ancient widow for a deaconess, -who did them service many years, -though she was sixty years of age when -she was chosen. She honored her place -and was an ornament to the congregation. -She usually sat in a convenient -place in the congregation, with a little -birchen rod in her hand, and kept little -children in great awe from disturbing -the congregation. She did frequently -visit the sick and weak, especially women, -and, as there was need, called out -maids and young women to watch and -do them other helps as their necessity -did require; and if they were poor, she -would gather relief for them of those -that were able, or acquaint the deacons; -and she was obeyed as a mother in -Israel and an officer of Christ.” (Young’s -<i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 455.) It would be -inferred from the passage quoted that -there had in 1648 never been a deaconess -in the Plymouth church, as in this -<i>Dialogue</i> the old men are supposed to -be describing to the young men events -strange to the latter, as having occurred -long before. Lechford says, speaking of -the Massachusetts colony: “No church -there has a Deaconesse, as far as I -know.” (<i>Plaine Dealing</i>, pp. 24, 40) -“I have not met with an instance of -[the] actual institution [of the office of -deaconess] in New England.” (Palfrey, -vol. ii. p. 37, <i>note</i>.) -</p> -<p> -It does not seem, however, to have -been even theoretically one of the functions -of the deaconess “to use her gifts -at home,” as Morton says, “in an assembly -of her sex, by way of repetition, -or exhortation.” This would rather -have pertained to the office of teacher. -Meetings of females, such as those described, -were held in the parishes during -the early days, and played an important -part in the Antinomian controversy. -The deaconess did not, however, officiate -at them. The character of these -meetings appears in the following passage -at the trial of Mrs. Hutchinson: -</p> -<p> -“<span class="smcap">Court.</span> ... What say you to your -weekly public meetings? Can you find -a warrant for them? -</p> -<p> -<span class="smcap">Mrs. Hutchinson.</span> I will show you -how I took it up. There were such -meetings in use before I came; and -because I went to none of them, this -was the special reason of my taking up -this course. We began it with but five -or six, and, though it grew to more in future -time, yet, being tolerated at the first, -I knew not why it might not continue. -</p> -<p> -<span class="smcap">Court.</span> There were private meetings -indeed, and are still in many places, -of some few neighbors; but not so public -and frequent as yours; and are of -use for increase of love and mutual edification. -But yours are of another nature. -If they had been such as yours -they had been evil, and therefore no -good warrant to justify yours. But answer -by what authority or rule you uphold -them? -</p> -<p> -<span class="smcap">Mrs. H.</span> By Titus ii. 3-5, where the -elder women are to teach the younger. -</p> -<p> -<span class="smcap">Court.</span> So we allow you to do, as -the Apostle there means, privately and -upon occasion. But that gives no warrant -of such set meetings for that purpose. -And, besides, you take upon you -to teach many that are older than yourself. -Neither do you teach them that -which the Apostle commands, viz: to -keep at home. -</p> -<p> -<span class="smcap">Mrs. H.</span> Will you please to give me -a rule against it, and I will yield. -</p> -<p> -<span class="smcap">Court.</span> You must have a rule for it, -or else you cannot do it in faith. Yet -you have a plain rule against it,—‘I -suffer not a woman to teach.’ (I. Tim. -ii. 12.) -</p> -<p> -<span class="smcap">Mrs. H.</span> That is meant of teaching -men.” -</p> -<p> -(Weld’s <i>Short Story</i>, pp. 34-5.) See -also the version to the same effect in -Hutchinson’s <i>Massachusetts</i>, vol. ii. pp. -484-7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_540_540" id="Footnote_540_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_540_540"><span class="label">[540]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <i>note</i> 3, and <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <i>note</i> 3. -The effect such a statement as that in -the text would have upon Archbishop -Laud is apparent. The real practice of -the early New England churches in the -matter of ordination can be found in the -<i>Plaine Dealing</i>, pp. 13, 16, 17.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_541_541" id="Footnote_541_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_541_541"><span class="label">[541]</span></a> “There hath been some difference -about jurisdictions, or cognizance of -causes: Some have held that, in causes -betweene brethren of the Church, the -matter should be first told the Church, -before they goe to the civill Magistrate, -because all causes in difference doe -amount, one way or other, to a matter -of offence; and that all criminall matters -concerning Church members, should be -first heard by the Church. But these -opinionists are held, by the wiser sort, -not to know the dangerous issues and -consequences of such tenets.” (<i>Plaine -Dealing</i>, p. 34.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_542_542" id="Footnote_542_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_542_542"><span class="label">[542]</span></a> There was no minister at Plymouth -in the spring of 1628, when Morton was -there. William Brewster was the ruling -elder in the church and officiated in its -pulpit, where, from the beginning, he -had “taught twice every sabbath, and -that both powerfully and profitably, to -the great contentment of the hearers, and -their comfortable edification.” (Young’s -<i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, p. 467; Bradford, pp. -187-8.) In the summer of 1628, but -after Morton had been sent to England, -Allerton brought over Mr. Rogers as a -preacher, who soon proved to be “crased -in his braine” (Bradford, p. 243), and the -next season was sent home. In the autumn, -apparently, of 1629, and while -Morton may have been at Plymouth at -Allerton’s house (<i>Ib.</i> p. 253), before his -final return to Mount Wollaston, the -Rev. Ralfe Smith, who had come over -with Skelton and Higginson in the previous -June (Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, -p. 151), was found at Nantasket and -brought down to Plymouth. (Bradford, -p. 263.) He was not, however, chosen -into the ministry there until a later time. -(<i>Ib.</i>) It is unlikely that Morton here -refers to Plymouth personages. He was -at Salem in 1629 (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>), and in -Boston, where as a prisoner he was undoubtedly -made regularly to attend divine -service, from early September to -the end of December, 1630. (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_45">45</a>; Young’s <i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 321.) -At Salem he had come in contact with -Skelton and Higginson; and it has -been seen (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <i>note</i> 1) that he -probably knew something of Francis -Bright of Charlestown. The only other -ministers then in the colony were John -Warham and John Maverick at Dorchester, -George Phillips at Watertown, -and John Wilson at Boston.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_543_543" id="Footnote_543_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_543_543"><span class="label">[543]</span></a> It is scarcely necessary to point out -that the three following pages are largely -the fruit of Morton’s imaginative powers, -and were intended for the special -edification of Archbishop Laud. As -Plymouth was much less well supplied -with preachers than the towns of the -Massachusetts colony, it is altogether -probable—as Dr. John Eliot surmised, -in his review of the <i>New Canaan</i>, in the -<i>Monthly Anthology</i> for July, 1810—the -allusions to the church-practises in -this chapter found their largest basis of -fact in incidents which Morton had been -a witness of in the Plymouth meeting-house. -It is safe to add, however, that -he could have had no agreeable recollections -of the meeting-houses at Boston -and Charlestown.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_544_544" id="Footnote_544_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_544_544"><span class="label">[544]</span></a> Oliver Le Daim, barber of Louis -XI., created by him Comte de Meulan, -and sent in 1477 on a confidential mission -to Mary of Burgundy at Ghent. -The account of his experiences is to be -found in the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Memoires de Commines</i>, -L. v. ch. xiv.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_545_545" id="Footnote_545_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_545_545"><span class="label">[545]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <i>note</i> 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_546_546" id="Footnote_546_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_546_546"><span class="label">[546]</span></a> I am indebted to Mr. Lindsay Swift, -of the Boston Public Library, for the -following explanation of this, to me, -very perplexing allusion: “<i>Nic</i>, or, more -correctly, <i>nick</i>,—namely, ‘a raised or -indented bottom in a beer-can, by -which the customers were cheated, the -nick below and the froth above filling -up part of the measure.’ I take this -definition from Wright’s <i>Dictionary of -Obsolete and Provincial English</i>. That -the expression was a common one the -following quotations prove:— -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">‘We must be running up and downe</div> - <div class="verse">With cannes of beere (malt sod in fishes broth),</div> - <div class="verse">And those they say are fil’d with nick and froth.’</div> - <div class="verse"></div> - -</div> -<div class="stanza"> - <div class="sig">(Rowland’s <i>Knave of Harts</i>.)</div> -</div></div></div> - - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">‘From the nick and froth of a penny pot-house.’</div> - -</div> -<div class="stanza"> - <div class="sig">(Fletcher.)</div> -</div></div></div> - - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">‘Our pots were full quarted,</div> - <div class="verse">We were not thus thwarted</div> - <div class="verse">With froth-canne and nick-pot,</div> - <div class="verse">And such nimble quick shot.’</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -(Spurious lines added to Rand’s 1624 edition -of Skelton’s <i>Elynour Rummynge</i>.) -Most of this information I have taken -from Nares’s <i>Glossary</i> and Halliwell-Phillipp’s -<i>Dictionary of Archaic and -Provincial Words</i>, second edition.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_547_547" id="Footnote_547_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_547_547"><span class="label">[547]</span></a> The reference here is apparently to -the running footmen much in use in the -eighteenth century, and also, judging by -the text, as early as the reign of Charles -I. Their duty was to run before and -alongside the cumbrous coaches then in -use, to notify innkeepers of the -coming guests. They carried long poles -to assist them in clearing obstacles, and -to help pry the carriages out of the -sloughs in which they frequently got -stuck. (Brewer’s <i>Dict. of Phrase and -Fable</i>, p. 773; Macaulay’s <i>England</i>, -vol. i. pp. 374-8.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_548_548" id="Footnote_548_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_548_548"><span class="label">[548]</span></a> It was one of the doctrines of Pythagoras -that the souls of the dying -passed into the air, and thence into the -living bodies of other men, taking controlling -possession of them. That the -nimbleness of the father’s feet might -thus account for the volubility of the -son’s tongue is, it is needless to say, a -purely Mortonian deduction.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_549_549" id="Footnote_549_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_549_549"><span class="label">[549]</span></a> “<i>May</i> 12. [1621] was the first marriage -in this place, which, according to -the laudable custome of the Low-Countries, -in which they had lived, was -thought most requisite to be performed -by the magistrate, as being a civill thing, -upon which many questions aboute inheritances -doe depende, with other things -most proper to their cognizans, and most -consonante to the scripturs. Ruth 4. -and no wher found in the gospell to be -layed on the ministers as a part of their -office.” (Bradford, p. 101.) The marriage -here referred to was that of Edward -Winslow to Mrs. Susannah White. -It took place in May, Winslow’s wife -having died seven weeks before, and -Mrs. White’s husband, William, twelve -weeks before. That he had married -people was, it will be remembered, the -other of the two charges advanced -against Winslow himself, at the Privy -Council hearing just referred to. (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <i>note</i> 2.) The practice of civil marriage -already prevailed in the Massachusetts -colony also, as, a week before the -arrest of Morton was ordered, Governor -Endicott, on August 18, 1630, was married, -at Charlestown apparently, “by the -governour and Mr. Wilson.” (Winthrop, -vol. i. p. *30. See also <i>Plaine Dealing</i>, -pp. 86-7.) There are few more edifying -examples of the casuistical skill of Winthrop -and his associates than is afforded -by his method of dealing with the question -of civil marriages, as explained in -detail in his <i>Journal</i> (vol. i. p. *323). -“In our church discipline, and in matters -of marriage, to make a law that -marriages should not be solemnized by -ministers is repugnant to the laws of -England; but to bring it to a custom by -practice for the magistrates to perform -it, is no law made repugnant, etc.” The -charter of 1629 empowered the General -Court of the colony “to make, ordeine, -and establishe all Manner of wholesome -and reasonable Orders, Lawes, Statutes, -and Ordinances, Directions, and Instructions, -not contrary to the Lawes of -theis our Realme of England.” (Hazard, -vol. i. p. 252.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_550_550" id="Footnote_550_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_550_550"><span class="label">[550]</span></a> At the conference between the Bishops -and the Puritans, held in presence -of James I. at Hampton Court in January, -1603, one of the practices of the -English Church especially excepted to -as a “relique of popery” by Dr. John -Reynolds, the spokesman of the Puritans, -was the ring in marriage. (Neal’s -<i>Hist. of Puritans</i>, vol. ii. p. 42.) Among -the reasons urged against its use I have -not elsewhere found the “diabolical -circle” argument. It seems rather to -have been associated in the Puritan -mind with the Romish traditions. -(Jones’s <i>Finger-Ring Lore</i>, pp. 288-90.) -This count, in Morton’s indictment, -was based on good grounds. “In the -Weddings of [early] New England the -ring makes none of the ceremonies.” -(Mather’s <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ratio Disciplinæ</i>, p. 116.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_551_551" id="Footnote_551_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_551_551"><span class="label">[551]</span></a> This refers to churching practice of -the English Church. At the Hampton -Court conference, referred to in the -preceding note, another of the “reliques -of popery,” specifically excepted to by -Dr. Reynolds, was “the churching of -women by the name of <i>purification</i>.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_552_552" id="Footnote_552_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_552_552"><span class="label">[552]</span></a> This count in the indictment was -well laid. The children of the non-communicants -in early New England could -not be baptized; though they might be -if either one of the parents was a member -of the church. At a later period this -became one of the leading causes of political -agitation in the colony, and is referred -to in the Dr. Robert Childs petition -of 1646. In 1670 from four fifths to -five sixths of the adult male inhabitants -of Massachusetts were without the franchise, -as being non-communicants. -(Lechford’s <i>Plaine Dealing</i>, pp. 47, 48, -151; <i>Mem. Hist. of Boston</i>, vol. i. p. 156; -Palfrey, vol. ii. p. 8, vol. iii. p. 41.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_553_553" id="Footnote_553_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_553_553"><span class="label">[553]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <i>note</i> 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_554_554" id="Footnote_554_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_554_554"><span class="label">[554]</span></a> This was the favorite epithet employed -by the early reformers in referring -to the Mass. Calvin called it “an -execrable idol;” Hooper, “a wicked -idol.” Bradford—not Governor William, -but John, the Smithfield martyr of -Queen Mary’s time—terms it an “abominable -idol of bread;” and again, “the -horriblest and most detestable device -that ever the devil brought out by man.” -Bland, rector of Adishan, repeated the -familiar figure, calling it a “most blasphemous -idol;” and Latimer improved -upon this by adding the words, “full of -idolatry, blasphemy, sacrilege against -God and the dear sacrifice of His Christ.” -(Blunt’s <i>Reformation of the Church of -Eng.</i>, vol. ii. pp. 399-402.) The derivation -of the Book of Common Prayer, in -many of its parts, from the Missal was -unmistakable; and naturally the next -race of religious reformers applied to -the former the same earnest epithets of -theological dissent which had before -been applied to the latter. Accordingly, -in Barrowe’s <i>Brief Discovery of the False -Church</i>, we find the Book of Common -Prayer referred to as “a detestable idol, -... old rotten stuff ... abstracted out -of the pope’s blasphemous mass-book, -... an abominable and loathsome sacrifice -in the sight of God, even as a -dead dog.” Barrowe was one of the -three Separatist martyrs, and as such -held in deepest veneration at Plymouth. -(Young’s <i>Chron. of Pilg.</i>, pp. 427-34.) -The Book of Common Prayer was therefore -undoubtedly looked upon and referred -to at Plymouth as Morton says. -Indeed, the Lyford schism was in some -degree due to its use. (Bradford, p. 181.) -That it was, in the early days, also so -looked upon and so referred to at Salem -and at Boston, is not clear. It is true -that in 1629 it was again the cause of -the Browne dissension at Salem (Young’s -<i>Chron. of Mass.</i>, p. 287), in consequence -of which Skelton and Higginson both -declared openly “that they came away -from the Common Prayer and ceremonies, ... -and therefore, being in a place -where they might have their liberty, -they neither could nor would use them, -because they judged the imposition of -these things to be sinful corruptions in -the worship of God.” (Morton’s <i>Memorial</i>, -p. 147.) The Puritans of Boston, -however, were not Separatists, and -it is open to question whether they at -first felt towards the Common Prayer -as the Plymouth people felt towards it, -and as Morton says. In 1640 Governor -Winthrop, it is true, noted it as a thing -worthy of observation that his son “having -many books in a chamber where -there was corn of divers sorts, had among -them one wherein the Greek testament, -the psalms and the common prayer were -bound together. He found the common -prayer eaten with mice, every leaf of it, -and not any of the two other touched, -nor any other of his books, though they -were above a thousand.” (Winthrop, -vol. ii. p. *20.) When Governor Winthrop -tried and sentenced Morton, however, -he was anxious to preserve his -connection with the Church of England, -and it is very doubtful whether he then -looked upon its Book of Prayer as “an -idol.” (<i>Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, vol. xviii. -p. 296.) -</p> -<p> -As one count in Morton’s indictment -of the people of New England, that in -the text now under consideration was -not only sufficiently well founded, but it -was peculiarly calculated to excite Archbishop -Laud’s anger. It is unnecessary -to say that he was the special champion -of the Church of England ritual. To -enforce exact conformity to it he regarded -as his mission. When the -ships loaded with emigrants for New -England were, in March, 1634, stopped -in the Thames by order of the Privy -Council, they were not allowed to proceed -on their voyage until the masters -bound themselves to have the Book of -Common Prayer used at morning and -evening service during the voyage. -(<i>Council Register</i>, Feb. 21, 28, 1634; -Gardiner’s <i>Charles I.</i>, vol. ii. p. 23.) -This was Laud’s act, and it is more -than probable that he was as much influenced -by Morton on that occasion as -he was subsequently in the matter of -Winslow’s imprisonment for having performed -the marriage ceremony. (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_555_555" id="Footnote_555_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_555_555"><span class="label">[555]</span></a> “Woe unto you, scribes and Pharisees, -hypocrites! for ye pay tithe of mint -and anise and cummin, and have omitted -the weightier matters of the law, -judgment, mercy, and faith.” (<i>Matt.</i> -xxiii. 23.) -</p> -<p> -“But woe unto you, Pharisees! for -ye tithe mint and rue and all manner of -herbs, and pass over judgment and the -love of God.” (<i>Luke</i> xi. 42.) -</p> -<p> -The significance of the text referred -to lay, of course, in Morton’s mind, rather -in its indirect than its direct application,—more -in its denunciatory than -in its contributory portions. The clergy -in early Massachusetts were supported -by the voluntary contributions in Boston, -and by a regular town-tax levy outside -of Boston. (<i>Plaine Dealing</i>, pp. -48-50; <i>Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc.</i>, 1860-2, -p. 116.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_556_556" id="Footnote_556_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_556_556"><span class="label">[556]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, Ch. XXV. pp. <a href="#Page_316">316-20</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_557_557" id="Footnote_557_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_557_557"><span class="label">[557]</span></a> “<i>Wink</i>, <i>v. n.</i> 1. to shut the eyes. -<i>obs.</i>” (<i>Worcester.</i>)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_558_558" id="Footnote_558_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_558_558"><span class="label">[558]</span></a> Edward Howes, in writing from -London to John Winthrop, Jr., in November, -1632, describes how, on going -home at noon one day, he met the master -of a vessel which had just arrived -from New England, together with three -others who had come over with him. -The master passing into the house on -some matter of business, Howes had a -talk with one of the other men, whom -he describes as an “egregious knave.” -The report given by this man of the -Massachusetts community strikingly resembles -that given by Morton in this -chapter. He would, writes Howes, -“give none of you a good word, but the -governor [Winthrop]; he was a good -man and kept a good table, but all the -rest were Hereticks, and they would be -more holy than all the world; they -would be a peculiar people to God, but -go to the Devil; that one man with you -being at confession, as he called it, said -he believed his father and mother and -ancestors went all to Hell; and that -your preachers, in their public prayers, -pray for the governor before they pray -for our king and state; ... that you -never use the Lord’s prayer; that your -ministers marry none; that fellows which -keep hogs all the week preach on the -Sabbath; that every town in your plantation -is of a several religion; that you -count all men in England, yea all out -of your church, in the state of damnation. -But I believe and know better -things of you; but here you may partly -see how the Devil stirs up his instruments.” -(<span class="smcap lowercase">IV.</span> <i>Mass. Hist. Col.</i>, vol. vi. -p. 485.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_559_559" id="Footnote_559_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_559_559"><span class="label">[559]</span></a> Mr. Swift (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <i>note</i>) suggests -that Morton here alludes to the -scene in Ben Jonson’s <i>Tale of a Tub</i> -(act iv. sc. 1), where Justice Preamble -says: -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“And what say you now, neighbor Turfe?”</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -Turfe answers him: -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent20">“I put it</div> - <div class="verse">Even to your worship’s bitterment, hab, nab.”</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -Here the Countryman makes the remark, -and not the Justice; but a wholly -correct allusion by Morton is not to be -looked for. (<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <i>note</i> 2.) The -meaning of <i>hab, nab</i> is, of course, “hit -or miss, at a venture, at random,” and -is probably derived from <i>habbe, nabbe</i>,—“to -have or not to have.” (See -Nares’s <i>Glossary</i>.)</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_560_560" id="Footnote_560_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_560_560"><span class="label">[560]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_44">44-5</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_561_561" id="Footnote_561_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_561_561"><span class="label">[561]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <i>note</i>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_562_562" id="Footnote_562_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_562_562"><span class="label">[562]</span></a> By the General Court of May, 1644, -it was ordered, that “Nantascot shall -be called Hull.” (<i>Records</i>, vol. ii. p. 74.) -Mr. Savage, in his notes to Winthrop -(vol. ii. p. *175), and Mr. Whitmore -(<i>Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc.</i> 1871-3, p. 397), -think it was so called from Hull in -Yorkshire. It would appear from the -text that it had been locally known by -that name among the “old planters” -before the settlement of Boston.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_563_563" id="Footnote_563_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_563_563"><span class="label">[563]</span></a> Sir Christopher Gardiner suddenly -appeared in Massachusetts in May, 1630, -and returned to England in 1632, arriving -there in August. He is supposed -to have come out as an agent, or emissary, -of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. I had -begun the preparation of a note on Sir -Christopher, and “how hee spedd -amongst the Seperatists,” for insertion -at this point; but the subject developed -on my hands until it assumed the shape -of a study by itself. It can be found in -the <i>Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soc.</i> -for January, 1883, vol. xx.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_564_564" id="Footnote_564_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_564_564"><span class="label">[564]</span></a> Machiavelli died in 1527, and <i>The -Prince</i> was published in 1532. The reputation -of the man and of the book -were as well established in Morton’s -day as they are now. -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse">“Nick Machiavel had ne’er a trick,</div> - <div class="verse">(Tho’ he gave his name to our old Nick.)”</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> - <div class="sig">(<i>Hudibras</i>, p. <span class="smcap lowercase">III.</span> can. i. lines 1313-4.)</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -This derivation is not accepted by the -authorities. See Brewer’s <i>Dict.</i>, p. 614.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_565_565" id="Footnote_565_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_565_565"><span class="label">[565]</span></a> <i>Supra</i>, Ch. XXV. pp. <a href="#Page_316">316-20</a>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_566_566" id="Footnote_566_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_566_566"><span class="label">[566]</span></a> As Saint Michael is one of the -Azores, it may have been during this -voyage that Morton visited the Isle of -Sal and the tropics, as mentioned in the -first chapter of the <i>New Canaan</i>. (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_117">117</a>.) If the voyage did last nine -months, it was August or September, -1631, before he got back to England.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_567_567" id="Footnote_567_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_567_567"><span class="label">[567]</span></a> -</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"><div class="poetry"><div class="stanza" lang="la" xml:lang="la"> - <div class="verse">“Cum canerem reges et prœlia, Cynthius aurem</div> - <div class="verse">Vellit, et admonuit:...”</div> -</div> -<div class="stanza"> - <div class="sig">(Virgil, <i>Eclogues</i>, vi. 3-4.)</div> -</div></div></div> - -<p> -There are in the <i>New Canaan</i> (<i>Supra</i>, -<a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>) two references to certain -imaginary or special gifts from “Phaos -box,” which in editing I had been unable -to explain. Mr. Lindsay Swift -(<i>Supra</i>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <i>note</i>) now supplies me with -a reference, which, if it is indeed, as -seems most probable, the allusion which -Morton had in mind, seems to indicate -that his familiarity with classic authors -was greater than I have been disposed -to give him credit for. The reference -is to the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Varia Historia</i> of Ælianus -(lib. <span class="smcap lowercase">XII.</span> cap. xviii.), and reads as follows: -“<span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Phaonem, omnium hominum formosissimum, -Venus in lactucis abscondit. -Alii dicunt, eum portitorem fuisse, -et habuisse hoc vitæ genus. Veniebat -autem aliquando Venus, trajicere volens; -ille vero, nesciens quænam esset, -libenter recepit, magnaque cura, quoquo -voluerat, eam vexit. Pro quibus -meritis Dea alabastrum ei donavit, et -erat in eo unguentum, quo unctus -Phaon speciosissimus hominum evasit, -atque adeo amarunt eum Mitylenensium -feminæ. Tandem vero deprehensus -in adulterio, trucidatus est.</span>”</p> -</div></div> - -<hr class="full" /> - - -<div class="chapter transnote p4"> - - -<h2 class="nobreak">Transcriber's Note</h2> - - -<p>The following apparent errors have been corrected:</p> - -<ul><li>p. 18 (note) "Strutt s" changed to "Strutt’s"</li> - -<li>p. 23 (note) "<i>Infra</i> *149." changed to "<i>Infra</i>, *149."</li> - -<li>p. 83 (note) "<i>State Papers</i>.," changed to "<i>State Papers</i>,"</li> - -<li>p. 98 "repects" changed to "respects"</li> - -<li>p. 102 (note) "humming-bird”" changed to "“humming-bird”"</li> - -<li>p. 130 (note) "pp, 70" changed to "pp. 70"</li> - -<li>p. 133 (note) "1869.," changed to "1869,"</li> - -<li>p. 137 (note) "‘eat.”" changed to "‘eat.’”"</li> - -<li>p. 140 (note) "lxxxix" changed to "lxxxix."</li> - -<li>p. 147 (note) "Hemlock-Bark" changed to "Hemlock-Bark”"</li> - -<li>p. 148 (note) "<i>nanwetee</i>’" changed to "<i>nanwetee</i>"</li> - -<li>p. 152 (note) "lxxxiv-lxxxvii" changed to "lxxxiv.-lxxxvii."</li> - -<li>p. 158 (note) "together”" changed to "together.”"</li> - -<li>p. 185 (sidenote) "3. & 4" changed to "3. & 4."</li> - -<li>p. 196 (note) "linarius" changed to "lanarius"</li> - -<li>p. 213 (note) "<i>Chingachgook</i>" changed to "<i>Chingachcook</i>"</li> - -<li>p. 217 (note) "he got" changed to "be got"</li> - -<li>p. 218 (note) "vol," changed to "vol."</li> - -<li>p. 226 (note) "<i>Psendopleuronectes</i>" changed to "<i>Pseudopleuronectes</i>"</li> - -<li>p. 269 "the rest" changed to "the rest,"</li> - -<li>p. 314 "handsomely" changed to "handsomely."</li> - -<li>p. 326 (sidenote) "despised" changed to "despised."</li> - -<li>p. 348 "cured" changed to "cured."</li> - -<li>p. 355 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y."</li> - -<li>p. 356 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y."</li> - -<li>p. 356 "R. I." changed to "R.I."</li> - -<li>p. 358 "N. Y." changed to "N.Y."</li> - -<li>p. 359 "Prospect" changed to "Prospect."</li> - -<li>p. 359 "Whitmore, A.M" changed to "Whitmore, A.M."</li> - -<li>p. 363 "131, <i>n.</i>;" changed to "131, <i>n.</i>,"</li> - -<li>p. 365 "Canonicus" changed to "Caunoŭnicus"</li> - -<li>p. 366 "196, <i>n.</i>," changed to "196, <i>n.</i>;"</li> - -<li>p. 369 "186," changed to "186."</li> - -<li>p. 371 "<i>Kantantowwit</i>" changed to "Kantántowwit"</li> - -<li>p. 371 "<i>Kodliep Kēn</i>" changed to "<i>Kodtup Kēn</i>"</li> - -<li>p. 372 "description of, 200;" changed to "description of, 206;"</li> - -<li>p. 374 "205, <i>n.</i>" changed to "205, <i>n.</i>;"</li> -</ul> - - -<p>Inconsistent spelling, punctuation and typography have otherwise been left as printed.</p> - - -<p>The following possible errors have been left as printed:</p> - -<ul><li>p. 19 beasly</li> - -<li>p. 123 originlly</li> - -<li>p. 125 probality</li> - -<li>p. 127 this Cost</li> - -<li>p. 132 strenght</li> - -<li>p. 144 lenght</li> - -<li>p. 148 uncivilizied</li> - -<li>p. 154 fuond</li> - -<li>p. 164 giude</li> - -<li>p. 210 oder glands</li> - -<li>p. 219 Blacklead.</li> - -<li>p. 223 (note) lenghth</li> - -<li>p. 230 Mattachusetts</li> - -<li>p. 231 ageed</li> - -<li>p. 261 doubdt</li> - -<li>p. 281 strenght</li> - -<li>p. 287 worties</li> - -<li>p. 365 Cithyrea</li> - -<li>p. 365 fire-brand</li> - -<li>p. 366 Colchos</li> - -<li>p. 366 Powows</li> - -<li>p. 366 luzerans</li> - -<li>p. 367 Drails</li> - -<li>p. 367 luzeran</li> - -<li>p. 368 luzeran</li> - -<li>p. 371 Lannerets</li> - -<li>p. 371 Leadstones</li> - -<li>p. 375 Newcomein</li> - -<li>p. 376 Pawtucket</li> - -<li>p. 376 Phlegethon</li> - -<li>p. 376 Phœbus</li> - -<li>p. 377 Rhadamanthus</li> - -<li>p. 379 Chappel: chalkstones</li> - -<li>p. 379 Stubbs</li> - -<li>p. 380 Wampumpeack</li> - -<li>p. 381 Auld</li></ul> - -</div> - -<p> </p> -<hr class="pg" /> -<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NEW ENGLISH CANAAN OF THOMAS MORTON WITH INTRODUCTORY MATTER AND NOTES***</p> -<p>******* This file should be named 54162-h.htm or 54162-h.zip *******</p> -<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br /> -<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/5/4/1/6/54162">http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/1/6/54162</a></p> -<p> -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed.</p> - -<p>Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for the eBooks, unless you receive -specific permission. If you do not charge anything for copies of this -eBook, complying with the rules is very easy. You may use this eBook -for nearly any purpose such as creation of derivative works, reports, -performances and research. They may be modified and printed and given -away--you may do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks -not protected by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the -trademark license, especially commercial redistribution. -</p> - -<h2>START: FULL LICENSE<br /> -<br /> -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE<br /> -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK</h2> - -<p>To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license.</p> - -<h3>Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works</h3> - -<p>1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8.</p> - -<p>1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below.</p> - -<p>1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others.</p> - -<p>1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country outside the United States.</p> - -<p>1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:</p> - -<p>1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed:</p> - -<blockquote><p>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United - States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost - no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use - it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with - this eBook or online - at <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you - are not located in the United States, you'll have to check the laws - of the country where you are located before using this - ebook.</p></blockquote> - -<p>1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.</p> - -<p>1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work.</p> - -<p>1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.</p> - -<p>1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License.</p> - -<p>1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.</p> - -<p>1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.</p> - -<p>1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that</p> - -<ul> -<li>You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation."</li> - -<li>You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works.</li> - -<li>You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work.</li> - -<li>You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.</li> -</ul> - -<p>1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and The -Project Gutenberg Trademark LLC, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark. Contact the Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.</p> - -<p>1.F.</p> - -<p>1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment.</p> - -<p>1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE.</p> - -<p>1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem.</p> - -<p>1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.</p> - -<p>1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions.</p> - -<p>1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. </p> - -<h3>Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm</h3> - -<p>Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life.</p> - -<p>Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org.</p> - -<h3>Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation</h3> - -<p>The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.</p> - -<p>The Foundation's principal office is in Fairbanks, Alaska, with the -mailing address: PO Box 750175, Fairbanks, AK 99775, but its -volunteers and employees are scattered throughout numerous -locations. Its business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, Salt -Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up to -date contact information can be found at the Foundation's web site and -official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact</p> - -<p>For additional contact information:</p> - -<p> Dr. Gregory B. Newby<br /> - Chief Executive and Director<br /> - gbnewby@pglaf.org</p> - -<h3>Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation</h3> - -<p>Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide -spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS.</p> - -<p>The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit <a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/donate">www.gutenberg.org/donate</a>.</p> - -<p>While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate.</p> - -<p>International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.</p> - -<p>Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate</p> - -<h3>Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works.</h3> - -<p>Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support.</p> - -<p>Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition.</p> - -<p>Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org</p> - -<p>This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.</p> - -</body> -</html> - diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 6b0816f..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_a001.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_a001.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 123f6ae..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_a001.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_a005.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_a005.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f91a027..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_a005.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_c003a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_c003a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 1ce3c72..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_c003a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_c003b.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_c003b.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b3dc1f9..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_c003b.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_c005a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_c005a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index d4b64c1..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_c005a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_c005b.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_c005b.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index af1b0ac..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_c005b.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t001a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t001a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 6eca020..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t001a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t010.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t010.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 0fb2397..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t010.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t010h.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t010h.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 29c3cec..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t010h.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t098.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t098.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 6f5334e..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t098.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t099.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t099.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b80730d..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t099.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t105.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t105.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index de695f1..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t105.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t107a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t107a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 4f82a5a..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t107a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t109.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t109.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 10c5078..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t109.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t110.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t110.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 44dc759..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t110.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t115a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t115a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 7e51691..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t115a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t115b.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t115b.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 80b3b5a..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t115b.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t179a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t179a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9db33a7..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t179a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t179b.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t179b.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 871e917..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t179b.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t240.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t240.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 2a1a6a1..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t240.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t242.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t242.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c244e1c..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t242.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t243a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t243a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 67e30c5..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t243a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t243b.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t243b.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 09f764e..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t243b.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t345.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t345.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 5c454d0..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t345.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t347.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t347.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 7df472d..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t347.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t351a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t351a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index a005910..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t351a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t351b.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t351b.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9d8484c..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t351b.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t353.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t353.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b8b5312..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t353.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t354.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t354.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 494478c..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t354.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t359.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t359.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 9b4ab3d..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t359.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t361a.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t361a.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index e2f823a..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t361a.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t361ab.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t361ab.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 8572533..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t361ab.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t363.jpg b/old/54162-h/images/zill_t363.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b5d2814..0000000 --- a/old/54162-h/images/zill_t363.jpg +++ /dev/null |
