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diff --git a/old/54160-8.txt b/old/54160-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 72b42d7..0000000 --- a/old/54160-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10198 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Lushei Kuki Clans, by John Shakespear - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Lushei Kuki Clans - J. Shakespear - -Author: John Shakespear - -Release Date: February 12, 2017 [EBook #54160] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LUSHEI KUKI CLANS *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously -made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - THE LUSHEI KUKI CLANS - - BY - - Lt.-COLONEL J. SHAKESPEAR - - - Published under the orders of the - Government of Eastern Bengal - and Assam - - - WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAP - - MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED - ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON - 1912 - - - - - - - - - Copyright. - - Richard Clay and Sons, Limited BRUNSWICK STREET, - STAMFORD STREET, S.E., AND BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. - - - - - - - - - I DEDICATE THIS BOOK - - TO - - "THANGLIANA" - - Lieut.-Colonel T. H. Lewin - - THE FRUITS OF WHOSE LABOURS I WAS PRIVILEGED TO REAP, - AND WHO, AFTER AN ABSENCE OF NEARLY FORTY YEARS, - IS STILL AFFECTIONATELY REMEMBERED BY THE LUSHAIS. - - - - - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - Introduction xiii - Bibliography xvii - Glossary xix - - - PART I - - THE LUSHEI CLANS - - - CHAPTER I PAGE - - General 1 - - 1. Habitat. 2. Appearance and physical characteristics. - 3. History. 4. Affinities. 5. Dress. 6. Tattooing. - 7. Ornaments. 8. Weapons. - - - CHAPTER II - - Domestic Life 17 - - 1. Occupation. 2. Weights and Measures. 3. Villages. - 4. Houses. 5. Furniture. 6. Implements--Agricultural, - Musical, Household. 7. Manufactures--Basket work, Pottery, - Brass work, Iron work, Cloth manufacture, Dyeing, - Ornamentation. 8. Domestic animals. 9. Agriculture. - 10. Hunting and fishing. 11. Food and drink. - 12. Amusements--Dances, Athletics, Games. - - - CHAPTER III - - Laws and Customs 41 - - 1. Internal structure--Formation and constitution of the - Clan, Sub-division into Families and Branches. 2. Tribal - organisation--The Chief, Village officials, Rights of - chief, Boi, Sal, &c. 3. Marriage--Bride-price, Divorce, - Widow remarriage. 4. Female chastity. 5. Inheritance-- - Adoption. 6. Offences regarding property. 7. Offences - connected with the body. 8. Decisions of disputes. - 9. War and head-hunting--Ambushing, Raiding, First use - of guns, Head-hunting. - - - CHAPTER IV - - Religion 61 - - 1. General form of religious beliefs--Pathian the - Creator, Other spirits, The world beyond the grave, - Re-incarnation. 2. Ancestor worship--Offerings to the - dead, Possession by spirit of the dead. 3. Worship of - natural forces and deities--Spirits of hill, vale, and - stream, The Lashi. 4. Religious rites and ceremonies-- - Definitions of terms used, Sacrifices, Epidemics, "Ai" - sacrifice. 5. Priesthood. 6. Ceremonies connected with - childbirth. 7. Marriage ceremonies. 8. Funerals-- - Description, Disposal of corpse of infants, Lukawng, - Unnatural deaths. 9. Festivals--Connected with crops, - "Thangchhuah feasts," "Buh-ai." - - - CHAPTER V - - Folk-lore 92 - - 1. Legends--Creation and natural phenomena, Nomenclature - of hills, &c., Animal tales, Mythical heroes. - 2. Superstitions--Connected with cultivation, with animals, - house building, miscellaneous. 3. Snake worship--"Rulpui," - "The great snake," Other superstitions regarding snakes. - 4. Omens. 5. Witchcraft--"Khuavang zawl," "Khawhring," - Origin of. - - - CHAPTER VI. - - Language 113 - - Lushai or Dulien, Grammar, Word for word translation. - - - APPENDIX - - Families and Branches of Lushei Clan 125 - - - - PART II - - THE NON-LUSHEI CLANS - - - INTRODUCTORY - - Division of Clans into Five Groups 129 - - - CHAPTER I - - Clans included in the term Lushai 130 - - Chawte, Chongthu, Hnamte, Kawlni, Kawlhring, Kiangte, - Ngente, Paotu, Rentlei, Vangchhia, Zawngte. - - - CHAPTER II - - Clans which, though not absorbed, have been much - influenced by the Lushais 136 - - Fanai, Ralte, Paihte or Vuite, Rangte. - - - CHAPTER III - - The old Kuki Clans 148 - - The old Kuki Clans of Manipur, Aimol, Anal, Chawte, Chiru, - Kolhen, Kom, Lamgang, Purum, Tikhup, Vaiphei. Other old - Kuki Clans, Khawtlang and Khawchhak. - - - CHAPTER IV - - The Thado Clan 189 - - - CHAPTER V - - The Lakher or Mara Clan 213 - - - CHAPTER VI - - Language 225 - - Resemblances between languages of clans, Change of - certain letters, Comparative vocabulary. - - - - - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - PAGE - - Khamliana, Sailo Chief (Coloured Plate) Frontispiece - Lushai Weapons, Ornaments, &c 10 - Lushai Men's Hair Ornaments To face 12 - Zawlbuk, or Young Men's House To face 22 - Plan of a Lushai's House 26 - A Rest by the Way--on the Way to the Jhums. - Lushais and Pois To face 32 - Lushais Threshing Rice (Coloured Plate) To face 33 - Zataia, Sailo Chief and Family (Coloured Plate) To face 44 - Lushai Girls To face 53 - Copy of a Map of the Route to Mi-thi-khua, drawn - by a Lushai 63 - Khwatlang Posts Erected to Commemorate the Slaying - of Mithans at a Feast To face 65 - Chief's House showing "She lu Pun," the Posts - Supporting the Skulls of Mithan Killed at One of - the Feasts To face 90 - Cane Suspension Bridge To face 110 - Fanai To face 136 - Memorial Stone in Champhai, Known as Mangkhaia, - Lungdawr To face 140 - Vuite Memorial To face 147 - Rangte Grave To face 147 - Aimol Nautch Party. The Youth is Holding a Rotchem To face 152 - Heads of Kuki Clans To face 184 - Memorial to a Man who has Performed the Ai of - a Tiger 206 - Memorial to a Woman who has Performed the Buh Ai 206 - Lakher Chief and Family (Coloured Plate) To face 215 - Lakher Baskets To face 223 - Map At end of Volume - - - - - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -This monograph was originally intended to deal only with the -inhabitants of the Lushai Hills, but on my transfer to Manipur, -I found so many clans living in the hill tracts of that curious -little state that I suggested that the scope of the monograph might -be enlarged to include all clans of the Kuki race as well. - -This term Kuki, like Naga, Chin, Shendu, and many others, is not -recognised by the people to whom we apply it, and I will not attempt -to give its derivation, but it has come to have a fairly definite -meaning, and we now understand by it certain closely allied clans, -with well marked characteristics, belonging to the Tibeto-Burman -stock. On the Chittagong border the term is loosely applied to most -of the inhabitants of the interior hills beyond the Chittagong Hill -tracts; in Cachar it generally means some family of the Thado or -Khawtlang clan, locally distinguished as New and Old Kukis. In the -Lushai Hills nowadays the term is hardly ever employed, having been -superseded by Lushai. In the Chin Hills and generally on the Burma -border all these clans are called Chins. - -The term Lushai, as we now understand it, covers a great many clans; -it is the result of incorrect transliteration of the word Lushei, -which is the name of the clan, which, under various chiefs of the -Thangur family, came into prominence in the eighteenth century and -was responsible for the eruption into Cachar of Old Kukis at the end -of that century and of the New Kukis half a century later. - -The Lusheis, however, did not eject all the clans they came in contact -with, many of them they absorbed, and these now form the bulk of the -subjects of the Thangur chiefs. In this monograph Lushai is used -in this wider sense, Lushei being used only for the clan of that -name. Among the people themselves the Lusheis are sometimes spoken -of as Dulian, at the derivation of which I will hazard no guess, -and the general population of the hills is spoken of as Mi-zo. Among -inhabitants of the Lushai Hills are found a very considerable number -of immigrants, or descendants of immigrants from the Chin Hills, -who are found living among the Lushais under the Thangur Chiefs or -in villages under their own chiefs. I have made no attempt to deal -with these, as their proper place is the Chin Hills monograph, and -Messrs. Carey and Tuck have already described them very fully in -their Chin Hills Gazetteer. - -I am conscious that there are many omissions in this book; the subject -is a very wide one and the difficulty of getting at the facts from so -many different clans, each speaking a different dialect and scattered -over an area of about 25,000 square miles is extremely great. I trust -therefore that my readers will excuse all shortcomings. - -I have purposely avoided enunciating any theories and making -deductions, considering it wiser to limit myself to as accurate a -description as possible of the people, their habits, customs and -beliefs. Regarding the affinities between the clans dealt with in -this monograph and those described in the other books of the series, -I venture to express a hope that the subject may be dealt with by -some competent authority when the whole series has been published; -until this is done no finality will be reached. It would be easy to -fill several pages with points of resemblance between the different -clans. Major Playfair, in his account of the Garos, has pointed -out many ways in which the subjects of his monograph resemble the -inhabitants of the Naga Hills, but reading his book I find many more in -which they are like the clans I am dealing with. Sir Charles Lyall has -drawn attention to the evident connection between the Mikirs and the -Kuki-Chin group; I venture to think that a study of the following pages -will confirm his theory. I may mention here that the main incidents -of the "Tale of a Frog" given by Sir Charles are found not only in -the folk-lore of the Aimol, as he has pointed out, but also among the -Lushais, a very similar story having been recorded by Colonel Lewin in -Demagri, 250 miles in an air line from the Mikir hills, and published -in his Progressive Colloquial exercises in the Lushai dialect in 1874. - -My best thanks are due to Lt.-Colonel Cole, Major Playfair, and -Mr. Little, P.W.D., for many of the photographs, and especially to -my wife, my companion for many years in these hills, for the four -coloured illustrations. - -I am also indebted to Rev. W. K. Firminger for correcting the second -proofs and making the index. I must also acknowledge the assistance -I received from many Lushais and others, notably Hrangzora Chuprasie -of Aigal and Pathong, interpreter of Manipur. - - -J. SHAKESPEAR. - -Imphal, Manipur State. - -September 12th, 1910. - - - - - - - - -BIBLIOGRAPHY - - -McCulloch, Major W. "Account of the Valley of Manipore and the Hill -tribes; with a comparative vocabulary of the Manipore and other -languages." Calcutta, 1859. Selections from the Records of the -Government of India (For. Dept.) XXVII - - This is a most valuable book, full of useful information as regards - all the Hill tribes of Manipur. I have made use of it freely in - Part II., but space did not allow of my extracting all that I - should have liked to reproduce. It would be well worth while to - reprint this book, with notes bringing it up to date. - -Stewart, Lieutenant R. "Notes on Northern Cachar. Journal of the -Asiatic Society of Bengal," Vol. XXIV, 1855. - - Another most valuable book, as regard Thados and Old Kukis, - which would well repay reprinting. Both these books contain - comparative vocabularies. - -Lewin, Captain Thomas Herbert. "Progressive Colloquial Exercises in -the Lushai Dialect of the 'Dzo' or Kuki Language, with vocabularies -and popular tales. (Notated.)" Calcutta, 1874. - - One of these tales is reproduced in Part II. The tales are well - translated, but the Lushai is transliterated in a manner now out - of date. The notes are as excellent as one would expect from a - writer who certainly knew more of the Lushai than anyone else at - that time, and who was more admired by them than any other white - man has ever been. - -By the same Author. "The Hill Tracts of Chittagong and the Dwellers -therein." Calcutta, 1869. - - A most fascinating book, full of information, expressed in - good English. Pages 98 to 118 deal with Lushais and Shendus, - i.e. Lakhers. - -By the same Author. "A fly on the wheel: or how I helped to govern -India." - - The portion concerning the Author's life among the Lushais is full - of interest, and his word pictures of the scenery and life among - the people, for "Thangliana" as he was called really did live among - the people, sharing their food even, are accurate and graphic. To - few Europeans is the power given to mix thus with such savages - and yet retain their respect. I once heard a Lushai's comment on - a young officer who with the best of intentions tried to imitate - the great "Thangliana." A friend asked him what he thought of - So-and-So, the reply being: "I don't know what sort of man he is, - all I know is, that he cannot be a sahib to live as he does." - -Carey, Bertram S. and H. N. Tuck. "The Chin hills: A History of the -People, their Customs and Manners, and our Dealings with them, and -a Gazetteer of their Country." Rangoon, 1896. - - A model of what such a book should be. The illustrations are - particularly good. The Lushais and Thados are only touched. Much - of the matter referring to the Haka and Klang-Klang Chins is - applicable to the Lakhers. - -Lorrain, Herbert J., and Fred W. Savidge. "Grammar and Dictionary of -the Lushai Language." Shillong, 1898. - - A very complete and accurate work. Unfortunately the standard - system of transliteration has not been entirely adhered to. - -Soppitt, C. A. "A short account of the Kuki-Lushai tribes on the -North-East Frontier Districts: Cachar, Sylhet, Naga Hills, &c., -and the North Cachar Hills." Shillong, 1887. - - I believe this is a useful accurate work, but have not been able - to obtain it. - -Sneyd-Hutchinson, R. "Gazetteer of the Chittagong Hill Tracts." - - As regards Lushais there is not much of value, as they are beyond - the scope of the work, but few being found in the Hill Tracts. - - -Besides the above there are notes in the Census Reports of 1891 and -1901, various military publications and gazetteers by Mr. A. W. Davis, -I.C.S., and Mr. B. C. Allen, I.C.S., all of which contain a certain -amount of useful information, but do not pretend to be more than -notes giving succinctly the knowledge then obtained of what was then -practically new ground. Colonel Woodthorpe's account of the Silchar -columns' march to Champhai, though not professing to be an account -of the people, is interesting reading. Round Champhai I met several -men who had been there when the column arrived, and they all remember -the little sahib who drew pictures; and would sit long looking at the -pictures in his book and chatting to each other of the good old days. - - -[Note.--On p. 6 of the present work the Author refers to a passage -in Lewin's Hill Tracts of Chittagong and the Dwellers therein, -in which is cited an account of "the Cucis or inhabitants of the -Tipperah Mountains written by J. Rennel, Chief Engineer of Bengal in -1800." In reading through the proofs of the present work, it occurred -to me that it would be important to discover whether the "J. Rennel" -referred to by Lewin was or was not the famous Major James Rennell, -Surveyer-General of Bengal, who is so often described as "the Father of -Modern Geography." Major Rennell with his wife (née Jane Thackeray--a -great aunt of the novelist W. M. Thackeray) left Bengal in March, -1777, and reached England in February 1778. He died on March 29, -1830. It seemed to me possible that the great Rennell might have -obtained the information about the Kukis during his period of service -in East Bengal, and that he might have published a memoir on the -subject in 1800. Mr. W. Foster of the Record Department of the India -Office very kindly informed me that no such a memoir could be traced -at Whitehall, and drew my attention to Lewin's heading of the memoir, -"From the French of M. Bouchesiche, who translated the original from -the English of J. Rennel, Chief Engineer of Bengal.... Published -at Leipsic in 1800." Mr. Edward Heawood, Librarian of the Royal -Geographical Society, to whom I am indebted for much trouble taken -in satisfying my curiosity, informed me that Bouchesiche gave what -purported to be an extract, translated into French, from Rennell's -well-known work on India, and that the Frenchman's book was printed -in Paris in 1800, although there may perhaps have been a Leipzig issue -also. The account of the Kukis given in Bouchesiche's work, however, is -not taken from any known work by James Rennell. Dalton in his Ethnology -of Bengal refers to what has been supposed to be the earliest account -of the Kukis--a memoir by Surgeon McCrea, which appeared in 1799 in -Volume vii of Asiatic Researches. Mr. Heawood most kindly hunted -up McCrea's memoir, and found in it a reference to a memoir which -appeared in Volume ii of Asiatic Researches, 1790. The title of the -memoir of 1790 runs "On the Manners, Religion, and Laws of the Cucis, -or Mountaineers of Tipra.... Communicated in Persian by John Rawlins, -Esq." On investigation, Mr. Heawood found that the Memoir of 1790 is -undoubtedly the original from which Bouchesiche drew his account in -French, and of this the account, attributed to "J. Rennel" by Colonel -Lewin, is a rough paraphrase. Note by the Rev. Walter K. Firminger.] - - - - - - - - -GLOSSARY - - -Only the terms which occur often are given. - - -Ai.--A ceremony performed to propitiate the spirit of an animal killed -in the chase, or of a human being killed in war. The performer's -spirit will own the spirit of person or animal killed in the next -world. The term is also used for a ceremony performed to celebrate -a particularly good crop--Buh-Ai, or Buh-za-ai. - -Boi.--Persons who have taken refuge in the chief's house. - -Dai-bawl.--A series of sacrifices to the demons of the hills, &c. - -Hlam-zuih.--Lushai. A first-born child that dies within a year of -its birth and is buried without any ceremony. - -Hrilh.--A period during which no work must be done, after a sacrifice, -closely resembling the Naga genna. - -Huai.--Lushai. Demons who cause sickness. - -Jhum.--A piece of land on which the jungle has been felled and burnt -for cultivation. - -Kawhring.--A person whose spirit takes possession of another's body, -the spirit of such a person. - -Khal.--A series of sacrifices to the demons of the village site, -only performed by Lushais. - -Khuavang.--Lushai. A powerful spirit, sometimes used for "luck." - -Kum-ai.--Children's sleeping platform. - -Kum-pui.--Parent's sleeping platform. - -Kut.--Lushai. Festivals connected with the crops. - -Lal.--Lushai. Chief. - -Lashi.--Lushai. Mythical beings who control wild animals. Known also -to Aimol and Vaiphei. - -Mi-thi-khua.--"Dead men's village." Expression used by all clans for -the place of departed souls. - -Mi-thi-rawp-lam.--A feast in honour of the dead. - -Palal.--A man who receives part of the bride-price, and acts as -trustee to the bride. - -Pathian.--Lushai. The Creator. Very similar names are used by all -the clans dealt with. - -Pial-ral.--Lushai. The land beyond the Pial river, in the abode of -the dead, to which the spirits of those who have acquired merit pass. - -Pu.--A word used in most dialects, meaning grandfather, maternal uncle, -and other relations on mother's or wife's side. It is also used for -a person specially chosen as a protector or guardian. - -Pui-thiam.--Lushai. Sorcerer, priest and medicine man. - -Ramhual.--Lushai. Chief's adviser as to distribution of jhums. - -Rem-Ar.--The cock killed on occasion of a marriage. - -Rotchem.--Mouth organ made of a gourd and reeds. - -Sakhua.--Lushai. The guardian spirit of the household and the sacrifice -performed to him. - -Sawn-man.--Compensation payable to a father for seduction of an -unmarried girl. - -Sherh.--Lushai. The portions of the sacrificed animal which are -offered to the demon. Also the state of a house for a period after -the performing of certain sacrifices, during which the entrance of -outsiders is prohibited. - -Thangchhuah.--Lushai. A man who has given a series of feasts -to his village. The expression is also used for the series of -feasts. Honour in this world and comfort in the next are the reward -of the Thangchhuah. - -Thian.--A woman who receives part of the bride-price, and acts as -friend or trustee to the bride. - -Thir-deng.--Lushai. Blacksmith. - -Tlangau.--Lushai. Chief's crier. - -Upa.--Lushai. Chief's minister. - -Zawlbuk.--Bachelor's hall and guest house. - - - - - - - - -THE LUSHEI KUKI CLANS - -THE LUSHEI CLANS - -PART I - - -CHAPTER I - -GENERAL - - -[1. Habitat.] The Lushei chiefs now rule over the country between the -Kurnaphuli river and its main tributary, the Tuilianpui on the west, -and the Tyao and Koladyne river on the east, while their southern -boundary is roughly a line drawn east and west through the junction -of the Mat and Koladyne rivers and their most northerly villages -are found on the borders of the Silchar district. Within this area, -roughly 7,500 square miles, there are only a few villages ruled -over by chiefs of other clans, and outside it there are but few true -Lushei villages, though I am told that there are villages of people -very closely connected with the Lusheis, on the southern borders of -Sylhet, in Tipperah and in the North Cachar Hills, and there are a -few in the Chittagong Hill tracts. - -[2. Appearance and physical characteristics.] All the Lushai Kuki -clans resemble each other very closely in appearance and the Mongolian -type of countenance prevails. One meets, however, many exceptions, -which may be due to the foreign blood introduced by the many captives -taken from the plains and from neighbouring tribes; but these are -not worth considering, and the description of the Kuki written by -Lt. Stewart close on 80 years ago cannot be improved on. "The Kukis are -a short, sturdy race of men with a goodly development of muscle. Their -legs are, generally speaking, short in comparison with the length of -their bodies, and their arms long. The face is nearly as broad as -it is long and is generally round or square, the cheek bones high, -broad and prominent, eyes small and almond-shaped, the nose short and -flat, with wide nostrils. The women appear more squat than the men -even, but are strong and lusty." In Lushai clans both sexes are as -a rule rather slighter made than among the Thado and cognate clans, -whom Lt. Stewart was describing. Adopting the scale given in the -handbook of the Anthropological Institute, the colour of the skin -varies between dark yellow-brown, dark olive, copper-coloured and -yellow olive. Beards and whiskers are almost unknown, and a Lushai, -even when able to grow a moustache, which is not often, pulls out all -the hairs except those at the corners of his mouth. The few persons -with hairy faces may, I think, be safely said to be of impure blood. - -The hair is worn, by both sexes, in a knot over the nape of the neck, -and carefully parted in the middle. The young folk of about the -marrying age devote much care to their hair, dressing it daily with -much pigs' fat. Later in life they grow careless, and widows allow -their hair to hang as it chooses. Children's hair is left to grow as -it likes till it is long enough to tie up. Curly hair or hair with -a pronounced wave in it is uncommon, and is much objected to. - -The women are prolific, five to seven children being about the average, -but the mortality among the children is so great that few parents -can boast of more than two or three grown up children. - -Both men and women are good walkers and hill-climbers, which is only -natural, but for a race which lives exclusively on the hilltops the -number of good swimmers is very large. Most men are not afraid of the -water, and manage rafts very skilfully, making long journeys on them -in the rains. - -Abortion is not infrequently resorted to when a widow who is living -in her late husband's house, and therefore, as described later, -expected to remain chaste, finds herself enceinte. Suicide is also -rather common, poison being the usual means chosen. The cause is -generally some painful and incurable disease, but very old persons -with no one to support them sometimes prefer the unknown future to -the miserable present. - -[3. History.] The existing Lushei Chiefs all claim descent from -a certain Thang-ura, who is sometimes said to have sprung from the -union of a Burman with a Paihte woman, but, according to the Paihtes, -the Lusheis are descended from Boklua, an illegitimate son of the -Paihte Chief Ngehguka. The Thados say that some hunters tracking a -serao noticed the foot-marks of a child following those of the animal, -and on surrounding the doe serao they found it suckling a child, who -became the great Chief Thang-ura, or, as they call him, "Thangul." From -Thang-ura the pedigree of all the living chiefs is fairly accurately -established. The Lusheis, in common with the Thados and other Kuki -tribes, attach great importance to their genealogies; and pedigrees, -given at an interval of many years, and by persons living far apart, -have been found to agree in a wonderful manner. From comparison of -these genealogies and from careful enquiries lasting over many years, -I estimate that Thang-ura must have lived early in the eighteenth -century. His first village is said to have been at Tlangkua, north -of Falam. It is probable that he personally ruled over only a small -area. From him sprang six lines of Thang-ur chiefs:--(1) Rokum, (2) -Zadeng, (3) Thangluah, (4) Pallian, (5) Rivung, and (6) Sailo. To -the north the country was occupied by the Sukte, Paihte, and Thado -clans. These appear to have been firmly established under regular -chiefs; but to the west the hills appear to have been inhabited by -small communities formed largely of blood relations and probably -each at feud with its neighbours. Therefore when want of good jhuming -land and the aggressions of the eastern clans made it necessary for -the Thang-ur to move, they naturally went westward. The Rokum, the -eldest branch, are said to have passed through the hills now occupied -by the Lushais, and some of their descendants are said to be found -on the Tipperah-Sylhet border. The Zadeng followed the Rokum, and, -passing through Champhai, moved westwards and about 1830 ruled some -1,000 houses divided into four villages situated near the banks of -the Tlong or Dallesari river, round the Darlung peak. In alliance -with Sailo chiefs of Lalul's family, they attacked and defeated -successively the Hualgno (a Lushei family settled between Tyao and -Manipur rivers) and the Pallian, who were their allies against the -Hualgno. Subsequently the Zadeng quarrelled with Mangpura, then the -most powerful Sailo chief, who, dying about that time, bequeathed -the feud to his relatives, one of whom, Vutaia, prosecuted it with -such vigour that the Zadeng, in spite of an alliance with the Manipur -Rajah--who, however, proved but a broken reed--had to flee southwards, -and their last independent village, numbering only 100 houses, -broke up on the death of the chief, which occurred at Chengpui, near -Lungleh, about 1857. The Zadeng chiefs are reputed to have been cruel -and arbitrary rulers, whose defeat was not regretted even by their -own followers. Their descendants have retained these qualities, and, -in spite of much assistance, have failed to regain their position in -the world. - -The Thangluah and Rivung took a more southerly course. The latter -penetrated into what is now the Chittagong Hill tracts, and a chief -named Vanhnuai-Thanga had a very large village on the Longteroi hill, -between the Chengri and Kassalong rivers. He died about 1850, and -shortly after his death the village was destroyed by Vutaia. The -remnant of the Rivungs fled to Hill Tipperah, where Liantlura, a -great-grandson of Vanhnuai-Thanga, had a village up till a few years -ago, and there is one small hamlet under a Rivung chief in the Aijal -sub-division of the Lushai Hills. - -The Thangluah penetrated as far as Demagri and Barkhul, where -Rothangpuia (Ruttonpoia) became known to us, first as a foe, and -then as a faithful ally. Rothangpuia's son Lalchheva, fretting at our -control, moved his village across our boundary, in spite of a warning -that Government could on no account protect him if he did so. Very -shortly after this move he was attacked by Hausata, a Chin chief, -and his village totally destroyed, many persons being killed and more -taken captive. All the mithan (tame bison) were driven off and the -chief escaped with little more than the one cloth he was wearing, -and now the once prosperous Thangluah clan is represented by only a -few poverty-stricken hamlets round Demagri. - -The Pallian followed the same route as the Zadeng. The best -known chiefs of this clan are Sibuta (Sheeboot) and Lalsuktla -(Lalchokla). Sibuta is said in Mackenzie's "Eastern Frontier" -to have thrown off the Tipperah yoke with 25,000 houses. He died -close to Aijal, and his memorial stone is at the first stage on the -Aijal-Lungleh road. It is extremely doubtful whether he ever was really -subject to Tipperah, though it is certain that all these Lushai clans -had dealings with the Tipperah Rajahs and feared them greatly. Among -the tales in Chapter V. will be found one which exemplifies this. - -Lalsuktla (Lal chokla), captured by Captain Blackwood in 1841, was -a great-grandson of Sibuta's. Purbura is said to have been a very -powerful Pallian chief and at one time to have received tribute from -almost all his contemporary Thangur chiefs. He had a large village, -said to contain 3,000 houses, on the Dungtlang, whence he moved -as far westwards as Pukzing, where his village was destroyed by a -combined force of Zadeng, Sailo, and Chuckmahs. This attack took place -somewhere about 1830. Purbura rebuilt his village, but died soon after, -and his descendants were attacked frequently by the chiefs of the -Rolura branch of the Sailo family, and now only two small hamlets, -close to Aijal, remain to remind us of this once powerful clan. - -The Sailo.--These chiefs are descended from Sailova, a great-grandson -of Thang-ura's. They came into prominence last, but have crushed all -their rivals, and have developed such a talent for governing that -they hold undisputed sway over representatives of all sorts of clans, -over nearly the whole of the area now known as the Lushai Hills. - -This great family has often come in contact with the British -Government, but from the fact that our dealings with them have -generally been through illiterate interpreters, they appear in our -records under various names. The Howlongs, who caused much anxiety on -the Chittagong frontier from 1860 to 1890, Lalul's descendants, whose -doings fill the records of Silchar for nearly a century, Vonolel, -Savunga, and Sangvunga, against whom the two columns of the Lushai -Expedition of 1871-72 were directed--all these were Sailos. - -As above remarked, it seems most probable that the country into which -the various Thangur chiefs moved, under pressure from the Chins, -was almost entirely occupied by small communities having no power of -cohesion. The greater part of these were absorbed, and now form the -majority of the subjects of the Thangur chiefs; but some fled north -and west into Manipur, Silchar, Sylhet and Tipperah, where they are -known as Kukis and where their appearance caused much trouble, as, -from the very nature of the cause of their migration, much ill-feeling -existed between them and the triumphant Lushais. In Stewart's notes -on Northern Cachar, it is stated that the Old Kukis made their -appearance in Cachar about the end of the eighteenth century. These -Old Kukis include the Biate (Beteh) and Hrangchul (Rhangkol) and -other cognate clans who are now known to us as Khawtlang. They claim -the hills round Champhai as their place of origin, and the sites -are still known by their names. We have seen that the Lusheis claim -to have sprung from a village south-east of Champhai, and that the -Zadeng passed through Champhai on their westward move, which ended -so disastrously for them. The advance of such tribes would be slow, -and would be largely regulated by the rate at which they exhausted the -cultivable land near their village sites; therefore the appearance of -the Biate and Hrangchul in Cachar at the beginning of the nineteenth -or end of the eighteenth century fits in well with the date I had -assigned for Thang-ura, the first Lushei chief, before I had read -Lieutenant Stewart's book. These Khawtlang clans to this day have -little power of cohesion, and they naturally gave way at once before -the well-organised Lushais, and fled north and north-west into Cachar -and Manipur, passing through the territory of the Thado clans and -suffering considerably at their hands. When the Thangur had firmly -established themselves, and the capable Sailo chiefs had come to -the front, they felt equal to fighting the Thado clans, which were -as highly organised as themselves. The Sailo chiefs triumphed, and -hence the eruption of the New Kukis, alias Thados, and cognate clans, -into Silchar about 1848. - -In Colonel Lewin's "The Hill Tracts of Chittagong and the Dwellers -Therein," page 109, is given an account of the "Cucis or inhabitants -of the Tipperah mountains," written by J. Rennel, Chief Engineer -of Bengal in 1800. With very slight alterations, this account is -applicable to the Lushais of to-day, and I have no doubt that the -Cucis therein described were the Rivung, the advance-guard of the -great Lushai invasion. - -On the Chittagong side, we find, as early as 1777, records of frontier -disturbances ascribed to "Kookies, men who live far in the interior -parts of the hills, who have not the use of firearms, and whose bodies -go unclothed" (Lewin's "The Hill Tracts of Chittagong and the Dwellers -Therein," page 21). These Kukis were allies of the Chuckmahs, and we -have seen that about fifty years later the Chuckmahs joined with the -Zadeng and the Sailos in an attack on Purbura. - -The various branches of the Sailo family were frequently at war, the -cause almost invariably being a dispute as to land. About 1856 a war, -known as "The War of the North and the South," broke out and lasted -about three years. The Northern combatants were the descendants of -Lallula, their opponents being Cherra's family. The bone of contention -was the Piler hill, and this quarrel was on the point of breaking out -again in 1892, when Mr. McCabe and I, appearing on the scene from Aijal -and Lungleh respectively, "frightened both the heroes so they quite -forgot their quarrel." The war ended in a victory for the North, who -surprised Konglung, a village on the top of a very precipitous rock, -and captured the young chief and his mother, who later were ransomed -for many necklaces. - -In 1874 the Southern Lushais fell out with the Thlantlang (Klangklang) -chiefs. Vandula, head of the Lushais, had raided Vaki, a village on -the Arracan border, and brought away as part of the loot a brass bowl -and a big earthenware vase, which the Thlantlang chief claimed as -being part of the promised price of his daughter, who had recently -been married to the son of the Vaki chief. As Vandula refused to -give up the articles, the Thlantlangs attacked a Lushai piquet on -the Koladyne, killing some men. To revenge this insult, the Lushais -attacked Bunkhua, with disastrous results, as is described in Chapter -III, Para. 5, and had to make an ignominious peace. - -Later the Northern chiefs quarrelled among themselves, and the war of -the East and West broke out and lasted several years. The cause is said -to have been a girl called Tuali, for whose affections Liankhama and -Khalkhama were rivals. It is unnecessary to go into the history of our -dealings with the Lushais, which have ended in the whole of the Hills -being annexed, and a stop put to all such wars, but when we occupied -Lungleh in 1889 we found the Fanai clan coming into prominence, and -there is little doubt that, but for our intervention, that clan would -shortly have attempted to eject the Southern Lushai chiefs. - -[4. Affinities.] The Lushais are more or less closely allied -to all the tribes now living in their vicinity, but some who show -this most strongly, such as the Chiru, Kom, Aimol, are now settled -in the Manipur State, while the intervening country is occupied by -clans belonging to the Thado, Paihte, and Khawtlang families, which, -though no doubt of the same stock, are more distantly connected. It -seems certain that the former clans lived near the Lusheis when the -Thangur commenced their victorious career, and it may well be that -it was fear of absorption by their more powerful neighbour that drove -these clans northwards, while the Lusheis took a westerly direction. - -The connection between the Lusheis and their eastern neighbours is -apparent both in their language and in their customs, but the eastern -tribes, known to us generally as Chins, are of finer physique and, -owing to their having permanent villages, the differences between -clans have become more marked than among the semi-nomadic Lushais -and Kukis. The feuds between different clans, which are always found -where permanent villages exist, tend to widen the breach between -communities and to accentuate every accidental variation of custom, -so that the common origin is soon lost sight of. Nevertheless there is -no doubt that the Kukis, Chins, and Lushais are all of the same race. - -Less apparent but still quite traceable is the relationship between -the Lushais and the Kabuis and Manipuris, though the latter nowadays -try in every way to disown all connection with their poor relations. - -[5. Dress.] The men's dress could not well be simpler, consisting -as it does of a single cloth about 7 feet long and 5 wide. It is worn -as follows:--One corner is grasped in the left hand, and the cloth is -passed over the left shoulder, behind the back, under the right arm -across the chest and the end thrown over the left shoulder. Although -it would appear probable that clothing so loosely worn would be -continually falling off, yet, as a matter of fact, accidents of that -sort seldom occur. In cold weather, one or more cloths are worn, one -over the other, and also a white coat, reaching well down the thigh -but only fastened at the throat. These coats are ornamented on the -sleeves with bands of red and white of various patterns. When at work, -in hot weather, the Lushai wraps his cloth round his waist, letting -the ends hang down in front, and should he find the sun warm and if -he is wearing two cloths, he will wear one as a puggri. Puggris are -sometimes worn when out in the sun for long, and some affect rather -a quaint style, twisting the cloth round the head so as to make an -end stand up straight over each ear. - -All these garments are of cotton, grown locally and manufactured -by the women of the household. The cloths in general use are white, -but every man likes to have two or three blue cloths ornamented with -stripes of various colours. - -The Lushais have a very strong objection to getting their heads wet, -and therefore in the rain wear hats made of strips of bamboo or cane -plaited and lined with smoked leaves. The original hats were almost -flat and circular, but nowadays these have been discarded in favour -of very clever imitations of helmets and solar topis. In the southern -portion of the district the people use, as a protection from the wet, -a large shallow basket-work tray, shaped like an oyster shell, and -made waterproof by being lined with smoked leaves; the narrow end -rests on the wearer's head, while the broad end reaches down well -below the waist, so that, while bending down weeding in the jhum, -the head and body are kept dry. This form of waterproof is not much -used in the northern portion of the Lushai Hills, but is common -among the Chiru and other allied clans in Manipur. As the Lushai has -no pockets, he carries, wherever he goes, a haversack made of some -pretty coloured cotton cloth slung over his shoulder by a strap of -the same material. In this he carries his flint and steel and his -tobacco, in neatly made boxes carved out of solid pieces of wood and -fitted with lids of the same material, or of leather moulded into -shape by being stretched over a block. His pipe is generally in his -mouth; it consists of a bowl made out of a particularly hard kind -of bamboo which is only found in the Chin hills--whence the Lushais -claim to have sprung--with a long stem made of a reed-like variety -of the same plant. When not in his mouth, this also reposes in his -haversack along with his "tuibur," a small gourd to hold the water -which has been impregnated with nicotine in the pipe of his wife or -sweetheart. A little of this evil-smelling concoction he takes into -his mouth from time to time and, having kept it there a few minutes, -he spits it out and declares that it has a stimulating effect. In his -haversack you will also find his knife, the wooden sheath tied to -one of the shoulder straps so that the handle is always convenient -to his hand. The blade is about four or five inches long and nearly -an inch wide at the handle, but comes to a sharp point; the edge is -straight and ground like a chisel. - -The dress of the chiefs is the same as that of the common people, -except on occasions of ceremony, when they wear dark blue cloths, -with red lines of a particular pattern, and plumes, made of the tail -feathers of the king-crow, in their hair knots. These plumes are very -much prized and are kept most carefully in bamboo tubes with leather -caps. The cloth referred to above can also be worn by anyone who has -given certain feasts, as described later on. - -Dress in War-time.--When the Lushais were fighting us in 1892 I was -much struck by the whiteness of their garments. The men who ran away -from the stockades as we rushed them were always dressed in nice -clean coats and cloths, and crowds of similarly attired warriors -used to assemble every morning just out of range and challenge us -to come and fight. I was told that it was considered the correct -thing to come properly dressed when there was fighting on hand, but -a raiding party I once came across was dressed far more suitably. A -single cloth wrapped tightly round the waist, a haversack protected -by a bear or tiger skin guard over one shoulder, and a fighting dao -or dah over the other, and a gun in his hand completed each warrior's -equipment. It will be seen from the above description that the Lushais -are not fond of dress, and this is another point in which all Kuki -clans differ from those of Naga stock. - -Special Attire.--A man who has earned the title of "Thangchhuah" -(v. Chap. IV, 9) is allowed to wear a cloth of a certain pattern and -those who have killed men in war have special head-dresses, known as -"chhawndawl" and "arke-ziak." - -The Women's Dress.--The women are no more addicted to fine clothes -than their men-folk. All women wear the same costume; a dark-blue -cotton cloth, just long enough to go round the wearer's waist with -a slight over-lap, and held up by a girdle of brass wire or string, -serves as a petticoat which only reaches to the knee, the only other -garments being a short white jacket and a cloth which is worn in -the same manner as the men. On gala days the only addition to the -costume is a picturesque head-dress worn by girls while dancing. This -consists of a chaplet made of brass and coloured cane, into which -are inserted porcupine quills, and to the upper ends of these are -fixed the green wing-feathers of the common parrot, tipped with tufts -of red wool. At the back is affixed a horizontal bar from which hang -strings of glistening wing covers of green beetles. The women smoke as -much as the men and have a special form of pipe, a miniature hookah -about 9 inches high with a clay bowl, the water container being of -bamboo much ornamented with patterns roughly scratched. The water -when thoroughly impregnated is transferred to the "tuibur" gourd of -some male relative or admirer. Children of both sexes begin smoking -very young. I have seen a woman take her pipe from her mouth and put -it into that of the baby on her back. - -[6. Tattooing.] This is not much practised. The only patterns -employed are circles on the forearm and breast, which are said -to be mementoes of love affairs in happy bachelor days, and rude -representations of a metna's head, which is said to have no particular -meaning. - -[7. Ornaments worn by men.] The Lushai wears a variety of articles -in his hair knot. The commonest is a brass two-pronged pin with a head -shaped like a G. The prongs are drawn out to sharp points and vary in -length from three to eight or nine inches. These very long pins are a -recent innovation, and their use seems to be restricted to the young -dandies of the hamlets round Aijal. Skewers of ivory, bone, and metal -about six or eight inches long are also worn. Of the two former there -are two patterns, one four-sided, about a quarter of an inch thick at -two thirds of its length, tapering to a point at each end, the other -being flat, pointed at one end and about half an inch broad at the -other. Both are ornamented with engraved circles and lines. The metal -skewers are quite plain and more for use in scratching the head than -for ornament; a piece of the rib of a broken umbrella is now often -used. The hair comb is also an ornamental article; it consists of a -piece of ivory or wood about three inches long, half an inch thick -and an inch or so wide, into which are inserted, very close together, -teeth of strips of bamboo about two inches long. If the back is of -wood it is generally crescent-shaped and lacquered red and inlaid. - -With reference to the comb I may quote from Colonel McCulloch's -descriptions of the Thados in his "Account of the Valley of -Manipur":--"Their attention to genealogy, the distinction of clans, -and the respect paid to seniors, I have already noticed. Out of this -may have sprung the only exclusiveness shown by the Khonjai (Thado), -namely, in the point of who would be entitled to use his comb and -whose comb he might use. This, though amongst them a very important -matter, I cannot find to have any religious importance attached to -it, but there is an indication of the superior rank in respect of -descent or by connection, or of estimation in which an individual is -held or holds himself to be found to whom he would refuse his comb, -or amongst whom his comb is common." My Lushai informant says that -the use of the comb is restricted, as headaches are communicated by -the comb. He also adds, "A higher clan man is contaminated by a lower -clan man using his comb. Thus a Renthlei may not use a Sailo's hair -comb, and a Chawngthu may not use that of a Pallian." - -Earrings.--Most men have their ears pierced, and wear either small -wooden studs, with flat heads about half an inch in diameter, and -coloured red, or cornelians suspended by a piece of string. The stones -are barrel-shaped and unpolished, the surface being pitted with minute -holes and circular marks. These are valued very highly, and are passed -on from father to son, or given as a daughter's dowry. Some of them -have names connecting them with some story of bygone days. These -naturally fetch higher prices. I know of stones valued at Rs. 400/-. - -Necklaces.--Both sexes are fond of necklaces: those of amber are most -valued, and any that have histories attached to them fetch prices -which to us seem absurd. I remember a chief, who was offered Rs. 60/- -for his necklace, replying that if the Sahib wanted the necklace he -would give it him, but that he would not sell it for Rs. 1000/- as it -had been the property of his ancestors. The old necklaces are made of -very dark amber, beautifully clear, and the beads are sometimes two to -three inches long and over an inch in diameter. There is some doubt -as to where these beads came from, but it is probable that they came -through the Chin hills from Burmah. Besides amber, agate, cornelian, -and various sorts of bead necklaces are worn, or, failing all these, -white shirt buttons are acceptable. - -A tiger's tooth is often hung round the neck as an ornament and is -also thought to have magical properties. The young dandies are fond -of hanging round their necks tufts of white goat's hair bound together -with red thread; these are now worn as ornaments, but undoubtedly the -custom arose from the idea that cures are effected by hanging round -the affected part a piece of the skin or feathers of the animal or -bird sacrificed to the demon, who is thought to be responsible for -the illness. - -Bracelets are not much worn and are generally plain brass rings. - -Ornaments Worn by Women.--With the exception of their earrings, -the Lushai women affect the same ornaments as the men. The earrings, -however, are quite distinct, and, in order to be able to wear them, -much preparation is necessary. When quite a child the girl has her -ears pierced, and small wooden plugs are inserted. These are replaced -by larger ones, which in turn give place to still larger ones of clay, -the size of which is gradually increased till the real earring, which -is an ivory disc some inch or inch and a half in diameter, with a hole -in its centre, can be inserted. Widows remove their earrings, and slit -the lobes of their ears when they abandon all thought of re-marrying. - -[8. Weapons.] The Lushais have been in possession of firearms -for the last sixty or seventy years. These weapons are flint-locks -bearing the names of many European makers; many are Tower muskets, -and guns bearing the marks of the French Customs Department are not -at all rare. These guns came into the country in the first instance -chiefly through Burmah, though no doubt some came through Chittagong, -and much money must have been made, for the demand was large. When -the weapons first began to appear, the Lushais and other western -tribes used to obtain them from the tribes on the Burmah border, -giving slaves in exchange, a strong male slave being equivalent to -two guns. The other weapons in use are spears and dahs. The former -are inferior weapons with iron laurel-leaf shaped blades about a -foot or fifteen inches long, very insecurely attached to the shaft, -which is of hard wood, often a piece of sago palm; at the other end -of the shaft is a long iron spike which is stuck into the ground when -the user halts. A special spear is used for sacrificial purposes, -the blade of which is much longer and diamond-shaped. The spike at -the other end is also much elongated, so that sometimes the wooden -shaft is only six or seven inches long. The dah is a more serviceable -weapon, being copied, as its name "kawlnam" denotes, from the Burmese -weapon, but the blade is shorter, the handle is of wood lacquered -black and red, and ornamented with brass bands and a brass knob at -the end. In former days oblong shields of bison-hide eighteen inches -wide and about two feet long, adorned at the two upper corners with -tassels of goat's hair dyed red, were carried. The upper half of the -shield was sometimes covered with discs of brass, while from a string -crossing the centre of the shield hung a row of brass cones about two -inches long, from each of which depended a tassel of red goat's hair, -reaching to the base of the shield. Bows and arrows have entirely gone -out of use, but were formerly used, especially in the chase, when -the arrows were poisoned. The bows were small and made of bamboo, -the string being of bark. The arrows were furnished with barbed -iron points, and were carried in a bamboo quiver with a leather cap -to it. Among weapons we must class the bamboo spikes with which a -retreating foe or villagers expecting an attack rendered the ground -almost impassable to a bare-footed enemy. These spikes were of two -kinds, one used round the village or block house, and the other, -carried in a neat little cane-work quiver, and stuck in the path -when returning from a raid to delay pursuit. The former were simple -bamboo spikes of various lengths, while the latter were carefully -smoothed bamboo spikes about six inches long, and no thicker than -a knitting needle; each sort was nicked so that it might break off -after entering the flesh. To a bare-footed foe these spikes form a -very serious obstacle, and even our troops have suffered from them, -the spikes being sometimes long enough to reach to a man's knee. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II - -DOMESTIC LIFE - - -[1. Occupation.] The entire population may be classed -as agriculturists, as only a few people, as will be afterwards -described, live on contributions of rice given them in exchange for -services rendered to the community. There are no shop-keepers, and, -except the blacksmith, no craftsmen, each household being capable of -existing on its own labours. The men build the house and cut the jhum, -they help in the weeding and harvesting, and procure fresh meat by -their skill in setting snares and hunting. Periodically they visit -the nearest bazar, often a journey of several days, to purchase -salt and the few requisites that their own industry cannot produce, -consisting chiefly of brass cooking pots, iron to be made into daos -or finished daos. Nowadays, it is true, the wants of the people -are slowly increasing, and looking-glasses, umbrellas, needles, -and Manchester goods are finding their way into the most remote -villages. The women folk fetch the wood and water, cook the food and -do the greatest part of the weeding and harvesting; they also make all -the clothing for the whole household from cotton grown in the jhums, -which they themselves gather, clean, spin, and weave into strong cloth. - -A Lushai woman has to rise early, fill her basket with empty bamboo -tubes, and trudge off before daylight down to the spring, which is -generally some way down the hill, and the supply of water is frequently -so scanty that it takes her some time to fill her bamboos. Having -conveyed her basketful to the house, she has to set to work cleaning -the rice for the day. The necessary amount of unhusked rice has been -dried the previous day on the shelf over the hearth, and this she now -proceeds to pound in a mortar in the front verandah, and winnow on an -oval bamboo tray till it is clean enough for use. The breakfast of -rice has then to be cooked, and by the time it is ready her husband -is awake. After the meal the real work of the day begins. In the cold -weather the women settle themselves to some of the operations connected -with clothmaking, while the men prepare to pass a day of complete -enjoyment, lying in the sun and smoking, the younger ones combining -this with courting any of the pretty clothmakers; while the children -play around entirely uncontrolled, save when a shrill-voiced mother -calls one of them to assist her in some domestic operation. About noon -there is a meal of rice and herbs, after which work is resumed and -continued till the evening, when the housewife has to make another -journey to the spring, and on her return the pigs must be fed with -a mixture composed of rice husks and a species of edible arum bulb, -mashed and boiled together, the fowls enticed into their baskets, -and finally the family collected for the evening meal, which varies -little from the two previous ones, but some garnish, a little meat, -dried fish, or some savoury vegetable is generally added. As soon as -it is dark, all the female members of the family gather round the -hearth, and carry on such work as can be carried on by what light -they can get from the fire; though in villages near fir forests some -pine splinters are generally kept handy for use when an extra bright -light is required for a few minutes. The men either gather in the -"zawlbuk" or in some house where there is drink going, but the young -bucks sneak off to court their lady loves, which the girls' parents -give them every facility for doing. In the other seasons of the year, -that is from March to December, the people are engaged in their jhums -from the morning to the evening meal, as is described later on. - -Lushai parents are very fond of their children, and fathers are -often seen carrying their infants about. In times of scarcity, what -rice can be got is reserved for the young children, the rest of -the people living on yams, jungle vegetables, and the pith of the -sago palm. The children assist their parents as much as they can, -tiny girls accompanying their mothers to the spring, and bringing -up one or two bamboos of water, while the lads help their fathers in -cutting the jhum. No one, however, takes any care of children, and they -are allowed to run about the village as they like, in all weathers, -which no doubt accounts largely for the heavy mortality among them, -as their clothing is of the scantiest. - -Teknonymy is very common. The parents of a child called Thanga will -generally be known as Thanga-Pa and Thanga-Nu, and I have come across -old widows whose real names were unknown. There is a strong and -general dislike among all Lushais to saying their own names. When -we first occupied the hills, a man would not tell you his name; if -asked he would refer to someone else and say, "You tell him." The -following explanation, given me by a Lushai, seems to me scarcely -satisfactory:--"Lushais are shy of saying the name of their father -and mother and their own names. Because it is their own name they -are shy of saying it. Some people are shy because their names are -bad. Their parents' names--because they are their parents they never -call them by their names, therefore they are shy of saying them. Their -own names also they never say; just for that reason they are shy of -saying them. The names of their brothers and friends they are always -saying, therefore they are not shy of saying them." Long ago another -explanation was given me. When a man kills another, he calls out his -own name: "I, Lalmanga, have killed you!" so that the spirit of the -dying man may know whose slave he will be in Mithi-Khua, the dead -man's village; it was suggested that it was unlucky to say one's name -on less important occasions. - -[2. Weights and Measures.] In every village there is a small flat -basket, the size of which is fixed by the chief, which is used for -all retail dealings in rice and such goods, but large quantities are -measured by the number of loads, a load being about 50 lbs. After the -harvest the unhusked rice is piled in a conical heap. A Lushai will -tell you that his crop is "chhip-zawn," that is, the heap is level -with the top of his head; "silai-zawn," that is, level with the end -of his gun held up perpendicularly over his head. This is about a -record crop; lesser quantities are denoted by the height of his hand -or hoe or axe held up. Time he measures by the time a pot of rice -takes to cook--i.e., about an hour--or by the time he can hold a sip -of nicotine in his mouth; he has terms for each period of the day, -denoting the usual occupation; he also divides the year according to -the agricultural occupation proper to it. Terms expressing measures -of length are very numerous. Short lengths are expressed by reference -to the human body, as we speak of a span; but the Lushai has sixteen -or seventeen of these, extending from "chang-khat"--i.e., from the -tip to the first joint of the first finger--to "hlam," which is the -distance a man can stretch with both arms extended. Longer distances -he expresses by terms such as the distance of the nearest jhum, -the distance of the furthest jhum, the distance a mithan will wander -during the day, the distance a man can travel before his mid-day meal, -&c.--terms which, though well understood by the people, are a little -perplexing to strangers. Measures of weight are scanty; a curious -one is "chuai"--i.e., as much as can be supported if suspended from -the tip of the first finger palm downwards. Many of the stars and -constellations have received names; most of them have some story -attached to them. The months are lunar months, and some have names, -but these are but little known or used. - -[3. Villages.] The Lushai likes to perch his village on the top -of a ridge or spur, partly because, hillsides being steep, it is -difficult to find sites elsewhere, partly for the sake of the climate, -but chiefly, I think, in order to get a good defensive position. His -migratory habits disinclining him to make the elaborate defences over -which the Chins, Nagas, and other dwellers in permanent villages took -so much pains, he therefore sought for a site which was difficult -of approach. When we first occupied the country, every village was -surrounded by one or more lines of stockade made of timber, with -several rows of bamboo spikes outside it. At each gateway was a block -house, and others were built at suitable places on the roads along -which enemies were expected to come, and were occupied whenever an -attack was apprehended. Tradition speaks of villages of 3,000 houses, -and, though this is probably an exaggeration, still from an examination -of the sites it is evident that they must have been very large, and -even when we occupied the country villages of 400 and 500 houses were -not uncommon, and there were two or three of 800 houses. - -Now that all fear of being raided has gone for ever, people no longer -feel the need of living together in large communities, and the size of -villages is steadily decreasing. The peculiar vagabond strain in the -blood of the Kuki-Lushai race, if not controlled, leads to villages -splitting into hamlets and hamlets sub-dividing, till in the Manipur -Hills we find single houses in the midst of dense jungle, several -miles from the next habitation. This could never happen among tribes -belonging to the Naga group, with whom intense love for the ancestral -village site is a leading characteristic. A short distance outside -the village by the roadside there generally are several platforms of -logs with posts round them adorned with skulls of animals, gourds, -rags, and old pots. These are memorials of deceased heroes, and will -be more fully dealt with later on. - -The gate itself was composed either of two large slabs of timber, -or of a number of stout saplings suspended from a cross bar by holes -cut through their upper ends; during the day these were drawn aside, -but at night they hung perpendicularly in the gateways and were -firmly secured between two cross bars. Passing through the gate, -one finds oneself in a sort of irregular street leading up to the -highest point of the village, where there is generally an open space, -from which other streets branch off. On one side of this space will -be the chiefs house, with the "zawlbuk," or bachelors' hall, opposite -it. The villages of powerful chiefs are beautifully laid out in regular -streets which follow the natural features of the ground. When Colonel -Lister in 1850 captured the village of Shentlang he was so impressed -with the regularity with which the villages within sight were laid out -that he was easily led to believe these were cantonments inhabited -solely by warriors. If the village is a large one and contains a -mixed population, it is divided into several quarters, or "veng," -which are generally inhabited by people of the same clan, and each -will have its zawlbuk, a large building constructed by the united -labour of the men of the veng or the village. As the mithan or gyal -(tame bison) belonging to the village pass the night under the zawlbuk, -it is generally built on rather a steep hillside, so that the natural -fall of the ground may allow ample room for the animals under the -raised floor and ensure good drainage. It is built, as are all other -buildings in the village, of timber and bamboos, tied together with -cane and thatched with either cane leaves or grass--if the former, -then the ridge of the roof is straight and gable-ended; if the latter, -it is far higher in the centre, whence it curves down somewhat abruptly -to each gable. Access to the building is obtained by a platform of -rough logs at the uphill end, where the front wall commences some 3 -1/2 feet above the platform. Having stooped under this wall you are -confronted by a low matting partition, surmounted by a huge log, the -whole some 3 feet high, over which you scramble and find yourself in -a large bare room varying from 15 to 50 feet long and 15 to 30 feet -wide, according to the size of the village, with a square earthen -hearth in the centre on which a few logs are always smouldering, -and at the far end is a raised sleeping platform extending the whole -width of the building. The young boys of the village have to keep up -the supply of firewood for the zawlbuk, this duty continuing till they -reach the age of puberty, when they cease sleeping in their parents' -houses and join the young men in the zawlbuk. Until that time they are -under the orders of the eldest or most influential boy, who is their -"hotu," or superintendent. The zawlbuk is the particular property of -the unmarried men of the village, who gather there in the evening to -sing songs, tell stories, and make jokes till it is time to visit -their sweethearts, after which they return there for the rest of -the night. Travellers not having any friends in the village use the -zawlbuk as a rest-house, but eating and drinking are seldom, if ever, -carried on there. The zawlbuk is an institution common to many tribes, -but among the clans I am dealing with it is confined to the Lushei -and the clans most nearly allied to them. Its appearance among the -Chiru and Vaiphei emphasises the close connection between these clans -and the Lusheis. - -The houses all abut on the street, but small gardens are often found at -the back, in which sugar cane, beans, cucumbers, &c., are grown. The -houses of the chief's advisers and wealthy men are generally grouped -near his, but should the chief have more than one wife, or should -he have some less fortunate relations dependent on him, their houses -will be found scattered through the village, each forming a centre of -a quarter or a veng, from the inhabitants of which the chief allows -them to collect the dues, which are his by right. - -The steepness of the hillside is no obstacle to house building, -and frequently the roof of one house will be lower than the floor -of the one immediately above it. The Lushais have been nomadic ever -since their ancestors started on their western trek some 200 years -ago. The method of cultivation which they follow is very wasteful, -and a large village soon uses up all the land within reach, and then -a move becomes imperative. Their custom of burying their dead within -the village tends to make a site unhealthy, especially as the water -supply is usually so situated as to receive the drainage of the -village, and when the rate of mortality rises unduly high, a move -is at once made. In old times these moves were often of considerable -length--sometimes as much as two or three days' journey--and sometimes -a halt for a whole season would be made at some temporary site, the -people living in huts alongside their cultivation. The selection of -a new site is a matter of much thought, and before a final decision -is arrived at, a deputation of elders is sent to sleep at the proposed -site, taking with them a cock. If the bird crows lustily an hour before -daybreak, as all good cocks should, the site is approved of. Sites of -villages which have been burnt by enemies are eschewed as unlucky, -and a chief when re-occupying a site of some other chief's village -generally tries to establish himself slightly to one side or other, -in hopes that the new site will bear his name for many years. - -As soon as the move has been decided on, arrangements are made for -cutting the jhums near the new site, and during the rains all the -workers live either in the jhum houses, or in temporary shelters -built near the new site, to which, after the harvest, they laboriously -carry all their belongings on their own backs, as they own no beasts -of burden. These constant moves have had a great share in moulding -the Lushai character, for when you have to carry all your worldly -goods from your old to your new house every four or five years, it is -not strange if you are disinclined to amass more than is absolutely -necessary, and gradually become content with very little, and prefer -ease and idleness to toiling in the hopes of being able to add to -your worldly possessions. This I believe to be the explanation of the -difference between the Lushai and the Chins, the latter being eager -to earn money by work or trade, while the former far prefer to lie -smoking in the sun. - -[4. Houses.] The house of a commoner consists of three parts, the -front verandah, approached by a rough platform of logs, the main room, -and a small closet partitioned off at the far end, beyond which there -will sometimes be a small bamboo platform. The verandah is termed -"sum-hmun," from the "sum," or mortar in which the paddy is cleaned, -which has its place here. On one side the careful housewife stacks -her firewood, and the front wall of the house is the place on which -the householder, if he is a sportsman, displays the skulls of the -animals and birds he has slain; among them hang baskets in which the -fowls lay, and even sit on their eggs, hatching out as numerous and as -healthy broods as do the most pampered inhabitants of model poultry -farms. The fowls spend the night in long tubular bamboo baskets, -hung under the eaves, access to which is gained by climbing up an -inclined stick from the front verandah. Hens with broods are shut up -each night in special baskets with sliding doors. - -From the verandah a small door, about 2 1/2 feet by 4, with a very -high sill, opens into the house. This door is placed at the side -furthest from the hill, and consists of a panel of split bamboo work -attached to a long bamboo which slides to and fro, resting in the -groove between two other bamboos lashed on to the top of the sill, -in which there is generally a small opening, with a swinging door, -for use of the dogs and fowls when the big door is closed. Immediately -inside the door, in one corner, are collected the hollow bamboo tubes -which take the place of water pots; opposite will often be a large -circular bamboo bin containing the household's supply of paddy. Next -to this is a sleeping platform, known as "kum-ai," beyond which is -the hearth of earth, in the centre of which three stones or pieces -of iron are fixed, on which the cooking pot rests. The earth is -kept in its place by three pieces of wood, that in front being a -wide plank with the top carefully smoothed, which forms a favourite -seat during cold weather. The earth is put in wet and well kneaded, -and eventually becomes as hard as brick. Along the wall an earthen -shelf serves the double purpose of keeping the fire from the wall and -affording a resting place for the pots. Over the hearth are hung two -bamboo shelves, one above the other, on which to-morrow's supply of -paddy is dried, and various odds and ends are stored. These shelves -also serve to keep the sparks from reaching the roof. Beyond the -fireplace is another sleeping place, called the "kum-pui"--i.e., -big bed--which is reserved for the parents, while the young children -and unmarried girls use the kum-ai; the bigger boys and young men, -as has already been stated, sleeping in the zawlbuk. Beyond the -kum-pui comes the partition dividing off the small recess used as a -lumber room, and often as a closet. The beds and hearth are always -on the side of the house nearest to the hillside, and do not usually -extend quite to the centre, the rest of the floor being vacant, and, -in order to avoid obstructing this, the posts which support the ridge -are placed slanting, passing through the floor in line with the edge -of the hearth. Along the wall opposite to the hearth are lashed two -or more bamboos, forming convenient shelves, while a platform of the -same useful plant is constructed from one cross beam to another. Forked -sticks tied to the wall or to the uprights form hooks, and the large -bamboos, wherever used, have openings cut in them which convert each -joint into a tiny cupboard. At the far end of the house, opposite the -front door, is a similar door opening on to a small platform, whence -a notched log serves as a means of descending to the garden or the -street. Many houses have bamboo platforms adjoining the front verandah, -on which the women folk sit and do their weaving, while the young -men lie at their ease and flirt with any girls who are good looking. - -The houses of the chiefs are very similar to those of their subjects, -only a good deal larger. Entering from the front verandah, the visitor -finds himself in a passage running along one side of the house, off -which open several small rooms inhabited by the married retainers; -the other end of the passage opens into a large room with several -sleeping platforms and sometimes two or more hearths, but otherwise -similar to that above described. Beyond this is the usual closet, -while beyond that is a wide verandah partially closed in, which is -especially reserved for the chief's family. These verandahs, called -"bazah," are forbidden to all except chiefs or wealthy persons who -have given certain feasts. A similar prohibition exists regarding -windows, which are one of the prerogatives of the "Thangchhuah," -as will be described in Chapter IV, para 1. Openings in the side of -the house are viewed with suspicion, as likely to bring misfortune, -and a most progressive chief told me he had refrained from making any -but the authorised ones, in deference to the strong public feeling -that the whole village would suffer for such an innovation. - -The materials of which all the buildings are constructed are the -same--viz., timber for uprights and cross beams, bamboos for the -framework of the floor, walls, and roof, split bamboos for the floor, -walls, and if cane leaves are used to cover the thatch; the whole being -tied together with cane. The uprights consist of sections of hard wood -trees, which are split longitudinally and left to season for as long as -possible. The cross beams which rest on the wall plates appear to us -unduly heavy, while the wall plates seem very weak. The Lushais claim -that the weight of the cross beams gives the house stability in high -winds. The broad bands of split bamboo laid on top of the cane leaf -thatch from eave to eave, secured at intervals by longitudinal bamboos -tied down with cane, give the roof a semi-circular appearance from the -outside. When cane leaves cannot be obtained, thatching grass is used, -but its extreme inflammability makes it unpopular. When cane leaves -are used, holes for the passage of cane ties cannot be avoided, and -beneath each of these a bamboo split in half is secured as a drain -pipe to convey the drippings beyond the walls. - -[5. Furniture.] Owing to their nomadic habits the Lushais have not -much furniture. Even in the houses of powerful chiefs but little will -be found but a few rough and low wooden stools, some wooden platters, -some earthenware beer pots, strengthened by plaited cane coverings, -some brass pots, and many baskets in which valuable or perishable -articles are preserved. Property which can be safely buried is often -concealed in this way, a custom which is fast dying out now that -raids are things of the past. - -[6. Implements.] Agricultural.--The Lushai's cultivation being -confined to cutting down the jungle, burning it, and dibbling in the -seed among the ashes, he does not require many or elaborate implements -and is content with a dao, an axe, and a hoe. The dao is a knife with -a triangular blade, about 3 inches wide at the end and 1 inch or so at -the handle. It is ground with a chisel edge, the broad end being also -sharpened. This is used for clearing the jungle, and the broad end -is used for grubbing the holes in which the seeds are placed. The axe -heads are of iron only about 1 1/2 inches wide at the edge, and taper -almost to a point; the handles are simply pieces of bamboo, the heads -being thrust through the tough root portion. The hoes very closely -resemble the axes, the heads being a little lighter and broader. - -Musical Instruments.--The commonest are gongs and drums, but a kind -of mouth-organ known as "rotchem" and a fiddle made out of a piece -of bamboo are sometimes used. The gongs are mostly imported from -Burma, as much as Rs. 150/- being paid for large ones, but the most -prized are sets of three small gongs, each with a separate note, -on which three skilled performers can produce something resembling a -tune. The drums are sections of trees hollowed out, the ends being -covered with metna hide caps laced together. The rotchem, which is -found in all Lushai-Kuki clans, consists of a gourd into which nine -hollow reeds are inserted, one to serve as a mouthpiece; the others, -which are of various lengths, have small holes cut in them. The -performer blows into the mouthpiece, and, by closing and opening the -holes with his fingers, he can produce various notes, but the music -is dull and monotonous. The fiddle is a very rough affair, produced -in a few minutes by loosening a strip of the outer skin of a bamboo, -without detaching it at its ends, and raising it up and inserting -a piece of stick to act as a bridge; the bow is made out of another -piece of bamboo. The sound of a bugle is very cleverly imitated by -blowing through several lengths of bamboo inserted one into the other. - -Household Utensils.--Besides the articles enumerated under furniture, -earthenware cooking pots and bamboo spoons complete the utensils used -inside the house. - -[7. Manufactures.] Basket Work.--This is chiefly carried on by -men. The patterns are very numerous, each being adapted to some -particular use. The material is generally bamboo. The "thul" is a -basket with four short legs, about twelve inches square at the bottom, -widening till the mouth is a circle with a diameter of about thirty -inches; this basket is supplied with a conical lid and is chiefly -used to keep valuables in. The outer layer is of finely split bamboo -closely woven, and this is lined with broad leaves well dried, which -are held in their place by an inner layer of bamboo more loosely -woven. These baskets are quite waterproof. - -For carrying goods there are the "deron," a truncated cone 30 to 36 -inches long with a diameter at its mouth of about 24 inches, holding -about 50 lbs. of paddy; the "em," similar to the deron, but about -half the size. The "bomrang," an open-work basket with an oval mouth, -15 inches by 12, is used for carrying goods on long journeys. The -"paikawng" similar in shape to the em, but with open-work sides, -is for conveyance of wood, water tubes, &c. There are also several -sorts of flat baskets for holding grain, each with its particular -name. The containing power of these is approximately constant, and -they are used as measures of quantity. - -Pottery.--The women make clay pots, moulding them by hand. There are -only two kinds in use--a small circular pot with a mouth some 6 to -8 inches in diameter, used for cooking, and a large jar, about 24 -inches high and 15 inches in diameter, tapering to about 9 inches at -the mouth, which is used for brewing beer in. - -Brass Work.--Occasionally one comes across rough specimens of moulding -in this metal, which show considerable if untrained talent, but they -are very rare, and I attribute them to captives taken from the plains -of India or Burma, or to persons who have learnt from them. The method -followed is to make a model in wax and cover it with successive washes -of clay till a sufficient thickness is obtained, the whole then being -baked till the clay is hard, and the wax has all run out through a -hole left for this purpose. Into this mould the molten brass is then -poured. The commonest use of this work is for the semi-circular tube -required to connect the two arms of the syphons used in drawing off -the rice beer. These tubes are sometimes surmounted by quite elaborate -designs, a hunter approaching his quarry, a tree with many hornbills -perched among the boughs, and on one which I bought are represented -Vutaia and his "kawnbawl," or minister, with leg irons on. The latter -carries on his shoulder an elephant's tusk, which formed part of -the ransom of his master, who, in the ups and downs of the troublous -times in which he lived, had been captured by the Kamhaus. - -Iron Work.--The blacksmith is one of the village officials described in -Chapter III, para. 2. The forge is placed in the middle of the widest -street to lessen the risk of fire; it is only a rough shed with a log -platform in front, which is as favourite a resort for loafers as is -the forge door in England. The bellows consist of two hollow wooden -cylinders in which pistons fringed with feathers are worked up and -down. The lower ends of the cylinders are buried in the ground, side -by side, and from them two bamboo tubes converge, meeting just behind -a stone through which there is a hole; the charcoal fire is placed in -front of this stone, and when the pistons are worked smartly a very -strong draught is obtained. The blacksmith does little more than make -and repair the simple agricultural implements of the village, but I -have heard rumours of some who are capable of making gun locks. I think -the form of bellows and the art of working iron have been introduced by -captives, as the same type of bellows is found in the adjoining plains. - -Cloth Manufacture.--Cotton is grown in the jhums. It is cleaned in -a home-made gin, consisting of a frame holding two wooden rollers, -one end of each being carved for a few inches of its length into -a screw, grooved in the opposite way to the other, so that on the -handle being turned the rollers revolve in opposite directions, and -the cotton is drawn between them, the seeds being left behind. The -cotton is then worked by hand into rolls a few inches long, whence it -is spun into the spindle of a rough spinning wheel, or occasionally -a bobbin is used, which, being given a sharp twist, draws the cotton -into a thread by its own weight. This method admits of diligent ones -spinning as they go to and from their jhums. The thread having been -spun, it is thoroughly wetted and then hung in loops some three or -four feet long over a horizontal bar, and stretched by several heavy -bars being suspended in these loops. - -Weaving.--The warp is prepared by passing the thread round two smooth -pieces of wood, one of which is fastened to two uprights, while the -ends of the other are attached to the ends of a broad leather band, -which passes behind the back of the weaver as she sits on the ground -and, by leaning back, stretches the threads to the requisite degree -of tightness. The woof is formed by passing to and fro bamboos round -which are wound different coloured threads, which are beaten home -with a well polished batten made of the sago palm. - -A very serviceable form of quilt called "puanpui" is made by passing -round every fourth or fifth thread of the warp a small roll of raw -cotton and drawing both ends up. A row of these cotton rolls is put -in after every fourth or fifth thread of the woof, so that on one -side the quilt is composed of closely placed tufts of cotton. - -Dyeing.--The commonest dye is obtained by boiling the leaves of -the Assam indigo (Strobilanthes flaccidifolia). Many immersions -are required to render the colour permanent, and as the plant, -which is cultivated near the villages or in the gardens, does not -grow luxuriantly, it is seldom possible to obtain enough leaves in -any one year for more than two immersions, so that the whole process -may take two or three years. - -Several red and yellow dyes are known, but they are little used, -and most of the thread, excepting the blue and white, is obtained -from the bazars. - -Ornamentation.--Cloths are ornamented almost entirely by lines -of different colours. White cloths have blue and red stripes down -the centre and sometimes one transversely about a foot from either -end. Coloured cloths are mainly blue, with stripes of red, yellow, -and green. Zigzags are not uncommon, and short lengths of this pattern -are placed haphazard on cloths and coats. The stems of women's pipes -are ornamented with spirals and coils. - -[8. Domestic animals.] The most valued animal is the mithan; these -tame bison wander all day at will in the jungle round the village and -towards dusk return spontaneously, each animal going to its owner's -house, round which it loiters till it receives a little salt, after -which it joins the rest of the herd under the zawlbuk. The animals are -only used for slaughter. They interbreed freely with the wild mithan, -and the hybrids are, I believe, not sterile. The other domestic animals -are pigs, goats, fowls, and dogs. The pigs are the scavengers of the -village, but are generously fed on a species of arum and rice husks -boiled together. The fowls are of a small breed; pure white, brown, -and black are the commonest colours, but there is also a handsome -spangled breed. The dogs have bushy tails, which curl tightly. Dogs -are eaten freely, but their chief value is derived from the demand -for sacrificial purposes. The goats are splendid animals with long -silky hair and very large horns. - -[9. Agriculture.] The only form of agriculture practised is that -known to us generally as jhuming, and it consists in felling a piece of -jungle and when it has completely dried setting fire to it. The ground -is thus cleared and manured by the ashes at the same time. Timber -which is not entirely burnt is dragged to the side of the plot and -made into a rough fence to keep deer out. The surface of the jhum -is lightly hoed over and then there is nothing more to be done till -the gathering clouds warn the cultivator that the rains are about to -break, then everyone sallies out, each with a small basket of seeds -slung over one shoulder and the square-ended dao in hand. Line is -formed at the lower end of the clearing, and the whole family proceeds -slowly upwards, dibbling shallow holes with their daos and dropping -into each a few seeds. It is considered very lucky to get well soaked -while sowing. The chief crop is rice, but the maize, ripening as it -does in August, is eagerly looked for by the improvident Lushais who -have probably used up more rice than was prudent in the manufacture -of beer. The rice does not ripen till November or December, though -a little early rice is grown which ripens in September. Between the -sowing and the end of the rains in October the crop requires constant -weeding, a duty which falls on the women folk if the family contains -enough of them. In each clearing a small house is built, well raised -off the ground, in which the cultivators stay during the time the work -is heaviest. The other crops grown are millet, Job's tears, peas, and -beans. Tobacco and cotton are also grown for home consumption. The rice -is cut very high as the straw has no value. It is threshed on a piece -of ground specially levelled near the jhum house. Threshing is done -in two or three ways. The ears are thrown on to the threshing floor -and trodden out by persons dancing on them, or are beaten with sticks -till the grains have all fallen out. Both these methods are rather -wasteful, and a better one, which is much used in the northern part of -the hills, is to construct a platform about 7 or 8 feet from the ground -on which a circular bamboo bin is fixed, into which the ears of rice -are thrown and a young man with a girl as a companion dance merrily -among them, singing all the while, the split end of the bamboos of -which the platform is made keeping up a cheerful clatter. The grain -is quickly separated from the ear and falls in a golden cone on to -the threshing floor, whence it can be easily collected and stored in -large round bins in the jhum houses or in specially built granaries -in some sheltered nook at a convenient distance from the village. - -Jhuming is certainly a very wasteful method of cultivation, as seldom -more than two crops are taken off the same piece of land, which is then -allowed to lie fallow till it has again become covered with jungle, -which will take three or four years in the case of bamboo, and seven -to ten if the jungle be trees. Tree land is said to give better crops, -but the labour of felling is greater than in the case of bamboo and -more weeding is required, and if the land is jhumed too frequently the -trees give place to coarse grass, which the Lushais refuse to jhum, -whereas bamboos only grow thicker for cutting. - -[10. Hunting and fishing.] All the hill men are very fond of fresh -meat, and are clever at trapping game. Long lines of rough fencing are -run through the jungle, with small openings at intervals, in which -snares are set. Pheasants, jungle fowl, &c., coming to one of these -fences will always run along it till an opening is found, and thus get -snared. Porcupines are killed by a bamboo spear fastened to a sapling -bent back like a spring alongside a run and so arranged that it shall -be released just as the animal is opposite the spear point. Tigers -are caught under a platform of heavy logs, which is supported in an -inclined position by a strong cane passed over a cross piece held up -by two uprights. In a hole under this platform is placed a pig in a -basket; on the tiger pulling at the basket the heavy platform falls -and squashes him, while the pig, being in a hole, escapes. Deer, -wild cats, &c., are caught in snares, a noose being arranged so -that on the animal's stepping in it a sapling to which the noose is -attached, and which is held down in a bent position, is released, -thus hoisting the animal up into the air. The method of releasing -the bent sapling or causing the platform to fall is in all cases -the same. Two uprights are driven into the ground and a bar securely -tied across near their tops. The string or rope which supports the -platform or keeps the sapling in a bent position has a wooden toggle -tied to it. The string is drawn between the uprights and one end -of the toggle is hitched under the bar and the other end drawn down -between the uprights until it is perpendicular, in which position it -is held by a movable piece of wood being slipped across the uprights, -just behind its lower end. In this position the pull of the string is -on the upper cross bar, and a very slight touch will remove the lower -one and set the toggle free; then up goes the string and down comes -the platform or the noose is tightened. The removal of the lower bar -is achieved in several ways. The bait or one end of a string stretched -across the run may be tied to it, or it may be made to support one -end of a tiny platform, on which the unwary quarry treads as it passes. - -Pitfalls constructed in former times for the capture of elephants -are found all over the hills, generally on a narrow ridge between -precipices. To catch monkeys some rice is placed on a small platform -at the end of a partially severed bamboo standing at a right angle -to the hillside. The monkey, attracted by the rice, springs on to -the platform and is precipitated on to a number of bamboo spikes -which have been stuck in the ground beneath it. The same device with -suitable alterations is sometimes employed to destroy tigers and bears. - -The Lushai is also very fond of shooting, and with his old flintlock -accounts each year for a good number of bears and tigers. If a village -is much troubled by a tiger systematically waylaying its livestock, -a general hunt is ordered, guns are borrowed from the neighbours, and -the tiger, having been tracked into a piece of jungle, is approached by -a shouting mob, from which he flies. Every effort of his to turn from -the path selected for him is defeated by well posted crowds, who turn -him back with shouts and beating of drums, till, wearied out, he comes -to bay and falls a victim to a volley from all the guns present, but -before he dies he has often severely mauled several of his tormentors. - -Large hunting parties make lengthy expeditions into the uninhabited -parts in search of elephants and wild mithan. To kill an elephant -with their flintlocks is not an easy task. A volley is fired at the -selected animal, which is then followed for days, being fired at -when an opportunity occurs, till it falls from sheer exhaustion. The -following graphic account of an unsuccessful hunt was written for me -by a Lushai. The Kongpuishiam and funeral ceremonies will be described -in the proper place further on. - -"When Hmongphunga's village was at Kanghmun, they intended to go out -shooting. They performed the Kongpuishiam ceremony; they placed the -ashes in the middle of the road. Early next day they went and looked at -them, and in the ashes they saw the footmarks of a tiger, an elephant, -and a man. They started on the hunting expedition, carrying plenty -of rice with them. They certainly found the elephants and fired a -volley at one of them. One of the party was called Hrangkunga. The -elephant ran away. They found it in a narrow ravine. Hrangkunga was -about to shoot at it from above when the earth gave way and he rolled -down close to the elephant, which picked him up and carried him to -a level place close by, and threw him down and trampled on him and -broke up his gun and powder horn. His friends fired at the animal, -and it went off; they could not kill it. When the elephant had gone -they took up Hrankunga and buried him close by in the jungle, and -set out for their village, near which they shot a tiger. When the -people in the village heard of their approach they came out to meet -them with 'zu.' The hunters wrapped up grass and leaves in a cloth -to represent the corpse of their friend. Outside the village they -fired guns and put down the effigy, which was buried by the elders -of the village. Shortly after this they went out shooting again, -and after going some way they saw Hrangkunga's ghost on the branch -of a tree and were very frightened, and went home." - -Fishing is carried on with the ordinary casting net, and fish are -sometimes killed with spears or daos by torchlight, but most reliance -is placed on the "ngoi." This is a weir built of timber and bamboos -reinforced with stones, which stretches from side to side of the -river. At one side an opening is left through which the water rushes -with great force into a long bamboo shoot, which curves slightly -upwards and ends in a deep receptacle, also of bamboo. The fish are -carried into this by the force of the water which escapes between -the bamboos, and are unable to leap out. Close by is placed a hut, -well raised off the ground, in which the fishermen live for several -days at a time and smoke the catch. Any chance openings in the weir -are closed with conical baskets which detain small fish, prawns, -&c. These weirs are constructed by the united labour of the whole -village, and any villager can make use of them, but he has to pay a -toll in kind to the chief. Certain spots are peculiarly adapted for -these weirs, and each is by prescriptive right the property of the -village occupying a certain site in the vicinity, any infringement -of which will lead to a serious quarrel. - -Deep pools in the smaller streams are sometimes poisoned by having a -decoction of a certain herb called "kokur" or of a bark called "ru" -poured into them. This stupefies the fish, which float to the surface -and are easily captured. The mixture is said to be harmless to human -beings or cattle. - -[11. Food and drink.] The Lushai when speaking of food always means -rice. Though he is fond of meat and likes vegetables and seasonings, -he only considers them as a garnish to his rice. When a mithan is -killed to feast the village, the flesh is boiled in earthen pots -in the street and the contents emptied out on to plantain leaves, -whence the feasters help themselves with their fingers, washing down -the savoury morsels with the water in which they have been boiled, -but this banquet in no way takes the place of the regular meal of rice. - -Flesh of all animals is eaten, and is not objected to even when -considerably decomposed. The flesh of leopards and tigers is only -eaten by children, but in spite of many enquiries I have been unable -to ascertain why adults abstain from this article of diet. Rats of -the white-bellied variety are considered a luxury. Dogs, especially -puppies, are a favourite dish. Next to rice, maize may be considered -the most important staple. It is eaten boiled, never being ground -into flour. Besides the grains and herbs which he grows in his jhums, -the Lushai finds many edible roots and herbs in the jungle. The young -shoots of the bamboo are by no means unpleasant eating, and a salad -of those of the sago palm is quite a luxury, while the pith of the -latter is much eaten in times of scarcity. When a large animal has -been killed at any distance from the village the flesh is cut into -strips and dried over a slow fire, after which it remains edible, -according to Lushai ideas, for a very long time. Boiling is the only -culinary art known. - -As regards his drink, the Lushai has very simple tastes. With his meals -he drinks nothing but the water in which the food has been boiled, -which he sips sparingly, washing the meal down with a draught of cold -water. Intoxicating drinks he only takes when he has full leisure to -enjoy them and in company with a party of friends. - -There are two kinds of such drinks, both home-made, from rice. The -commonest is known as "zu," and is a simple partially fermented drink; -the other, called "rakzu" or "zuthak," is distilled. This is very -seldom used, being only made on special occasions. The still is a -very simple contrivance, generally consisting of an earthenware pot -on the top of which a gourd is fixed securely, the joint being made -airtight with rags and clay; through the top of the gourd is passed a -bamboo which is swathed in rags which are kept wet so as to condense -the vapour from the pot. Zu is a very important article with these -people. It is required for the due observance of every ceremony; -a child's birth is an occasion for entertaining its relations, no -marriage can be celebrated without the consumption of zu, while after -his death a Lushai's friends and relatives drown their sorrow in all -the zu they can obtain. - -Has a demon to be propitiated, the return of a raiding or hunting -party to be celebrated or a friend to be welcomed, in every case zu -is indispensable. - -Good zu takes some time to prepare. After being well bruised, paddy -is damped and packed away in several layers of leaves and kept for -some months--the longer the better. When the zu has to be brewed the -bundles are opened and the contents placed in a large earthen jar and -well pressed down, with a layer of leaves on top, and the jar filled -up with water. After standing a few minutes the liquor is drawn off -by a syphon into a brass or wooden bowl, out of which it is handed -round to the guests in horns or small bamboos. The principal guest is -served first, and as he tosses off the cup he names the one in whose -honour he drinks, who in duty bound must drink next, naming another -to follow him. While the important personages are thus ceremoniously -entertaining each other the rank and file sitting round in a circle -are each in turn receiving a brimming horn full. As the supply in the -jar gets low, more water is added, so that the quality of the liquor -steadily deteriorates. Occasionally, instead of drawing off the zu, -a tube is inserted and each toper in turn sucks up his allowance, -the appearance of the top of a peg, inserted in the layer of leaves, -giving him a hint when to leave off. - -Should the zu not have been kept long enough, a cake of yeast prepared -from rice may be required to start fermentation. Well prepared zu -is by no means an unpalatable drink. It contains much nourishment, -and Savunga, one of our opponents in the 1871-72 expedition, whom I -found still living in 1898, was said to have taken little else during -the last two years of his life. The drink naturally varies much in -strength, but even at its strongest it is not very intoxicating, and -it has not the exciting effect which the drink brewed from maize and -millet seems to have on the eastern tribes, among whom violent crimes, -committed during drinking bouts, are very common. - -[12. Amusements.] The songs which the folk seem never tired -of singing are slow, solemn dirges sung by the whole party to the -accompaniment of a drum or gong, and are generally in praise of some -former home of the tribe or some departed hero. - -The dances also are very slow and monotonous. A single male performer -enters the circle of drinkers and postures slowly, keeping time to -the drum or gong. There are one or two exceptions, such as the dances -in which the performer imitates a monkey or a bird, but generally -speaking they are most uninteresting. - -The men are fond of putting the weight; the stone used is a light one -weighing 10 to 12 lbs. and the thrower is allowed to follow on as much -as he likes. Jumping and running races are never indulged in, and, -though I have often prevailed on the young men to try, the results -were always very poor. - -The Lushais are very badly off for games. Girls play a game with a -large, flat bean, called "koi." The players divide into two parties, -each in turn placing their kois in a row on the ground to serve as -a target for those of the other party, which are held between the -thumb and first finger of the left hand and propelled by the middle -finger of the right. Should the target not be struck the first time, -each firer goes to where her koi lies and again aims at the target, but -this time the missile has to be propelled in another manner. Sometimes -it is placed between the knees and jerked forward by a sharp jump, or -it is balanced on the cheek or forehead and then projected by a jerk -of the head, or it may be balanced on the instep and kicked towards -the mark. This game is played among the Manipuris, who call it "Kang -sanaba." The koi bean of the Lushai is called "kang" by the Manipuris, -but the latter now usually use round discs of ivory instead of the -natural bean. - -A game played by both sexes is "Vai lung thlan." [1] - -The players sit on the ground on opposite sides of two parallel rows -of shallow holes. In each row there are six holes and in each hole -five small stones are placed. Each player in turn picks up all the -stones in any hole in the row nearest him and, commencing from the -hole next on the left, drops one in each hole along his row and then -back along that of his opponent. If at the end of a turn one or more -of the holes last dropped into is found to contain only one stone, -the player removes these single stones and places them aside. The game -continues till all the stones have been thus removed, and the winner -is he who has taken most. Counting the stones in the hole before -removing them is not allowed, and considerable skill is required -to judge accurately the number of stones, so as to select a hole -containing the number of stones which when distributed will leave -the maximum number of holes with single stones in them. This game, -under the name of "Mancala Bao" and "Warri," is played by the Negroes -in many parts of Africa, but on elaborately carved boards. - -Boys and young men are very proficient with the pellet bow, and many -a bird and squirrel falls victim to the sun-dried pellets shot from -their bamboo bows, with strings of cane. The other amusements of the -children consist chiefly in imitating their elders, the building of -model houses forming a favourite pastime. Swinging is also popular, -the swing consisting of a creeper suspended from the branch of a -tree or from two poles stuck in the ground and tied together at the -top. The swinger holds on to the end of the creeper, or places one -leg through a loop, or sits astride a big knot tied at the end of it. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III - -LAWS AND CUSTOMS - - -[1. Internal structure.] The population of a village ruled by a -Thangur chief at the present time is composed of representatives -of many tribes and clans, which have all more or less adopted the -language and customs of their rulers. I have already described the -rise of the Thangurs and the process by which they either ejected or -absorbed into their communities the other inhabitants of the country. - -Our arrival in the country put a stop in certain cases to this process -of absorption. For instance, many chiefs held considerable numbers -of Paihte or Vuite and Khawtlang in a species of semi-slavery. These -were captives or descendants of captives made in war, and nearly all -have availed themselves of the Pax Britannica to return to their own -people. Again, we found certain villages ruled over by non-Lushei -chiefs, who were living under the protection of powerful Lushei -chiefs. In the process of pacification these non-Lushei chiefs regained -their independence and have gathered round them many of their clansmen, -who formerly were scattered among the Lushei villages, and who, if we -may judge by what has undoubtedly happened in other cases, would in -a short time have become completely absorbed. Inquiries lasting over -many years have convinced me that these clans are little more than -enlarged families. In most cases the dialects of the minor clans -have been entirely forgotten, and the only differences remaining -are the manner of performing the "sakhua" or domestic sacrifice, -the position occupied by the corpse at the funeral feast, and such -other minor points. - -A stranger might live for a long time in a Lushai village without -knowing that such divisions existed. Every clan is further subdivided -into families and branches. Thus the Lushei clan has several -families. One of these is the Thangur, and the Thangur family has six -branches--Rokum, Zadeng, Rivung, Thangluah, Pallian, and Sailo--but -none of these branches has any further sub-division, though the -descendants of certain powerful chiefs are sometimes collectively -spoken of by their ancestor's name, showing how these clan, family, -and branch names have arisen. - -During the census of 1901 an unsuccessful attempt was made to get a -complete list of the clan families and branches. The causes of the -failure were the ignorance of the people themselves as to what clan or -family they belonged to and the tendency to claim to be true Lushais. - -Everyone knew the name of the branch to which he belonged, and as -a rule the family name would be correctly given, but in many cases -the clan name was altogether omitted, or Lushei was entered against -families which had no real claim to that distinction. - -An old Lushai once asked me why I was troubling myself about family -and branch names, and on my explaining that I hoped to make a complete -list of them he muttered, "Can you count the grains in that basket -of rice?" and turned from me to the zu-pot. - -As a sample of the constitution of a clan I give in the Appendix a -list of all the families and branches of the Lushei clan. - -My enquiries lead me to believe that practically all the clan and a -great many of the family and branch names are eponyms. In some cases -the name of a village site has been given to its inhabitants, first -probably by outsiders and eventually adopted by the people themselves, -but even in these cases as often as not enquiry will show that the -village site was first named after some famous chief who lived there. - -Before the Thangur chiefs had risen to their present predominant -position there were many consanguineous communities scattered over -the hills, living under headmen of their own and each using a dialect -of its own. Some of these communities appear to have had separate -corporate existence for long periods and in consequence to have been -sub-divided into many families and branches, while others were quickly -absorbed by the Thangur and consequently have few sub-divisions. - -I have been accused of deriving "Lushei" from "lu," head, and "shei," -long. If in the salad days of my sojourn among these folks I was ever -guilty of this folly, I hereby publicly repudiate it. There is no -doubt that Lushei, in common with the other clan names, is an eponym. - -A versatile and imaginative writer has recently derived "Sailo," -the name of the branch of the Lushai clan to which the present chiefs -belong, from "sai" elephant, and "lo," a jhum, alleging that because -the elephant is the biggest animal, therefore "Sailo" means the -biggest jhum and that the name refers to the excellence of the jhum -land between Burkhal and the source of the Kornaphuli river, where -he says the Sailos formerly lived. There are some objections to this -theory; to begin with, the Lushais never use "sai" as a prefix meaning -greatness, and secondly half the area mentioned was never inhabited by -Sailo chiefs, and thirdly only a small and little considered branch -of the great Sailo family ever entered this land of fatness and not -till long after the family name had been generally accepted; further -the name of the common ancestor of all the Sailo chiefs is known to -have been Sailova, which is a common name still in the family. - -[2. Tribal organisation of the Lushais.] Among the Lushais, -each village is a separate State, ruled over by its own "lal" or -chief. Each son of a chief, as he attained a marriageable age, was -provided with a wife at his father's expense, and given a certain -number of households from his father's village and sent forth to -a village of his own. Henceforth he ruled as an independent chief, -and his success or failure depended on his own talents for ruling. He -paid no tribute to his father, but was expected to help him in his -quarrels with neighbouring chiefs; but when fathers lived long it -was not unusual to find their sons disowning even this amount of -subordination. The youngest son remained in his father's village and -succeeded not only to the village, but also to all the property. - -Our rule has tended to increase the independence of the young chiefs; -for in former days, when might was right, it behoved a son to follow -the advice of his father, or the latter's help might not be forthcoming -when danger threatened. - -The chief was, in theory at least, a despot; but the nomadic instinct -of the people is so strong that any chief whose rule was unduly harsh -soon found his subjects leaving him, and he was therefore constrained -to govern according to custom. - -To assist him each chief appoints one or more elderly men, known -as "upa." These form a sort of council which discusses all matters -connected with the village, and decides all disputes between people of -the village, for which they receive fees termed "salam" from the party -who loses the case. These fees are their only remuneration. The chief -presides over this council, which is generally held of an evening in -the chief's house, while the zu horn circulates briskly. The chief -receives a portion of each fine levied, a practice found to prevent -undue leniency. - -Besides the upas the chief appoints the following village -officials--"ramhual" and "tlangau." The former, of whom there may be -several, are advisers as to where the jhums shall be cut, and are -allowed first choice of land for the purpose, but have to give the -chief five to seven baskets of paddy instead of two, which is the -portion due from other subjects. - -The tlangau is the crier, whose high-pitched voice is heard after dark, -when every good householder is at home, proclaiming the chief's orders. - -He also arranges how the work of the village is to be divided, who -are to go and make a road, who are to repair the zawlbuk, &c. - -In return for his labours he receives a small basket of rice from -each house in the village. - -Besides the ramhual and the tlangau, no village is complete without at -least one "thirdeng," or blacksmith, and a "puithiam," or sorcerer. The -former receives one basket of rice from each householder whose tools -he repairs; the latter receives the same amount from each householder -for whom he performs the sacrifices connected with his cultivation. - -The chief receives one hind leg of every wild animal shot by any of his -men, and when the killing of elephants was allowed he took one of the -tusks if his villagers were lucky enough to slay one of those animals. - -The villagers build the house of their ruler, and formerly they also -cut his jhum, but I regret to say that nowadays they have ceased doing -so, and this is an unsatisfactory sign of how, without any desire on -our part to do so, our rule has weakened the authority of the chiefs. - -The chief held rather an anomalous position. Nominally he was -a despot--I am speaking now of the state of things which existed -prior to our occupation of the Hills--but in reality his power was -very much circumscribed, and his subjects could so easily transfer -their allegiance to some rival chief, who would probably be willing, -for a consideration, to champion the cause of his last recruit, that -every ruler had to use tact as well as force. In fact the amount of -power he wielded depended almost entirely on the personal influence of -the chief. A strong ruler, who governed mainly according to custom, -could do almost anything he liked without losing his followers, -but a weak man who tried petty tyrannies soon found himself a king -without any subjects. - -The chiefs naturally tried their best to stop people leaving their -villages, and it was customary to confiscate the paddy of any person -who left the village without permission, but leave was seldom refused -if the emigrant intended moving to the village of a friendly chief; -and if the fugitive took refuge with a more powerful ruler it was -extremely likely that a demand for the prompt surrender of all his -property would be made with such a show of force that it could not -be ignored. - -I add here two extracts from Colonel Lewin's book, "The Hill Tracts -of Chittagong and the Dwellers Therein," page 100. - -"The village system among the Kookis, i.e. (Lushais) is best described -as a series of petty states, each under a Dictator or President. To -illustrate the position of the chief or President I may mention -that in 1866, when on a visit to the village of one of the leading -chiefs among the Looshai, I was standing talking with him in the path -that ran through the village. While we were thus standing a drunken -Looshai came stumbling along, and finding us somewhat in the way, -he seized the chief by the neck and shoved him off the path, asking -why he stopped the road. On my asking the chief for an explanation -of such disrespect being permitted, he replied, 'On the war-path or -in the council I am chief, and my words are obeyed; behaviour like -that would be punished by death. Here, in the village, that drunkard -is my fellow and equal.' In like manner any presents given to the -chief are common property. His people walk off with them, saying: -'He is a big man, and will get lots more given to him. Who will give -to us if he does not?' On the other hand, all that is in his village -belongs to the chief; he can and does call upon people to furnish -him with everything that he requires. - -"To collect his people, or in fact to authenticate any order, the -chief's spear, which is usually carved and ornamented, is sent by a -messenger from village to village. Should the message be a hostile one, -the messenger carries a fighting dao, to which a piece of red cloth -is attached. Another method is by the 'phuroi,' which is a species -of wand made out of strips of peeled bamboo, about eight inches long, -in this shape (†). If the tips of the cross pieces be broken, a demand -for blackmail is indicated, a rupee to be levied for each break. If -the end of one of the cross pieces is charred, it implies urgency, -and that the people are to come even by torch light. If a capsicum -be fixed on to the 'phuroi,' it signifies that disobedience to the -order will meet with punishment as severe as the capsicum is hot. If -the cross piece is of cane, it means that disobedience will entail -corporal punishment." - -The "Boi" Custom.--Among the Thados and Chins real slavery used to -exist, and men and women were sold like cattle. Among the Lushais this -has never been the case, but there is a class known as "boi" who have -been miscalled slaves by those ignorant of their real condition. - -Among the Lushais no one but a chief can have boi, who are divided -into the following classes:-- - -(i.) Inpuichhung (Inpui = big house, chhung = within), Lalchhung, -or Chhungte--viz. those who live in the big house or chief's -house. (ii.) chemshen boi (chem = dao, shen = red); (iii.) tuklut -boi (tuk = promise, lut = to enter). The first class consist of all -those who have been driven by want of food to take refuge in the -chief's house. Widows, orphans, and others who are unable to support -themselves, and have no relatives willing to do so, form the bulk of -this class of "boi," but it is not unusual, if a young widow remarries, -for her second husband to insist on his predecessor's children being -put into the chief's house, unless any of their father's relatives -will take them. The inpuichhung are looked on as part of the chief's -household, and do all the chief's work in return for their food and -shelter. The young men cut and cultivate the chief's jhum and attend -to his fish traps. The women and girls fetch up wood and water, -clean the daily supply of rice, make cloths, and weed the jhum, and -look after the chief's children. In return the boi get good food and -live in the chief's house, and often wear his ornaments and use his -guns and weapons. They have to do very little more work than they -would have to do if they were independent, and, on the other hand, -they are free of all anxiety as to the morrow. - -As all the chiefs are of the same family, a boi is at liberty to move -from one chief's house to another. If a chief or his wife treats a -boi very badly, the injured one goes off and seeks for a new master, -and, as a large number of boi is considered to increase a chief's -importance, every chief is willing to receive him, and therefore -boi are generally well treated. In former days powerful chiefs like -Sukpuilala and Vutaia only allowed their boi to go to one of their -own relations, but even then a boi very often would manage to find -an asylum with some equally powerful chief. - -When a person has once entered the chief's house, he or she can only -purchase freedom by paying one mithan or its equivalent in cash or -goods. The fact that a boi can ever do this shows that he is allowed -to acquire property. When a male boi reaches a marriageable age, the -chief generally buys him a wife, and he lives with her for three years -in the chief's house: should he marry a female boi, the couple have -to live six years in the chief's house. After this period, he sets -up a house of his own and is known as "inhrang (in = house, hrang = -separate) boi," and works for himself, but is still in some respects -a boi. If he kills any animal he has to give a hind leg to the chief, -and failure to do so renders him liable to a fine of one mithan or -its equivalent. If the chief is in want of rice he can call on his -boi to help him if they have any surplus, and if a boi is in want he -can look to the chief for assistance. - -Regarding the children of such a boi, customs differ somewhat. Some -chiefs have made it the rule that only the youngest son, who inherits -his father's property, is a boi, the remainder of the sons and all -the girls being entirely free. Others insist that all the children -are boi, and that the chief is entitled to the marriage prices of -the daughters. They give, as a reason for this, that the chief has -paid for the boi's wife and so is entitled to consider the children -as boi. In either case the children are inhrang boi. - -A female boi is allowed to marry, and the chief receives the marriage -price, and when this has been paid in full he has no further claim on -the woman or her children during her husband's lifetime, but should -she be left a widow, she is sometimes forced to re-enter the chief's -house; but as a rule, if she behaves decently, she is allowed to remain -on in her husband's house, and manage his property on behalf of his -children, who are never considered boi. Should she re-marry, the -chief will again receive whatever sum is paid as her marriage price. - -It will be seen that the inpuichhung are by no means badly off, and the -custom seems in every way suited to the circumstances of the case. Many -a clever young man rises from being a boi to being the chief's most -trusted adviser, and it is by no means unusual for a chief to take -a favourite boi into his own family by the ceremony called "Saphun" -(see under Adoption, page 54). - -(ii.) Chemsen Boi (Red Dao Boi).--These are criminals who, to escape -from the consequences of their ill deeds, take refuge in the chief's -house. Murderers closely pursued by the avengers of blood rushed -into the chief's presence and saved their lives at the expense -of their own or their children's freedom. Debtors unable to pay -their creditors sought the chief's protection, and he released them -from their debts on condition that they and their children became -boi. Thieves and other vagabonds avoided punishment by becoming the -chief's boi. Civil disputes were unblushingly decided in favour of the -party who volunteered to become the chief's boi. It is evident that -the custom in these cases has grown up by degrees from the chief's -granting sanctuary to those who, having committed serious crimes, were -in danger of being killed by those they had injured or their relatives. - -Chemsen boi do not live in the chief's house or work for him. Their -position is similar to that of an inhrang boi, but all their children -are considered boi to the same extent as their parents. The chiefs -generally take the marriage price of the daughters of such Boi. - -(iii.) Tuklut (Enter by Promising) Boi.--These are persons who -during war have deserted the losing side and joined the victors by -promising that they and their descendants will be boi. A tuklut boi -can purchase his freedom for a mithan, and if there are three or -four persons in one household one mithan will release them all. As -a rule the daughters of tuklut boi are not considered boi. A tuklut -boi does not live in the chief's house, and is in most respects in -the same position as an inhrang boi. - -Chemshen boi have not been recognised by our officers, and whenever -one has claimed protection he has been released. The tuklut boi have -also not been formally recognised, but their duties weigh so lightly -on them that they seldom claim their release, and in their case, as in -that of the "sal," the class, receiving no fresh recruits, will soon -cease to exist. As regards the inpuichhung boi, the custom seems well -suited to the people and provides for the maintenance of the poor, old, -and destitute, and it would be extremely unwise to attempt to alter it. - -When we first visited Kairuma in 1891, we found some 80 houses of -Thado, Biate, and other clans living in his village (in a species of -serfdom) very much on the footing of the tuklut boi, only that Kairuma -received a mithan out of the marriage price of each of the daughters -as well as the other dues. These people were remnants of conquered -clans and were not allowed to leave the village. I was assured that, -if any of them tried to run away, a party of young men would be at -once sent off to kill or bring back the fugitives. When Kairuma's -village was burnt, owing to its continued contumacious behaviour, -all these people made their escape to the villages of their own clans. - -Sal.--Persons captured in raids are called "sal"; their position is -quite different from that of any of the classes of boi. They are the -personal property of their captors, and I am told that when guns first -made their appearance in the hills the western tribes used to exchange -their sal with the eastern tribes for guns, one strong sal being worth -two guns. As a rule only children and marriageable women were taken -captive, and the latter were disposed of in marriage, the lucky captor -acting in loco parentis and taking the marriage price. The children -grew up in the captor's house as his children, and as a rule were so -well treated that they seldom wished to return to their former homes. - -[3. Marriage.] The Lushais have wide views as to matrimony. A young -man is not hampered in his choice by any table of prohibited degrees, -nor is his choice confined to any particular family or clan; in fact, -he can practically marry any woman he chooses except his sister or his -mother. There is, however, a certain amount of prejudice against first -cousins on the father's side marrying, but the reason generally given -for this is that when a girl's parents have to consider the question of -her marriage they naturally try to dispose of her outside the family, -in order that her price may increase the wealth of the family, not -merely transfer it from one brother to another. I have, however, been -told that girls object to marrying their "brothers." Among the chiefs -the desire to marry another chief's daughter limits the young man's -choice, and marriage among first cousins is more frequent than among -commoners. Marriage among nearly all the other clans dealt with in this -monograph is endogamous as regards the clan, but exogamous as regards -the family. When we consider the composition of the following of the -Thangur chiefs, we see at once the cause of this difference, for any -restrictions on intermarriage would have interfered with that fusion -of clans which was so necessary for the establishment of their power. - -Regarding the number of his wives also the Lushai has great latitude; -in fact, it is simply a matter of money. Experience has taught -them that two wives in one house is not conducive to peace, and -consequently polygamy is almost entirely confined to the chiefs, -for few others can afford to keep up two establishments. Marriage -is purely a civil contract, although, as is described in Chapter IV, -para. 7, a pseudo-religious ceremony is performed. - -Among Lushais the following sums constitute the price which has to -be paid for a wife:-- - -(i.) Manpui (Principal Price).--This is paid to the bride's nearest -male relative on the father's side. In case the bride's father is -dead and she has brothers these divide the manpui, but if any one of -them has contributed more than the others to the girl's support, or -has provided her "thuam"--i.e., her trousseau--he receives a larger -share of the manpui than the others. - -The manpui is always reckoned in mithan, and varies according to the -family of the bride. Thus a Thangur maiden is valued at ten mithan, -while less aristocratic girls are worth less, the lowest price being -three. A custom seems springing up of counting the manpui in "tlai" = -Rs. 20/-. If the bride's "thuam," or trousseau, is a good one a sum -of Rs. 20/-, called "tlai," is added to the manpui, but should the -woman die without issue, this sum will not be paid, as the thuam will -return to her father's family. If she has children these inherit the -thuam, and therefore in such cases the tlai must be paid. The thuam -consists of necklaces, earrings, and superior cloths, not articles -for everyday use. - -(ii.) Pushum.--The perquisite of the nearest male relative on the -mother's side or of a person specially chosen as the bride's "pu" -or protector. It varies between Rs. 4/-, and Rs. 10/- but in the case -of a chief's daughter it is a mithan. - -(iii.) Palal.--The bride or her relations select some trusted friend, -who may be of any family, whom they appoint her "palal," or trustee, -and he is expected to look after her interests throughout her whole -married life. His fee varies in accordance with the pushum. - -(iv.) Niman (Aunt's Price).--A sum equal to the pushum which has to -be paid to the bride's aunt on her father's side. If there are several -aunts the eldest takes the "niman" of the eldest niece and the second -aunt that of the second niece and so on. It is possible for a niece -to refuse to allow her aunt to take the niman and to select another -person of her own family. - -(v.) Thian.--The "thian," or friend, is a female palal, but she only -receives a small sum from Rs. 10/- downwards. - -(vi.) Nau Puan Puak Man (Price of Carrying the Younger Sister in -her Cloth).--Each sister receives this from the husband of her next -younger sister. Among Sailo it varies from Rs. 20/- to Rs. 40/-; -in other families it is only Rs. 3/- or Rs. 4/-. In the case of the -eldest sister it is taken by some near female relative. - -These sums are never paid down at once; in fact, they are allowed to -remain unpaid for many years, but, as a rule, in each family it is -the custom to pay a certain amount of the manpui before the marriage; -this is called "sum hma hruai," "price before taking." - -Divorce.--The bonds of matrimony are extremely loose and are very -easily slipped off. If a couple disagree they simply separate. The -woman returns to her parents and the man renounces all claim to any -portion of her price which he may have paid, unless the woman agrees -to its being partially returned. If the man turns the woman out for -no fault he must pay up her full price, if he has not already done -so. If a woman commits adultery or leaves her husband against his -will, however unfaithful he may have been, the whole of her price -has to be refunded. - -If a pair who have separated by mutual consent wish to make it up -they can do so. If the overtures are made by the man he is expected -to pay the woman a small sum up to Rs. 20/-. If, however, the woman -makes the advances the man has nothing to pay. - -Widow Re-marriage.--There is no objection to a widow remarrying. If -a woman has a son and there is any property, it is proper for her to -remain unmarried and look after her son and his interests; should she, -however, wish to remarry there is nothing to prevent her, but her -late husband's relatives will take charge of the children and all the -property. Should a widow be left with daughters only, it rests with her -husband's nearest male relatives whether she shall continue to live -separately or shall enter his house. It is not unusual in such cases -for the widow to be allowed to bring up her daughters, utilising, -with the heir's approval, whatever property has been left, but the -marriage prices of the girls will be taken by their father's heir. In -olden times a widow had to remain unwashed and with her hair uncombed -for a whole year from the death of her husband, but the period has -been reduced to three months, out of pity for the women, and after -that time remarriage is allowed. A widower who remarries before -three months has passed since his wife's death used to be fined, -but this excellent custom has dropped out of use. Should a woman -elect to live in her late husband's house and bring up his children, -she is considered as still married to him, and should she be detected -in an intrigue her relatives will have to refund her marriage price -just as if her husband were alive. - -[4. Female chastity.] The unmarried girls are not very strictly -looked after, and, if they conduct their intrigues with a fair -amount of secrecy, nothing is said. As has been described in Chapter -II, 3, there is a sleeping place on each side of the hearth, that -furthest from the door--kumpui--being reserved for the parents, the -other--kumai--being for the girls and young children. Sometimes, -however, if the family is large, one of the girls sleeps with her -parents. If a young man is found on the kumai nothing is said to him; -if, however, he trespasses on the kumpui he is fined. In some villages -if he even crosses the centre of the hearth he is fined. The fine -varies in different villages, but it is about Rs. 10/-. If a girl -becomes pregnant, the man responsible is at once surrounded by her -relatives, who demand a mithan as the price of his indiscretion. This -is called "sawn man," "the price of the bastard." This has to be -paid even in the case of the child being born dead and in cases of -premature births where the legs and arms are complete. - -When the father has paid the sawn man he can claim the child as soon -as it is old enough to leave its mother. - -In cases in which the girl has been prodigal of her favours, no sawn -man can be demanded. - -In case a man should have a second illegitimate child by the same -woman, he is not expected to pay more than Rs. 10/- and often nothing -at all. For a third child he would, however, have to pay a mithan. In -case when asked to pay sawn man, the man at once expresses his desire -to marry the girl, he would not have to pay the fine in addition to -the usual marriage price. If, however, he delays in marrying her, -he must pay both. In this matter, however, custom varies considerably -in different villages. - -[5. Inheritance.] The general rule is for the youngest son to -inherit, but occasionally the eldest also claims a share. With chiefs -it is usual for each son, as he comes to a marriageable age, to be -given a certain number of households and allowed to set up a village -of his own, but the youngest generally remains with his father, -and inherits his village and his property. - -Adoption.--Persons of property who have no son sometimes adopt a near -relative, but there is no special ceremony; it is a purely private -arrangement. The custom known as "Sa-phun," is in some respects akin -to adoption. Should a chief have a very favourite boi, he sometimes -grants him admission into his own clan. The "puitiam" being called, -a fowl or a pig is sacrificed, after the appropriate prayer has been -said, and a few of the hairs or feathers are tied round the man's neck, -and he is henceforth considered to belong to the chief's clan. Anyone -can thus admit another to his clan, but in practice it is seldom -done, except by chiefs. I think the sacrifice is made with a view to -propitiate the Sakhua of the clan which the man is abandoning. - -[6. Offences regarding property.] Certain articles are said "man a -nei," "to have a price," and the theft of any of them is punished by -a fine of one mithan, quite irrespective of the actual value of the -article stolen. These are--rice cleaned or unhusked, cloths, guns, -brass pots, domestic animals, and wild animals, or birds which have -been killed or trapped. The theft of other articles is punished by -fines of from Rs. 1/- to Rs. 5/-, which are taken by the chief and -his upa, and termed "salam." Restitution of the articles stolen is -always insisted on. - -To steal or even to retain a hoe or axe found on the road is most -unlucky, and is supposed to be followed by the death of the finder's -child. - -[7. Offences connected with the body.] The punishment in these -cases rested originally with the aggrieved party or his relatives, -who were allowed to exact summary vengeance. Thus a husband was at -liberty to kill an unfaithful wife and her paramour, but if he did -not take refuge in the chief's house, becoming a chemsen boi, the -families of the victims were also entitled to kill him whenever they -got an opportunity. Very shortly after our occupation of the Lushai -Hills, two lads deliberately cut down a man who, they were told, had -murdered their father many years before. The deed was done in broad -daylight, in the middle of the village, and apparently attracted -but little attention. The boys both entered the chief's house, and -I should never have heard of the occurrence had they not applied to -be released from service to the chief. - -To cut off the ears or nose of the paramour was a favourite way for a -husband to avenge himself, and he did not always wait to be sure that -there was anything to avenge. A man of Lianphunga's village passed -the night in Tlungbuta's village, and, having been very hospitably -treated by a friend, mistook the house of a very jealous husband for -that in which he was to sleep, and was promptly ejected and deprived -of his ears. Lianphunga, being a more powerful chief than Tlungbuta, -exacted ten mithan as compensation for the injury done to his man, -who, however, received absolutely nothing. The chief kept eight of -the animals and killed two to feast the village, but the unfortunate -victim was too ill even to share in the feast. - -Rape or sodomy were punished in the same way, but the latter, if -committed with the consent of the pathicus or with an animal, was -not considered a crime, and there is no doubt that the class of men -known as Tuai, who dressed as women and did women's work, indulged -habitually in this disgusting vice. Fortunately the class, never very -large, has almost died out, but I fear the vice is far from extinct. - -[8. Decisions of disputes.] The chief of each village, assisted -by his upa, was the one and only court of justice in the village, -and from their decisions there was no appeal, but nevertheless an -unsuccessful litigant found a way of getting his case reheard. If the -matter in dispute were of sufficient value to make half of it worth a -great chief's acceptance, the would-be appellant could generally find -some powerful chief who would accept him as a subject and take up his -quarrel on those terms. The custom of settling disputes by ordeal or -by oaths, which is so common among the Naga tribes, is almost unknown -to the Lushais. During the fourteen years I was among them I have -only twice heard a party to a case offer to accept the other's oath. - -In ordinary cases, a man wishing to be believed will take an oath -holding a tiger's tooth, saying, "If I lie, may a tiger eat me as I -now gnaw this tooth"--suiting the action to the word. - -An oath of friendship between chiefs is a serious matter. A mithan -is tied up to a post and the parties to the oath, grasping a spear -with their right hands, stab it behind the shoulder with sufficient -force to draw blood, repeating a formula to the effect that until the -rivers run backwards into the earth again they will be friends. The -animal is then killed and a little of the blood is smeared on the -feet and forehead of the oath takers. To make this oath more binding -they both eat a small piece of the liver raw. - - -[9. War and head-hunting.] The true Lushai method of making war -was to raid the enemy's villages and carry off as many captives and -as much loot as possible. In this they form a great contrast to the -Chins, whose plan of action was systematically to ambush the paths -in the enemy's country and kill as many passers-by as possible. The -Lushais consider this unsporting and say pathetically, "How can men -live if for fear of ambushes no cultivation can be carried on?" The -Chins were fully aware of the effectiveness of their method of warfare -and resorted to it whenever they wished to extend their boundaries, -piqueting the coveted piece of land so effectually that it was soon -abandoned to them. - -The essence of success in Lushai tactics was surprise, and no disgrace -attached to a party of warriors which, on finding the enemy on the -alert, quickly returned home without attempting any attack. - -The wars between the different Lushai clans lasted sometimes for -several years, but were not very energetically prosecuted. Thus in a -war between the Thangluah and Sailo chiefs which lasted from about -1833 to 1850, about six villages were destroyed on each side, but, -except on one occasion, but few lives were lost. The exception was the -massacre of Thaurang, a Sailo chief's village, which is still spoken -of with pride by the descendants of the perpetrators. The people of -Thaurang were celebrating a great feast, and in all the principal -houses in the village zu was being dispensed to all comers. There had -been no hostilities of late, and the guards gradually abandoned their -posts and joined the groups round the zu pots. With song and dance -the night passed merrily, and by two or three in the morning no one -was in a fit state to notice that a large number of strangers, whose -drunkenness was only assumed, had mingled with the crowd. Suddenly -a gun-shot gave the signal, and, drawing their dahs, the Thangluahs -fell on their enemies, who, too drunk to know friend from foe, were -slaughtered without mercy. Having burnt the village, the successful -warriors returned dragging with them many captives. The Sailo chiefs -tried to play the same trick on the Thangluah when some time later -the latter were celebrating their victory with a large feast, but -their intelligence department was inefficient and the attack was not -delivered till some days after the feast. - -At that time there were but few guns in the country, and so little -was the use of those they had understood that the wad on the top of -the bullet was often omitted, with the natural result that when the -time for firing came there was no ball in the gun, and hot were the -arguments as to the value of this new-fangled weapon. In those days -also they had not acquired the art of making stockades, which they -subsequently copied from the Chins, and consequently there was but -little chance of resistance if the surprise was successful, and the -shouts of the assailants were a signal for a general stampede on the -part of the whole population. The attack was always delivered just -before daylight, and, if successful, but little time was lost; as many -captives as could be caught were collected and loaded with as much -loot as they could carry without retarding the retreat, and the whole -party set off and seldom halted till they had travelled forty-eight -hours. As a rule only strong women and children who could keep up in -the retreat were taken, all other captives being killed on the spot, -and should any captive lag behind a spear thrust quickly ended her -career, and her head was taken on to form an ornament in the raiders' -village. Occasionally a few young men were carried off to be killed -during the festivities which were held in honour of the success of -the raid. If the raiders' chief had a son too young to accompany them, -a captive was frequently reserved for him to slaughter and thus prove -his bravery. - -Having put what they considered a safe distance between them and -any possible pursuers, the party proceeded more leisurely, sending -on messengers to announce their success, whose arrival set the -village in a ferment, and everyone commenced preparations for the -ensuing feast. As the brave warriors were seen in the distance the -whole population rushed out to meet them with horns of zu for their -refreshment, beating drums and gongs, and shouting praises of their -bravery. The following is an accurate translation of an account given -me by a Lushai of the proceedings which followed the return of a -successful raiding party:-- - -"Formerly the Lushais raided the Tipperahs and captured about ten -and dragged them back to their village, and killed them either in -the street or just in front of their houses. Presently they said, -'Let us dance.' They danced before the heads of the slain, and a crowd -collected and watched. The heads were placed on posts around the open -space in the village, and those who had killed men came out into the -space in the centre of the village with their guns and fighting dahs, -wearing their 'chhawn' head-dress, and the girls came with beautiful -plaits of red and black cotton thread and tied them round the knots -of the young men's hair. This is called 'arkezen.' Then the young -men danced beautifully. 'We are very magnificent,' they said. In the -middle of the open space a platform had been built of bamboos like -those in front of the house. On this everyone collected any number -of eggs, and those who had killed their enemies and those who had -felt no fear ate up the eggs as fast as possible. This is called -'malchawh.' Very tall 'thingsia' and 'phulrua' (kinds of bamboo) are -put up in front of each man's house and called 'ralngul,' and they -hang to the end of the phulrua, by a piece of cane called 'vawmhrui,' -a circle of pierced pieces of wood; these are called 'hrangkhual.'" - -In wars between Lushais it was considered wrong to kill chiefs. This, -of course, was due to the chiefs being all of the same family. - -When starting on a raid each man provided himself with cooked rice -for several days. This was rammed down very tightly into pieces of -bamboo, so that several days' food could be conveniently carried -without fear of any being lost on the road. Sections of bamboos were -also employed as water bottles, the bamboo being cut above one joint -and below the next and a small hole made just below the joint on one -side, which could be easily plugged with a roll of leaves; for sake -of lightness the bamboo would be whittled down as much as could be -safely done. These raiding parties travelled immense distances. About -1850, Vuta, whose village was then at Hweltu, suddenly appeared at -Pirovi's village on the Soldeng, and, taking the people entirely by -surprise, made many captives, among whom were the chieftainess and her -infant son. Many others were killed and much loot rewarded the daring -savages. The distance between the two villages is about seventy miles -in an air line and at least twice that by the jungle paths. Although -guns quickly became common in the Hills, the style of warfare did -not change. In the war between the Northern and Southern Chiefs, -which lasted from 1856 to 1859, each side only made three successful -raids, and the actual number killed in action appears to have been very -small. I once asked one of the chiefs who had been very prominent in -one of the later wars how many men he had killed with his own hand, -and, on my expressing surprise at his admitting that he killed none, -he naïvely remarked, "You see, we chiefs always go last, shouting -'Forward, forward!' and by the time I reached the village the people -had always run away." Though the Lushais were able to turn the Thados -and other clans of their own kindred out of their possessions, yet when -they came in contact with the Chins they were invariably defeated. In -1881 a large force of Southern Lushais raided Bunkhua, a Chin village -to the north of the Tao hill. They burnt the village without much -trouble, but the Chins refused to acknowledge this as a defeat and -kept up a hot fire on their assailants, killing one of their bravest -warriors. When the Lushais set out on their return journey they found -the whole country up, and in a gorge they were greeted with a volley -which laid forty of them low, and the remainder fled in all directions, -and, had it not been for heavy rain, which washed away the bloodstains -and made tracking difficult, but few would have reached their homes. - -Although when fighting among themselves the ambushing of cultivators -and travellers was disapproved of, they resorted to it freely when -fighting us, but our casualties were not very great, as the ambushers -were so anxious about their own safety they generally fired too -soon. These ambushes were always arranged below the road, where the -ground fell away very sharply, and, having fired, the brave fellows -hurled themselves down the hill, ignoring all cuts and scratches in -their anxiety to escape. - -Head-hunting.--It used to be considered that all inhabitants of these -Hills were head-hunters. In fact, so great an authority as Colonel -Lewin derives the name "Lushai" from "lu," "a head," and "sha," "to -cut." This, of course, is a mistake, as the name of the clan is not -Lushai, but Lushei, and though "sha" does mean "to cut," it does not -mean "to cut off," and could not be used of cutting off a man's head; -but that such a mistake should have been possible shows how firmly -rooted was the belief that head-hunting was one of the peculiarities -of the population of these Hills. I believe that as far as the Lushais -and their kindred clans are concerned, head-hunting was not indulged -in. By this I mean that parties did not go out simply to get heads. Of -course, a man who had killed his man was thought more highly of than -one who had not, and, therefore, when a man did kill a person he -brought the head home to show that he was speaking the truth; but -the raids were not made to get heads, but for loot and slaves. The -killing and taking of heads were merely incidents in the raid, not -the cause of it. I think that the Chins or Pois are an exception to -this, and, as far as I can gather, the glory of bringing in a head -was sufficient to send a young man and his friends off on the raid. - -I have also made careful enquiries in all parts of the Hills as to -whether there is any truth in the commonly accepted theory that on -the death of a chief a party was at once sent off to kill people in -order that their heads might adorn his memorial and their ghosts wait -on his spirit in the other world, but I never heard anything which -lent any colour to the idea, and, as regards Lushais, I believe it -to be a pure invention; but it was undoubtedly a Thado custom. If a -single person is killed in a raid every person in the attacking party -is entitled to all the honours pertaining to a slayer of a man. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -RELIGION - - -[1. General form of religious beliefs.] Practically all divisions -of the Lushai-Kuki family believe in a spirit called Pathian, who is -supposed to be the creator of everything and is a beneficent being, -but has, however, little concern with men. - -Far more important to the average man are the numerous "Huai" or -demons, who inhabit every stream, mountain, and forest, and to whom -every illness and misfortune is attributed. The "puithiam" (sorcerer) -is supposed to know what demon is causing the trouble and what form -of sacrifice will appease him, and a Lushai's whole life is spent in -propitiating these spirits. - -In addition to Pathian and the Huai there is a spirit known as -Khuavang, who is sometimes spoken of as identical with Pathian, but -is generally considered to be inferior to him, and more concerned with -human beings. Khuavang sometimes appears to people, and his appearance -is always followed by the illness of those who see him. A Lushai -will say, "My Khuavang is bad," if things are going wrong with him, -and he will also tell you that you are his Khuavang, meaning that his -fate rests with you. I have also been told that there are two spirits -called Mivengtu, watchers of men. One of these is a good spirit and -guards people; the other is a bad spirit who is always trying to sell -men to the Huai. Similarly each person is said to have two "thlarao," -or souls, one of which is wise, while the other is foolish, and it -is the struggles between these two that make men so unreliable. If -a man hits his foot against a stone, he attributes it to a temporary -victory of the foolish spirit. - -In addition to all these spirits, there is another. Each clan has a -special spirit presiding over its destinies. The spirit is known as -"Sakhua," and all sacrifices to him have to be performed by a puithiam -of the clan, and only members of the family can be present. - -The Lushais believe in a spirit world beyond the grave, which is -known as Mi-thi-khua--i.e., dead man's village--but on the far side -of Mi-thi-khua runs the Pial river, beyond which lies Pial-ral, an -abode of bliss. Access to this is not obtained by a life of virtue -while on earth, but the due performance of sacrifices and the killing -of men and certain animals and success in the courts of Venus. The -following account of the common belief was written for me by a -Lushai, who embellished his essay with a map. It will be noticed -that in the latter he has inserted the Kristian's (Christian's) -village and their heaven, the road to which is under Isua (Jesus), -while the roads to the Lushai's Mi-thi-khua are watched by Seitana -(Satan). This incorporation of the teaching of the missionaries -with the indigenous belief is not without interest, showing a broad -spirit of tolerance in the author, who, without abandoning the faith -of his forefathers, is ready to admit the truth of Christianity and -its suitability to those who profess it, and sees no difficulty in -providing in the unknown lands beyond the grave a special country -for each race, just as there is in the world he knows of. - - - -Translation of a Lushai's account of the World beyond the Grave - -"The first man is said to have been Pupawla; then he died before all -those born after him. Then Pupawla, this man who died first, shoots -at those who have died after him with a very big pellet bow, but at -some he cannot shoot. Hlamzuih (see below, para. 8) he cannot shoot -at. Thangchhuah he may not shoot at. Then he may not shoot at a young -man who has enjoyed three virgins, nor at one who has enjoyed seven -different women, even if they were not virgins; but women, whoever they -may be, he always shoots at. They say that there is a road between -the Mi-thi-khua and the Rih lake. [This lake is on the left bank of -Tyao river 1 1/2 miles from the place where the Aijal-Falam road -crosses the river.] To go there, they say, there are seven roads, -but Pupawla has built his house where the seven roads meet. Then -after Pupawla has shot them, there is a hill called Hringlang hill, -and then there is the Lunglo river [heartless, feelingless, which -removes feelings] the water of which is clear and transparent, and -the 'hawilopar' [look back no more flowers] flourish there. The dead -pluck hawilo flowers and place them behind their eyes and drink of -the Lunglo water, and have no more desire for the land of the living." - - - -The Thangchhuah, mentioned above, are those who have slain men and -certain animals and have given a series of feasts to the village, -which will be found described in para. 9 of this chapter. - -Those whom Pupawla hits with his pellet cannot cross the Pial river -and are doomed to stay in Mi-thi-khua, where life is troublesome and -difficult, everything being worse than in this world, the metna of -Mi-thi-khua being no larger than crabs. - -The proud title of Thangchhuah, which carries with it much honour -in this world as well as the right of admission to Pial-ral after -death, can only be obtained by killing a man and each of the -following animals--elephant, bear, sambhur, barking deer, wild -boar, wild mithan--and by giving the feasts enumerated below; but -it is well also to have killed a species of snake called "rulngan," -a bird called "vahluk" and a species of eagle called "mu-van-lai" -(hawk in the middle of the sky). A Lushai gave me the following -account of the journey of Thangchhuah to Pial-ral. - -"After death the dead man holds the horns of the sambhur while sitting -on its head, the rulngan will wind itself round him and the horns, -the mu-van-lai will try to seize the rulngan, but the Thangchhuah can -drive them off. That is why they always fly screaming so high in the -sky. The vahluk shade him by flying above him and also hide him from -Pupawla, and thus the Thangchhuah is carried to Pial-ral." - -In Pial-ral food and drink are to be obtained without labour, which -to the Lushai appears the height of bliss. - -The omission of the tiger from the list of animals which a Thangchhuah -must have killed is curious, and I cannot explain it as the Lushais -have no superstitious objection to killing tigers and the "Ai" of -a tiger is a very special function, as will be seen in para. 4 of -this chapter. - -This ceremony called "Ai" is always performed when a man or a wild -animal has been killed. It is supposed to give the performer's ghost -power over the ghosts of the man or animals killed. He is described as -going to Pial-ral leading the ghost of his enemy on a string like a -dog. Every member of a hunting party in which an elephant is killed -or of a raiding party in which a man is slain is entitled to say -that he has killed an elephant or a man. This simplifies admission to -Pial-ral, and now that the killing of men and elephants is prohibited -by an unsympathetic Government, it is popularly supposed that this -qualification will not be insisted on. - -Many people profess to have seen Mi-thi-khua in their dreams, but none -claim to have seen Pial-ral. Should a person dream of his parents -and in his dream accept rice from their hands he will die without -fail in a very short time. - -I have been told that the spirits of the dead sometimes are -reincarnated in the form of hornets and sometimes in the form of dew, -and if this falls on a person the spirit is reborn in his or her child. - -[2. Ancestor worship.] Though this can scarcely be said to be the -religion of the Lushais, yet they firmly believe that the spirits of -the dead are constantly present and need to be propitiated, and one -of the principal Thangchhuah feasts is in honour of the dead. This -is described in para. 9 of this chapter. - -At every feast or sacrifice a small portion of flesh, rice, and a -little zu is placed on a shelf under the eaves for the spirits of -the dead members of the family. This is called "rao-chhiak." - -A little of the first fruits of each crop is always placed on the -wall under the eaves, above the spot where the water tubes are -stacked, as an offering to the cultivator's parents. This is called -"Mi-thi-chhiah," but there is another more important Mi-thi-chhiah. It -is supposed that the spirits of the departed are very fond of coming -to watch the Kut festivities (see para. 9 of this chapter) and on -such occasions the spirit of a mother will enter her daughter's -body and the daughter then goes off into a trance. The Lusheis say, -"Mi-thi in a thluk" (The dead has taken her place). To cause the spirit -to depart and restore the girl to consciousness it is necessary to -perform the ceremony called Mi-thi-chhiah. Necklaces, earrings, cloths, -petticoats, rice, and zu are placed in a heap on the floor where the -corpse of the deceased was seated during the funeral feast. Then the -worst cloth and petticoat of the girl are burnt in the forge and she -forthwith returns to life. One reason given for the behaviour of the -spirit is that sufficient attention to the adornment of the corpse -at the funeral feast had not been paid. The spirit is supposed to be -able to brood over the slight put on its late tenement; hence the -collection of all sorts of cloths and ornaments on the spot where -the corpse had been seated. - -[3. Worship of natural forces and deities.] The Lushais do not -worship the sun or moon or any of the forces of nature, though when -wishing to emphasise a statement they frequently say, "If what I say is -not true, may the sun and moon desert me." But they believe the hills, -streams, and trees are inhabited by various demons. These are known as -"Huai," those inhabiting the water being called "Tui-huai," and those -residing on land being known as "Ram-huai." These spirits are uniformly -bad, and all the troubles and ills of life are attributed to them, and -the sacrifices described in the next part are supposed to appease them. - -The following account of the doings of one of these Huai was given -me by Suakhnuna, one of the most intelligent of the Lushei chiefs:-- - -"A Ram-huai named Chongpuithanga used to live near the ford over -the Sonai. He said he was the servant of the King of the Huai and -was always on the look out for men along the banks of the river. He -spoke through a girl called Ziki, who was often ill, and used to -go into trances. He demanded a pig and professed to have caused -the deaths of ten persons of the village." The following is another -story which the teller fully believed. "About six years ago Hminga, -of Lalbuta's village, was looking at a ngoi (fishing weir) and saw -some Ram-huai. These wore the chawndawl (headdress worn by slayers -of men), and round these were strings of babies' skulls. On his -return home he got very ill, and all his family kept on asking him -what was the matter, but when he was going to tell them the Ram-huai -would seize him by the throat so that he could not tell them. If he -managed to say a few words he got a pain in the head. He did not die, -but recovered." Again, "A woman of Lalbuta's village went out of her -house at night for purposes of nature. Her name was Mangami; she was -enceinte. The Huai of the Tuitlin precipice caught her, and forced -out the immature child and then carried her off down the rocks. The -young men of the village went to search for her and found her naked -in the jungle at the foot of the precipice, where the Ram-huai had -left her. She knew nothing about it. She recovered." - -The following story gives rather a different view of the Huai:--"A -man called Dailova, who may be alive now, did not know that it was -time for him to perform his Sakhua sacrifice. He and his son went down -to fetch 'dhan' from the jhum house, and slept there among the straw; -in the night the boy, feeling cold, went into the jhum house and slept -among the paddy, but Dailova covered himself up in the straw and kept -warm. Towards morning two Huais came along, one of whom was called -Lianthawnga, and the other, Ram-huai, called to him, 'Where are you -going to, Lianthawnga?' and he replied 'I am going to Lungzawl.' Then -Dailova, from under the straw, called out, 'Where are you going to, -Lianthawnga?' Then the Ram-huai came into the straw and wrestled with -Dailova. When they had finished wrestling it was daylight, so they -ate their rice and came home, and Ram-huai followed them and wrestled -with Dailova. Sometimes the Ram-huai appears as a tiger and sometimes -as a man. Dailova kept on saying, 'I will wrestle again with him,' -and at last he called out, 'I have conquered.' Then the Ram-huai -told him that his Sakhua sacrifice was overdue and he performed it -at once." In the last story the Ram-huai is represented in much the -same aspect as Khuavang has been described to me by others, one of -whom told me that once, returning from a drinking bout at the chief's -house, he had found a man of huge stature sitting by his hearth, -who after staring at him for a moment or two disappeared. Another, -who also had been at a feast, while on his way home saw huge men -with enormous heads passing through the jungle. In both these cases -the narrators assured me that they were perfectly sober; in fact, -one of them alleged as a reason for being sure that the figure which -he saw was Khuavang was that, in spite of having drunk a great deal, -he did not feel intoxicated. In each case the vision was followed by -a severe illness. - -There is a lake called "Dil," between the southern border of the -Lushai Hills and the Arracan hill tracts, which was credited with being -the abode of many savage Tui-huai. No hill man would go within sight -of the water, and when I first went there I had great difficulty in -getting men to accompany me. The story is that some foreigner visited -the place once and climbed into a tree overhanging the water, whence -he dropped his knife into the lake and sent one of his men down to -fetch it. The diver returned without the knife, but with tales of -wonderful beings beneath the water. The foreigner fired his gun into -the lake, whereupon numbers of Tui-huai emerged and chased the whole -party of intruders, catching and carrying off all except their leader, -who made good his escape. - -Every form of sickness is attributed to the influence of some Huai -or other, and all tales about Huais either begin or end, "There was -much sickness in our village." At the time of an epidemic there is -probably some hysterical girl, such as Ziki appears to have been, whose -mind has been imbued with tales of Huais, who works herself up into a -frenzy and believes herself possessed of a devil. This theory receives -confirmation from the facts recorded in the next chapter regarding -Khawhring. Not every Huai is known by name, and the sacrifices about -to be described are offered to all Huais of a particular class. - -Lashi.--Although the Lashi are not considered as demons or divinities, -yet this seems an appropriate place to deal with them. A Lushai -describes them thus:--"The Lashi folk are spirits which live in the -Lur and Tan precipices. Formerly a Lushai young man went shooting -alone. Beneath the Tan precipice a most beautiful Lashi maiden was -weaving, and on seeing her the youth became love-sick and could not -go away, so he stayed and courted her all day, till it began to grow -dark; then the Lashi maiden, wishing to go to her house, asked him to -roll up her weaving for her, but he would not. Then she said to him, -'What animal would you most like to shoot?' and on his saying an -elephant she at once caused him to kill one and he bore its head back -in triumph, while the Lashi maiden and her mother rolled up the cloth -and disappeared into the precipice." My informant assured me that had -the young man rolled up the weaving he would never have escaped. In -another tale a Lashi youth falls in love with the daughter of a man -called Lianlunga, to whom he appeared in a dream and offered to place -in his tobacco box the fur of many wild animals and to enable him to -shoot every animal the fur of which was in the box. In return for this -Lianlunga agreed to the match, and both he and his wife were given -the power of decoying wild animals. Lianlunga's wife would pinch her -pig's ear, and if it made no noise Lianlunga would go out shooting and -Chawntinleri, a younger sister of the Lashi son-in-law, would drive -all the animals past him, and he shot what he liked, for the Lashi -had tamed all the animals. Lianlunga, however, came to a tragic end -through trying to dispense with the services of the Lashi. He enticed -a wild metna under his house and then tried to spear it through the -floor, but only wounded it and the animal escaped. This offended the -Lashi, who "made the barb of an arrow come out of his heart so that -he died." The Lashi seem to be only concerned with wild animals, -over whom they are believed to have complete control. - -[4. Religious rites and ceremonies.] In this part I propose only -to deal with the various sacrifices which play so important a part -in a Lushai's existence, but the festivals described in para. 9 are, -to a certain extent, religious ceremonies, and are performed with the -idea of pleasing the gods. Suakhnuna explained to me, when giving the -description of the Thangchhuah feasts, that Pathian resided in the -sky and that these feasts were supposed to please him. Similarly, -the carrying about of the effigies of their ancestors in the -"mi-thi-rawp-lam" is supposed to be acceptable to the spirits of -the departed. In these feasts I think we may safely trace the rude -beginnings of the magnificent pageants performed by the Manipuris -and called by them "Lai-harauba"--i.e., "Pleasing the god." Before -describing the various sacrifices it is necessary to explain some of -the terms used. - -Hrilh closely approximates to the Naga "Genna." The meaning is that -those to whom it applies must do no work, except necessary household -tasks, and must not leave a prescribed area. The "hrilh" may apply to -the whole village or only to the household of the performer of the -sacrifice, and the area in which those under "hrilh" are allowed to -move about may be either their own house and garden, or the village -limits. - -Sherh.--This term is used to describe the portions of the animal -sacrificed, which are reserved for the god or Huai. These portions -vary slightly in different sacrifices, but, generally speaking, -they are the extremities and some of the internal organs, such as -the heart, liver, or entrails. In every case the extremities are -included. I believe the Khasis offer these to the "thlen." [2] I have -found the Manipuri iron-workers when about to work a new deposit, -also offer the hair from the end of the tail and from the fetlocks, -and a little blood drawn from the ear of the buffalo, to the local -god. Having become Hindus, they can no longer kill the animal as their -forefathers did, but still make this offering of the "sherh." "Sherh" -is also used in the sense of tabu. Thus a house in which a sacrifice -has been performed may be said to be "sherh," meaning that no one -outside the household may enter it. Portions of the animal killed are -kept for certain periods, during this time are "sherh," and cannot -be touched by outsiders. A woman is "sherh," for some days after her -confinement, and during that time must not go to the water supply. - -Thiang-lo is translated by the missionaries as "unlawful," but I think -"unlucky" more exactly represents the meaning, which is that a certain -act will be followed by some misfortune to the doer. [3] - -The sacrifices made by Lushais may be divided into eight classes. - - - 1. Sakhua.--A sacrifice to the guardian spirit of the clan or - family. - 2. Khal.--These are sacrifices to Huai supposed to frequent the - village and houses. - 3. Daibawl.--These are to propitiate the Huai in the jungle, - streams, and mountains. - 4. Various sacrifices in case of sickness. - 5. Sacrifices to cure barrenness in women. - 6. Nao-hri.--These sacrifices should be performed once in a - lifetime in a particular order. - 7. Sacrifices connected with hunting and killing animals. - 8. Sacrifices connected with jhuming. - - -[1. Sakhua.] From the chant given below a good idea is obtained of -what the word "Sakhua" means to the Lushais. - -Each clan has a special chant or invocation, and though in almost -every case the animal sacrificed is a big sow, yet the method and -place of the sacrifice and the disposal of the "sherh" vary in each -clan, and uniformity in this respect is looked on as proof positive -that two families belong to the same clan. - -Among the Lushei clans the sacrifice must be performed by a pui-thiam -of the clan, and the pig is killed outside the house, but is brought -in to be cooked and eaten. The legs and ribs have to be kept for -three days above the rafters, and during this time they are "sherh," -and if they are touched by anyone of another family, someone of the -household performing the sacrifice will suffer in some way, unless -another pig is quickly killed. The skull of the animal is hung on -the centre post inside the house. The sacrifice is generally made -about once in four years, unless the pui-thiam advises the performance -more frequently on account of sickness. The following is the chant or -invocation used by the pui-thiam at this sacrifice. Each invocation -begins and ends with a long drawn out note. The refrain "And accept, -&c.," is repeated after each line. - - - Ah--h. Arise from the village. Aw--w. - And accept our sacrifice. - Ah--h. Arise from the open spaces in the village. Aw--w, - And accept our sacrifice. - Ah--h. Arise from your dwelling places. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from the paths. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from the gathering mists. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from the yam plots. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from Bualchuam hill. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from Khawkawk hill. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from Buhmam hill. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from above the road. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from below the hill. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from Vahlit hill. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from Muchhip hill. Aw--w. - - -The spirits of three more hills are invoked. - - - Ah--h. Arise from the new village site. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from the shelf over the hearth. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from the village. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from the floor. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Arise from the earth. Aw--w. - Ah--h. Spirits prayed to by our ancestors, - Accept our sacrifice. - Bless Luta's spirit (the householder's name), - Bless us with sons, bless us with daughters, - Bless us while in bed, bless us round the hearth. - Make us to flourish like a sago palm, - Make us to flourish like a hai tree. - Bless us while the sun shines, - Bless us while the moon shines. - May those above bless us, may those below us bless us. - Guard us from our enemies, guard us from death. - Favour us with flesh. (May we have success in the chase.) - Favour us with the produce of the jungle. - For ten, for a hundred years bless us. - Bless us in killing man, bless us in shooting animals, - Bless us in cultivating our jhums, bless us in cultivating the beans. - Guard us in the presence of men, guard us in the presence of - animals. Bless us in our old age, - Bless us when our heads are bowed down. - Guard us from the spear, guard us from the dah. - Those whom our grandmothers worshipped guard us, - Those whom our grandfathers worshipped guard us. - Bless us in spite of the faults in this our chant, - Bless us in spite of the faults in this our worship." - - -Bualchuam hill is the hill in which the first men built their first -village, Buhmam the hill on which the first bird's nest was built by -a crow. The other hills mentioned give a clue to the village sites of -the first Lushei chiefs. The omission of a prayer to be preserved from -the danger of gunshots shows that the chant has remained unaltered -in spite of the gun having superseded the dah and the spear. - -[2. Khal.] There are many sorts of Khal. The following are some of -the most important. - -Vok-te-Khal.--A small pig killed near the head of the parents' sleeping -platform, flesh cooked inside the house, and the skull hung over the -sleeping place. The sherh consisting of the heart and liver and fat, -are kept for the night in a pot with salt and rice and then thrown -away. The day of the sacrifice and the night following are "hrilh" -for the household. - -Ar-Khal.--Similar to the Vok-te, but a red cock is killed, and instead -of the head, the long feathers from above the tail, called "fep" by -the Lushais, are strung on a cane and hung over the parents' sleeping -place. The sherh, consisting of the head, feet, heart and liver, -and wings, are placed in a small basket and thrown away in the morning. - -Kel-Khal.--A goat is killed in a place where the water tubes are kept; -its flesh is cooked inside the house. The sherh are hung on a cane -in the front verandah. The hrilh lasts three days, and during that -time no intercourse must be held with strangers, nor must any of the -household enter the forge. - -These three sacrifices should always be performed soon after marriage, -but poor persons postpone them till ill-health shows that the Huais -will wait no longer. Dreams are also the means of notifying when a -Khal should be performed. If a person dreams of a beautiful stranger of -the opposite sex who laughs constantly, then the Vok-te-Khal should be -performed, and if the dream is repeated often Ar-Khal must follow or -the dreamer will certainly get ill. Should a tiger bite the dreamer, -Kel-Khal is most urgently needed, and if not performed the dreamer -will certainly die. Persons who dream this dream are so frightened -that they will not leave their houses after dark, nor stir beyond -the village during the day, for fear of a tiger seizing them. - -Van-chung-Khal.--A white cock is killed on the hearth and the flesh -cooked inside the house. The sherh are placed in a winnowing basket -on the top shelf over the hearth with salt and a little rice taken -from the pot before anyone has eaten. The next morning it is thrown -away. Hrilh only for one night. - -Khal-chuang or Mei-awr-lo.--"Tail not worn"--because it is not -obligatory for the performer to wear the tail on a string round his -neck as is is done in Kel-Khal. - -A goat is killed as in Kel-Khal and the sherh are treated in the same -way, but the flesh must not be cooked till the next day, and it is -"thiang-lo" to eat "thei-hai" fruit. Though this sacrifice is so very -similar to the Kel-Khal, yet it is considered more efficacious. - -[3. Daibawl.] The commonest of these is "Tui-leh-ram" (water and -land). This sacrifice has to be performed at the outskirts of the -village. It is to appease the demons inhabiting the woods and the -streams. - -A cock and hen are killed. Three bamboos are brought; of these -"theibial" are made, which are pieces of bamboo about four inches long -stuck into the ground. A small basket called "maicham" is also made, -and some small square mats called "lengleh" made of a thin strip of -bamboo bent round and round itself and kept in position by lacings of -black and red threads. These are hung from small pieces of bamboo stuck -into the theibial. The fowls' throats are cut and the blood allowed to -flow on the maicham and theibial. Then three small stones are brought -from the nearest stream and a shallow hole is dug at the place of -sacrifice and lined with a wild plantain leaf. In this some water is -poured and the stones and the sherh are placed in the water. The fowls' -flesh may be cooked and eaten either on the spot or in the house. - -Bawl-pui.--This is a very important sacrifice, which is seldom -performed and only after all others have been tried. Two small clay -figures are made, one to represent a man and the other a woman. These -are called "ram-chawm." - -The female figure has a petticoat of "hnahtial" (a plant which has -tough leaves used for wrapping up food to be taken on a journey), -and is made to bite the pig's liver. - -The male figure is provided with a pipe and a necklace of the liver -of the pig which is sacrificed. A small bamboo platform is made, -and on it is put a clay model of a gong and other household utensils, -and sometimes of mithan. - -The pig's throat is cut and the blood allowed to flow over the -platform, &c. - -The pig's flesh is cooked on the spot. To take it into the house is -"thianglo." Many persons come and eat it with the puithiam. If the -patient does not die during the performance of the sacrifice or during -the subsequent feast he will undoubtedly recover. - -[4. Various sacrifices in case of sickness.] Kangpuizam.--This is a -very important and efficacious sacrifice, and can only be performed by -a certain wise man of the Khawtlang or Vuite clans. It costs Rs. 40/- -besides the cost of the animals killed and zu drunk. In front of the -house a sort of arbour is made of grass and boughs supported on four -sticks. All round this are hung little balls made of split cane rolled -up tight. This split cane is said to be much liked by the devils. All -round the house strands of cane are stretched, the ends being tied to -the arbour. The devils are supposed to be unable to pass these canes, -so that the sorcerer has no fear of the devils who are already inside -the house being assisted by recruits from the outside. Drinking of -zu and reciting of charms goes on during the day, and after dark the -sorcerer and his assistants get up on the roof of the sick man's house -and commence marching up and down reciting charms and ordering the -devils to leave the man, and offering them asylum in the bodies of a -goat, pig, and dog which they carry with them. After some shouting and -firing of a gun the party sit down on the roof over the front entrance -of the house, and the sorcerer commences a long incantation over each -of the animals in turn, beating them and stamping on them. Then some -of the party come down and the rest retire to the back of the house, -and each of the animals is brought in turn from the far end of the -house, being made to walk on its hind legs to the front, and then is -thrown down on to the entrance platform. Lastly a big bough is carried -from the back of the house along the roof and fixed in a hole through -the roof over the entrance. From this bough a cane is stretched to -the arbour. Then all the rest of the party come down, and after many -incantations and much shouting the animals are sacrificed and eaten -by the sorcerer and his assistants, the usual useless portions being -hung up in the arbour for the devils, who are supposed to have been -driven either into the animal or along the cane into the arbour. - -Ui-hring.--A full-grown dog or bitch is killed on the entrance platform -and its flesh is cooked in front of the house. Blood is put on the sick -man's wrist, inside his elbow joint, on his forehead, on his chest, at -the back of the knee and ankle. Sherh and head are hung up on a post. - -Hring-ai-tan.--Similar, but a different charm is muttered and the -heart is roasted and eaten. The house is "sherh" for one day, leaves -being hung in front of the door to warn outsiders. One day's hrilh -is observed. - -Khuavang-hring.--Puithiam decides what animal shall be killed, and -the sacrifice takes place on a platform before the house, the flesh -being cooked in the street. Sherh and head are hung on a post in a -small basket. - -Thlako (The Calling of the Spirit).--Sometimes a Lushai returning -from a shooting expedition experiences a sudden feeling of fear -near the water supply, and on reaching his house feels ill and out -of sorts. He then realises that he has lost one of his "thlarau," or -souls, in the jungle. So he calls in the puithiam and requests him to -call back the wanderer. The puithiam then hangs the head of a hoe on -to the shaft of a spear and goes down to the water spring chanting -a charm and calling on the spirit to return. As he goes the iron -hoe head jingles against the iron butt of the spear and the spirit -hears the noise and listens. The puithiam returns from the spring -to the house still chanting and calling, and the spirit follows him, -but should the puithiam laugh or look back the spirit is afraid and -flies back to the jungle. - -Epidemics.--The appearance of cholera, or any similar disease, is the -signal for the evacuation of the village. The sick are abandoned and -the people scatter, some families taking up their abode in the jhum -huts, others building huts in the jungle. The neighbouring villages -close their gates to all coming from the infected neighbourhood, and to -terrify the Huai, who is supposed to be responsible for the epidemic, -a gateway is built across the road leading to the stricken villages, -on the sides and arch of which rude figures of armed men made of -straw with wooden spears and dahs are placed. A dog is sacrificed -and the sherh are hung on the gateway. [4] - -[5. Sacrifices to remove barrenness in women.] Chhim.--This is -generally performed if a woman does not become enceinte in the first -year of married life. A white hen has to be caught just as it has -laid an egg, but as this is a somewhat difficult feat, and as the -demons, though malevolent, are supposed to be easily imposed upon, -a white hen is often caught and put into a nest basket with an egg -and fastened there till the puithiam arrives and says, "Oh, ho! so -your hen has laid an egg!" Then the hen is killed at the head of -the sleeping platform (khumpi), under which the sherh are placed in -a basket till sunrise next morning, when they are thrown away. The -flesh is cooked on the hearth and eaten. - -Nu-hrih.--A black fowl is killed and eaten as in the "Chhim" -sacrifice. The sherh are wrapped in a wild plantain before being placed -under the bed in a basket. They are thrown away in the morning. The -feathers are bound with the thread used for tying the woman's hair and -hung on the wall opposite the fireplace. Whether the couple cohabit -on this night or not is immaterial. - -[6. Nao-hri.] The following sacrifices are performed some time during -life, whenever a person is unwell. If a person keeps well they will -not be made. Rich people often go through the whole course for their -children as a precautionary measure. The sacrifices are done in the -following order:-- - - - 1. Hmar-phir.--Cock and hen killed on entrance ladder. - 2. Hmarchung.--Cock killed on entrance ladder. - 3. Hmarkhat.--Hen killed on entrance ladder. - 4. Vawk-te-luilam.--Small pig killed outside house. - 5. Ui-te-luilam.--Puppy killed outside house. - 6. Zinhnawn.--Puppy killed outside house. - 7. Zin-thiang.--Puppy killed outside house. - 8. Ui-ha-awr.--Dog killed in front of platform, tooth worn round - neck. - - -[7. Sacrifices connected with hunting and killing animals.] -Kongpui Shiam (Making a Big Road).--This ceremony is supposed to -make successful hunting probable; it also foretells the result. It -is performed before a large hunting party starts and also annually -about April. - - - -Translation of Lushai Account. - -"As soon as it gets dusk two men and the puithiam go a short way -down the road which leads out of the village southwards taking a -small pig with them, and there they make a fire, and kill the pig -and cook its flesh. They drink some zu which they have brought with -them in a gourd and also eat the flesh of the pig. Presently they say -no one is to come this way, and the puithiam sweeps a place in the -middle of the road and places some of the ashes from the fire there, -and sings this magic chant:-- - -"'Animals come, animals of the Ri lake come, animals of the Champhai -come, animals from the village come, animals of Ai-zawl come, you -with the white tusks, you with the standing manes (bears), you with -the branching horns come.' - -"Then, picking up some small stones and putting them in their -haversacks, they return. As they are about to enter the chief's house, -they say, 'We are bringing men's and animals' heads.' The upas who are -collected in the chief's house ask, 'Are you friends or enemies?' 'We -are friends,' they reply. Then they open the door and put the stones -which they have brought into a basket, and as they enter they are -given zu." - -The next day is "hrilh" for the whole village. In the morning, early, -they go to look at the ashes, and are supposed to be able to see -the likeness to footmarks in them, and thus to what animals will be -killed in the chase. If a man's foot marks are seen, it is unfortunate, -and a man will be killed. - -Ai.--In order that a person after death may gain possession of -the spirits of the men or wild animals he has killed here below, -it is necessary for him to sacrifice a mithan, goat, or pig. This -is called "Ai." After this feast, before the skull can be placed in -the front verandah, a religious ceremony has to be performed by the -puithiam. This is called "Sa-lu-an-chhuang"--i.e., "Hoist the head of -the wild animal." A small white fowl is given to him and the skull of -the animal is placed in front of him. He then takes some zu in his -mouth and spits it out over the skull, and, after muttering a charm -in so low a tone that no one can hear him, he strikes the skull with -the head of the chicken. If some of the feathers stick on the skull -it is very lucky. After this the skull can be put up. As is stated -further on, the Lushais believe that the spirit of a dead man cannot -pass to Mi-thi-khua unless some animals are killed. These have to be -provided by the heir, and no greater objection can be urged against a -claim to inherit than a failure to provide the funeral sacrifice. This -explains the reason of the Ai ceremony; the performer thereby enables -the spirit of the dead animal to pass to Mi-thi-khua and in return -acquires power over it. No Ai has to be performed for tame animals, -presumably because they are the property of the slayer already. The -word "Ai" has many meanings--among them are "to fascinate," "to obtain -power over"; and there is also a plant of that name, which in one of -the folk tales is said to have the magical property of driving away -any evil spirit at which it is pointed. - -The Ai of a man requires the sacrifice of a mithan and a small pig. If -an enemy is killed and no Ai performed the slayer is very likely to -go mad. - -If you perform the Ai you can take your enemy with you (as a slave) -when you die; if you do not perform the Ai you cannot do so, and the -spirit of your deceased enemy will haunt you in this life. - - - -Translation of a Lushai Account of the Sakei-Ai. - -"When Bengkhawia's village was at Thenzawl, a tiger beset the -village and in one day killed a mithan and two goats. The crier -called on the people to surround it, and they did so. Thangbawnga -shot it and performed the Ai ceremony; the night before he must -not sleep. A young man cut its tail off; he also must keep awake -all night. The next day he performed the Ai ceremony, sacrificing a -mithan. Thangbawnga, who was performing the Ai, dressed himself up as -a woman, smoked a woman's pipe, wore a woman's petticoat and cloth, -carried a small basket, spun a cotton spindle, wore ivory earrings, -let his hair down, and wrapped a mottled cloth, which was said to be -of an ancient pattern, round his head as a turban. A crowd watched -him and yelled with laughter, but it would have been 'thianglo' for -him to laugh. Presently he took off his turban and carried it in the -basket. Then he took off his woman's disguise and dressed himself -as a man, and strapped on a fighting dah and carried a gun. He also -took 'sailungvar' (white flints) and put them into the tiger's mouth -while he ate eggs. 'You eat the sailungvar,' he said; 'who will -swallow them the quicker?' 'I have out-swallowed you, you have not -swallowed yours; I have swallowed mine. You go by the lower road; -I will go by the upper. You will be like the lower southern hills; -I shall be like the high northern ones. You are the brave man of the -south; I am the brave man of the north,' he said, and cut the tiger's -head three times with his dao. Then the men buried the body of the -tiger outside the village." If the tiger has killed men, his eyes are -gouged out with skewers or needles and thrown away; it is "thianglo" -for the performer to laugh, so he holds a porcupine in his arms, and -if he laughs by accident they say, "The porcupine laughed." The idea -of the performer disguising himself as a woman is that the spirit -of the dead tiger may be humbled, thinking that it has been shot by -a woman; and the giving of the flints while the performer eats eggs -is to show the power of the performer over the the tiger, as he eats -the eggs easily, while the tiger is unable to chew the flints. - -Haohuk Ai.--The Ai of a "haohuk," or gibbon, means a feast given to -all who care to attend. Twenty pots of zu are required, but they -are of a small size. A pig has to be killed and eaten. This Ai is -especially necessary because of the superstition connected with the -killing of these animals, which will be found in Chapter V. - -[8. Sacrifices connected with jhuming.] Lohman.--When the jhum -house has been completed, the sacrifice has to be performed by the -owner of the jhum. The puithiam has to be called and two fowls killed -by him. A small hole is dug in the ground under the house and lined -with plantain leaves and then filled with water, and three small -stones are dropped in. The puithiam cuts the throats of the fowls, -allowing the blood to fall into the hole. The sherh are then cut off -and hung under the house, and the rest of the flesh is cooked and -eaten in the jungle. The next day is hrilh. The first day after this -on which they work, some rice and vegetables are placed on the top of -one of the posts of the house platform as an offering to the Ram-huai. - -Fanodawi.--The chief prepares zu in his house. Puithiam and two upas -go just outside the village on the road to the jhum and sacrifice a -cock, and its wings are hung on either side of the road and the sherh -are placed in the middle of the road. Next day is hrilh; no one goes -out of the village except to carry water. This is to make grain fill -in the ear, and is performed in July. - -[5. Priesthood.] There is no regular priesthood; the nearest approach -to priests are the puithiam (great knowers). These men pretend to -be able, by feeling a sick man's pulse, to tell which sacrifice -is needed. The only training necessary is to commit to memory the -various "hla," or charms, which have to be muttered while performing -the sacrifices. Any man who thinks he has a call can acquire these -from a puithiam on payment of a fee of a few rupees. His success in -his calling appears largely to depend on luck. - -There is generally one puithiam appointed by the chief, but there is -no limit to the number there may be in a village. As has been said, -the important Sakhua sacrifice requires the presence of a puithiam of -the clan concerned, but other sacrifices can be performed by a puithiam -of any clan. The services of a puithiam are not given gratis. For -performing those connected with cultivation he receives a basket of -rice; for other sacrifices he receives sums varying from a rupee up -to ten rupees, but for some it is not customary to take payment, and -the fees depend chiefly on the position of the person who has to pay -them, as the puithiam, on the principle that half a loaf is better -than no bread, will generally perform a sacrifice and take what he -can get rather than get nothing. For the more important sacrifices, -the fees, however, are always higher. - -[6. Ceremonies connected with child birth.] The particular sacrifices -to be performed in connection with a child's birth vary considerably -in different clans and families. Within seven days of the birth, -the sacrifice known as the "Arte-luilam," consisting of a cock and -a hen killed just outside the house, must be made; till this is done -the woman cannot go to the spring and is "sherh," and had better not -leave the house. - -Should the woman not observe the custom the child will suffer in -health. Three days after the birth of a child a small chicken and -seven small packets of rice and vegetables are suspended under -the edge of the front verandah. This is called "arte-hring-ban" -or "khaw-hring-tir." The object is to satisfy the "khawhring" (see -Chapter V, para 5) and prevent it entering the child. - -If a woman has difficulty in bringing forth, a fowl is killed and -divided equally. The portion with the head is put at the upper -end of the village with seven pieces of cane rolled into bundles, -the other half at the lower end of the village with five rolls of -cane, and the woman is given a little water to drink. This is called -"arte-pum-phelna"--i.e., "to open the stomach with a fowl." - -For seven days after a child's birth its spirit is supposed not to be -quite at home in the little body and to spend some of its time perched -like a bird on the parents' bodies and clothes, and therefore, for -fear of injuring it, the parents keep as quiet as possible for these -seven days. If either of the parents works during these seven days -and a red rash appears on the child, the illness is called "borh," -and the cure, which is called "borh keo," is as follows:--A certain -creeper called "vomhrui" is brought and coiled round and round, -forming a sort of cylinder, and into this the child is dipped three -times. This is done at night after the fire is out, and no fire can -be lit again till morning. - -Two days after the birth of a child its parents give a big drink to -their friends and relatives--this is called "nau"--and seven days -later another big feast is given. Some families give the name at the -first feast, some at the second. The proper custom is for the "pu" -to name the child, but nowadays parents generally do this. - -Should several children have died young, the parents will carry the -next baby and deposit it in a friend's house, and then come and ask, -"Have you a slave to sell," and purchase it for a small sum. This -is supposed to deceive the Huais. Such children's names always begin -with Suak, [5] and, judging from the frequency with which such names -are met, the custom must be a very common one. - -It is thought good to appoint a "pu." The pu kills a pig and a fowl -and eats it with his friends. Some of the "fep" of the fowl are -tied round the child's neck. The pu is a general protector, and he -only can get the "pushum" of a girl. He also receives the "lukawng" -(see Part 8). Should a woman die in childbirth, it was considered -unlucky for another woman to rear the child, which was buried alive -with its mother. - -There are no ceremonies connected with attaining the age of puberty. A -boy simply joins the young men in the zawlbuk. After this it is -considered unlucky to cut the hair. - -[7. Marriage ceremonies.] A young Lushai as a rule chooses his own -bride, but the arrangements are made by the parents. The would-be -bridegroom's parents select two male friends, called "palai," who -go to the parents of the selected girl and arrange matters. If the -parents are agreeable the palai go on another day with zu, and the -girl's parents brew zu. The price to be paid is fixed by custom, as -before explained, but the amount to be paid down has to be settled -by negotiation, and this is often a long business, the palai urging -the poverty of the bridegroom's family, while the bride's parents -try to fix the sum as high as possible. When this difficulty has -been overcome the palai go again with zu, and the girl's parents -also provide zu. On that day the girl is escorted by her friends -to the house of the bridegroom's parents. This is called "Loi." As -they pass through the village all the children pelt them with dirt, -but on arrival they are welcomed with brimming cups of zu, and the -bridegroom says to the bride, "Oh! your cloth is dirty," and gives -her a new one. After some time the bridegroom produces a fowl, and -this is killed by the puithiam, who says certain charms while doing -so. This fowl is called "rem ar"--i.e., "the fowl of agreement"--and -directly it is killed the bride and bridegroom pledge each other in -zu. Then the bride and her young friends retire, while the rest of -the party remain and have a great feast, consuming the "rem ar," -and also the fowls and zu, which the bridegroom receives from the -bride's aunt, pu, thian, and palal. The next day towards evening, -the bridegroom's mother or other elderly female relative goes to the -bride's house accompanied by two or three young girls, and they escort -the bride to her husband's house and hand her over to him. The young -companions of the bridegroom sometimes amuse themselves by collecting a -number of fowls under the house, tying she-goats up in the verandah, -while the kids are tied at the far end of the village, and throw -stones at the house throughout the night, so that the happy couple -get but little sleep. This is called "Inngaithlak." On the following -morning the bride returns to her mother's house, and for some time, -occasionally for several weeks, the bride will spend her days at her -mother's house, only going to her husband's after dark. - -[8. Funerals.] Different clans have different methods of disposing of -their dead. The following is the custom of all true Lusheis, whenever -the means of the deceased's family are sufficient to meet the expenses. - -Directly after death the corpse is washed, the hair dressed carefully, -and then the body is attached to a bamboo frame, placed in a sitting -position, and adorned with fine raiment, necklaces, &c.; if the -deceased was a man his gun, dao, &c., are put near him. In Lushei -families the corpse is put on the floor at the head of the kumpui. In -other clans it is placed against the wall on one side. If the family -be rich a mithan, a pig, a dog, and a goat are killed, but at least -one of these must be killed. The flesh is then cooked in anticipation -of the arrival of the friends and neighbours who are invited to a -funeral feast, "Ral," which is kept up with singing and drinking till -the evening of the next day. Food and drink are offered at intervals to -the corpse. The spirits of the animals killed are supposed to accompany -the soul of the deceased to Mi-thi-khua. If these animals are not -killed the soul of the deceased will either not reach Mi-thi-khua, -or if it does will be very poorly off there. So far there is not much -difference between the Lushei custom and that of other clans. The other -clans, on the evening of the day after the death, bury the deceased -outside the house, without any particular ceremony. The nearest male -relative makes a short farewell speech wishing the deceased a pleasant -journey and asking him to prepare things for those who have to follow -him. With a man are buried his pipe, haversack, and flint and steel; -with a woman only the two first. As regards the burying of food and -drink and weapons the custom varies, but it is generally done. - -The Lusheis, however, prefer not to bury their dead. The body is placed -in a box made by hollowing out a log, a slab of wood is placed over -the opening, and the joint plastered up with mud. This rough sort of -coffin is placed in the deceased's house near to the wall. A bamboo -tube is passed up through the floor and through a hole in the bottom -of the coffin and into the stomach of the corpse. The other end is -buried in the ground. A special hearth is made close to the coffin -and a fire is kept burning day and night on this for three months, -and during the whole of this time the widow of the deceased, if he -leaves one, must sit alongside the coffin, over which are hung any -valuables owned by the deceased. About six weeks after placing the -corpse in the coffin, the latter is opened to see if the destruction -of the corpse is proceeding properly, and if necessary the coffin is -turned round so as to present the other side to the fire. The opening -of the coffin is celebrated by the killing of a pig and the usual -drink, and is known either as "en-lawk" or looking, examining. - -When it is thought that everything but the bones has been destroyed, -the coffin is opened and the bones removed. The skull and the larger -bones are removed and kept in a basket, which is placed on a special -shelf opposite the hearth. The remainder of the bones are collected -and buried generally in an earthenware pot. - -On the occasion of the final opening of the coffin--"khuang pai," -"throwing away coffin"--it is customary for chiefs to kill a mithan; -lesser people are content with the usual drink. Few Lusheis, except -chiefs, can afford the expense incurred in this method of disposing -of their dead, and in such cases the body is simply buried. It is -customary for relations and friends of the deceased to send animals -to be killed in his honour, and the spirits of these are supposed to -belong to the spirit of the deceased in the Mi-thi-khua. - -The skulls of all animals killed on such occasions are placed on poles -round the grave if the body has been buried. If the body has not been -buried, the heads will be placed on poles round the "lung dawh," -or platform erected in memory of the deceased. These "lung dawh," -in most cases, are merely a rough platform of logs placed beside the -road just outside the village, but in the case of chiefs and of men -who have killed men in war, the platform is built of stones. A big -upright stone is placed in the centre, and on this various figures are -roughly outlined, representing the deceased and sometimes his wife and -children and the various animals he has killed. An indiarubber-tree -is very often planted by a chief's grave. Sometimes a person who -either has no near relatives, or who mistrusts those he or she has, -will get the young men of the village to build the lung dawh during -his or her lifetime. - -An aged couple with no relatives expended all they had on a feast to -the young men who brought and set up a big stone. The old people were -carried in sitting on the stone and cheerfully superintended the feast, -and a month later peacefully departed this life. [6] - -Hlamzuih.--If the first child in a family dies shortly after birth, -it is buried without any ceremony under the house, and it is called -"hlamzuih" (hlam = after birth, zuih = to follow). Should other -children subsequently die, however young they be, they will be honoured -with a complete funeral. It will be remembered that the hlamzuih are -exempt from being shot by Pupawla. (See above, page 62). - -Lukawng.--On a person's death a sum, varying from Rs. 2/- to Rs. 20/- -according to family custom, has to be paid by his heir to the pu of -the deceased (see para. 6). A chief generally claims the "lukawng" -of all his boi. - -Sar-thi.--Deaths from accidents, in childbirth, or those caused by -wild animals, or in war are termed "sar-thi," and the corpse must not -be buried within the village; in some cases the corpse must not even -be brought into the village, if the death occurred outside. Even if -the corpse is brought into the village, it is often not allowed into -a house, but deposited in the forge. In such cases no lukawng can -be demanded. Should the injured person survive for any considerable -time, the death will not be called sar-thi unless the person has -been wounded by a tiger. The fact that tigers eat men is given as the -reason for this. The graves of persons killed by tigers are watched -by the young men of the village for several nights, lest the tigers, -or their elder brothers the wild cats, should come and dig up the body. - -In-thian, Thi-thin.--Three months after a death a small chicken is -killed and placed with some rice on the shelf which runs along the -wall. The family indulge in zu. This is apparently a sort of farewell -to the soul. - -[9. Festivals.] There are three feasts connected with the crops. They -are all known as "Kut." The first is called "Chap-char-kut"; it is the -most important of the three, and is held after the jhums are burnt, -about the time of sowing, and is never omitted. It lasts three or -four days. On the first day a pig is killed by each householder who -can afford it and zu is drunk. On the second day, about 4 p.m., the -whole population gathers in the open space in the village, dressed -in its best. Everyone brings platters of rice, eggs, and flesh, and -tries to force the food down the throats of their friends. After dark -the young men and girls collect in houses of well-to-do people with -several daughters and dance "Chai" till daylight. - -The Chai consists in all the young men sitting with their backs to -the walls, each with a girl sitting between his knees with her back to -him. Individual performers dance in the middle, the remainder singing -and clapping hands. On the third day the young men and girls collect in -the centre of the village and form a circle, every girl being between -two youths, whose arms cross over her neck, holding in their hands -cloths which hang down behind like a curtain. Inside the circle is -a drummer or gong-beater, who chants continuously, the young people -taking up the refrain, and treading a slow measure in time with the -song, while cups of zu are brought to them in rotation. Fourth day, -"Zuting-ni." The performance is repeated again if the liquor holds out. - -In villages where there are many Ralte, [7] they kill their pigs the -next day after the Lusheis and the other ceremonies are postponed -one day. - -Mim-kut.--Named after the maize, as it takes place when the crop -ripens. It is of but little importance and seems likely to die -out. Cakes of Job's tears are eaten and the next day is "hrilh." - -Pawl-kut.--Held at harvest time. Fowls are killed and children, -dressed in their finest clothes, are fed with the flesh mixed with -rice and eggs. The next day is "hrilh." - -The correct performance of the Chap-char-kut is thought to go far -towards insuring a good crop for the year. - -Thang-chhuah Feasts.--The feasts which an aspirant for the honours -of Thang-chhuah must give are five in number and have to be given in -the order named, as they involve considerable expenditure, but not -within any specified time. - -1. Chong.--The feast lasts four days, the first of which is called -"In-chhia-shem-ni," (day for repairing the house). The floor in -the house is strengthened to make it safe for the large number of -guests. The labourers receive a liberal allowance of zu in payment for -their trouble. The second day is called "Zu-pui-ni," from the large -amount of zu that is drunk. The next day--"Rawi-ni"--two boars and a -sow are killed and there is a great feast. The last day is known as -"Chang-do-ni," and on it the remains of the feast are finished up. - -2. She-doi.--The feast only lasts three days. The first day is -"In-chhia-shem-ni," the second is known as "She-shun-ni" (mithan -slaughter day), and a mithan is killed and eaten. The third day, -known as "Sa-ru-che-u-ni," is similar to Chong-do-ni. - -3. Mi-thi-rawp-lam.--Three months before the day fixed for the feast -all the young men and girls of the village start cutting firewood, for -cooking the flesh of the animal to be killed. A cane is stretched along -from tree to tree beside one of the main approaches to the village -for some 500 yards, and against this on alternate sides are rested -the billets so that they may be thoroughly dry by the time they are -needed. As a reward the young people receive a he-goat and a sow, which -they consume with much merry-making, the skulls being placed on posts -at each end of the line of billets. This collection of wood is called -"sa-thing-zar" (flesh-wood-hangout). The actual feast lasts four days, -which are known by the same names as in the "Chong" and are spent in -much the same way, but on the Rawi-ni, besides the slaying and eating -of mithan, effigies, supposed to represent their deceased relatives, -are made and attired in the finest cloths and adorned with the best -necklaces. These are strapped on a square bamboo framework, in the -centre of which on a tall pole is an effigy supposed to represent the -progenitor of the clan. The oldest living member of the clan then -comes slowly from his house, bringing with him a gourd of zu, and -gives each effigy in turn a little zu, muttering a charm as he does -so; he arranges his tour so as to reach his own father's effigy last, -and when he has muttered his charm and given it the zu he dashes the -gourd down on the ground and, bursting into tears, rushes into his -house, whence he must not emerge for a month. The effigies are then -carried about the village with much shouting. - -This carrying about of their effigies is supposed to be very pleasing -to the spirits of the ancestors, and it is evident that the people -consider that these spirits are able to influence them for good or for -bad, though I have never had this view of the matter clearly explained -to me. This carrying about of persons on a platform is considered -an honour, and an instance of it will be found in the description -of the Fa-nai. It also appears among the Aimol and Tikhup. Among -the Manipuris or Meitheis the right to be carried in a "dolai," or -litter, is much valued and is the prerogative of certain officials, -but is sometimes granted by the Rajah as a personal distinction. The -last day of the feast resembles the same day in the Chong. - -4. She-doi as before. - -5. Khuang-choi.--This is the greatest feast. Wood is collected three -months before, as in the Mi-thi-rawp-lam, but the collectors get a -mithan and a goat as their reward. The feast lasts four days, the -names being the same as in the Chong. On the Rawi-ni at least three -mithan must be killed. The Khuang-choi really completes the series, -and the giver can now proudly wear the Thang-chhuah cloth and have -a window in his side wall, but it is considered unlucky to stop, -and after some time the She-doi is performed again under the name -of "Tlip," followed in the course of a year or so by "Zankhuan," -a four days' feast similar to the Chong, but one or two mithan are -killed. If the fortunate man's life is prolonged he will continue -repeating these two feasts alternately. A man who has twice celebrated -a Khuang-choi is allowed to build a raised summer house called "zao" -a short distance in front of his living house. - -After slaying a mithan in any of these feasts the giver of the feast is -subject to various restrictions. Till he has performed the "In-thian" -ceremony, he may not leave the house nor talk to anyone from another -village. In some cases his movements are not so closely restricted, -but he must in no case cross running water. I am told that should -he infringe these rules his Sakhua would be offended and he or his -family would get ill. The "In-thian" ceremony is performed some forty -or fifty days after the killing of the mithan, and consists in the -sacrificing of a cock. The prohibition of conversing with strangers -is generally enforced only for three or four days, but on no account -must they be allowed inside the house. - -The skulls of mithan killed on these occasions are placed on posts -to one side of the entrance to the house of the giver of the feast, -and it is the highest ambition of the Lushai to have a long line of -such posts in front of his house. Each post is cut out of a tree of -considerable size, which is dressed until the lower 7 or 8 feet are -only some 8 or 9 inches thick. Above this the tree is roughly cut into -a plank some 8 or 9 inches thick, forming an irregular quadrilateral, -the lower side being a foot or so long and the upper from 2 to 3 feet, -while one side may be 18 inches and the other 2 feet or a little more; -at each of the upper corners there is a perpendicular projection some -12 inches long terminating in a spike, a short distance below which -a ring of wood is left. The skull is placed on the higher spike, -while on the lower an egg is affixed by a thin peg of fir wood. This -use of fir may be a survival of the time when the clan lived east of -the Tyao, where fir forests are still found. - -Posts are erected on similar occasions by many of the Kuki-Lushai -clans. Among the Khawtlang the quadrilateral portion is only two or -three feet from the ground, while the projections are far longer. Among -the Vuite the custom is to put a thin straight post slightly carved on -one side of the house and to plant a number of branches in a clump on -the other. The Tangkhul Nagas, to commemorate the slaying of cattle, -plant lines of dead trees in front of their houses. - -The method of killing the mithan at these feasts is strictly laid -down. After the puithiam has said a prayer, the giver of the feast -stabs the animal behind the shoulder in the region of the heart, but -only sufficient to draw blood. The poor beast is then despatched by -other men with sharp bamboos or clubs; it must on no account be shot. - -Buh-ai.--This is a feast given by a wealthy person who has had an -exceptionally good harvest. It is not one of the feasts which a -would-be Thangchhuah has to give, nor is there any idea of obtaining -advantage in the next world, as there is in the Ai ceremonies performed -after the killing of animals or men, but it is a thank-offering for -a good harvest. It is not worth performing Ai for a crop of less than -100 baskets. An old red cock and a pig are killed and much zu prepared. - -There is a special pot of zu prepared on the platform in front of -the house of which no one who has not performed the Buh-ai can drink, -for others to drink of it is "thianglo." The person who gave the last -Buh-ai feast is entitled to the first drink at this zu, which is called -the "Buhza-zu" (the 100 baskets of rice zu). There is ordinary zu for -the others to drink, and if it is not all finished the first day the -guests return on the morrow. - -The flesh of the animals killed is eaten by the guests. At night the -girls and lads dance the Chai, as in the Chap-char-kut. To give such -a feast reflects great glory on the giver and improves his standing -in the village. - -The Buh-ai is celebrated by nearly all the Lushai-Kuki clans and in -some replaces the Thangchhuah feasts. Full particulars will be found -in Part II. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER V - -FOLK-LORE - - -[1. Legends.] There are many tales common to all the Kuki-Lushai -clans, though the names under which the various personages figure in -them are not always the same. A numerous class of legends deals with -the creation of the world and the first appearance of mankind thereon -and other natural phenomena; another class accounts for the names of -hills and rivers; a third class reminds one of Uncle Remus's tales of -the doings of Brer Rabbit; but there are also a great many which are -simply tales and which are generally a trifle obscene. The following -are instances of the first class:-- - -Chhura is said to have shaped the world, beating it out flat with his -mallet. There are many tales connected with Chhura some of which will -be found further on. The following translation gives a Lushai's idea -of an eclipse of the sun or moon:-- - -"Formerly the Hauhul chief swallowed the moon, having been changed -during his dream into an awk, and many people were watching and said, -'The awk is swallowing the moon.' Then he awoke and his mouth was -bleeding. A year later he died and his ghost was turned into an awk and -went up into the sky, and the moon was full and big, and the ghost, -which had been changed into an awk, could not swallow the moon, but -the next day the moon was smaller and he swallowed it. Thus men knew -for the first time that there was an awk." - -When an eclipse occurs there is much excitement and beating of drums, -&c. This is to frighten the awk, for the Lushais believe that once -the awk swallowed the sun so effectually that general darkness -prevailed. This awful time is called "Thimzing"--i.e., the gathering -of the darkness--and many awful things happened. Everything except the -skulls of animals killed in the chase became alive, dry wood revived, -even stones became alive and produced leaves, and so men had nothing -to burn. The successful hunters who had accumulated large stocks of the -trophies of their skill were able to keep alive using them as fuel, and -some of their descendants still survive among the Thados, under which -heading they will be found in Part II. As it was pitch dark, neither -animals nor men could see at all, and tigers went about biting wildly -at trees, stones, and people. A general transformation took place, -men being all changed into animals. Those who were going merrily to the -jhum were changed into "satbhai" (laughing thrushes), as can be known -by their white heads, which represent the turbans worn by the men, and -their cheery chatterings. People wearing striped cloths became tigers, -the chiefs of those days being represented by the hornbills of to-day, -whose bills represent the bamboo rods for stirring rice while cooking; -but another version is that the chiefs became king-crows, whose long -tail-feathers the chiefs value much and wear as plumes. The black -hands of the gibbon prove clearly that his ancestors were dyeing thread -when the Thimzing occurred. Another version ascribes the same origin -to the crows. Similarly those who were carrying torches finding their -way down stream beds were changed into fireflies. The Chongthu family -are sometimes said to have been turned into monkeys, the Vangchhia -into elephants; but another version says the elephants were old women -who were wearing their "puanpui"--i.e., cotton quilts--with the tufts -of cotton outside. Wrestlers were suddenly transformed into bears, -who to this day grapple with their foes. - -The Paihte or Vuite clan became a species of squirrel, while the -Ralte's ancestor was just saying, "Vaibel kan chep te ang nge?" "Shall -we suck our pipes?" and was therefore changed into a sort of squirrel -called "chepchepa," from the sound it is always making. - -The domestic animals were changed into wild ones, but a number of -large boulders in the Van-laiphai are said to represent Chhura's -mithan which were grazing there at the Thimzing. After this terrible -catastrophe the world was again repeopled by men and women issuing -from a hole in the earth called the "Chhinglung," which appeared to -me to be a disused "cache" in which some long forgotten chief used -to hide his valuables on the approach of danger. Mithan reappeared -from gourd seeds, as is shown by their bellow "um mu"--i.e., gourd -seed. Pigs issued from the Rih-lake, wherefore they come to their -food when called "rih rih." Fowls were re-created from the mud, so -to this day they answer to the call "chirih chirih," i.e., "chir mud." - -It is not quite clear how, if representatives of the different clans -were changed into various animals, these same clans again issued -from the Chhinglung, but our own legends are not always quite easy -to follow. - -The following is a translation of a Lushai account of the repeopling -of the world and of a feast which is said to have taken place soon -after:-- - -"The place whence all people sprang is called Chhinglung. All the clans -came out of that place. Then two Ralte came out together, and began at -once chattering, and this made Pathian think there were too many men, -and so he shut down the stone. After a short time Thlandropa was going -to hold a Khuangchoi, and told them to call together all the people -of the world, and when this had been done he held his Khuangchoi. They -said to the sun, 'Do not shine, because we want our leader the Sa-huai -(Loris) to lead us in the dance,' and the sun said, 'All right.' At -that time the Sa-huai and all the animals could talk, and the bamboo -rat was beating the drum, and they all danced, and in the middle of -their fun the sun said, 'Oh, how I do want to look,' and shone out, -and all the animals got hot, and could not dance any more, so the -Sa-huai got angry and quarrelled with the sun, and won't even look at -it nowadays. There was a great feast of flesh, but the owl got no meat, -so he got angry, and went and sat on the bough of a tree, and Zuhrei, -the big rat, chaffed him and said, 'Buka has eaten his fill.' Then -the owl being still hungry, got angry and bit Zuhrei. Since that day -they have been at war, and if the owl sees Zuhrei he assuredly bites -him." The point of the allusion to the Ralte is that this clan is -famed throughout the Hills for the loquacity of its members. - -Another story connected with this feast is that Thlandropa gave a -number of presents: to the ancestor of the Poi or Chin tribes he -gave a fighting dao, while the ancestor of the Lushais only received -a cloth, which is the reason that the Poi tribes are braver than the -Lushais. On my asking what the ancestor of the white man had received, -I was told he had received the knowledge of reading and writing--a -curious instance of the pen being considered mightier than the sword. - -Thlandropa appears to have been a great person in his day, for he -is supposed to have received Khuavang's daughter in marriage, giving -in exchange a gun, the report of which we call thunder. This legend -puts Khuavang on a par with Pathian, and supports the theory that -the differentiation is of comparatively recent growth. - -There is a legend that the king of the Water Huai fell in love with -Ngai-ti (loved one) and, as she rejected his addresses and ran away, -he pursued her and surrounded the whole human race on the top of a -hill called Phun-lu-buk, said to be far away to the north-east. As -the water kept on rising, to save themselves the people threw Ngai-ti -into the flood, which thereupon receded. It was the running off of -this water which cut up the surface of the world, which Chhura had -levelled, into the deep valleys and high hill ranges of which the -whole world as known to the ancestors of the Lushais consisted. - -As a sample of the second class of tale, the following story regarding -the origin of the Tui-chong river, which joins the Kurnaphuli, near -Demagri, may be taken:-- - -Nine miles from Demagri, on the Lungleh road, the traveller has to -cross the Tui-chong river, one of the largest tributaries of the -Kurnaphuli, on which Chittagong stands. This river, according to -the Lushais, owes its origin to the self-denial of a girl called -Tui-chongi, who, with her little sister Nuengi, was walking on the -hills whence the river rises. It was April, and the sun blazed down on -them. Nuengi began to cry for water. "How can I get you water on the -top of a hill? Don't you know that all the springs are dry, for are not -the jhums ready to be burnt?" "Water, water, or I shall die," wailed -Nuengi. "Would you rather have water than me?" asked Tui-chongi. "If -I don't get water, I shall die, and then of what use would you be to -me?" replied the spoilt child. So Tui-chongi, to satisfy her youngest -sister's thirst, changed herself into a river, and Nuengi drank and -was satisfied. But the water flowed down among the hills and burst -its way into the country of the Bengalis. The king of the Bengalis -was astonished to see so mighty a river flowing past his palace, and -sent some of his people to find out whence it came. They journeyed -many days, till at length they reached the source of the stream, -and there sat Nuengi, who, now that her thirst was satisfied, would -gladly have had her sister back again to show her the way home. The -explorers were astonished to find so beautiful a maiden sitting -thus in the middle of the jungle, and decided that it would be wise -to take her back to their master, who liked pretty girls. So Nuengi -was added to the harem of the king of Chittagong, and in time became -the mother of a most lovely boy. The king's chief wife, on seeing the -child, thought to herself, "If my lord sees this jungle woman's brat, -he will assuredly love her more than me who am childless." So she had -the child thrown into the river, which flowed under the palace windows, -and frightened Nuengi into keeping silence on the matter. Tui-chongi, -however, in spite of the change in her circumstances, remembered -her little sister, and cherished the child so that he grew and -throve. In the same way six more children were born and thrown into -Tui-chongi's fostering arms. When they were grown up Tui-chongi told -them the circumstances of their birth, and sent them to dance on the -roof of their father's palace, who, hearing the noise, came out to -see the cause of the disturbance. When he saw seven handsome young -men he was much astonished, and asked them who they were. "We are -your sons," they replied. "Why do you lie to me?" said the king; -"liars have short lives in my kingdom." "Nay, O king, we lie not; -we are Nuengi's sons"; and they told him their story. So the king -smote off the head of the bad queen, and installed Nuengi in her place. - -Of the third class the following are good examples, and admirers of -Uncle Remus will be reminded of the doings of "Brer Rabbit and the -other animals." - - - -The Tale of Granddaddy Bear and the Monkey. - -The Monkey made a swing and was always swinging in it. One day -Granddaddy Bear saw him and said, "Oh, Monkey, let me have a -swing." The Monkey replied, "Wait a minute till I have hung it -more securely." Then he climbed up and bit the cane nearly through -and jumped down again crying out, "Come on, Granddaddy Bear, have -a swing." The bear got in and swung, the cane broke, and he fell -down. The Monkey, intending to eat him, had gone and fetched some -cooked rice (to eat with the bear's flesh). But though Granddaddy Bear -fell down he was not killed. The Monkey, being terribly afraid, said, -"Oh, Granddaddy Bear, hearing you had fallen I brought some rice for -you," and gave him all he had brought. - - - -The Bear's Water Hole. - -The Bear made a dam to collect water, and put the Monkey to -watch it. Every sort of animal came crying, "I am dry. Who has -water which he does not want? I am dry." The Monkey always said, -"The water belongs to Granddaddy Bear. If you dare to drink, drink; -if you dare to suck, suck it up." Then the Tiger came along, saying, -"I am dry. Who has water which he does not want? I am dry." The Monkey -replied, "It is my Granddaddy Bear's water. If you dare to drink, -drink; if you dare to suck, suck it up." The Tiger drank it all; -he sucked the place dry. Then the Monkey went to the Bear and said, -"Oh, Granddaddy Bear, the Tiger has drunk your water!" So the Bear -rushed up and began to fight with the Tiger. They fought a long time -and both died, and the Monkey took their bones. "Whose ever bones will -sound, whether my Granddaddy the Tiger's or Granddaddy the Bear's," -he said, and so, taking the bones which would sound, he made a rotchem -(see Chapter II, para. 6) out of them and he sat in the fork of a -tree and played on it. The Quail, hearing the sound, came up. "Hallo, -Monkey! let me play for a bit," he said. "Oh, ho!" said the Monkey, -"you will fly off with the rotchem." "If you fear that," said the -Quail, "hold me by the tail." So the Monkey held him tight by the -tail, and off he flew, but the Monkey pulled his tail clean out. Then -the Quail came and begged for his tail, saying, "Do give me back my -tail." But the Monkey replied, "You can ransom it by paying eight -mithan." "Oh," said the Quail, "if I have to pay eight mithan for it, -I'll just remain tailless," and flew away. - -The following tale is interesting as showing the great prestige the -Tipperah chief enjoyed among the Lushais, who call him "Rengpui." There -are many versions of this tale, some of which are very long. I have -been obliged to abridge it considerably. - -Rimenhoiyi married Zawlthlia. Their house was of iron. They had an -eight-fold iron door. They beautified the inside with iron and brass -things. They also had a window (i.e., Zawlthlia was Thangchhuah [8]) -and a platform to sit on--in fact they wanted for nothing. - -Rimenhoiyi planted flowers, but there was one flower she had -not, called "nipuipar" (bright sun flower--a creeper with scarlet -flowers). When her husband was about to go in search of it he said to -her, "Please don't go outside the house," and having filled the brass -vessels with enough water to last her many days, he went off. However, -the supply ran short and the lady went to the stream to wash, and -one of her hairs was carried down and swallowed by a fish, which -was caught by the cook of the king near the mouth of the river; and -from out of the fish the cook pulled this immensely long hair, and it -filled a winnowing basket. The king sent for the owner of the hair, -and after many episodes she was brought to him. Zawlthlia returning -found his wife gone, but with the help of the domestic animals he -traced her, and, on arriving at the foreign king's village he saw -slaves fetching water; and, ascertaining that it was for the new -queen, he put one of the nipuipar into the vessel, so Rimenhoiyi knew -he had arrived. According to one version, they resorted to the same -subterfuge that Abraham and Sarah employed when entering Egypt and -lived happily till, the king's suspicion being aroused, Zawlthlia was -summarily slain. According to another, Rimenhoiyi married them both, -but as she showed a preference for Zawlthlia the king killed him. - -With the help of a wise woman learned in charms Zawlthlia was brought -to life in a more beautiful form, and the king was so struck by the -improvement in his appearance that he asked to be allowed to undergo -the same treatment, and was duly killed, but, unfortunately for -him, was by some accident restored to life in the shape of a dog; -but in this shape he seems to have found more favour in the fickle -fair one's eyes, and a child called Uithovi was born, who, being -very poor, begged for some land of Zawlthlia, who had become king -of the Tipperahs, and was told to take as much as a buffalo hide -measured. By cutting the hide into a very thin strip he was able to -measure a considerable area of ground, but, not content with this, -he voyaged far till he reached the place where money was to be found, -and he became very prosperous. "Nevertheless it was said that to the -present day Kumpinu (the Company's Mother--i.e., the late Queen), -who is a descendant of Uithovi's, cannot get the better of Rengpui -(the Rajah of Tipperah). If the Sahibs fight against Rengpui, all -their crops fail, and much sickness occurs among them. Pathian once -threw down a cannon from the sky, and a great number of Kumpinu's -sepoys tried to move it, but could not, while a few of Rengpui's men -were able to drag it away." - -Chhura is represented as a man of immense strength and stature, of -an easy-going disposition, but not much blessed with brains. Thus -one story tells of how, being on a visit, he was regaled with a crab -stew, which he had not tasted before, and liked greatly. He inquired -of what animal it was made. On his way home he forgot the name and -commenced searching. Someone seeing him looking about asked what he had -lost. "Stupid," replied Chhura; "if I knew, would I be looking?" The -passer-by remarked that he smelt strongly of crab. "That's it! That's -what I was searching for," cried Chhura much pleased, and went on -his way. His mallet head, a roughly dressed cylinder of stone, about -30 inches long and 18 in diameter, is pointed out to the curious, -lying beside the path between Leng and Lingvum, where it is said to -have fallen when it flew off the handle while Chhura was flattening -the earth in the Van-lai-phai valley some five miles away. A large -spherical stone in the same neighbourhood is pointed out as one of -the pellets shot from his pellet bow when he was at Thenzawl, many -miles distant. - -There are many tales of this hero, who is especially honoured by -the Khawtlang. - -Mualsavata is another mythical hero of immense stature. The smoke -from his pipe was like that of a jhum burning. His whetstone, some -18 inches long, lies beside the road near Chongthleng, where it fell -from his haversack, which his wife had neglected to mend. - -I have given so many tales in other parts of the monograph that I -shall only add one more here. - - - -The Tale of Him who Demanded His Sister's Price. - -He went to the west to demand his sister's price. The debtor gave -him a bamboo stirring rod. If you stirred an empty pot with this rod -it was at once filled with rice. He returned towards his village. On -the way he stayed the night in the house of a widow, and placed his -stirring rod on the shelf over the hearth saying, "Granny, please -don't stir your pot with my stirring rod." "All right," said she, but, -while he was walking about the village, she stirred her pot just to -see what sort of a stirring rod it was, and, behold, her pot was full -of rice. "It is a very good stirring rod," she said; "I will just -exchange mine for it"--which she did secretly. And the owner of the -magic rod went on to his village, and on arrival there he called to -his children, "Set the water boiling to cook the rice." His children -replied, "We have nothing to cook. What is the use of boiling water -alone?" "I have got rice, I've got rice," he said. So they boiled the -water, and he stirred it hard with his rod, but nothing came. "If we -stir more it will come," he said, but nevertheless nothing came. - -Then he went off to demand the price from the debtor again, who -gave him a goat which passed nothing but amber and cornelian beads, -and said, "Take it carefully home." "All right," said he. He stayed -the night at the same widow's house, and when he was going out to -stroll through the village he said, "Granny, you will be careful -not to kick my goat on the rump, won't you?" "All right," said she, -but directly he was out of sight she kicked the goat and he passed -many beads. "It is a good goat," she said, and secretly substituted -her own goat for it. Her guest went off and directly he reached his -house he called out, "Prepare strings for necklaces. Prepare strings -for necklaces." His children replied, "Father, we have nothing to -put on the strings. What is the good of the strings alone?" "I have -got beads, I have got beads," he cried. So they prepared a winnowing -basket full of threads. Then he gave the goat several good kicks on -the rump, but it only passed filth and bleated loudly. - -Then he went again to demand payment and was given a mallet and a -piece of cane. "The name of this piece of cane is 'Ramdia,'" they -said. He set off for home and again stayed in the same old woman's -house and put Ramdia and his mallet down among the firewood, and as -he started for his stroll he said, "Granny, don't touch this cane, -will you? It is called Ramdia--and you won't touch the mallet either, -will you?" "All right," she said, but no sooner was he gone than, -saying, "They are valuable things," she touched them both. The cane -wound round and round her and the mallet began to beat her. She was -in terrible trouble and shouted to her neighbours; wherever she went -the mallet beat her and beat her till she died. - -[2. Superstitions.] The Lushais are an extremely superstitious -race; any unusual occurrence is considered as portending some evil -results. The meaning of the word "thianglo" has been already explained -in Chapter IV, para. 4. Certain acts, dreams, or sights are universally -considered "thianglo," or unlucky, but should a Lushai see any unusual -sight or hear an unusual sound he would at once consider that some -misfortune was imminent and take advice from the puithiam as to how -it could be avoided. The following are some of the superstitions -connected with cultivation. - -It is "thianglo" to find, in the proposed jhum, a gibbon's skull stuck -on a tree stump. If in burning the jhum the flames make a peculiar -huk-huk sound; if the khatchhat (nightjar) calls by day, the jhum -had better be abandoned. Should the jhum cutter after his first day's -work dream of water or rice all will be well, but should he dream of -a mithan chasing him or tigers springing on him, he must not continue -cutting the jhum, or he will certainly get very ill and probably will -die. If on the site of the proposed jhum a "thing-lu-bul" is found, -death will certainly claim the cultivator should he persist in jhuming -anywhere near the unlucky object, which is a kind of abortive tree -growth without boughs or shoots, but covered with bulbous excrescences, -which sometimes remotely resemble the human form, and if cut exude -a blood-red juice. Should a tree have a pendant protuberance, called -"thingzang," the jungle near must not be cut. The rubbing together of -two tree boughs is thought to denote the presence of a Huai, who must -be appeased by the sacrifice of a cock and hen, the sherh being hung -under the jhum house with some chips of the tree. Brackish springs, -known as "sa-khi-shi" (barking deer springs), are supposed to be the -abodes of Huai, who are generally satisfied with the sacrifice of a -fowl, the sherh being hung in a basket over the spring, but if the -Huai be greedy the jhumer will fall ill, and then a pig and a dog -must be sacrificed in the same manner. - -The following are some of the superstitions about animals:-- - -A Lushai named Kela visited Aijal; on the road he met a rat, -which stood up in the middle of the road and held its paws to its -head. "What a curious rat!" he said. Two days after he reached -his home he died. To see such a rat is certainly "thianglo." This -incident happened a short time ago; no one had ever heard of such a -rat having been seen before, and the unusualness of the occurrence, -coupled with the death of Kela, was, to the Lushais, proof positive of -its being the cause of his death. The Lushais tell me that sometimes -a muskrat will be followed by her whole family, each holding in its -mouth the tail of the one in front; this they call "In tir mei kai," -and whoever sees it will certainly die. Should a bear on being shot -fall on its back, and lie with its legs in the air, the shooter will -die. If a bird enters the house prompt measures have to be taken to -avert misfortune. The puithiam is called and the bird captured. The -house is festooned within with the leaves of a certain tree, and the -bird is thrown out of the house by the puithiam, who, muttering various -charms, advises it to take itself off and carry its witchcraft with -it. I came across, in an old number of the Outlook, a translation of -a Chinese poem said to be dated about 100 B.C. in which the following -occurs:--"When a wild bird enters a dwelling it portends that the -human occupant must go forth." The coincidence is curious. - -The following translation of a Lushai's reason for considering -the sight of an atlas moth "thianglo" shows the origin of such -superstitions. Atlas moths are rare in the Lushai hills. The "keptuam" -(atlas moth) was the letter bearer between Pathian and the Vai -(foreigner); and once when he was carrying Pathian's letter to the -Vai chief the keptuam made the letter into wings, and flew away and -disappeared, and Pathian was much disturbed at the loss of his letter -and at the disappearance of his messenger, and he made mankind hunt -for the missing keptuam. Now the keptuam did not wish to be caught, -so he said, "Whoever sees me will die"; but as mankind did not know -this they hunted and hunted till at last one saw the fugitive and -died, and so they learnt that to see a keptuam is "thianglo," and -ever since if anyone sees a male keptuam he will probably die. - -Should the fowls at midnight become terrified and make an unusual sound -like "i-ak, i-ak" someone will die. Should gibbons be heard hooting -during the night, they have seen the corpse of someone who will fall -from a tree or be drowned. As the gibbon retires to rest even before -the sun sets, it must be very seldom that their shouts are heard at -night. It is "thianglo" to shoot a gibbon, because at the Thimzing a -man and a wife were changed into those animals. The woman at the time -was dyeing blue thread, and therefore the palms of the hands of the -female gibbon are black, though the rest of the body is light coloured. - -The rhinoceros is also safe from attack on account of a similar belief, -the folds of his skin being supposed to be derived from the folds -of the cloths of persons who were transmogrified. The natural result -of killing one of these animals is that all members of the slayer's -family sicken and die, but this can be avoided if the successful -huntsman on his return to the village goes straight to the zawlbuk -or forge and remains there a whole day and night, after which it is -safe for him to enter his house, provided that he leaves his gun and -haversack behind and has changed all his clothes. - -It is, however, worth noticing that, though monkeys, elephants, -tigers, bears, &c., are also said to have been men before the -Thimzing, there is no reluctance shown to kill them, and in fact -the chiefs wear plumes of the king crow's feathers, and hornbills' -beaks decorate many a chief's verandah. - -When building his house the Lushai must be careful that he does not -put his hearth on the side of the house next to that on which his -neighbour has his. To do so is "thianglo" and illness will follow. It -is not difficult to guess how this idea has arisen. Lushai houses are -generally built in lines one above the other on the sides of a hill, -and therefore it is more convenient to place the heavy earthen hearth -on the upper side where the posts are shorter. This causes the hearths -of all the houses in one row to be on the same side, and, the custom -once formed, any deviation from it is considered unlucky. To dream of -the auction of a "hlang"--i.e., the bamboo frame to which the corpse -is strapped during the funeral feast--is unlucky, and the person seen -by the dreamer to purchase it will certainly die. - -The following translation of a Lushai account of "tualsumsu" is -interesting:-- - -"There are 'tualsumsu' in dreams and also while people are in a trance; -the latter are the worst. If two friends are sleeping and in their -dreams one says to the other, 'Go as "tualsumsu"'--i.e., 'beating -your head on the ground'--nothing will happen to the one who goes, -but the man who sends him will die. If anyone goes without being told -to go, and likes it, he will die, but if he says, 'Oh, how it hurts -my head!' he will not die. Sometimes a person will go beating his -head on the ground and when roused from the trance know nothing of it." - -The following is another curious belief:-- - -"If a man dreams that with his friend they are going to fly like -'Chawifa,' and they, both carrying burning maize cobs wrapped in old -cloths in baskets, intend flying from inside the house, and having come -outside, his friend flies away, while he himself stands on the end of -the roof and cannot fly, his friend who flew away will die quickly, -while he who could not fly will live. And he that flew away knew -nothing of it, and the corn cobs wrapped in old cloth were thrown -up, and the people saw them blazing like fire. This is extremely -'thianglo.'" - -The Lushais speak confidently of "Chawifa," and many say they have -seen it. They describe it as a kind of meteor, which flies through the -village blazing brightly, and if it alights on a house the owner must -die. Compare the Lakher idea of "Chawifa," given in Part II., and the -Manipuri "Sangaisel," in Mr. Hodson's book on the Meitheis, page 121. - -[3. Snake worship.] The Lushais do not worship snakes, but there -are many tales of "rulpui" (the big snake). Colonel Lewin in his -"Progressive Exercises" has written as follows:-- - -"Throughout the Lushai Hills, among all the tribes with whom I have -come in contact, whether 'Toung-tha' or 'Khyoung-tha,' sons of the -hill or sons of the river, I have always found that special attributes -have been assigned to a certain description of snake or serpent that -is found in these forests. I remember once we were camped peacefully -beside the border of a small hill stream; the shanties of leaves -and grass which form our tentes d'abri in this part of the world -had been erected, and all the world (our world some 30 persons) -was either smoking the pipe of peace or stirring the pot of rice -that was to form the evening meal. Suddenly there arose a shout of -'Tchubba-gree! Tchubba-gree!' which is the Hill Arracanese for 'the big -snake, the king-serpent.' Behold the camp in a ferment, each stalwart -young fellow seizing his dao and tightening his waistband. We went -forth, and indeed the snake was very big. His long sinuous growth was -at least 20 feet in length and bulky in proportion; he moved slowly -along, taking apparently no notice of the turmoil and confusion that -soon filled the wood around him. The Hillmen swarmed around his length -like ants, and in a few moments he was cut in pieces by dao strokes. I -noticed that each of my combatants as they ran up to the snake spat at -him before striking. On inquiring the reasons of this, I was informed -that in attacking a snake of this description, if he spat at you first -before you struck him, your fate was sealed, and strangulation was your -doom; but if you were speedy in salivation and forestalled his action, -then he was delivered a prey into the hands of his assailants. A -similar superstition formerly attached to the basilisk or cockatrice, -which was said to be able to fascinate or cause the destruction of -man or beast if it first perceived its victim before it was itself -perceived. Sir Thomas Browne, in discoursing 'Of the Basilisk,' says -'that veneration shooteth from the eye, and that this way a basilisk -may empoison, is not a thing impossible; but that this destruction -should be the effect of the first beholder or depend on priority of -aspection is a point not easily to be granted.' The flesh of this -snake (which is a species of python) is eaten by the Hill folk, and -the fat of the reptile is held to be a sovereign cure for all cuts -and wounds, as well as for more obscure diseases. In the household -tales and fireside stories of the people 'the big snake' holds a -prominent place, and is vested with attributes of power and knowledge." - -Colonel McCulloch, in his account of the Valley of Manipur, 1859, page -32, mentions the belief of the Manipuris in a snake god, and in fact -the royal family is supposed to have sprung from a snake god known -as "Pakhangba." Colonel McCulloch also relates that a Kuki--i.e., a -Thado--who had left him in perfect health, "saw a black snake as large -as his thigh, which uttered a sound like that of an ox bellowing." "On -his reaching his home he became ill, his belly swelled, and he has not -recovered his health." Compare this with the following translation of -a statement made to me by Hrangzova, a Lushai political Chaprassie, -in 1904:-- - -"When I lived at Thenzawl, I once saw a curious object about 18 inches -long, and about 6 inches thick, like a snake, which kept standing up -on its stumpy tail, and then falling forward. I called my friend, -who also saw it. When I got home I told my father and mother, who -were very frightened, and said it was 'thianglo.' They both died -within the year. This was 12 years ago. The rulpui which I saw had -not got feathers, but perhaps that was because it was not big enough, -as I am told the real rulpui has feathers like that of a cock." - -There are various places named after rulpui. On one hill the body -of a large snake is said to have been raised up on a pole, and so -big was it that its shadow fell on a hill many miles away, called -thereafter "Rulpui-thlin"--i.e., Rulpui's Shadow. The following is -the translation of the story of the origin of "rulpui." - - - -Chhawng-chili and the Rulpui. - -Once upon a time there was a girl called Chhawng-chili, who was in -her father's jhum. At the bottom of the jhum in a hollow tree a snake -had its nest, and the snake loved Chhawng-chili very much. Whenever -they went to the jhum she used to send her younger sister to call -the snake, who used to come up and coil itself up in Chhawng-chili's -lap. The little sister was very much afraid of the snake and did not -dare tell her father. When the girls were going to the jhum, their -parents always used to wrap up some rice and vegetables for them -to take with them. On account of her fear of the snake, the little -sister could not eat anything. Then her sister and the snake ate up -all the rice and the vegetables, and the little sister stayed in the -jhum house all day and got very thin, and her parents said to her, -"Oh, little one, why are you getting so thin?" but she always said, -"Oh, father, I can't tell you"; but her parents pressed her to tell -them, and at last she said, "My sister and the snake make love always; -as soon as we get to the jhum she says to me, 'Call him to me,' -and I call him, and he comes up and coils himself up on her lap, -and I am so frightened that I cannot eat anything, and that is why I -am so thin." So they kept Chhawng-chili at home, and her father and -younger sister went to the jhum, and her father dressed himself up -to resemble Chhawng-chili, but he put his dao by his side; then the -little sister called the snake, who came up quickly and curled itself -up in her father's lap, and he with one blow cut it in two, and then -they returned to the village. On the next day Chhawng-chili and her -sister went to the jhum and her little sister called the snake, -but her father had killed it. So they came back to their house, -and found their father lying on the floor just inside the door -sill. Chhawng-chili said, "Get up, father, I want to scrape the mud -off my feet" (on the door sill), but her father would not move. So -Chhawng-chili scraped off the mud from her feet, and stepped over -the sill, and her father struck up and killed her. In her stomach -there were about 100 small snakes. They killed them and killed them, -but one escaped and hid under a dry patch of mithan dung, and grew up -and used to eat people, and when it got bigger it wriggled into the -"rulchawm kua"--i.e., "feed snake hole"--and people of all villages -used to feed it. After a time it was not content with goats and pigs, -but demanded children. One day a Chin who was travelling noticed his -host and hostess weeping, and on asking the reason was told it was -the day for giving a child to the snake. "I will kill the snake," he -replied, and, being provided with a goat, he slew it, and wrapped its -flesh round his dao and forearm and offered it to the rulpui. When -his forearm had been swallowed, by a quick turn of his wrist he -disembowelled the monster. The place where this took place is on the -Aijal-Champhai road, some forty miles from Aijal. The Biate or Bete -claim to have been the people who fed the snake. - -If a "thingsir" (a snake of which the female is very light-coloured -and the male dark) enters a house, it is very "thianglo." - -The entry of any snake into a house is looked on with suspicion, and -either portends misfortune or it denotes that the sacrifice to Sakhua -is urgently needed. If this sacrifice is not performed speedily death -may ensue. - -To see a snake with legs is "thianglo." The Lushais believe there are -such creatures. My informant says it is only nowadays that this is -"thianglo," inferring that formerly such creatures were common and -therefore attracted no attention. It is the unusualness of the thing -which makes the Lushai think it "thianglo." - -[4. Omens.] In the section dealing with superstition the subject of -omens of misfortune has been fully dealt with, and there is no need to -say much more, but the following extract from "Asiatic Dissertations," -II, 1792, is interesting--it is from a description of the "Mountaineers -of Tipra." - -"If at any time they see a star very near the moon they say, 'To-night -we shall undoubtedly be attacked by some enemy,' and they pass the -night under arms with extreme vigilance." - -This belief may be accounted for by the superstition that projects -undertaken on such occasions are likely to succeed. - -Once when starting on a night expedition to capture a rebel chief, -I noticed my guide staring up intently at the moon, and he expressed -great satisfaction at seeing a star quite close to its edge, and -exclaimed that our expedition was now sure to succeed, which I am -glad to say proved true. - - -[5. Witchcraft.] The Lushais are firm believers in witchcraft. There -are several ways of bewitching your enemy. Colonel Lewin has a tale in -which the wizard takes up the impression of a person's foot in the mud -and puts it to dry over the hearth, thereby causing the owner to waste -away. Clay figures into which bamboo spikes are thrust also figure -in all cases in which a person is accused of this offence. To cut off -a piece of a person's hair and put it in a spring is certain, unless -the hair is speedily removed, to cause his death. Several tragedies -have occurred on account of the belief in witchcraft. In 1897 three -whole families were massacred because it was thought that they were -bewitching a very aged chieftainess. The livers of the wizards were -cut out and portions carried to the sufferer, but unfortunately she -died before being able to taste them and thus prove the efficacy of -the remedy. So strong was the feeling about these wizards that four -or five households of their relatives had to be given a special and -isolated site, as no village would receive them. - -The following translation of a Lushai's account of how mankind first -learned the black art is specially interesting, as it introduces -Lalruanga and Keichalla, who are the heroes of many of the oldest of -the Lushai tales. Colonel Lewin gives some excellent stories in his -"Progressive Colloquial Exercises." Keichalla is the man who can -become a tiger at will, and appears in many tales:-- - -"Dawi witchcraft was known to Pathian. Vahrika also was something like -Pathian. Vahrika had a separate water supply, and Pathian's daughter -was always disturbing it. Vahrika said, 'What can it be?' and lay in -ambush. Pathian's daughter came, and he caught her and was going to -kill her, but she said, 'Don't kill me; I will teach you magic.' So -she taught him, and Vahrika taught it all to Keichalla, Lalruanga, and -Hrang-sai-puia. Then Lalruanga went to court Zangkaki, and Zangkaki, -who was a friend of Pathian's daughter, bewitched Lalruanga, who -had forgotten his "dawi bur" (magic gourd), and he said to Chaichim -(the mouse), 'Go and fetch my dawi bur which I put in my basket.' So -the mouse went to fetch the dawi bur and got it, but the Tuiruang -(Barak) river rose very high. The mouse took the dawi bur in his mouth -and started to swim over the river. The dawi bur was washed away by -the river till it stuck in the fish trap of the Thlangom tribe, who -said, 'What is this?' The dawi bur was singing like anything. The -Thlangoms broke it open. No sooner had they opened it than they -each acquired knowledge of magic. Then the Thlangoms were chanting -the magic song. Some Mizo (natives of these Hills) who were passing -through the village also heard the song of those who knew magic. The -Mizo saw a man eating rice. 'May you be bewitched!' they said. They -bewitched him in his rice eating, and for a year after whenever he -ate cooked rice it changed into dry uncooked rice, and it swelled -inside him till his stomach could not hold it and he died. Thus the -Mizo learnt about magic. Nowadays also there is magic, but those who -know it won't teach it without payment." - -The Lushais maintain that the tribes to the north of them, such as -Paihte, Bete, &c., are very proficient at witchcraft, while the Chins -consider the Lushais such experts at the craft that when Captain -Hall, 2nd Gurkhas, and I forced our way from the west through the -then unexplored hills and joined General Symons at Haka in 1890, -the chiefs of that village besought the General not to allow any of -our Lushai followers to go within sight of it, lest they should, by -merely looking at it, cause fearful misfortunes. The belief in the man -tiger is common through the Hills and also in Nepal. When a man-eater -gave much trouble in Lungleh, our Gurkha Sepoys maintained that it -was a man, one of three friends who had assumed this shape and were -travelling by different shapes to a previously selected rendezvous, -on reaching which they would resume their human forms. - -Khuavang zawl.--The Lushais believe that certain persons--both males -and females, but more generally females--have the power of putting -themselves into a trance and are in a state of communication with -Khuavang. This power is called "zawl," and a person who possesses -it is called "zawlnei." During their trances they are said to be -able to elicit from Khuavang information regarding the particular -sacrifice required to cure any sick person, and their information is -supposed to be more reliable than the opinion of the puithiam, who -bases his statements solely on the action of the pulse. The method -of interrogating a zawlnei is called "thumvor," and is as follows:-- - -The zawlnei being in a trance is given a shallow basket containing -rice, which he or she holds in one hand while an egg is placed in the -palm of the other hand. When the zawlnei reverses this hand the egg -does not fall. The basket of rice is shaken backwards and forwards, -and there appears among the rice the footprint of the animal which -it is necessary to sacrifice to ensure the patient's recovery. If it -is impossible to trace any resemblance to any animal's footmark the -state of the patient is serious and the whole series of sacrifices are -needed. Compare the description of the Maibi's method of divination -given in McCulloch's account of the Valley of Manipur, page 21. The -following two accounts of Khuavang zawl were given me by Lushais:-- - -Lianthangi was a Khuavang zawl. There was much sickness in the -village. One night Khuavang came to her in her dreams and said, "If -each house-owner will make a clay metna and place it outside his or -her house the sickness will cease." So they did this and the next day -they observed as "hrilh," and within 20 days everyone was well again. - -Thang-tei-nu was a zawlnei, but concealed the fact; people used to -come secretly and make her perform the thumvor, and said she knew -everything. She allowed no one to drink zu in her house, and if she -drank zu she always got ill and it was "thianglo" for her to perform -sacrifice. Khuavang told her this in her dreams. - -Khawhring.--In Chapter IV, para. 6, the sacrifice called Khawhring -Tir has been described. The belief in Khawhring is universal, and -from the following translation it will be seen that the unfortunate -women who were accused of being possessed by such a spirit have good -reason to be grateful that the control of the country has passed -into our hands. The belief is that Khawhring lives in certain women, -whence it issues forth from time to time and takes possession of -another woman, who, falling into a trance, speaks with the voice of -the original hostess of the Khawhring. A missionary described to me -a weird scene of excitement which he once saw, the object being to -exorcise a Khawhring which had possessed a girl. Amid a turmoil of -shouting, drum-beating, and firing of guns the spirit was ordered to -quit its temporary abode and return whence it came. - - - -Translation of a Lushai Version of the Origin of Khawhring. - -"Wild boars have Khawhring. Once a man shot a wild boar while out -hunting. On his return home they cooked the flesh. Some of the fat -got on the hand of his sister, who rubbed her head, and the wild -boar's Khawhring just passed into her. On the next day, without any -provocation, she entered another girl. She took entire possession -of her. People said to her, "Where are you going to?" She replied, -"It is the wild boar my brother shot." "Well, what do you want?" they -said. "If you will give me eggs I will go away," she replied. They -gave her eggs and she went. Presently all those who borrowed the -"hnam" (a plaited cane band for carrying loads) of the girl with the -Khawhring also got possessed. If one with a Khawhring has a daughter -the child is always possessed, so no one wants to marry a person -with a Khawhring. Even now, we being to some extent Lusheis, we do -not like to let a person possessed by a Khawhring enter our houses, -and if such a one sits on the bed of a true Lushei she will certainly -be fined a metna. Those possessed of Khawhring are most disgusting -people, and before the foreigners came they were always killed." - -The writer was not a true Lushei, but belonged to one of the clans -which are fast being absorbed and are almost indistinguishable from -Lusheis. - -The Lushais say that sometimes girls walk in their sleep and go and -lick up urine, as the metna do, under the zawlbuk, and that when -starting forth on these expeditions their feet and hands shine as -if they were coated with phosphorus. If a young man wakes a girl up -while she is walking thus she is very much ashamed, and generally -grants him the favours of her bed to procure his silence. - -This state is called "Thlahzung." - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -LANGUAGE - - -I propose, in this chapter, to deal only with Lushai, and to treat of -the connection between the different dialects spoken in these Hills -at the end of Part II. - -Lushai or Dulien, which is the dialect of the Lushei clan, modified, -doubtless, by contact with those of other clans, is now the lingua -franca of the whole Lushai Hills, and is understood in many parts -of the adjoining districts. A very complete grammar and vocabulary -has been published by Messrs. Savage and Lorrain, now of the London -Baptist Mission, and therefore I only propose to give a bare outline -of the language here, which is largely borrowed from the above work. - -Articles.--The indefinite article can generally be rendered by the -numeral one. - -The definite article is sometimes represented by demonstrative pronouns -or relative particles. - -Gender.--Inanimate objects have no gender. In nouns gender may -be shown by use of different words, as "tlangval," a young man; -"nula," a maiden. This system is only employed when speaking -of human beings, by adding suffixes--"pa" and "chal" for males, -"nu" and "pui" for females; thus "fa pa," son; "fa nu," daughter; -"she chal," bull metna; "she pui," cow metna. "Chal" and "pui" -are restricted to full-grown animals. All men's names end in "a," -all women's in "i." Some words are the same in both genders--"u," -elder brother or sister; "nao shen," a baby; "naupang," child. "I" -is the feminine termination in Manipuri also. - -Number.--The plural terminations are "te," "ho," and "zong"; sometimes -these are combined or duplicated. - - - Mi zong zong = all mankind. - Lal te ho = chiefs. - - -These terminations are omitted when the number can be otherwise -inferred. - - - Sakor paruk = six horses. - Puan tam tak ka pe = I gave many cloths. - - -When a suffix is added to a noun to denote case, the plural suffix -follows the case suffix. - - - Zawng-a-te an lo changa. - Monkey into s they became changed. - - Kan in-a-te an lo-lut-a. - Our house into s they entered. - - -Case.--Nouns are not inflected. The agent is denoted by the suffix -"in." - - - Lal in a that = The chief killed (him). - - -The same suffix is used to distinguish the instrument. - - - Lal in fei in a shun = The chief speared (him) with a spear. - - -"In" is therefore exactly equivalent to "na" used in Manipuri to -distinguish the agent or instrument. - -The other cases can only be inferred from the position of the words. - -The object immediately precedes the transitive verb governing it. - - - Lal-in puan a-pe = The chief gave a cloth. - - -The indirect object precedes the direct. - - - Suaka puan ka pe = I gave a cloth to Suaka. - - -Hnena (to) is sometimes used to give greater clearness. - - - Lal hnena ui pakhat ka pe ang = I will give a dog to the chief. - - -The thing possessed immediately follows the possessor. - - - Kawn bawl in a-kang = The minister's house caught fire. - - -The following construction is sometimes used:-- - - - Kawn bawl a in a lian e = Minister his house it big is. - - -The other cases are rendered by suffixes. - - - Ka in a daraw. Ka in a tang in laraw. Aizawl a kalraw. - My house in put. My house from bring. Aijal to go. - - -Adjectives follow the words they qualify, but are not inflected in -any way. - - - Mipa tha = a good man. - Hmaichhia tha = a good woman. - Nula-te tha = good girls. - - -When a noun is used as an adjective it precedes the noun it qualifies, -as, "Lung in," stone house. - -Adjectives are compared thus - - - Suaka Nela ai- in a chha k zawk. - Suaka Nela than he stronger. - - Suaka is stronger than Nela. - - -When demonstrative adjectives are compared, "ai-in" is combined with -them, thus:-- - - - He sakor he saw ai sawn ashang zawk. - This horse here that than there is taller. - - This horse is taller than that. - "Saw saw ai-in" being replaced by "Saw-ai sawn." - - -When no object of comparison is mentioned "ai-in" is omitted. - - - Nangma lo azao zawk. - Your jhum extensive more. - - Your jhum is more extensive. - - -The superlative is formed thus:-- - - - Lalzong zinga Khuma a vin ber. - Chiefs among Khuma he bad tempered most. - - Khuma is the most bad-tempered of all the chiefs. - - - Khuma lalzong ai-in a vin ber. - Khuma chiefs than he ill-tempered more. - - - Khuma lalzong a a vin ber. - Khuma chiefs of he ill-tempered most. - - - Khuma a vin ber. - Khuma he ill-tempered most. - - Khuma is the most ill-tempered. - - -The numerals are very simple:-- - - - 1 = pa khat 6 = pa ruk - 2 = pa hnih 7 = pa sari - 3 = pa thum 8 = pa riat - 4 = pa li 9 = pa kua - 5 = pa nga 10 = shom - - -11 = "shom leh pa khat," 12 = "shom leh pa hnih," and so on to 20 = -"shom hnih"; then "shom hnih leh pa khat" &c., to "shom thum" = 30, -"shom li" = 40, "shom nga" = 50, and so on to "za" = 100, "za leh pa -khat" = 101, and so on to "shang" = 1000. - -"Shing" = 10,000 and "nuai" for 1,000,000 are hardly ever used; 8,975 = -"shang riat, leh za kua leh shom sari leh pa nga." - -It will be seen that the real numerals are "khat," "hnih," "thum," -&c., pa being equivalent to unit. It is usually omitted when animals -or things are mentioned, but retained when speaking of human beings. - - - Lal pa sari = seven chiefs. - Sebong nga = five cows. - - -With numbers above ten the name of the thing enumerated if a -monosyllable, is often repeated. Thus:-- - - - Ni shom hnih leh ni nga. - Days twenty and days five. - - -Ordinals are formed by adding "na" to the cardinals, thus:-- - - - In shom na lutrawh. - Enter the tenth house. - -But-- - - Ni thum ni a lo-kalraw. - Day three day on come. - - - Every other day = Ni khat dan a. - Every third day = Ni hnih dan a, - and so on. - - -Numeral adjectives are formed thus:-- - - - Voi nga, voi shom leh voi khat. - Times five, times ten and times one, - - eleven times. - - -Demonstrative adjectives are:-- - - - He or hehi } This = near Heng, henghi = these. - Hei hei hi } the speaker. - Saw = that. Sawng = those. - Kha = that near you. Khang = those near you. - Khu = that down there. Khung = those down there. - Khi = that up there. Khing = those up there. - Chu = that. Chung = those. - - -They are generally repeated, thus:-- - - - Khu sava khu kadu e. - That bird down there I want. - - Khi zawng khi a liane. - That monkey up there he big is. - - -When a noun qualified by one of these adjectives is an agent, the agent -suffix "in" is combined with the second part of the adjective thus:-- - - -Khu ui khu-an min a sheh = That dog down there bit me instead of Khu - ui in khu. - - -The personal pronouns have several forms, which are the same for -both genders. - - - Nominative { Keima, kei, ka = I. - { Keimani, keine, kan = we. - - Possessive { Keima, keiia, ka = my. - { Keimani, keini, kan = our. - { Keimata, keiata, kata = mine. - { Keimanita, &c. = ours. - - Objective { Keimamin, kei min min = me. - { Keimani min, &c. = us. - - -The second person is "nangma" and "nangmani"; the third "ama," -"anmani." - -The possessive of the second person, when used as nominative of -verbs, has a curious irregular form "i" in the singular and "in" -in the plural. - -The pronominal particles "ka" (I), "i" (thou), "a" (he), "kan" (we), -"in" (you), "an" (they) must be used with verbs in addition to the -pronouns, thus:-- - - - Nangma i kal ang em? = Will you go? - Keimani chaw kan ei mek = We are just eating our rice. - - -The particle can never be omitted, whereas the true pronoun is -generally left out except when required for emphasis. - -Reflexive action is denoted in several ways. - -The particle "in" is prefixed to the verb in all cases. The following -are a few examples:-- - - - Ka in vel } - Mani leh mani ka in vel } I hit myself. - Mani in ka in vel } - Keimani theoh vin kan in vel = We hit ourselves. - - -Relative Pronouns are:-- - - - Kha, chu, a piang = who, which, what, that. - A piang, a piang kha, a piang chu = whoever, &c. - - - Lekha i ziak kha a tha e. - Letter you wrote that it good is. - - -The pronouns are sometimes omitted, the idea being conveyed by the -use of relative participles or verbal nouns. - - - I lekha ziak a tha e - Your letter written it good is. - - The letter you wrote is good. - - -Interrogative Pronouns are:-- - - - Tu-nge? Tu? Tu-maw? Eng-nge? Zeng-nge? Eng? Eng-maw? = What? - Hhoi-i-nge? = Which? - - -They are used thus:-- - - - Tu-nge a lo kal? = Who has come? - - Tu-in-a nge i riak? = - (house in =) you stay - Whose - - Tu ar nge i lei? Tu-in-nge vel che? - (fowl) = you buy? Who hit you? - Whose - - Tu-nge i vel? = - Whom did you hit? - - -Tu and Tu-maw are only used thus:-- - - - A lo kal Tu-Maw? or Tu? = - He has come Who? - - Eng-nge i duh? Khoi-i lekha buh nge i duh? = - What you want? (book) you want? - which - - Which book do you want? - - - Eng tui nge i choi? - (water) = you draw? - What - - -The particle "a" preceding an interrogative pronoun has a partitive -force. - - - A tu-nge i ko? = Which of them did you call? - - - -Verbs. - -The same form is used for all persons and in singular and plural, -the pronominal particles marking person and number. - - - Shoi = to say - - Pres: Ka shoi = I say. Ka shoi mek = I am saying. - - Past: Ka shoi or } I said. { Ka shoi mek a ni = I - Ka shoi or tawh } { was saying. - - Fut: Ka shoi ang } I will { Ka shoi mek ang - Ka shoi dawn } say { = I shall be saying. - - Ka shoi tawh ang = I shall have said. - - - -Conditional Mood. - - - Ka shoi tur = I would say, or, I ought to say. - Ka shoi tawh tur = I would have said, or, ought to have said. - - -The future terminations are often used in a conditional sense. - - -Subjunctive Mood. - - - Ka shoi chuan = If I say, said or had said. - - -The following forms are peculiar and appear to me of foreign -origin. The pronominal prefixes are absent, the person and number -being indicated by different forms. - - - Shoi i la or i lang = If I say or said. - Shoi la, or lang = If thou sayest or saidst. - Shoi shela or shelang = If he say or said. - Shoi i la or i lang = If we say or said. - Shoi u la or lang = If you say or said. - Shoi shela or shelang = If they say or said. - - -The pluperfect tense is formed by inserting "ta." - - - Shoi ta i la = If I had said. - Shoi ta u lang = If you had said. - - -By inserting "ma" the meaning "although" or "even if" is given. - - - Shoi ma she lang = Even if he says. - Shoi ta ma u la = Although you say. - - - -Imperative Mood. - -The imperative has several forms:-- - - - Singular: Shoi rawh, shoi ang che, shoi ta che, shoi te, shoi che, - all mean "say." The last four forms have a somewhat - persuasive meaning. - Plural: I shoi ang, i shoi ang u = Let us say. - - -The second person plural is formed by adding "u" to the singular form. - - -Infinitive Mood. - -The infinitive or verbal noun is the same as the root shoi = to say. - - - Ka shoi lai in } When I was saying. - I say time at } - - -A verbal noun can also be formed by the suffix "na." - - - Ka riak na in - My staying house. - - -The suffixes "tur," "tur-in," "na-tur," "nan," "an," "in," denotes -infinitive of purposes. - - - Tui in tur ka duh. - Water to drink I want. - - - Chaw lei tur ka nei lo } I have nothing wherewith - Rice to buy I have not. } to buy rice. - - -The suffix "tu" changes the verb into noun of agency. - - - Veng-tu = a watchman. Hril-tu = an informant. - - - -Participles: Shoia, shoi-ing = saying. - - -Negative. - -There are two negative particles:--lo and shu. - -The first is used except in the conditional and the imperative, -when the latter is used. - -The particles are placed after the root except in the past tense, -when they follow the tense termination. - - - Ka kal lo = I do not go. - Ka kal ta lo = I did not go. - Ka kal lo vang = I will not go } The "v" is inserted for - Ka kal lo ve = I do not go } sake of euphony. - Kal rawh = Go. - Kal shu = Don't go. - Kal shu se = Do not let him go. - Shoi shu u = Do not say (plural). - Shoi shu i la = If we do not say. - - -"Nem" and "nang" are used as negative particles and intensify the -meaning. - - - Ka hre lo = I don't know. - Ka hre nem = I don't know. How should I? - Lal in a ka kal nang = I am not going to the chief's house. Why - should I be? - - -Interrogative Particles. - -These are as a rule placed at the end of a sentence. They are "em" -and "em ni." - - - I kal ang em = Will you go? - - -"Em ni" sometimes implies that the answer is expected in the same -form as the question. - - - I lo-kal em ni = You have come, have you? - A lo-kal lo vem ni = He has come, has not he? - - -"Maw"--This particle is used when the person asked, instead of -replying at once, repeats part of the question--a pernicious and -vexatious habit much indulged in by the Lushais. - - - I dam em? = Are you well? - Keima maw? Ka dam e = Do you mean me? I am well. - - -The Passive Voice. - -The verb when used in the passive voice is pronounced slightly -differently. The construction is as follows:-- - - - Lal in min kap = The chief shot me. - Lal ka ka ni = I am shot by the chief. - - - -Verbal Prefixes. - -These are a very noticeable peculiarity. They are:-- - - - Zuk = motion downwards. Zuk la ro = Bring it down. - Han = motion upwards. Han en rawh = Come up and see. - Han = motion towards the A han la ta = He brought it. - speaker. - Lo = motion towards the Lal a lo kal = The chief arrives. - speaker. - Ron = motion towards the - indirect object. - Lal hnena ron hril rawh = Go and tell the chief. - Min ron pe rawh = Come and give it to me. - Va = motion from. Va la zo = Go and bring. - - - -Adverbs. - -There is a peculiar series of adverbs in Lushei, which, besides -denoting the manner in which a thing is done, also convey some idea -of the appearance of the agent, thus:-- - - - Lal a kal buk buk = The chief goes. - - -"Buk buk" shows that the chief is a big, heavy man and is walking -slowly. - -"Bak bak" similarly used would mean that the chief was medium-sized -and walking slowly, whereas "bik bek" could only be used of a small -person proceeding slowly. - -There are over a hundred such adverbs in Lushei. - - -Interjections. - -The most common are "Ie" = I say! "Khai" = Come! "Ku" = Ho! "Chei chei" -denoting disapproval and surprise. There are certain interjections, -such as "Karei, Karei!" = Alas! Alas! which are only used by women. - -The Lushais are very fond of piling up adverbs to intensify the -meaning:-- - - - Ava mak em em mai! - How wonderful very very very! - - Ava mak em veleh! - How wonderful very indeed! - - -Literal Translation of an Account of the Thimzing. - - - Hman lai hian thim a lo-zing-a; chutichuan mi zawn zawn -Former time in darkness it collected; then mankind all all - - an in-khawm mur mur chutichuan zawng -they themselves collected (untranslatable adverb) then monkey - -hmul a lo lenga an hgum a thak an hiat -hair it began to grow their spine ends they itched they scratched - -thin-a zawng a te an changa tin lal te chu -always monkeys into (plural suffix) they changed their chiefs indeed - - va-pual a an lo changa mi chhia e-raw chu -horn-bill into they became changed people poor on the other hand - -zawng a te ngau-va te an lo changa. Tin sa lu ro -monkey into grey monkeys they became changed. Then flesh head dry - -nei chuan an tuah a thing ai-in a tha zawh a -had those who they put on fire wood than it good more was - -chu-te-chuan an dam rei thei zawk an ti. Tin mei-ling - therefore they lived long could more they say. Then embers - - tlaivar lem-in puan tial shin in sakeia -watched all night more than others cloth striped wearing tigers into - - an changa thei tin pitar te hian puanpui an sin-a -they changed may be then old women quilts they were wearing - - sai a an lo changa. -elephants into they became changed. - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX - -FAMILIES AND BRANCHES OF THE LUSHEI CLAN. - - -=========================================================================== -Thangur Rokum } - Rivung } - Pallian } All the Lushei chiefs belong to - Zadeng } one of these branches. - Thangluah } - Sailo } - Chenkhual Descended from Chenkhuala, - said to be a brother of - Sailova, - probably a son of a concubine. - The Chenkhual had once - independent - villages, but are no - longer looked on as chiefs. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Pachuao Cherlal This family is said to be -descended - Chhawthliak from illegitimate sons - Chhoalak of Zadenga. Darchaova, - Cherlalla, - Chonglal Lianthunga, and Liannghora - Darchao are heroes of whose - Lalbawm prowess many tales are told, - Lianthung and their names appear among - Liannghor the branch names. - Vanpuia-hrin I.e., sprung from Vanpuia. - Varchuao ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Changte Darchun, Pamte - Vokngak, Kawlchi "Chi" means family, "Kawl" - Padaratu, Tumpha means Burma, and "ngak" - Lungte, Ngakchi is to wait; so perhaps the - Chonglun Kawlchi may be descendants - of Changte, who settled - temporarily - in Burma, and the - Ngakchi of some who delayed - at some general move of the - family. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Chongte Tuichhung, Lungte - Muchhip-chhuak I.e., from Muchhip, the name of - Pamte a hill. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Chuachang Chonchir, Chonchhon "Hang" means black and "ngo" - white. - Lathang This family and the next are said - to be descended from two - brothers. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Chuaongo Vanpuia-thla Descendants of Vanpuia. The - Hlengel, Hmunpel Chuaongo are said to have - Zongpam, Laller been very powerful, and to - Chumthluk, Aohmun have held a position similar - to that now held by the Sailo. - Their most powerful chief was - Vanpuia. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Haonar Haothul, Haobul - Tuithang, Shenlai ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Hrasel Shelpuia, Sontlunk - Sumkhum, Sazah ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Hualbang Chalbuk, Sialchung This family and the next are - Bailchi, Chumkal said to have sprung from two - Khupao, Fangtet brothers, children of a Lushei - Taihlum, Chertluang woman by a Poi or Chin, and --------------------------------------- to have originated from a hole -Hualngo Chalthleng, Khupno in the ground near the Shepui - Tuazol, Cherput, Bochung rocks, to the east of the - Manipur river. The Hualngo - and Hualbang formerly lived - together in villages under - Hualngo chiefs. On the rise of - the Thangur chiefs, a quarrel - broke out, and the Hualngo - were defeated by a combination - of the Sailo, Zadeng, and - Pallian, and driven across the - Tiao, and took refuge under - the protection of the Falam - chiefs, where their descendants - still are, and are miscalled - Whenoh by the officers - in charge of the Chin Hills. - The Hualbang deserted to the - Thangur, and are found - scattered - in the villages of their - conquerors. There are six - Hualngo villages in the Lushai - Hills containing some 200 - houses. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Lungkhua Sialchung, Ngalchi - Ngalchung, Phungchi - Ngaphawl ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Tochong Topui, Chhakom - Muchhip-chhuak Vide Changte. - Chemhler, Tobul ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- -Vanchong Vanlung, Sumkhum The claim of this family to - Chemhler, Chengrel be true Lusheis is sometimes - Kaithum disputed. -=========================================================================== - - -Besides the above families, there is one called Chhak-chhuak, i.e., -"Come out of the east." In spite of all enquiries I was unable to -find out any reason for the name, which was sometimes said to be the -name of a branch of one of the other families and sometimes that of -a separate family. - - - - - - - - -PART II - -THE NON-LUSHEI CLANS - - -INTRODUCTORY - - -In this part all the clans of the Lushai-Kuki race which are not -included by the people themselves among the Lusheis will be briefly -dealt with. All these clans practise the jhum methods of cultivation -and were originally semi-nomadic, but certain of them, under changed -circumstances, have ceased to move their villages and are taking to -plough cultivation. There is a varying similarity in the religious -beliefs and customs, and it will suffice to point out the principal -divergences from those of the Lusheis as already described. - -The non-Lushei clans group themselves naturally into five sections:-- - -1. The clans which live among the Lusheis under the rule of Thangur -chiefs and have become practically assimilated by them, and are -included in the wider term Lushai, as we use it. Naturally the accounts -of these will be brief and will deal principally with the origin of -the clans. - -2. The clans which, while still retaining a separate corporate -existence, have been much influenced by the Lusheis, among or near -whom they reside. - -3. The Old Kuki clans. - -4. The Thado clan with its numerous families and branches, often -spoken of as New Kukis. - -5. The Lakhers. These are immigrants from the Chin Hills, and would -more correctly be dealt with in the Chin Monograph, but a brief sketch -of them, though very incomplete, may be useful till a fuller account -is written. They call themselves Mara. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER I - -CLANS INCLUDED IN THE TERM LUSHAI - - -These clans have adopted most of the manners and customs of their -conquerors, and to an ordinary observer are indistinguishable from -the true Lushei. In many cases the only difference is in the method -of performing the Sakhua sacrifice. In few cases some words of the -clan dialect are still used, but, generally speaking, there is but -little difference noticeable. In cases where the clan had attained -considerable strength before its overthrow by the Lusheis the process -of assimilation has naturally been slower, and there is more to -describe. The following list of clans does not lay claim to being -complete, but contains all the best-known names. - -[Chawte.] Members of this clan are found in small numbers -scattered among the Lushei villages. They kill a goat as the Sakhua -sacrifice, and omit all the Naohri sacrifices except the Zinthiang and -Ui-ha-awr. When a mithan is sacrificed it is killed in the evening, -and the giver of the feast wears some of the tail hairs on a string -round his neck. - -In the hills between the Manipur valley and Tamu I found two small -hamlets of Chawte, who said that their forefather had come from the -hills far to the south very long ago. Their language closely resembles -Lushei, but they have come much under Manipuri influence. The names -of the families in no case agreed with those given me by the Chawte -in the Lushai Hills. A detailed account of the Manipur Chawte will -be found in (3). - -[Chongthu.] This clan is very widely scattered. The following account -of the origin of the clan is given by Suaka, now Sub-Inspector of -Police at Aijal:--"Of all Lushai clans Lershia (Chongthu) celebrated -the Chong first of all. Lershia's village was on the hill to the -south of the Vanlai-phai. There he celebrated the Chong. He was -the richest of all men. Lershia had a younger brother, Singaia. His -village was separate at Betlu. He was very rich in mithan, gongs, -and necklaces. Once he was moving to another village with all his -goods, when a very big snake swallowed him. Even till now Chongthus -are always 'upa' to chiefs. It may be they are wiser than the other -clans; they are very amiable--maybe they understand how to express -matters well. In every village Chongthu are always upa. How many -children Lershia had or where they are I do not know. Nevertheless he -was the richest of all men. Because he was so rich in mithan, gongs, -and necklaces he first celebrated the Chong. His name was also first -given to the Chong song. Even till now the Sailo and all Lusheis and -all Ralte, if they celebrate the Chong according to their customs, -sing Lershia's song--they have not a new song of their own." - -From the above it would appear that Chongthu is a nickname given to -Lershia on account of his having first celebrated the Chong. Chongthu's -name appears in the Thado pedigree as the first of the race to emerge -from the earth, and the great-great-grandfather of Thado. The Chiru -and Kolhen also claim descent from him, though they cannot give the -intermediate names. - -[Hnamte.] This clan lived to the east of the Tyao river. Their -most famous chief was Chon-uma, their last village was at Tlangkua, -on the Lentlang. Bad harvests and general misfortunes brought about -their dispersal early in the last century. - -[Kawlni.] A widely-distributed clan sub-divided into at least 12 -families said to be connected with the Ralte, q.v. - -[Kawlhring. Kawl = Burma. Hring = Born.] This clan had a big -village on the Hringfa hill, where the remains of earthworks made -by them in their final struggle against the Haka people may still be -seen. Messrs. Carey and Tuck in their "Chin Hills Gazetteer," p. 153, -say:--"Having settled with their formidable neighbours on the north, -the Hakas turned their attention to the Lushais, who at this time -occupied the country as far east as the banks of the Lavar stream, -barely 20 miles east of Haka. Their chief centres were Kwe Hring -and Vizan, two huge villages on the western slopes of the Rongtlang -range, and to this day the sites, fortifications, and roads of the -former town may be traced." The Hakas, not feeling equal to attacking -their powerful neighbours single-handed, called in the assistance -of a Burmese chieftain, Maung Myat San of Tilin, who came with 200 -men armed with guns and bringing with them two brass cannons. "The -Haka and Burman forces were collected on the spot where Lonzeert -now stands, and, marching by night, surprised Kwe Hring in the early -dawn by a noisy volley in which the brass cannon played a conspicuous -part. The Lushais, who had no firearms, deserted their villages and -fled in disorder, and for several months parties of Hakas ravaged -the country, eventually driving every Lushai across the Tyao before -the rains made that river unfordable." - -The people called here Lushais were the Kawlhring. The last Kawlhring -chief was Lalmichinga. The clan is now scattered among the villages -round Lungleh. There are eight families, but I have not found any -branches. The Zinthiang and Zinhnawm are omitted from the Naohri -sacrifices. - -[Kiangte.] This clan lived east of the Manipur river, from which -place it was driven by the Chins. Kiangte are now found in small -numbers in most of the villages in the North Lushai Hills. The clan -is divided into seven families, without branches. - -[Ngente.] Although this clan has been practically absorbed -its members have retained in an unusual degree their distinctive -customs. The Ngente were formerly a somewhat powerful clan living -at Chonghoiyi, on the Lungdup hill, where about 1780 A.D. a quarrel -broke out between their two chiefs, Lalmanga and Ngaia, and the latter -set out with his adherents to form another village, but was pursued -and killed by his brother. Shortly after this the clan was attacked -by the Lusheis and broken up. The above particulars were given me -in 1904, when I was near the Lungdup hill. They seem to account -for the Koihrui-an-chhat festival, which is described below from -notes supplied to me by Mr. C. B. Drake-Brockman in 1901, embodying -information gathered by him from Ngente living at Lungleh, many days' -journey from Lungdup. This is an interesting instance of history -being embalmed in a custom of which the origin has been forgotten, -and I humbly recommend its consideration to those wise men who are -ever ready to interpret every custom as affording evidence of their -particular theories. - -Marriage.--The Ngente young man is no more restricted in the choice -of his wife than is the Lushei, but the price is fixed at seven -guns, which are taken as equivalent to Rs. 140/-. Of this sum the -girl's nearest male relative receives Rs. 120/-, the remainder being -distributed as follows:--Rs. 8/- to the "pu," maternal grandfather -or uncle, Rs. 6/- to her elder sister, Rs. 4/- to her paternal aunt, -Rs. 2/- to the "palal," or trustee. Should a woman die before the -whole of her price has been paid, her relatives can only claim half -the remainder. - -Childbirth.--Three months before the birth, the mother prepares zu, -which is known as "nao-zu"--i.e., baby's beer, which must on no -account be taken outside the house and which is drunk in the child's -honour on the day of its birth. Women are delivered at the head of -the bedstead, and the afterbirth is placed in a gourd and hung up on -the back wall of the house, whence it is not removed. The puithiam -sacrifices a cock and hen, which must not be white, outside the -village, and, having cooked the flesh there, he takes it to his own -house for consumption. On the third day after the birth the child -is named by its "pu," who has to give a fowl and a pot of zu. A red -cock is killed and some of its feathers are tied round the necks of -the infant and other members of the family. - -Death Ceremonies.--The Ngente do not attach any importance to burying -their dead near their place of abode. They put up no memorials -and offer no sacrifices, and make no offerings to the deceased's -spirit. The dead are buried wherever it is most convenient. This is -a most singular divergence from the general custom. - -Festivals.--The Khuangchoi, Chong, Pawl-kut are observed. In place of -the Mim-kut they celebrate a feast called Nao-lam-kut, which takes -place in the autumn. For two nights all the men and women must keep -awake, and they are provided with boiled yams and zu to help them in -doing so. On the third day some men dress themselves up as women and -others as Chins, colouring their faces with charcoal. They then visit -every house in which a child has been born since the last Nao-lam-kut -and treat the inmates to a dance, receiving presents of dyed cotton -thread, women's cloths, &c., and much zu. Compare the account of the -Fanai She-doi, p. 136 et seq. below. - -Koihrui-an-chhat (They Break the Koi Creeper).--A party of young men, -being supplied with hard-boiled eggs and fowl's flesh, go off into -the jungle equipped with bows and arrows. On the third day they return -with the heads of some animals--for choice those of the "tangkawng," -a large lizard--and also a long piece of the creeper from which the -Koi beans (v. Chap. II, para. 18) are obtained. They are received -with all the honours paid to warriors returning from a successful -raid, and a tug of war with the creeper takes place between the young -men and the maidens. The heads of the animals are then placed in the -centre of the village, and dancing, singing, and drinking go on round -them all night, no young man or girl being allowed to go inside a -house till daybreak, when the whole party adjourns to the house of -a member of the Chonghoiyi-hring family--i.e., a descendant of one -born at Chonghoiyi--and after further libations they disperse. - -It is quite clear that this feast commemorates the victory of Lalmanga -over Ngaia--compare the account of the reception of a raiding party -given in Part I., Chap. III, para. 9. The use of bows and arrows is -an interesting survival. - -The tug of war with the creeper is found among the Old Kuki clans -as one of the incidents of the spring festival, and in the Manipuri -chronicle we find references to such amusements being indulged -in. The Ngente evidently combined the play, intended to keep green -the memories of their ancestor, with the usual ceremonies of the -spring festival. [9] - -The Ngente do not practise the Khal sacrifices. - -Language.--In the Linguistic Survey Dr. Grierson gives a translation -of the parable of the Prodigal Son in the Ngente dialect supplied him -by Mr. Drake-Brockman, and sums up his description of the dialect as -follows:--"But in all essential points both (i.e., Ngente and Lushei) -agree, and the difference is much smaller than between dialects in -connected languages." - -[Paotu.] A very insignificant clan, of which I have found only one -family. The clan formerly lived on a hill north of the Tao peak, to -the east of the Koladyne, and were probably driven out by the Chins -at the same time as the Kawlhring. - -[Rentlei.] There are five families in this clan, which has long been -absorbed by the Lusheis, but the Rentlei maintain that at one time, -when they lived in a big village on the Minpui hill to the east of the -Tyao river, they were the more powerful and showed their contempt for -the Lusheis by throwing stones at the skulls of the pigs which the -latter used to place on posts outside their houses after performing -the Sakhua sacrifice, and this led to the Lusheis placing the skulls -inside their houses, whereas the Rentlei to this day adhere to the -custom of putting them outside. This clan is still looked on with -respect, and chiefs frequently take Rentlei brides. - -[Roite.] This clan is divided into seven families, one of which -has a branch. There is nothing of interest to be noted about it. - -[Vangchhia.] This clan has only three families and one branch. Its -members are said to be generally wealthy, and therefore prudent -parents strive to get them as "pu" to their children. Their Sakhua -sacrifice is elaborate, a mithan being killed in front of the house, -a cock at the head of the parents' bed, and a boar at that of the -children. There is a great feast, followed by nine days' "hrilh." - -[Zawngte.] Now an insignificant clan, of which I have not obtained a -single family name. Under a chief called Chengtea they lived on a hill -north of Thlan-tlang, which is still known by their name. They were -ejected by the Chins probably at the same time as the Kawlhring and -Paotu. The eldest son inherits. They place their dead in hollowed-out -logs in small houses outside the village, and leave them there for -three months. In these particulars they resemble the Vuite. As among -the Chawte, after killing a mithan the household of the giver of the -feast wear some of the hairs of the tail on strings round their necks. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II - -CLANS WHICH, THOUGH NOT ABSORBED, HAVE BEEN MUCH INFLUENCED BY -THE LUSHEIS - - -[Fanai.] A clan which was rising into eminence, when our occupation -of the country put a stop to its further aggrandisement. The chiefs -trace their pedigree back six generations, to a man called Fanai, who -lived among the Zahaos, to the east of the Tyao. His great grandson, -Roreiluova, was a slave, or at least a dependant, of a Zahao chief, and -was sent with 70 households to form a village at Bawlte, near Champhai, -in Lushei territory, with the intention, no doubt, of enlarging the -Zahao borders, but Roreiluova entered into peaceful relations with the -Lushei chiefs, and gradually severed his connection with the Zahaos, -and, moving south-west, occupied successively various sites to the -west and north-west of Lungleh, between the Lushai and Chin villages, -maintaining his position with considerable diplomatic skill, often -acting as intermediary between his more powerful neighbours. He -died at Konglung early in the nineteenth century, having attained -such a position that his sons were at once recognised as chiefs, and -on our occupying the country in 1890 we found eight Fanai villages, -containing about 700 houses, grouped along the west bank of the Tyao -and Koladyne rivers, between Biate on the north and Sangao on the -south. Roreiluova's descendants seem to have inherited his skill -in diplomacy, for they kept on good terms with their neighbours, -and whenever these quarrelled managed to assist the stronger without -entirely alienating the weaker. - -The clan is subdivided into six families and one branch. - -The Fanai now talk Lushai and dress in the same way, except as regards -the method of dressing the hair, which is parted horizontally across -the back of the head at the level of the ears, and the hair above -this is gathered into a knot over the forehead, while that below is -allowed to hang loose over the shoulders. They generally follow Lushai -customs. In the series of feasts which an aspirant for the title of -Thangchhuah has to perform, the Chong is replaced by the Buh-za-ai -(buh = rice, za = 100), performed as among the Lushais. The She-doi -feast has to be gone through twice, and is followed by a very similar -feast called She-cha-chun (spearing of male mithan), which completes -the series. Wealthy persons perform the Khuangchoi, but it is not -necessary. The Mi-thi-rawp-lam is prohibited. The following account -of the She-doi is taken from my diary of the 14th May, 1890. - -"We went up at once to the village, where a peculiar dance was in -progress. Lembu's wife was being carried about on a platform, round -which a wooden railing had been fixed to enable her to maintain her -position. This platform had four long poles passed underneath it, and -a number of men and women, holding these, were moving the platform -about in a manner which must have been most uncomfortable for her -Majesty. They lifted it up and down, then swayed it to one side, then -to the other, then ran in one direction and stopped suddenly, then in -another, and pulled up with a jerk. During all this time the royal -lady maintained a solemn silence, and showed complete indifference -to the whole proceeding. Her head-dress consisted of a band round -which at intervals coloured bands of straw were plaited. From this -chaplet porcupine quills stood up all round, to the ends of which the -yellowish-green feathers of parrots were affixed, each terminating in a -tuft of red wool. At the back, an iron crossbar, about 6 inches long, -was tied horizontally, and from this a number of strings of black -and white seeds depended, at the end of which glistening wing-cases -of green beetles were attached. Except for this startling head-dress, -the Queen was dressed much as usual, except that her waist cloth was -longer and more gorgeous. Having been carried about for some time, her -Majesty showed her appreciation of the attentions of her subjects by -distributing gifts. First she threw a small chicken, which was eagerly -scrambled for and torn to pieces by the young men anxious to obtain -it, next followed a piece of white cotton wool, which no one would -pick up, and then some red thread, which was scrambled for eagerly. - -"May 15th.--This morning a mithan was sacrificed. The animal was tied -by the head to one of the sacrificial posts, on which his skull was -to be placed later on. The chief then came out with a spear in one -hand, a gourd of rice beer in the other. The puithiam, or sorcerer, -accompanied him, also carrying a gourd of beer. The pair took up their -stand just behind the mithan, and the puithiam began mumbling what I -was told were prayers for the prosperity of the village. The prayers -were interrupted by the chief and the sorcerer taking mouthfuls -of beer and blowing them over the mithan. When the prayers were -finished, they anointed the animal with the remains of the liquor, -and the chief then gave it a slight stab behind the shoulder, and -disappeared into his house. The mithan was then thrown on its side -and killed by driving a sharp bamboo spear into its heart. The animal -was then cut up. Later on another was killed, without any special -ceremony, and the flesh of both cooked in the street. Later on there -was a dance. Three men arrayed in fine cloths, with smart turbans, -came up the main street, crossing from side to side. With bodies -bent forward and arms extended, they took two steps forward, then -whirled round once, beat time twice with the right foot, two steps, -whirled round again, beat time twice with the left foot, and so on, -keeping time with the royal band, consisting of a gong, a tom-tom, -and a bamboo tube, used as a drum. The dancers, having been well -regaled with beer, proceeded to dance each a pas seul of a decidedly -indecent nature. The chief was prohibited from crossing running water -for a month after this sacrifice had been performed." After this feast -there is five days' "hrilh" for the whole community, and during this -no flesh may be brought into the village. The skull of the mithan is -kept on the post in front of the chief's house for a month, during -which time he may not cross water or converse with strangers. On the -expiry of a month a pig and a fowl are sacrificed and the skull is -then removed to the front verandah. - -The only difference in the ceremonies connected with childbirth is -that the Ui-ha-awr sacrifice is only performed if the child's hair -has a reddish tinge and the whites of its eyes turn yellowish. - -The Sakhua sacrifices are very elaborate, and consist of a series -commencing with the Vok-rial, which is necessary when a new house -has been completed. A sow is killed at the head of the parents' -sleeping place, and whatever portions of the flesh are not at once -consumed are placed beneath it till the next day. The house during -this time is "sherh." No one may enter it, and the occupants must -not speak to strangers nor enter the forge. Later on a boar is killed -in the front verandah, and the heart, liver, and entrails, known as -"kawrawl," are placed under the parents' sleeping place for five -days, and are eaten by the parents, the father sitting with his -back to the partition wall and the mother facing him. During these -five days a hrilh as above is observed. This sacrifice is called -"Vok-pa"--i.e., "Boar"--and is followed by the "Hnuaipui"--i.e., -"Great Beneath"--a full-grown sow being killed under the house, and -its head and sherh buried at the foot of one of the main posts. The -flesh is cooked beneath the house, but eaten in it. A three days' -hrilh follows. The series concludes with "Hnuaite"--i.e., "Lesser -Beneath"--which is similar to the former, but a young sow is killed. - -These sacrifices are performed as the necessary animals become -available. - -A dead Fanai is buried in the usual Lushai way, but no rice is placed -in the grave. An offering of maize, however, is suspended above -it. It may be noted that in the Zahao country rice is not cultivated, -the staple crop being maize. The Fanai do not kill tigers, giving as -the reason that a former ancestor of theirs lost his way, and was -conducted back to his village by a tiger, which kindly allowed him -to hold its tail. - -[The Ralte.] This clan is found scattered in the Lushai villages to -the north of Aijal, in which neighbourhood there are also one or two -villages under Ralte chiefs. I have already--in Part I., Chapter V, -para. 1--given the legend regarding the repeopling of the world and -the closing of the exit from the Chhinglung owing to the loquacity -of the pair of Ralte. The names of these mythical ancestors were -Hehua and Leplupi. Their two sons were Kheltea and Siakenga, who -quarrelled over the distribution of their father's goods, which -Kheltea, the younger, had taken, thus conforming to Lushei custom, -and set up separate villages, and from them have sprung the two -eponymous families into which the Ralte clan is divided. The Khelte -have always occupied a predominant position, and all the chiefs -belong to this family. Lutmanga, Kheltea's youngest son, is said to -have made the first cloth from the fibre of the Khawpui creeper. He -collected a community at Khuazim, a hill north of Champhai, and -from him all the Ralte chiefs are descended. In the early years of -the nineteenth century the Ralte villages were near Champhai, and -Mangkhaia, a Ralte chief of importance, was captured by some Chuango, -a family of the Lushei clan, then living at Bualte, above Tuibual -(known to the Chin Hills officers as Dipwell). He was ransomed by -his relatives, but Vanpuia, the Pachuao chief, not receiving a share, -ambushed Mangkhaia on his way home and killed him. According to another -account Mangkhaia filed through his fetters with a file given to him -in a roll of smoked meat, and was killed as he was escaping. His -memorial stone is famous throughout the Hills, and stands at the -southern extremity of Champhai. Mangthawnga, father of Mangkhaia, -joined Khawzahuala the Zadeng, then living at Tualbung, but, being -ill-treated, the Ralte joined Sutmanga, a Thado chief then at Phaileng, -who treated them well. Thawnglura, son of Mangthawnga, showed his -gratitude to Sutmanga by assisting the Sailo chief Lallianvunga, -father of Gnura (Mullah)--whose village Colonel Lister burnt in -1850--to attack him. Sutmanga then fled northwards. It is satisfactory -to know that Thawnglura's treachery was rewarded by the enslavement -of his clan, who till our occupation of the Hills remained vassals -of the Sailos. The Ralte are very quarrelsome, and have to a great -extent resisted absorption into the Lushais. In some Sailo chiefs' -villages there are so many Ralte that the chief himself speaks their -dialect, and though Lushai is understood little else but Ralte is -heard in the village. - -The Ralte are linguistically connected with the Thado, and, like the -Thado, they used not to build zawlbuks, but are now following Lushai -custom in this respect. - -The Khelte family has ten and the Siakeng family eleven branches. To -the various sums paid to the relatives of the bride among the Lushais, -the Ralte add "dawngbul" and "dawngler"--sums of Rs. 3/- paid to her -male and female paternal first cousins. - -The two families have slightly different customs as regard -sacrifices. The Khelte sacrifice to Sakhua is a boar, which is killed -at the head of the parents' sleeping place and then cooked on the -hearth. The skull is hung on the back wall of the house in a basket -with six pieces of the liver and three of the skin. The chant is -as follows:-- - - - Ah--h. You whom our grandmothers worshipped! - Ah--h. You whom our grandfathers worshipped! - Ah--h. You of our birthplace! - Ah--h. You of our place of origin! - Ah--h. You who made the Khelte! - Ah--h. You who made the Tuangphei! - Ah--h. In what we have done wrong! - Ah--h. In what we have sung amiss! - Ah--h. Make it right! - - -The Siakeng, after killing the boar as the Khelte do, entertain those -of their own branch, but before the flesh is eaten it is divided into -three portions, which are placed for a short time successively on the -floor, on the sleeping-place, and on the shelf over the hearth, being -thus offered to the spirits of the house, the couch, and the hearth. - -Of the Naohri sacrifices the Khelte only perform the Hmar-phir, which -they call "Thangsang" and the Ui-ha-awr, while the Siakeng perform -the Vawkte-luilam, called by them "Chhim-hal," and the Ui-ha-awr. - -They have adopted most of the Thangchhuah festivals, but not the -Mi-thi-rawp-lam. When a mithan is killed it is not speared as among -the Lushais, but killed by a blow on the forehead. The skull is placed -at the foot of the partition wall for three days, and on the fourth -it is taken out and placed at the foot of the memorial post. Some -ginger, beans, and salt are placed on a dish and an old man takes -the skull, and all dance round the post three times to the beating of -drums and gongs. Then ginger is thrown three times on to the skull, -after which the house-owner's wife pierces the skull with a spear, -but if she be pregnant this must be done by a man. The skull is then -placed on one of the posts of the platform in front of the house till -the Khuangchoi has been performed. - -On the occasion of the first death occurring in a new village a spot is -selected beyond the line of houses, and the corpse is buried there, -subsequent interments being made close at hand. It is considered -"thianglo" to bury in a village. A well-to-do Khelte after death -is dressed in his best, and seated with his back to the partition -wall while his relatives and friends drink and dance before him. A -bier is made by elderly persons, and on this the corpse is placed in -a sitting position, with his weapons in his hands, and three times -lifted by old men and women up to the rafters, while drums and gongs -are beaten, after which the body is carried out to the graveyard. - -The birth customs generally resemble those of the Lushais. - -[The Paihte or Vuite.] This is a clan of some importance still. There -are eleven Vuite villages, numbering 877 houses, in the south-west -corner of the Manipur State and two in the adjoining portions of the -Lushai Hills. When we occupied the Hills we found many of this clan -living in a species of slavery in the villages of important Sailo -chiefs. They have mostly rejoined their clansmen, from whom they had -been carried off as prisoners of war. - -The clan is generally known to the Lushais as Paihte, but Vuite is -the term more commonly used by its members and in Manipur. Vuitea and -Paihtea were the sons of Lamleia, who was hatched out of an egg. There -were two eggs, and Aichhana, a Thado, tasted one, and, finding it -bitter, threw it away and put the other among the rice in the bin, and -in due time Lamleia was hatched out, and the present Vuite chiefs claim -to be his direct descendants, enumerating seventeen generations. The -Thado version of this story is that Dongel, Thado's elder brother, -had incestuous intercourse with his elder sister, and on a male child -being born their mother was so ashamed that she hid the child in a -hollow tree, thinking it would die, but when she found it was alive -after several days she brought it into the house and concealed it -in the paddy bin, and produced it a few days later, saying that she -had found two big eggs in a hollow tree and had tasted one and had -found it very bitter. The second she had placed in the paddy, where -it had been hatched by the sun's rays. Hence the child was called -Gwite, from "ni-gwi," the Thado for a ray of sunshine. The Vuite, -of course, do not admit this tale to be true, but my informant tells -me that in his father's time, when the Dongel and Vuite lived near to -each other, the former paid "sathing"--i.e., a portion of each animal -killed--to the latter, in recognition that the Vuite were descended -from the elder sister of their ancestor. The Vuite, however, always -tried to avoid accepting such presents, and when the Dongel moved -away the custom died out. The first Vuite village is said to have -been at Chimnuai, near to Tiddim. The name of this site comes first -in the Vuite Sakhua chant which I obtained in the Lushai Hills. Being -attacked by the Sokte and Falam clans, they joined the Thangur chiefs, -but were ill-treated and fled to the neighbourhood in which they now -live, and waged war with their oppressors till the establishment of -our rule. They at one time approached the Manipur plain and in 1870, -under Sumkam, they raided a Manipuri village, to avenge a charge of -being wizards. They appear to be closely connected with the Malun, -Sokte, and Kamhau clans of the adjoining Chin Hills, and Dr. Grierson -places them linguistically in the same group as these clans and the -Thado. In their dress and habitations they resemble the Lushais, but -the place of the zawlbuk is taken by the front verandah of the houses -of certain persons of importance, in which are long sleeping bunks in -which half a dozen or more young men pass the night. The young fellows -help their host in his house-building and cultivation, and once a year -he gives them a feast of a pig. This custom prevails in most of the -non-Lushei clans, and also among the Kabui Nagas in the Manipur Hills. - -The women do not wear the huge ivory earrings of the Lushai but -cornelians or short lead bars. - -The general constitution of the clan and the village is very similar -to that of the Lushais. As regards marriage they are monogamists, -in this particular forming a very remarkable exception to all their -cognates. The marriages of paternal first cousins are allowed--in -fact, among chiefs they are the rule. The parents of a young man -who desires to marry a girl go to her house with an offering of zu, -and if this is accepted the girl is at once taken to their house, -but the bridegroom continues for two or three months to sleep with -his bachelor friends. The marriage is not considered final nor is any -payment made till a child is born, and if this does not occur within -three years the couple separate, but on the birth of a child the full -price agreed on must be paid up and divorce is not countenanced. On -my enquiring what would happen in case the lady subsequently proved -fickle, my informant smiled in a superior manner and said that such -behaviour was unknown among his people. The Vuite object to giving -their girls to the Lushais on account of the tendency of Lushai -husbands to discard their wives on the slightest excuse. - -Although the Vuite do not maintain that before marriage their girls -are invariably chaste, yet one who errs is looked down on, and in -consequence abortion and infanticide are said to be common. "Sawnman" -at Rs. 23/- is demanded from the seducer. - -As among most non-Lushei tribes, the eldest son inherits. The -punishments for offences are similar to those among the Lushais, -but the Vuite assert that the crime of sodomy is unknown among -them. Murder can be atoned for by the payment of seven mithan to -the heir of the murdered man, and accidental homicide by that of one -mithan and a gun. In the days when war was common they used to ambush -their enemies more than was usual among the Lushais, but they never -went head-hunting simply for honour and glory. As regards "boi," -they follow Lushai customs closely. - -Pathian is acknowledged, and in general their religious beliefs -resemble those of the Lushais, but they have no idea of a separate -abode for the spirits of warriors. They believe that departed spirits -have two or more lives in the land beyond the grave. - -For their Sakhua sacrifice a boar is killed on the front verandah -and cooked within the house. The skin of the head, the testicles, -heart, snout, and liver are placed on a bamboo over the verandah, -which must be freshly thatched. - -Immediately after birth the child is washed, and a fowl is killed, and -its feathers are worn round the necks of the mother and infant. The -mother may go out of the house, but for four days after the birth -both parents abstain from all work. On occasion of the naming two -or three pigs if available should be killed and much zu drunk. The -Khal sacrifices, with the exception of Uihring, are not performed, -but most of the other sacrifices are made. - -The custom of paying "lukawng" on the death of a person is unknown, and -the funeral ceremonies generally are very unlike those of the Lushais. - -After death the corpse is placed on a platform and fires are lit round -it, and young men and maidens sleep near it. The skin is hardened -and preserved by being rubbed with some greasy preparation. The body -is dressed in the best cloths available, and a chaplet of the tail -feathers of the hornbill is placed on its head. During the daytime -the corpse is kept in the house, but in the evening it is brought out -and seated on the verandah while the villagers dance and sing round -it and drink zu, pouring it also into the mouth of the corpse. This -disgusting performance goes on for a month or more according to the -social position of the deceased. The corpses of those who have attained -Thangchhuah honours are kept for a year, at least, in a special shed -encased in a tree trunk. Before burial the corpse is carried round -the village. In case of a violent death, which does not as among -the Lushais include deaths in childbirth, the corpse is placed in -the forge and the puithiam sacrifices a fowl, after which the usual -ceremonies take place. The Kut festivals are not observed, but after -harvest the owners of houses in which young men lodge kill one or two -pigs. The honour of Thangchhuah is obtained by giving the following -feasts:--(1) Buh ai, one mithan being killed; (2) She-shun, one mithan -being killed; (3) Chawn, three mithan and two pigs being killed. No -other feasts are given and windows may be made by anyone. Most of the -superstitions common among the Lushais are believed, but gibbons are -freely killed. The Vuite are very much afraid of witchcraft, but deny -all knowledge of it. When a new site for a house has to be chosen an -egg is taken and one end is removed. It is then propped up on three -small stones and a fire is lit under it. If the contents boil over -towards the person consulting the omen the site is rejected as unlucky. - - -[The Rangte.] This is a small clan which, after various vicissitudes, -has settled down in thirteen hamlets, containing 372 houses, under -their own chiefs in the south-western hills of Manipur. They claim -connection with the Thados, but resemble the Lushais in many respects, -which no doubt is due to their sojourn among them. They also claim -relationship with the Vaiphei. They say that their original villages -were on two hills called Phaizang and Koku, whence they were ejected -by the Chins and took refuge with Poiboi, one of the Sailo chiefs who -opposed us in 1871, whence they migrated northwards to their present -place of abode. Their language shows that their claim to being allied -to the Thado is not without foundation. The clan is divided into -eleven eponymous families, named after Thanghlum and his ten sons, -Thanghlum being supposed to be the son of Rangte. The constitution of -the villages is practically the same as that of the Lushais, except -that there are no zawlbuks. The young unmarried men sleep in the house -of the girl they like best. An attractive young lady may have several -admirers sleeping in her house, and they will continue to sleep there -until she expresses a preference for one of them. Marriage is not -very strictly limited, but matches with another member of the clan -or with some member of one of the Thado families are most usual. The -price of a wife--"manpui"--is one blue cloth, one mattress, and three -mithan, which is paid to the nearest male relative to the bride on the -father's side, but besides this the bride's paternal uncle receives -one mithan, which is termed "mankang." If there be three brothers, A, -B, and C, B will take the mankang of A's daughters, C that of B's, -and A that of C's. Should a man have no brothers some near relative -will take his daughter's mankang. The eldest son inherits everything, -and is looked on as the head of the family. He receives the "manpui" -of all the females, and in his verandah are hung all the trophies of -the chase obtained by his brothers and their children, but on the death -of one of these brothers the connection ceases, and the deceased's -eldest son inherits his property and is looked on as the head of the -family by his younger brothers. Like the Vuite, the Rangte claim that -sodomy is unknown among them. In their religious beliefs they employ -the nomenclature of the Thados, though there is a little variation. The -place of Pupawla on the road to Mi-thi-khua is taken by an old woman, -named Kul-lo-nu, who is evidently the same as the Thado Kulsamnu, who -troubles all except the Thangchhuah. Thlan-ropa is known as "Dapa," -but the legends regarding him are similar to those told by the Lushais. - -On the birth of a female child, zu is drunk, but should the child be -a son, a pig and a fowl have to be killed, and three days later the -puithiam comes and sprinkles the mother with water, muttering charms -as he does so, after which ceremony she can go out. Immediately after a -death everyone present seizes the nearest weapon and slashes wildly at -the walls, posts, shelves, and partitions, shouting, "You have killed -him! We will cut you limb from limb, whoever you may be." The young -men then go out in search of wild birds and beasts, the bodies of -which are hung on posts round the grave. The corpse is adorned with -the head-dress of hornbill's feathers, as among the Vuite and most -of the Old Kuki clans. The corpses of ordinary persons are buried -without much ceremony close to the house, but the Thangchhuah are -carried round the village, as among the Khawtlang, and then enclosed -in hollow tree trunks, and kept for periods varying from two months -to a year in special sheds, with fires smouldering beneath them, -after which the bones are buried. In this it will be noticed that -the Rangte custom is a composite of Lushei, Vuite, and Khawtlang. - -Lukawng is only paid if the deceased has been a great hunter or -warrior. In their marriage ceremonies the Rangte differ but little -from the Lushais. The "Khal" sacrifices are omitted, but most of the -others are performed. - -Thangchhuah honours are attained by giving only two feasts--the -"Chong," at which a hen has to be sacrificed and two pigs and a mithan -killed, and the "Mai-thuk-kai," at which two mithan, three pigs, -and a hen have to be killed. The guests hold hands and form a circle -round the house of the giver of the feast, who has to anoint the head -of each of them with pig's fat. The Buh-Ai is unknown, but the Ai of -wild animals is performed as among the Lushais. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE OLD KUKI CLANS - - -The term Old Kukis has long been applied to the clans which -suddenly appeared in Cachar about 1800, the cause of which eruption -I have explained when dealing with the history of the Lushais, but -Dr. Grierson in the Linguistic Survey has included in this group a -number of clans which had long been settled in Manipur territory, and -my enquiries all go to prove the correctness of this classification. It -appears practically certain that the ancestors of the Old Kukis and the -Lushais were related and lived very close together somewhere in the -centre of the hills on the banks of the Tyao and Manipur rivers. The -Old Kuki clans of Manipur seem to have been the first to move, as -records of their appearance there are found in the Manipur chronicle -as early as the sixteenth century, and, though the chronology of -the chronicle is not beyond suspicion, I think this may be taken as -proof that these clans appeared in Manipur a good deal earlier than -their relations the Bete and Rhangkhol entered Cachar. What the cause -of this move was it is impossible to say. Probably quarrels with -their neighbours, coupled with a desire for better land, combined -to cause the exodus, and the movement, once started, had to continue -till the clans found a haven of rest in Manipur, as their relatives -did centuries later in British territory; for they were small, weak -communities, at the mercy of the stronger clans, through whose lands -they passed. - -All these Old Kuki clans are organised far more democratically than -the Lushais or Thados. Lieut. Stewart in his Notes on Northern Cachar -says:--"There is no regular system of government among the Old Kukis -and they have no hereditary chiefs as among the New ones. A headman -called the 'ghalim' is appointed by themselves over each village, -but he is much more a priest than a potentate, and his temporal power -is much limited. Internal administration among them always takes -a provisional form. When any party considers himself aggrieved, he -makes an appeal to the elders, or the most powerful householders in -the village, by inviting them to dinner and plying them with victuals -and wine." - -Among the clans which settled early in Manipur, each village has been -provided with a number of officials with high-sounding titles and -little power, in imitation of the Manipur system. Among those who have -settled in British territory the ghalim has been transformed into the -"gaonbura"--i.e., head of the village--and has acquired a certain -amount of authority, whilst among the Khawtlang and Khawchhak clans, -which after various vicissitudes, including a more or less lengthy -sojourn among the Lushais, recently entered Manipur territory, the -ghalim has become a feeble imitation of a Lushai lal. - - - -The Old Kuki Clans of Manipur. - -Under this heading I propose dealing with the Aimol, Anal, Chawte, -Chiru, Kolhen, Kom, Lamgang, Purum, Tikhup, and Vaiphei, who are now -found in various parts of the hills bordering the Manipur valley, -and who resemble each other in very many respects. In spite of this -resemblance, the clans, while acknowledging their relationship to -one another, keep entirely apart, living in separate villages and -never intermarrying. - -In the Manipur chronicle the Chiru and Anal are mentioned as early -as the middle of the sixteenth century, while the Aimol make their -first appearance in 1723. They are said to have come from Tipperah, -but at that time the eastern boundary of Tipperah was not determined, -and the greater part of the present Lushai Hills district was supposed -to be more or less under the control of the Rajah of that State. A -short distance to the east of Aijal there is a village site called -Vai-tui-chhun--i.e., the watering place of the Vai--which is said to -commemorate a former settlement of the Vaiphei. It seems probable, -therefore, that the Aimol and Vaiphei left their former homes in -consequence of the forward movement of the Lusheis. The remaining -tribes all claim to have come from various places to the south of -Manipur--the Anal from the Haubi peak, the Chiru from "the Hranglal -hill far away in the south," the Kom from the Sakripung hill in the -Chin Hills; the other clans can give no nearer definition of the home -of their forefathers than far away to the south. Like the Lushais, -they all assert that they are descended from couples who issued -out of the earth, the Chhinglung of the Lushais being replaced by -"Khurpui"--i.e., the great hole. - -The Anal assert that two brothers came out of a cave on the -Haubi peak, and that the elder was the ancestor of the Anals, -while the younger went to the valley of Manipur and became king of -the valley. Another tradition says that the Manipuris, Anals, and -Thados are the descendants of three men, whose father was the son -of Pakhangba, the mythical snake-man ancestor of the Manipuri royal -family, who, taking the form of an attractive youth, overcame the -scruples of a maiden engaged in weeding her jhum (compare Hodson's -"Meitheis," page 12). These legends were probably invented after the -clans had come in contact in order to account for the resemblances -between them. The Chiru claim to be descended from Rezar, the son -of Chongthu, the ancestor of the clan of that name still found in -the Lushai Hills, whose name also appears in the Thado pedigree. The -Lamgang tell the following tale:--On the Kangmang hill, away to the -south, there is a cave. Out of this came a man and a woman, and were -eaten up by a tiger which was watching. A god who had two horns, -seeing this horrible sight, came out and drove away the tiger, -and so the next couple to emerge escaped and became the ancestors -of the Lamgang. The Purum claim to be descended from Tonring and -Tonshu, who issued from the earth. It is said that "Pu rum" means -"hide from tiger," which connects them closely with the Lamgang -legend. The Kolhen's ancestors were a man and woman who sprang out -of Khurpui provided with a basket and a spear, and lived at Talching, -and had a son and daughter called Nairung and Shaithatpal, the direct -descendants of whom are said still to be found among the Kolhen. - -The Chawte told me the tale of the peopling of the world out of a hole -in the ground, adding the graphic touch that an inquisitive monkey -lifted up a stone which lay over the opening, and thus allowed their -ancestors to emerge. - -It is not quite clear whether these clans are eponymous. The Chiru -say that their clan is named after an ancestor, but can give no -pedigree. The Aimol say that there is no general name for the various -families, and that Aimol is the name of the village site. It is -probably Ai-mual. "Ai" is the Lushai name of a berry and also means -crab, and appears in Ai-zawl or Aijal. "Mual" is the Lushai for a -spur of a hill. It is a very common, in fact almost a universal, -custom to call a new village site, if it has no recognised name, -after the site of the old village, and probably the original Aimual -would be found in the centre of the Lushai Hills. - -All these clans have come much under Manipuri influence, and the Chiru, -Aimol, Kolhen, Chawte, Purum, and Tikhup have abandoned the ancestral -architecture, and now live in houses built on raised earthen plinths -like the Manipuris. - -The remaining clans still adhere to the ancient style, their houses -being raised some four or five feet off the ground on posts. The -walls are of planks, and the roofs of thatching grass; they remind -one much of the Falam houses. Round each village are clustered -the granaries--small houses raised well off the ground and placed -sufficiently far from the dwelling houses to make them fairly safe -from fire. Where the houses are raised sufficiently pigs and poultry -live under them; but cattle sheds are common, most of these clans -having learnt the value of cows and buffaloes from the Manipuris. The -handsome breed of goats so common in a Lushai village is seldom if -ever seen, but animals of an inferior sort are generally kept. - -The Chiru, Kom, and Tikhup still build zawlbuks. No woman is allowed -to enter these buildings, which, besides being the dormitories of -the unmarried men, are used for drinking bouts. They are externally -very like those built by the Lushais, but have several fireplaces -evidently used for cooking, and the general hearth in the centre is -absent. Some of the clans which do not now build zawlbuks say that -they believe their forefathers did so. In the absence of the zawlbuk -the young men generally sleep in the houses of well-to-do villagers, -but among the Purum I am told that "if a man has one unmarried son -and one unmarried daughter, the boy goes to sleep at the house of -a man who has an unmarried daughter; though they sleep in this way -they are very careful about their characters." Have we here stumbled -on the real origin of the "young men's house"--a desire to prevent -incest? The young women also have houses in which they gather at time -of festivals, but they do not sleep there. - -The rotchem, the Lushai mouth-organ, is found among all these clans, -but rather smaller and ornamented with fowls' feathers. The Anal make -a speciality of long bamboo trumpets, on which they perform with -considerable skill, producing sounds indistinguishable from those -of a bugle. The trumpets are from four to five feet long, and have -bell-shaped mouths made of gourds. - -Most of these clans have adopted various dances from the Manipuris, -their own dancing being of the monotonous nature common to the Lushais -and Kukis. - -In dress and method of wearing the hair Manipuri influence is also -noticeable, the men generally wearing coats and loin-cloths and -turbans. The women are more conservative and adhere to the short -petticoat. The hair is generally worn very much in the Lushai fashion, -but the Chiru men are an exception to this. They part their hair in -the middle and brush it down straight, and trim it level with the -bottom of the ears. They bind a narrow fillet of cane round the head -slightly above the eyes. The Kolhen women gather the hair into two -heavy rolls, which hang down in front of each ear. The Tikhup maidens -have adopted the Manipuri method of dressing the hair. - -The ivory discs worn in the ears by Lushai women are not found, -but metal rings are worn in a similar manner by both sexes. - -The Manipuris have instituted in each village a number of posts with -high-sounding titles, similar to those in use among themselves, -but traces of the older organisation are to be found. Thus the -Aimol recognise a man called Thompa, of the Chomgom family, as -the head of the clan, but he has no power and receives nothing, -while in each village are four officials who receive a portion -of every animal killed in the chase. They are called "kamzakhoi," -"zakachhunga," "zupalba," and "pakanglakpa." The last two titles have -a distinctly Manipuri sound about them. The usual titles found are -"khul-lakpa"--i.e., chief of the village--"lup-lakpa," "zupalba," and -"Methei lumbu"--i.e. Manipuri interpreter--but there are others. The -khul-lakpa and lup-lakpa are hereditary posts. Among the Lamgang there -are seven such hereditary posts. Among the Chiru the khul-lakpa, -besides receiving a portion of each animal killed, also gets his -house built for nothing, which brings him very near to the Lushai -"lal." Among the Kolhen the khul-lakpa's and lup-lakpa's posts are -not hereditary, but on the death of either his successor must be -chosen out of the same family, but his sons are ineligible. The new -official has to give a feast, killing a pig, which is eaten by the -whole community, and the young men and maidens make merry with dance -and song. It seems probable that in this may be some idea of averting -the evil effects of a breach of the generally accepted custom. - -The puithiam is known as "thempu," "khulpu," or "bulropa," and both -he and the blacksmith are sometimes rewarded, receiving a day's labour -from each householder they serve, instead of a donation of rice. - -The Lushai system of "boi" is generally unknown, which is only natural -in such democratic communities. - -The following animals are not generally eaten--tigers, snakes, cats, -crows, or kites; and among the Lamgang the rat is also considered -unfit for food. - -Each clan is divided into eponymous families and generally marriage -is restricted to the clan, but alliances within the family are -prohibited. The Aimol clan is divided into five families--Chongom, -Laita or Mangte, Khoichung or Leivon, Lanu, and Chaita. Marriage is -unrestricted, but it is unusual for either sex to marry without the -clan. The Kolhen are divided into twelve exogamous families divided -into two groups, which are also exogamous (v. below, under Festivals, -page 167), but marriage outside the clan is prohibited. Among the -Anal, Purum, and Lamgang marriages must be made within the clan, -but not within the family. - -The Tikhup clan, which only numbers some twenty households, is not -sub-divided, but marriage is endogamous. The union of first cousins, -either paternal or maternal, is prohibited. The elders of the clan -attributed the steady decline in their numbers to this custom of -endogamy. - -The Chiru and Chawte customs are alike; not only is a young man's -choice limited to some family in the clan other than his own, but the -actual families from which he may choose his bride are strictly fixed. - -Among the Chiru-- - - - A Danla lad may marry a Dingthoi or Shangpa girl. - A Dingthoi lad may marry a Chongdur or Danla girl. - A Rezar lad may marry a Danla girl. - A Shangpa lad may marry a Dingthoi or Danla girl. - A Chongdur lad may marry a Danla girl. - - -Danla is the family from which the khul-lakpa must be taken, and Rezar -has already been noticed as the son of Chongthu, from whom the Chiru -claim descent. - -Among the Chawte-- - - - A Marem lad may only marry a Makhan girl. - A Makhan lad may only marry an Irung girl. - A Kiang lad may only marry a Makhan or Marem girl. - An Irung lad may only marry a Marem, Thao, or Kiang girl. - A Thao lad may only marry a Makhan girl. - - -Among the Aimol, Anal, Chiru, and Purum, a young man has to serve -his future wife's father for three years, during which he works as -if he were a son of the house. During this period he has free access -to the girl, though among the Chiru he continues to sleep among the -bachelors. Should the girl become enceinte the marriage ceremony must -be performed, and the price paid. Among the Aimol the bride's eldest -brother gets Rs. 6/- and each of the others one rupee less than his -immediate senior. The paternal and maternal uncles receive Rs. 2/- -each; the aunt and the elder sister also receive Rs. 1/- each as -"niman" and "nao-puan-puk-man," as among the Lushais. Among the Anal -and the Purum, the price must not be less than a pig and a piece of -iron a cubit in length, but the girl's relatives try to get as much -more as they can. The bridegroom has also to feast the family of his -bride three times on pork, fowls, and rice, washed down, of course, -with plenty of zu. The Chiru girls are only valued at one gong. - -Among the other clans, marriage is by simple purchase. A Chawte maiden -can be obtained for a spear, a dao, and a fowl, the payment being -sealed by the consumption of much zu. The price of a Kolhen girl -is a gong and Rs. 7/- to her mother, and Rs. 7/- each to the elder -and younger brother and the maternal uncle. This is most curious, -for the father is entirely omitted. Can it be a survival of mother -right? The Kom girls are valued very high, the father receiving one -gong, four buffaloes, fifteen cloths, a hoe, and a spear, the aunt -taking a black and white cloth. A Lamgamg bridegroom has to pay his -father-in-law three pigs or buffaloes or cows, one string of conch -shell beads, one lead bracelet, and one black or blue petticoat. A -Tikhup father expects a gong, ten hoes, one dao, and one spear; -the maternal grandfather also demands Rs. 7/-. - -The price of a Vaiphei girl varies between two and ten mithan. To a -certain extent the price of the girls may be taken as an indication -of the relative importance of the clan. Marriage by servitude is not -found among either the Lushai or the Thado clans; its appearance among -the Old Kukis is therefore curious, for as a rule the customs of a -clan will be found to resemble those of one or the other of these -two main divisions of the Kuki-Lushai race. - -Polygamy is, as a rule, permitted. Among the Anal and Lamgang, the -first wife is entitled to the company of her husband for five nights, -the second for four, and the third for three. It is not quite clear -how a second marriage by servitude can be carried out, and probably -the rules are modified in such cases. Polygamy is but little practised -on account of the expense; among the Kolhen it is prohibited. - -In most of these clans the Thado rule of inheritance is followed--viz., -the eldest son takes all his father's property, the younger sons only -getting what the heir chooses to give them. Among the Anal and Purum, -and probably also the Lamgang, the sons of the deceased divide the -property, but the youngest son takes the house and supports the widow, -thus approximating to the Lushai custom. - -In most clans the father of an illegitimate child is fined. Among -the Chiru the fine is a pig, a mithan, and two gongs. - -Divorce is generally easily obtained. Among the Aimol, if either -party repents of the bargain, the payment of a cloth and three pots -of zu annuls the contract. Among the Tikhup the cost of divorce is a -mithan and a gong. The Anal and most of the other clans insist on the -question being submitted to the village officials, who receive fees -according to their position, and settle what compensation, if any, -shall be paid to either party. As a rule it is very difficult for a -woman to obtain a divorce unless her husband agrees, even though he -may be extremely unfaithful and brutal. Among the Anal she must give -a feast to the village or pay her husband Rs. 50/-. - -In case of a wife being led astray the injured husband recovers her -price or an equivalent amount (among the Tikhup twice the price) -from her seducer. In this the Thado custom is followed, which is more -just than that of the Lushais, but not so conducive to morality, for -among the the Lushais the whole of the woman's family are interested -in keeping her from committing herself and are loud in condemnation -should she do so, as they have to refund the various sums they have -received on her behalf, whereas among the Thado the seducer simply -pays up the price and takes the woman, who is thought very little the -worse of--in fact, among the clans which follow this apparently more -just custom, women hold a far lower position, being traded from one -to another, unless they have influential male relatives who take an -interest in them. - -All these clans have been given definite sites in Manipur and have -practically abandoned the migratory habits of their forefathers, -and therefore the idea of property in land, which is entirely absent -in the case of the Lushais, is fast springing up. Many villages are -moving nearer to the plain in order that the people may take leases -from the State of land in the valley and carry on plough cultivation, -but they also do a certain amount of jhuming, and proprietary rights -in jhum lands are recognised. - -The punishment for theft is arranged much on the Lushai system of the -theft of certain articles having a fixed fine attached to it. This -is generally a pig, two jars of zu, and a brass plate. Among the -Chiru the whole fine is consumed by the people of the village, the -thief also getting his share. The Kolhen punishment is a fine of -Rs. 28/-, a pig, and two jars of zu. In case of rice being stolen, -the Tikhup custom is that the village officials at once kill and eat -the pig of the thief and then make him pay a mithan as compensation -to the complainant. Thefts of minor articles are generally punished -by the thief providing a pig and zu for the entertainment of his -judges. Manslaughter is punished by the payment of compensation, -the amount varying considerably. The Anal demand a mithan and a gong, -the Chiru a mithan and a cloth, the Kolhen three mithan, a brass pot, -a pig, and two pots of zu, the Lamgang four gongs, ten jars of zu, -and a big pig. Petty assaults are punished by fines of pigs and zu. A -false charge is often punished by a fine of zu. Most of these clans -declare that sodomy is unknown among them, the very notion appearing -to them highly absurd. - -All disputes and accusations are disposed of by the village officials, -who meet sometimes in the house of the khul-lakpa and sometimes at a -special spot outside the village where stone seats have been prepared. - -Since the settlement of these clans in Manipur territory all raiding -and fighting has been stopped, so that they have practically forgotten -what were the habits of their forefathers in these respects, but -the Kom declare that in the good old days the young Kom warriors -went off on head-hunting expeditions, and if successful adorned the -village gate with the trophies of their prowess; and there is no -reason to doubt that, in spite of their present peaceable behaviour, -the previous history of these clans was not less full of raids and -counter-raids than that of their neighbours. - -The general religious beliefs of these clans show a great resemblance -to each other and also to that of the Lushais. Pathian is universally -recognised as the creator who lives in the sky, though the name is -slightly different, appearing as Pathel among the Anal and Kolhen, -and Patheng among the Kom. Mi-thi-khua is generally known as the -place of departed spirits, but the Chiru and Tikhup have no idea of -a place of greater comfort for the spirits of warriors, though the -Chiru believe that the spirits of those that die unnatural deaths -go to a separate and inferior place, while those of the other dead -go westwards into the sky. The Anal, Kolhen, and Lamgang believe -that, after hovering around the grave for some time, the spirit is -reincarnated in some new-born child, but that an unnatural death -prevents this and the spirit passes away skywards and returns no -more. The belief in a being or beings which trouble the spirits on -their way to Mi-thi-khua, as Pupawla does with his pellet bow, is -very general. The Aimol call him Ramcharipu, and say that he makes -the spirits of all, except "Thangchhuah," kill a certain number of -lice in his head. The Vaiphei say that a male and a female being -guard the road and trouble and detain the spirits of those who have -not attained the honours of Thangchhuah. With the exception of the -Tikhup, all the clans believe in demons, which they call by various -names and which correspond exactly with the Huai of the Lushais. The -Aimol call these devils Numeinu, Thanglian Borh, Tuikuachoi. "Numeinu" -means mother of woman Borh brings to memory the infantile illness -called by that name by the Lushais, while "Tuikuachoi" is evidently -the Tui-huai. The Aimol and Chiru perform the Daibawl sacrifices in -the same manner as the Lushais. The Chawte sacrifice pigs and fowls -in case of sickness, but the Khal sacrifices are quite unknown to any -Old Kuki clans. Lashi is known to the Aimol and Vaiphei. Among the -former the Sakhua sacrifices are performed to this deity, and he is -capable of giving success in the chase. The Vaiphei place Lashi almost -on a par with Pathian and sacrifice a pig to him every year. Strange -to say, he is supposed to have only one leg. The Sakhua chant of the -Vuite commences with an invocation to all the wild animals to collect. - -In nearly every clan there is an annual festival in honour of the -souls of those who have died during the year, but in no case is the -Mi-thi-rawp-lam or any similar festival included in the series of -Thangchhuah feasts. - -The Aimol sacrifice either a pig or a goat to Lashi as their -Sakhua. The Chawte have been much influenced by Manipuris, and I was -first told that the names of their gods were Pakhangba and Nungchongba, -but on a little further enquiry I found that Pakhangba was always -called Pathian when talking among themselves. The other deity is -probably the Manipuri god Nungshaba ("The Meitheis," Hodson, page 98). - -Above the hamlet was an oval, level space with a low wall round it. At -the eastern end was a small house in which were two stones. This was -the abode of Pakhangba, and to one side was Nungchongba's dwelling -place, which consisted of three small stones, with a fourth one -placed on the top. In front of these a bull is sacrificed once in -three years, and dancing and singing take place every year after the -harvest. The Chiru believe in "Rampus," which in some respects appear -to be the same as the Lushai "Huai," but in others they appear to -be local gods. The four chief Rampus live one on Kobru, a high hill -overlooking the northern extremity of the Manipur valley and called -by the Manipuris the guardian of the north, one in Kangjupkhul, -the village site of my informants, one on Makong hill and one in the -valley of Manipur. Twice a year the Rampu of Kobra is honoured with -the sacrifice of a dog, while pigs, fowls, or goats are offered to -the others. In July a dog is killed in honour of the first three and -a pig in honour of the last-named. In case of very serious illness, -when the Daibawl sacrifices have proved unavailing, special sacrifices -are made to the three chief Rampus above mentioned. These four Rampus -are evidently nearer to local godlings than the multitudinous and -ill-defined Huais of the Lushais. In July Pathian also is honoured, a -pig being killed on behalf of the whole village, while each household -sacrifices a fowl. The day is held sacred, no work being done. It -is known as Chapui-chol-lai--i.e., holiday in the great heat. The -four Rampus can only have come into prominence since the settlement -of the hamlet at Kangjupkhul, and it is probable that different -ones are worshipped by other hamlets. The Chiru also perform Sakhua -sacrifices as the Lushais do. The Tikhup denied all knowledge of any -devils or semi-divine beings, saying that they worshipped Pathian -and him only. Every year in Phalgun they sacrifice a pig and a cock -to Pathian, and much zu is drunk. In cases of sickness sacrifices of -pigs or fowls and offerings of flowers, eggs, and rice are made to -Pathian. Dogs are never sacrificed. I think this is the only clan in -which they are not. I failed to find out the cause of this. - -In the other clans the sacrifices are combined with festivals either -in connection with the crops, the dead, or Thangchhuah, and are not -simply in honour of the god. - -The puithiam of the Lushais becomes "thempu" and in some clans -"khulpu." The last name seems to indicate his responsibility for -protecting the village from all ills and misfortunes by performing the -necessary sacrifices (khul = village, pu = protector). He appears here -as one of the village officials, which is the natural result of the -inhabitants of each village being all of the same clan, instead of many -clans, as among the Lushais. The functions and methods of the thempu -and khulpu appear to be the same as those of his Lushai confrère. There -are various restrictions imposed on pregnant women. Among the Anal -she may not eat chillies or honey, and her husband must not touch -a snake or a corpse. The Kolhen prohibit her from killing a snake, -attending a funeral ceremony, and eating a crab, eggs, and a certain -vegetable called "chak" in its young state. The Lamgang also debar -her from touching a corpse, but the prohibited articles of food -are a sort of fish called "ngarin" and a small animal which I have -not succeeded in identifying. The birth ceremonies are much alike; -in every clan there is a period during which the woman, and in some -cases the house, is "sherh." During this time the mother's movements -are restricted in some way. - -Among the Aimol the period is five days in case of a boy, and three -in case of a girl; among the Anal and Purum, three days in both -cases; among the Chawte, Kom, and Vaiphei, five. Among the Chiru -the period is extended to ten days, during which the mother must not -go out and no one but near relations may enter the house. Among the -Kolhen the period is also ten days, but all women of the village may -enter the house; the mother must eat no flesh, and fowls only may -be sacrificed. Cohabitation is prohibited for three months. Among -the Tikhup the restriction on the mother's movements lasts only till -the disposal of the afterbirth by special persons who clean up the -house; till this is done no one may take a light from the fire or -remove any article from the house. In every case at the conclusion -of this period there is a sacrifice. The custom of the Aimol is for -the "thempu" to pour out a libation of zu and herbs in front of the -house and invoke the child's spirit to take up its residence within -the new-born infant. The name is given at the same time, the father's -family choosing the name of a son and the mother's of a daughter. On -the day of the birth of an Anal child, the "khulpu" is called, and -after he has muttered certain incantations, zu and fish are distributed -to the whole village. All sacrificing is prohibited for three days, -and cohabitation for three months. When distributing the zu and fish, -the household gods--i.e., the Sakhua--are invoked and the soul of -the child is summoned. Among the Chawte the thempu attends on the -day of the birth, and sacrifices a fowl and sips zu. He then mutters -incantations over a piece of turmeric which is then thrown out of the -house. On the fifth day a fowl is killed, and as the name selected -is pronounced three grains of rice are dropped into a cup of water, -and if they sink the name is approved, but if they float another one -must be selected and tested in the same manner. - -The Chiru ceremonies are more elaborate. After ten days the thempu -comes to the house, a rakeng tree is planted in front of it, and then -the thempu sacrifices a hen on behalf of the mother, and a cock or -a hen, according to the sex of the child, on its behalf. The parents -eat the flesh of the birds, and the sherh and bones are buried in the -house. Two or three pots of zu are consumed by married persons. The -thempu, taking some zu in his mouth, goes round inside the house, -blowing it out on the walls and muttering charms. The mother can -now leave the house, but for three or four days must not leave the -village. The "keng-puna" or "ming-puna"--i.e., "name-giving"--takes -place almost immediately. Two cocks or hens, according to the sex of -the infant, are killed by the thempu, and their blood smeared on the -infant's forehead and navel, some of the feathers being tied in its -hair. The Kolhen pierce the child's ears and give the name on the tenth -day, the ceremony being the same as among the Chiru on that day. The -maternal grandfather is expected to give the child a pair of brass -earrings, bracelets, leg ornaments, and a string of glass beads, and -it is generally named after him--a custom also followed by the Koms, -who combine the name-giving and ear-piercing, giving a feast for the -purpose, on the expiration of the five days' sherh. The ear-piercing -is done by the paternal aunt. The Lamgang ceremonies are the same -as those of the Anal, but the father is prohibited from eating the -flesh of fowls during the sherh period, while the mother is under no -restriction as regards diet. No other animal may be sacrificed during -that time, and cohabitation is not allowed for one month. The Purum -customs are severely simple. The thempu comes and mutters charms on the -day of the birth, and returns on the third day and makes a libation -of zu. No sacrifices are allowed. The name is given on the second -day by the midwife, and the ears are pierced on the seventh day, -but in neither case is there any ceremony. The Tikhup give the name -at a feast, to which the elders of the community are invited; a cock -is killed and zu dispensed freely. In case of the parents being poor, -this feast may be postponed till the child is two years old. - -The custom of summoning the child's soul reminds one of the Lushai -prohibition of labour on the part of the parents for seven days after -the child's birth, lest its soul, which hovers around them during -that period, be injured. - -[Ceremonies connected with marriage.] Where marriage is by service, -it is only natural that the actual ceremony should be of little -importance, for the couple have been living as man and wife during -the whole time; but there are exceptions. - -At an Aimol wedding two thempus are necessary--one of the bridegroom's, -and one of the bride's family. Each kills a cock, the feathers of -which are tied round the necks of the happy pair, after which there -is the usual orgy. The Chiru and Tikhup custom is almost identical, -but the village thempu officiates alone. Among the Kolhen, the -young man's mother makes six visits to the parents of her future -daughter-in-law, taking an offering of zu, and being accompanied by her -eldest son-in-law or other male relative, and on the last occasion by -two or three women. Two days after the last visit, the price is fixed, -and the day for the ceremony chosen by the bridegroom's father and the -village officials. The bridegroom, on the day before that fixed for -the marriage, goes to the girl's house, accompanied by several male -friends, and makes a present of three pots of zu to her parents. The -next morning the bride, accompanied by the unmarried girls of the -village, goes to her future home, taking with her two jars of zu, -a hen, a piece of ginger, a dog, a strap for carrying loads, a new -cloth, and a bracelet. She parts from her friends, with many tears, -on the doorstep of her new home. The khulpu decapitates a fowl -and throws it down; if the right leg falls over the left a happy -married life is assured. The night is spent in singing and dancing, -and the following night in the same way, but in the house of the -bride, who on the next morning quits her father's house for good. On -the day of the marriage the bride and bridegroom must not leave the -village. This taking of omens by killing a cock is practised by the -Lamgang and Kom. Where marriage is not by service the preliminaries -in all clans resemble much those among the Kolhen. Among the Vaiphei, -and, I think, in some other clans, the young man has to give a feast -to the young men frequenting the same dormitory. A similar custom -is described in Fielding Hall's "The Inward Light," page 104, as -existing in Burma. "It is an old custom for the village boys to band -themselves together in a company.... But when one marries he ceases -to belong to the company, for he is about to enter into another and a -wider life. He is a deserter and a traitor to his fellows. Therefore -they lay in wait for him and caught him as he went home at night, -and, taking him without the village gate, they tried him and found -him guilty. With mock ceremony he was condemned to be turned out -from their ranks, and to pay a fine wherewith his comrades might -drown their sorrow at his desertion. Then with laughter and song, -to the light of torches, they took him home in long procession." - -Widows are allowed to remarry, but as a rule the brothers of the -deceased husband have a prior claim, and if the woman marries -anyone else before the annual feast in honour of the dead she has -to pay a fine, which in some clans is as much as Rs. 120/-, to her -brother-in-law. Until this annual feast has come round she must remain -in her late husband's house, but when that has been performed she -may return to her father's house if she wishes to, but in that case -the brother-in-law will take the dead man's property and children. - -[Ceremonies connected with death.] All these clans bury their dead in -special cemeteries outside the village, and unnatural deaths or deaths -in childbirth are universally considered signs that the deceased has -failed in some way, and the corpses of such unfortunates are buried -outside the cemetery and with scant ceremony. - -Among the Aimol, the corpse of the khul-lakpa is carried round the -village before being taken to the grave. The corpse of one who has -gained honours equivalent to Thangchhuah among the Lushais is enclosed -in a rough log coffin and kept for two days amid much drinking and -feasting, which recalls the funeral ceremonies of a Lushei chief. With -a rich man many cloths are buried and with a poor man at least one. In -addition some cooked rice, zu, a dao, some meat, and a bow and arrow -are deposited in the grave. The bow and arrow are a survival, for such -weapons have been long obsolete. Over the grave a small house is built -in which some meat and zu are placed to attract the "Khawhring." Spears -are then thrust through the house, which is then thrown away. I am -not quite clear whether the "Khawhring" in this case is supposed, -as among the Lushais, to have inhabited the body of the deceased, -or whether it is believed to be a disembodied spirit which is on the -lookout for the soul of the deceased. - -Three days after the burial a wild animal is killed and zu and rice are -offered, and the spirit of the deceased is asked to go away and not -to trouble the living who have sacrificed and made an offering of zu -and rice. The Anal make a distinction between deaths in childbirth and -deaths by accident or in war. In the former case the body is buried in -the cemetery, the grave being dug by those of her household, and food -and drink and domestic utensils are deposited therein. The husband -has to sacrifice a pig and feast the village before the burial, and -the village is "sherh" for that day. The first stones and earth are -placed in the grave by aged men, and the filling then completed by -young men. The thempu having muttered some charms, the young men and -women sing and dance for the deliverance of the soul. In cases of -ordinary death the grave is dug by men not of the household, but in -case of unnatural death only old grey-headed men may perform the task, -and the grave is dug in the jungle and no dance or song terminates -the funeral, but the village is not "sherh." - -The Chawte make their cemetery some distance from the village. The dead -are buried on the day of death. Over each grave a mound is raised and -fenced round with a bamboo trellis-work. A small post carved faintly to -resemble the human form is placed over the grave of a man, while a hoe, -axe, and winnowing fan denote the grave of a woman. On each grave rests -a flat basket containing some flowers and a small jar of water. Behind -each grave is a rough representation of a house raised some four feet -from the ground, which is also ornamented with flowers, and some -of the deceased's clothes hang from it, while inside are placed a -bamboo full of zu and a small cup, which is filled with clean water, -and a handful of raw rice. These are changed every third or fourth day -till the Thi-duh ceremony comes round in May, when there is a feast, -and portions of meat and some zu are placed on each fresh grave. - -On the death of a Chiru, guns are fired and gongs beaten, and a fowl, -pig, and goat are killed at once. There is the usual funeral feast, -and food and personal effects, including his comb, are buried with -him. The house is "sherh" for three days, during which rice is placed -in a small basket in the house and then thrown on to the grave. On -the third day the house is purified by the thempu sacrificing a -cock. In nearly every clan the house has to be purified by the -thempu besprinkling it with either consecrated water or zu, and in -many cases the funeral party are similarly purified. The Kolhen bury -the bodies of those who die natural deaths in front of their houses, -as do the Lushais, and the funeral feast closely resembles that held -by the Lushais. The body of a khul-lakpa is carried three times -round his memorial stone, from left to right. A bow and arrow are -placed in the grave. The village is "sherh" for three days for any -death. The Lamgang follow the same customs as the Anal, but the bodies -of women who die in childbirth are not buried in the graveyard. The -Kom and the Purum have the curious custom that the duty of digging -the grave in case of an unnatural death falls on the son-in-law of -the deceased. They say that the spirit of the dead cries out at the -place where he met his death until appeased by an offering of tobacco -leaves and rice. The Tikhup funeral is exactly the same as that of -an ordinary Lushai. The Vaiphei dress up the corpse and strap it on -to a bamboo frame, as do the Lushais, and feast around it for three -days if food and drink suffice for so long. At the end of the feast -the thempu pours some zu down the throat of the corpse and bids the -spirit go in peace, and the body is carried to the grave, but if the -deceased has attained Thangchhuah honours, it is first earned round -the village. The household of the deceased abstain from washing or -dressing the hair till some wild animal has been killed. The custom -of giving something to the maternal grandfather or uncle on the -occasion of a death, known among the Lushais as "lukawng," is found -among several clans. Among the Tikhup and Kolhen, for instance, he -receives the neck of the animal killed on the occasion of the funeral, -and in the last-named clan he also receives a pipe or Rs. 2/-. The -custom known among the Kabui and other allied tribes in Manipur as -"mandu," which ordains that a widower shall pay his deceased wife's -father a certain sum as the price of her bones, is only found among -the Kolhen, with whom it is usual to pay Rs. 5/- or 6/-. Among the -Kolhen a child dying within ten days of its birth is buried under -the eaves of the house, and is called "thichhiat" equivalent to the -"hlamzuih" among the Lushais. - -[Festivals.] 1. Connected with Crops.--The Tikhup, the only -monotheistic clan in the hills, have no ceremonies connected with -the crops, but allow no dancing, singing, or music in the village -between the sowing and the reaping. - -Among the other Old Kuki clans there is a great resemblance between the -festivals, and their connection with the Lushai "Kuts" can be easily -traced--in some cases, as among the Kom, the name being actually -the same. - -A festival which is common to several clans and generally takes place -in the spring, though sometimes later, and is supposed to ensure good -crops and good luck generally, is known by various similar names, -all meaning "Pulling the Creeper." - -Kolhen "Keidun" Festival.--This occurs in April. The first day, called -"Karamindai," or "Changritakhoi," is occupied by the young men going -off to bring in two long creepers. A fowl and a pig are sacrificed -and the creepers are hung over a post. On the next day the creepers -are brought to the khul-lakpa's stone, and he, saying certain charms, -pours out a libation of rice beer, and then a tug of war takes place -between two parties selected as follows:--On one side are all the young -men of the khul-lakpa's family--viz., the Chongthu--and on the other -those of the Jete, to which the lup-lakpa belongs. With the Chongthu -pull the young men of the following families--viz., Tulthung, Maite, -Tiante, Laishel, Songchungnung, while with the Jete are associated the -young men of the Lunglai, Rembual, Mirem Tumtin, and Vanbie. The girls -of each family pull on the opposite side to the young men of their -family. While the pull is in progress the khul-lakpa sings a song, -and when he reaches a certain point the rope is cut in two by a man -who stands waiting with a dao. The pull is repeated with the second -creeper, and each party carries off the ends it has retained. Marriages -are only allowed between the young people who pull on the same side, -with the exception of the Chongthu, who, being of the chief's family, -may marry a girl of any family except their own. During the festival no -work of any sort must be done, but otherwise there are no restrictions -as regards villagers or strangers, but the khul-lakpa must abstain -from work and from cohabitation for two or three days before. Should -a death occur a day or two before the date fixed for the festival, the -fact will not be recognised till the completion of the feast, when the -funeral ceremonies will take place as if the death had occurred on that -day, the corpse being kept outside the village during the interval. - -The Anal and Lamgang, as usual, observe the festival in a similar -manner. The creeper having been brought to the gate of the village, the -headmen and the thempu receive it, and the latter, muttering prayers, -pours over it a libation of rice beer, and then ties a piece of it to -the gate. The remainder is cut up and a piece is tied to each house -in the village. The thempu goes round at night throwing a piece of -turmeric into each house and calling out as he throws each piece, "From -to-day may all evil and misfortune run away from this house." [10] - -The Purum celebrate the festival in August, and the unmarried girls -take a prominent part in the ceremony. A raised platform is made -before the house of the eldest unmarried girl in the village. (In -a community where there is no dearth of husbands, and every girl -is sure of being married in due course, the prominence given to -the eldest spinster is not objected to as it might be in an English -village.) On this platform the girls assemble, and the creeper after -the usual ceremonies is tied to the platform, and there is a great -feast with much dancing between the young folk. - -The similarity between these festivals and the "Koi-hrui-an-chat," -mentioned under the Ngente, bears out the truth of the tradition that -these clans long ago were near neighbours. - -The Chiru at the time of cutting the jhums go in procession with -drums and gongs to the place chosen and on their return drink much -rice beer. In March or April, before the sowing, a festival called -"Arem" is celebrated. On the first day a dog is killed at a stone to -the west of the village, and a pig to the north in the direction of -the hill Kobru. All the men attend, but no women. The animals are -killed by the thempu. The flesh is eaten there by the whole party, -and the "sherh" are left at the place of sacrifice. There is then a -drinking party in the house of the thempu. On the second day all the -young men go and catch fish, and on their return they are entertained -with two pots of rice beer by the unmarried girls. On the third day -the lup-lakpa gives a feast of meat and rice, washed down by much -rice beer, to the men only, and later all dance in front of the -"chhirbuk"--i.e., Lushai zawlbuk. - -The fourth day is spent in visiting each other, drinking and singing -at each other's houses. As soon as it is dark men and women meet -before the chhirbuk and dance round the stone drinking; then they go -to the lup-lakpa's house and drink again, and then to a house where -all the unmarried girls are collected and drink again, and then bring -the girls to the chhirbuk and dance round the stone again, drinking -as they go. This is a pretty heavy day's work, and it speaks well -for the young folk if many of them have the energy to complete the -programme by drinking and dancing together on the fifth day. During -the festival the village is "sherh." - -The Chawte, before cutting their jhums, sacrifice a pig and go down -to the stream and sharpen their daos--"Trust in God, but keep your -powder dry." The above festivals correspond to the "Chap-char-kut" -of the Lushais, and the following resemble the "Mim-kut." The -Purum in September observe "Chulkut" for five days, making and -exchanging rice cakes and drinking rice beer, but not sacrificing any -animals. The Kolhen observe "Chamershi" for two days in the middle of -the rains--viz., in July or August. A pig and a cock are sacrificed in -the khul-lakpa's house and eaten there by men only. Old men dance, and -rice beer is drunk. This feast is supposed to expel evil spirits. The -Chiru in July sacrifice a pig on behalf of the village to Pathian, -while each household offers him a fowl. This feast is called the -"feast of the hot season rest"--i.e., the few days of leisure after -the second weeding of the crops. - -The Aimol, after burning the jhums, celebrate a feast they call -"Lo-an-dai." Three fowls are killed and eaten in the khulpu's house, -and rice beer is drunk, but no gong-beating or singing is allowed. - -After the harvest, feasts corresponding to the Lushai "Polkut" -are held, but among the Purum a feast called "Shanghong" has to be -celebrated in October, just when the grain is filling in the ear. Every -householder has to bring a small sheaf of the green rice, which is -presented to the village god, and feasting and drinking goes on for -three days, during which time the village is "sherh." The Kolhen, -before reaping the crop, carry the khul-lakpa or lup-lakpa out of the -village towards the fields with beating of drums, and later drink at -his expense. - -The Kom call the harvest festival "Lam-kut." It lasts three days. No -sacrifice is performed, but the young men and girls dance and drink -together. - -Among the Chawte the custom is practically the same as among the Purum, -save that the feast only lasts one day. - -The Lamgang and Anal harvest festival is practically the same. In each -case the best crop in the village is reaped by the whole community -going to the field with dance and song, and subsequently the lucky -owner of the crop has to entertain the village for three days. It -would appear that all good Lamgangs and Anals must pray to have the -second best crop. On the second day of the feast the consumption -of meat and tobacco, the carrying of water and wood, and working -with axes or hoes are tabu. The feast closely resembles the "Buh-Ai" -of other clans. The Aimol custom is very different from that of the -other clans. All the men go out in search of game, the flesh of which -is eaten in the evening, and drums are beaten and songs sung while -the rice beer circulates freely, in contrast to the feast at the -sowing time. Dancing is, however, tabu. The harvest feast is called -"Sherh an long." - -The Lamgang have an extra feast, or rather period of rest, when the -grain is all garnered, when for ten days no one may enter or leave the -village, and no work can be done, the whole energies of the community -being concentrated on eating and drinking well. - -2. Feasts Corresponding with the Thangchhuah Feasts of the Lushai.--The -idea of "Thangchhuah" is found in some form or other in all clans. Even -in those clans who have no very clear conception of a special abode -for the spirits of those who have earned good fortune in the world -beyond the grave by feasts and killing men and animals here below, -we find feasts the giving of which confers on the giver special -consideration among his fellow-villagers and entitles his corpse to -special funeral honours. All these feasts seem more or less connected -with the erection of some form of memorial--either a post, such as -the Lushai "she-lu-pun," which finds its counterpart among several -Old Kuki clans, but among them the erection of the memorial is the -important part of the ceremony, whereas among the Lushais the killing -of the animal is the more important and the feast is named after that, -not after the planting of the post; or a stone or a heap of stones, -or a paved platform. All these are erected during a man's life and are -quite distinct from the memorials erected in memory of the deceased, -and thus connect the Lushai-Kuki race with the Nagas, among whom the -erection of stones is a very important function. - -The "Mi-thi-rawp-lam" is not included in the Thangchhuah series by -any of these clans--in fact, it seems to be omitted by all clans not -living under Lushei chiefs. These all have a special annual ceremony to -lay the ghosts of those who have died during the preceding year. The -explanation of this seems to be that among the Lushais the clans -have all been broken up and are scattered in different villages, and -therefore an annual clan ceremony is not possible, and it has become -a virtuous act for some wealthy member of the clan to celebrate the -feast in honour of the dead of the clan. Among the clans which have -retained their corporate existence the annual ceremony is natural, -and therefore it is excluded from the Thangchhuah series. - -The Tikhup can earn consideration after death by giving a single -feast. The young men and maidens collect a big heap of stones and -arrange a seat of honour near it for the giver of the feast, who is -carried down on a litter. The young folk dance and sing and drink -before him, and then he is carried back to the village and has to -present a mithan to the young men, who feast on it for a day and a -night at the house of their leader. A song is composed in honour of -the giver of the feast, which is sung at all subsequent feasts. - -The Lamgang, Kom, Kolhen, and Anal put up wooden posts, the Chawte -erect a post and pave a piece of ground in front of it, while the -Aimol put up a stone and make a pavement. Mithan and pigs are killed, -and a feast given which lasts several days, the cost being met by -the person ambitious of fame. - -The Chiru alone seem to have no idea of Thangchhuah, and, as noted -before, have no idea of a special abode for good spirits. - -The Vaiphei have to give two feasts, at the first of which one, and at -the second two or more, mithan are killed. The Kolhen, on occasion of -putting up the post, sacrifice a mithan thus:--The thempu first throws -an egg at the forehead of the mithan, muttering a charm to drive away -all evil; the animal is then speared until blood is drawn, after which -it may be shot. They also give the following feasts as part of the -Thangchhuah ceremonies:--"Khuang-that"--i.e., "making a drum." The -first day is occupied in bringing the log which is to be hollowed -into the drum; on the second there is a dance outside the house of -the giver of the feast; on the third the mithan is killed after a -thempu has broken the egg on its forehead, and then another thempu -invokes its spirit, blowing rice-beer over the body, as at the Fanai -festival, p. 138. The fourth and fifth days are occupied with feasting. - -"Lungainai"--i.e., "collection of stones"--this is very similar to the -Tikhup festival, with the carrying of the giver omitted; a mithan is -killed as above described. The Aimol have also the drum-making feast, -and another in which the giver is carried on a litter, but no heap -of stones is made. On each occasion much rice-beer and flesh has to -be consumed. - -3. Other Feasts.--Mostly annual, if necessary provisions are -forthcoming. Some of these probably have reference to the crops. - -The Purum celebrate "Yarr" in February for seven days. Dancing begins -each evening at sundown, and is kept up all night with feasting -and drinking. In March they keep "Kumyai" for three days, the young -men and maidens dancing and drinking together, but no animals are -killed. This seems probably equivalent to the "Chap-char-kut" of -the Lushais, but both it and the Yarr are said to be to please the -village god, without any special reference to the crops. The Lamgang -have a peculiar feast early in May, when the young men plant a very -tall bamboo, from the end of which hangs a wooden representation of -a bird, at which every man in turn, commencing with the thempu and -the khul-lakpa, shoot with bows and arrows. Mithan are killed and -eaten. No woman is allowed to join this festival. - -The Chiru and Kolhen celebrate a somewhat similar festival called -"Ratek" in the middle of August. A pig and a dog are sacrificed by -the thempu outside the village, on the side towards Kobru, and then -two or three days later an offering of zu is placed in a small bamboo -tube beside the water supply, and the drum is beaten for some time; -the party then return to the khul-lakpa's house and are treated to a -drink. The following day a tall bamboo is planted in the village with a -wonderfully ornamented basket hanging from it, and much zu drunk. The -following year the bamboo is taken up and thrown away, the festival -being named "Ratek poiyi" (cf. Lushai "pai," to throw away). Before -the feast young men go hunting, and if they are successful good luck -is sure to follow. The first day of the feast a pig and a dog are -sacrificed, and zu drunk; on the second, the bamboo is thrown away -and more zu drunk in the house of the khul-lakpa. On the third day the -unmarried girls of the village give a drinking feast to the young men, -and both dance together. Should the zu suffice this portion of the -festival may be prolonged for several days. - -It is believed that unless these two festivals are carried out every -year in their proper rotation, there will be serious mortality among -the elders of the village. - -Since writing the above, I have found two more small clans, which -evidently belong to the Old Kuki group--Lonte or Ronte, of whom there -are only nine households, living alongside of the Burma road, close -to the Chawte hamlet, with whom they are classed by the Manipuris; -and Tarau, eighteen households living slightly to the south of the -Burma road. - -The Ronte clan is divided into two families, called Lanu and -Changom. Marriages can only be made with members of the other family of -the clan. They say that they came from the Ngente hill far to the south -(v. Ngente clan), and claim some connection with the Chiru and Aimol. - -The Tarau clan is divided into four families, and marriages are -restricted as among the Chawte, Chiru, and Kolhen. - -A youth of the Pachana family must marry a girl of the Tlangsha family. - -A youth of the Tlangsha family must marry a girl of the Thimasha -family. - -A youth of the Thimasha family must marry a girl of the Khulpu-in -family. - -A youth of the Khulpu-in family must marry a girl of the Pachana -family. - -In both clans the young men sleep in any house, except their parents', -in which there are unmarried girls. The Ronte say that formerly they -built zawlbuks like the Lushais. - -The price of a Tarau girl is a gong or Rs. 30/-, or five years -service in the girl's father's house. The Ronte maiden's price is -two gongs, and her proper husband is her maternal first cousin. In -both clans a fowl has to be killed by the khulpu at the time of the -marriage, and the Ronte tie some of its feathers round the necks -of the couple. Should a Tarau maiden be led astray both parties are -fined a pot of rice-beer, which the villagers share, and the seducer -pays the girl's father one pig. The child, when old enough to leave -the mother, becomes the property of the father. A Ronte mother must -not leave her house till five days after the birth of a daughter and -seven after that of a son. On the day of the birth there is a feast, -and on the fifth or seventh day, according to the sex of the child, -a fowl is killed by the khulpu, and the child's hair is cut, its ears -pierced, and its name decided on, the choice being made from the -names of its forefathers. The house is purified by being sprinkled -with zu by the khulpu. - -Among the Tarau, the period during which the mother may not leave her -house is prolonged to ten days, at the expiry of which the khulpu kills -a cock for male child and a hen for girl, and then purifies the house. - -In both clans the dead are buried in a cemetery situated to the west of -the village, while the corpses of those who have died unnatural deaths -are buried elsewhere with no ceremony. Women dying in childbirth among -the Tarau are buried by old men, who have no further hope of becoming -fathers, far from the village, while persons being killed by wild -animals, or by some accident, such as a fall from a tree, are buried -where they die. Persons who are drowned are buried on the bank of the -river where the body is found, the grave being dug at the spot where -some water thrown up by hand from the river happens to fall. This -custom also exists among the Shans of the Upper Chindwin, which -lends some colour to the tradition that the Tarau sojourned in Burma -before entering Manipur. Among the Ronte, women dying in childbirth, -and all children dying under a year of age, are buried to the east -of the village, while accidental deaths necessitate the burial being -made to the south. The funeral takes place on the day of death except -in the case of old men, whose corpses are kept for a day while their -friends eat, drink, and dance before them. Whatever animals can be -spared are killed in the honour of the deceased, and their sherh are -buried with him, together with some rice. Every day till the "Papek" -feast, in honour of those who have died within the year, rice and zu -are placed on the grave. At Papek a platform of bamboo is constructed -near the cemetery, and on it are placed such offering of flesh as the -family can afford; much zu is drunk and all dance. The Ronte Sakhua -sacrifice consists of a goat, dogs and mithan being prohibited. - -Although the Tarau, from their language, are evidently closely allied -to the Lushais, they are the only Old Kuki clan I have met which -does not worship Pathian. They denied all knowledge of that name, -affirming the name of their god was "Rapu," to whom the Manipuri name -of "Sankhulairenma" has been given. Rapu has a shrine just above the -Burma road near to Tegnopal, where every year fish, rice, and zu are -offered to him. When the rice begins to fill in the ear there is a five -days' feast in the village, during which time the young people dance -and drink. A pig is killed, and the liver, ears, feet, and snout are -offered to Rapu. These are called "sar" (cf. Lushai "sherh"). Before -the cutting of jhums commences a small pig or a fowl is sacrificed to -Rapu so that no one may be cut with a dao during the clearing of the -jhums. Dogs are not eaten or sacrificed by the Tarau or the Ronte; -the latter also consider the mithan unfit for a sacrifice. In these -particulars they form an exception to the general custom of Kuki clans. - -The Ronte have a feast called "Va-en-la," which is given with the -idea of enhancing the giver's importance in this world and assuring -him comfort in the next. A pig is killed and thirty pots of zu are -prepared, and the whole village makes merry. A long bamboo is planted -in front of the house of the giver of the feast. Throughout its -length this bamboo is transfixed with crosspieces of bamboo about 18 -inches long; from its end depends a bamboo representation of a bird, -whence the name of the feast--"va," in Ronte, as in Lushai, meaning -"a bird," and "en," "to see." - -To show the similarity between the Tarau and the Lushai language I -give a few words of each. - - - ENGLISH. LUSHAI. TARAU. - - One Pa-khat Khat. - Two Pa-hnih Ni. - Three Pa-thum Thum. - Four Pa-li Ma-li. - Five Pa-nga Ranga. - Six Pa-ruk Kuruk. - Seven Pa-sari Siri. - Eight Pa-riat Tirit. - Nine Pa-kua Ku. - Ten Shom Shom. - Father Pa Pa. - Mother Nu Nu. - Son Fa-pa Sha-pa. (Thado, "chapa.") - Daughter Fa-nu Sha-nu. - House In Im. - Sun Ni Ni. - Moon Thla Thla. - Water Tui Tui. To carry water, "tui choi," - in both dialects. - Dog Ui Uh. - Mithan Shial Shil. - Tree Thing Thing. - Jhum Lo Lou. - - -The east and west in Tarau are called "ni-chhuak-lam" and -"ni-thlak-lam," which are pure Lushai for "the direction of sun rising -and sun setting." - - - -Folklore. - -1. Legends.--A large number of tales have been collected by Babu -Nithor Nath Banerji, of the Manipur State Office, from which I select -the following. They have all to a certain extent suffered by being -told to the Babu in Manipuri instead of in the vernacular of the -relaters. This accounts for Manipuri names being used in some cases. - -The following is a tale told by the Anals:--"Once upon a time the whole -world was flooded. All were drowned except one man and one woman, -who ran to the highest peak of the Leng hill [this is interesting, -as Leng is the name of one of the highest hills in the present Lushai -Hills], where they climbed up a high tree and hid themselves among -its branches. The tree grew near a large pond, which was as clear -as the eye of a crow. They made themselves as comfortable as they -could, being determined to spend the night there. They passed the -night, sometimes exchanging whispers, and in the morning they were -astonished to find that they had become a tiger and a tigress. [This -changing of human beings into animals reminds one of the Lushai -Thimzing legend.] Pathian, seeing the sad state of the world, sent -a man and a woman from a cave, which was on the hill, to re-people -it. The man and the woman emerging from the cave were terrified at -seeing the two huge animals, and addressed Pathian thus: 'O Father, -you have sent us to re-people the world, but we do not think that -we shall be able to carry out your intention, as the whole world is -under water, and the only spot on which we could make a resting place -is occupied by two ferocious beasts which are waiting to devour us; -give us strength to slay these animals.' After which they killed the -tigers and lived happily and begat many sons and daughters, and from -them the world was re-populated." - -The following tale told by the Kolhen resembles in many particulars -the story of Kungori told by Colonel Lewin, which is given below:-- - - - -The Story of Fachirang and Rangchar. - -"Once upon a time there lived a widow; she had a daughter whose beauty -attracted many young men of the village. One day a tiger came in the -shape of a man and asked to marry the girl. She was much frightened and -kept silence. The tiger-man was angry at her behaviour, and recited -a charm which made her ugly. Her mother said, 'Look! my daughter who -was the most beautiful girl in the village has become ugly; if a man -can restore her beauty he may marry her, and if a woman can do it she -shall be my friend.' On hearing this, the tiger-man came to the old -woman and said, 'Oh! Granny, I am a stranger, and have come from a -distant village; let me put up in your house.' The old lady agreed, -and after a few days he said, 'Oh! Granny, why are you so sad? Tell -me the cause of your sorrow. Perhaps I can remove it.' 'Alas, my boy, -it is beyond your power to do so,' she replied. The tiger-man, however, -pressed her to tell him, and at last she did so, whereupon he replied, -'All right, if I cure her you will give her to me,' and in a few days -he had restored her beauty, and they were married and lived together -in her mother's house for many years. At length he asked permission to -take his wife to his own home, and they started, but no sooner had they -passed the village gate than he was changed into the shape of a tiger, -and his wife wept much at seeing him thus. An old woman of the village -saw them and came and told the people that a tiger was carrying off the -girl, so the villagers assembled to consult, but no one would volunteer -for the task of rescuing the girl. At last Fachirang and Rangchar, -two brothers, set off with a dao and a spear to kill the animal, but -after going a very little way Fachirang, the elder brother, said, -'Oh! Rangchar, I don't know what is the matter, but my heart beats -so fast that I must remain here; you go and see if you can kill the -beast alone.' So the younger brother went on alone till he came to -the place where the tiger and the girl were living happily. Rangchar -thrust his spear into the breast of the tiger, and it died at once, -and Rangchar carried off the girl and returned to where his brother -was waiting, and they all three set out for home together. The elder -brother married the girl, and they all lived happily together." - - - -The Story of Kúngóri. - -(From "Progressive Colloquial Exercises in the Lushai Dialect" by -Captain H. Lewin, 1874.) - -Her father, who was unmarried, was splitting cane to make a winnowing -basket when he ran a splinter into his hand: the splinter grew into -a little child; (after a time) the child was brought forth motherless -and they called her Kúngóri. They fed her with single grains of millet -and rice, and so little by little she grew big. Two or three years -passed by and she attained puberty; she was very pretty, and all the -young-men of the village wanted to marry her, but her father refused -them all. Then the young tiger-man, Keimi, took up the impression of -her foot and wrapped it up and placed it on the bamboo grating over -the house fire to dry. Then Kúngóri became ill. - -Kúngóri's father said, "If there be anyone that can cure her, he -shall have my daughter." All the villagers tried, but not one of -them could do any good. Then the young tiger-man came. "I will cure -her, and I will marry her afterwards," said he. Her father said, -"Cure the girl first and you may then have her." - -So he cured her; the footprint which he had placed to dry on the -fire-shelf he opened out and threw away. Kúngóri became well and Keimi -married her. "Come, Kúngóri," said he, "will you go to my house?" So -they went; on the road Keimi turned himself into a tiger, Kúngóri -caught hold of his tail, and they ran like the wind. Some women of -the village were gathering wood and they saw this, so they went back -home and said to Kúngóri's father, "Your daughter has got a tiger for -a husband." Kúngóri's father said, "Whoever can go and take Kúngóri -may have her," but no one dared to take her. However, Hpohtir and -Hrangchal, two friends, said, "We will take her." Kúngóri's father -said, "If you are able to take her you may have her," so Hpohtir and -Hrangchal set off. Going on they came to Keimi's village. The young -tiger-man, Keimi, had gone out hunting; before he reached his house -Hpohtir and Hrangchal went to Kúngóri. "Kúngóri," said they, "where -is your husband?" "He is gone out hunting," she said, "but will be -home directly." On this they became afraid, and Hpohtir and Hrangchal -climbed up on to the top of the high fire-shelf. Kúngóri's husband -arrived. "There is the smell of a human being," said he. "It must -be my smell," said Kúngóri. Night fell; everyone ate their dinners -and lay down to rest. In the morning Kúngóri's husband again went -out to hunt. A widow said (to the two friends), "If you are going -to run away with Kúngóri take fire-seed, thorn-seed, and water-seed -(with you)." So they took fire-seed, thorn-seed, and water-seed, -and they took Kúngóri also and carried her off. - -Kúngóri's husband returned home. He looked and found Kúngóri was -gone, so he followed after them in hot haste. A little bird called -to Hrangchal. "Run! run! Kúngóri's husband will catch you," said the -bird. So (the friends) scattered the fire-seed, and the jungle and -undergrowth burnt furiously, so that Kúngóri's husband could not come -any further. When the fire subsided he again resumed the pursuit. - -The little bird cried to Hrangchal, "He is catching you up." So they -scattered the water-seed, and a great river rose. However, Kúngóri's -husband waited for the water to go down, and when the water went down -he followed after them as before. - -The bird said to Hrangchal, "He is after you again--he is fast gaining -on you; sprinkle the thorn-seed," and thorns sprouted in thickets, -so that Kúngóri's husband could not get on. By biting and tearing -the thorns he at length made a way. and again he followed after -them. Hrangchal's [11] party became bewildered and hid in a clump of -reeds. Hpohtir cut the tiger down dead with a blow of his dao. "I am -Hpohtir,"1 said he. So the tiger died. - -Hrangchal and the others went on again until they came to the three -cross-roads of Khuavang, and there they stopped. Hpohtir and Hrangchal -were to keep guard turn about. Hrangchala went to sleep first while -Hpohtir kept watch. - -At night Khuavang came. "Who is staying at my cross-roads?" he -said. Hpohtira (spoke out boldly). "Hpohtira and Hrangchala (are -here)," said he, "crouching under the reeds. We cut off the tiger's -head without much ado." Khuavang, hearing and becoming afraid, ran -off. So Hpohtira (woke up Hrangchal, saying), "Hrangchal, get up; -you stay awake now. I am very sleepy; I will lie down. If Khuavang -comes you must not be afraid." Having said this he slept. Hrangchala -watched; presently Khuavang returned. "Who is this staying at my -cross-roads?" he said. Hrangchala was frightened; (however), he -replied, "Hpohtira and Hrangchala (are here); they killed the tiger -that followed them among the reed-roots." But Khuavang was not to -be frightened by this, so he took Kúngóri. Kúngóri marked the road, -trailing behind her a line of cotton thread. They entered into a hole -in the earth, and so arrived at Khuavang's village. The hole in the -earth was stopped up by a great stone. In the morning Hpohtir and -Hrangchala began to abuse each other. Said Hpohtira to Hrangchal, -"Fool man!" said he, "where has Kúngóri gone to? On account of your -faintheartedness Khuavang has carried her off. Away! you will have -to go to Khuavang's village." So they followed Kúngóri's line of -white thread and found that the thread entered (the earth) under a -big rock. They moved away the rock and saw Khuavang's village below -them. Hpohtira called out, "Hoy! give me back my Kúngóri!" Khuavang -replied, "We know nothing about your Kúngóri, whom you were taking -away." "If you do not (immediately) give me Kúngóri I will use my -dao," said Hpohtir. "Hit away," answered Khuavang. With one cut of -the dao a quarter of the village died right off. Again Hpohtir cried, -"Give me my Kúngóri," Khuavang said, "Your Kúngóri is not here." On -this Hpohtir and Hrangchal said, "We will come in." "Come along," said -Khuavang, so they went in and came to Khuavang's house. Khuavang's -daughter was a very pretty girl. "Here is Kúngóri," said they. "This -is not she," said Hpohtir; "give me Kúngóri herself." So (at last) -they gave her to him. - -They took her away. Kúngóri said, "I have forgotten my comb." "Go, -Hrangchal, and fetch it," said Hpohtir; but Hrangchala--"I dare -not. I am afraid," said he. So Hpohtir went (himself) to fetch (the -comb). While he was gone Hrangchal took Kúngóri out and closed the -hole with the great stone. After this they arrived at the house of -Kúngóri's father. "You have been able to release my daughter," said he, -"so take her." Kúngóri, however, did not agree. Said Kúngóri's father, -"Hrangchal is here, but where is Hpohtira?" "We do not know Hpohtira's -dwelling-place," he said. So Hrangchala and Kúngóri were united. Though -Kúngóri did not wish it, he just married her. - -Hpohtira was married to Khuavang's daughter. Beside the house he -sowed a koi-seed. It sprouted and a creeper sprang (upwards like -a ladder). Hpohtira, when he was at Khuavang's, had a child (born -to him), and he cooked some small stones, and when his wife was -absent he gave the stones which he had cooked to the child, saying, -"Eat." While it was eating Hpohtir climbed up the stalks of the koi -creeper and got out. He went on and arrived at the house of Kúngóri's -father. They had killed a mithan, and were celebrating the Khuangchoi -and dancing. With one blow Hpohtira cut off the head of Hrangchal! - -Kúngóri's father cried, "Why, Hpohtira, do you cut off Hrangchala's -head?" "I was obliged to decapitate him," said Hpohtir. "It was I who -released Kúngóri from Keimi's village--Hrangchala dared not do it. When -Khuavang carried off Kúngóri also Hrangchala dared not say him nay--he -was afraid. Afterwards we followed Kúngóri's line of cotton thread, -which led us to Khuavang's village. Kúngóri (after we had released -her from there) forgot her comb; we told Hrangchal to go and fetch -it, but he dared not. 'I am afraid,' said he, so I went to get it. He -then took Kúngóri and left me behind, shutting the hole in the earth -with a great stone. They went away. I married Khuavang's daughter, and -while she was absent I climbed up the stalks of the creeper and came -here." On this, "Is it so?" said they. "Then you shall be united." So -Hrangchala died, and Hpohtira and Kúngóri were married. They were -very comfortable together, and killed many mithan; they possessed -many villages, and lived happy ever after. Thus the story is concluded. - -I condense the following tale told by the Kolhen from the obviously -embellished version supplied to the Babu:-- - -A widow had seven sons and one daughter, called Ringchanghoi, who -was very beautiful, and much beloved by her brothers. To prove the -truth of their professions of love she sent them off to catch the -sun and the moon, that she might wear them as her necklace. Before -their departure they built her a fortified house, and told her to -remain within it until their return. They also left with her some -unhusked rice, which had magical properties, turning red whenever -the brothers were in danger. Ringchanghoi one day was sitting in -the verandah cleaning her hair when she was seen by the king, who -quickly added her to the number of his wives. The youngest brother, -returning alone, found the house empty, and at once rejoining the -others in the sky, where they were still hunting the sun and moon, -told them of the disappearance of their sister. They all returned -home, and on entering the house the youngest brother was changed -into a parrot, while the others fell down dead. The youngest brother -finds his sister and is captured and presented to her, and tells -her what has happened, whereupon she sends off her husband, who by -a powerful charm restores the dead to life and the youngest brother -to his original form, and all ends happily. - -In this tale there is some slight resemblance to the Lushai tale of -Rimenhoi, as also there is to the tales told by many clans to account -for eclipses of the sun and moon. The Kom, for instance, say that -the god Awk-pa was drying his rice when the sun and the moon came -riding by and scattered it; this vexed Awk-pa, who lay in ambush in a -cave, and the next time they came he swallowed them. The resemblance -between this tale and the Lushai explanation of an eclipse is very -marked. The name "Awk" is the same, and the idea of swallowing is -preserved. The Purum, while using the same word for an eclipse, have -quite a different story:--"Once upon a time there were seven brothers -who went into the forest to cut wood, and shot a deer, and ordered the -youngest brother to cook it while they went on with their work. The -youngest brother, having cooked the meat, put it on some leaves till -his brothers should return. Some leaves from a tree fell on the meat, -whereupon the deer came to life again and ran away. The brothers -returning got angry and, not believing the tale told by the youngest, -killed him and put his body under the tree. Some leaves falling on -the corpse, it came to life, and the brothers were much astonished -and went home, taking some of the leaves, roots, and bark of the -tree with them." On their way they saw the body of a dog floating -in a river which they had to cross, and put some bark on it and the -animal revived. When they reached home they put the bark, leaves, -and pieces of root to dry in the sunshine, leaving their dog to watch -them. The sun and the moon, perceiving the usefulness of the things, -stole them all and were chased by the dog. When the dog gets too near, -the sun and the moon hide, thus causing eclipses. The Kolhen have -the same name for an eclipse, and their explanation of the phenomenon -is much the same. The god Rikumpu left his dog to watch his garden, -and the sun and the moon came to steal, and are still being chased by -the faithful hound. The Lamgang say that eclipses are caused by their -god catching the sun and the moon, who once stole his tobacco as it -was drying. The Anal have much the same idea. The story is worthy of -being given at length:--"Once upon a time a very pious man who devoted -much time to worshipping God had a pet bitch. The sun and the moon, -being envious, tried to take his virtue from the man. To accomplish -their wicked purpose they promised to give him their virtue if only -he would first entrust them with his. The saint fell into the trap -and the celestial rascals ran off with his virtue. The holy man, -finding himself defrauded, ordered his dog to catch the thieves. The -dog brought a long pole and climbed up it to reach the fugitives, -being followed by her master. She reached the sky and still chases the -sun and moon, and sometimes catches them. Therefore, when an eclipse -occurs the Anal call out, 'Release! Release!' The poor pious man took -so long ascending the pole that before he accomplished the journey -the white ants had eaten up the lower end and the saint fell to the -earth and was killed." Thunder and lightning are accounted for by some -clans thus:--Wulai the lizard climbs a tall tree and shouts defiance, -whereupon God from the sky hurls his axe at him and he runs down, -but the tree is burnt up. The Anal and Kom have also a more poetic -explanation of lightning--viz., that it is the glitter of God's sword -as he plays with it in heaven, while the Purum also say that it is -the glitter of his robes. - -Earthquakes are accounted for by assuming the existence of another -world below the surface of the earth. The Purum and Kom say that -Yangmal the earth worm took a present of a piece of earth to the king -of these lower regions. On the way the earth was changed into gold and -silver, much to the delight of the monarch, who sent Yangmal back to -fetch more, but the worm made excuse that the upper world had been -destroyed. To test the truth of this statement the king shakes the -world. The Anal and Lamgang say that the people of the lower world -shake the upper one to find out if anyone is still alive up there, -and so on, an earthquake occurring the Anal and Lamgang villages -resound with shouts of "Alive! Alive!" Rainbows are accounted for as -the lips of God spread in the act of drinking, or simply his glory. - - -Note.--I must acknowledge the assistance I have received in preparing -the account of these Old Kuki tribes from Babu Nithor Nath Banerji, -head clerk of the Manipur State Hill Office. My information regarding -the Anal, Kom, Purum, and Lamgang was chiefly from his notes, and in -a lesser degree I am indebted to him for details regarding the Kolhen -and Chiru. - - - -Old Kuki Clans--Khawtlang and Khawchhak - -The Old Kukis who appeared in Cachar about 1780 are described -by Lieutenant Stewart as being divided into three clans called -Rhangkol, Khelma, and Beteh. The first and last are known in the -Lushai Hills as Hrangchal and Biate respectively, but the Khelma, -whom Dr. Grierson identifies as the Hallam, seem to have emigrated -entirely. The Hrangchal and Biate are two of many clans collectively -known to the Lushais as Hmar--i.e., North--from the position of their -villages with reference to those of the Lushais, and among themselves -as Khawtlang and Khawchhak--i.e., Western and Eastern Villages I have -found representatives of 16 clans in the Lushai Hills and adjoining -portions of Manipur. The most important are Loitlang, subdivided -into six families; Hrangchal, with four families; Thiak, with five -families; and Biate, with the same number. The old village sites of -many of these clans are still called by their names. The Hrangchal -are said to have had a large village at Vanlaiphai, in the centre -of which valley is a large memorial stone with many carvings on it, -which is said to have been erected in memory of Chonluma, a famous -Hrangchal chief of bygone days. The Biate assert that when they lived -on the hill of that name they were attacked by huge eagles, and had -to build stone shelters in which to hide their small children. These -erections are still to be seen, and consist of three rough slabs of -stone with a fourth as a roof, the whole structure being only about 2 -to 3 feet high. It was the Biate, also, who fed Rulpui, as has been -described in Part I., Chapter V, 3. The Lungthau, a minor family, -attribute their downfall to an attack by Chuckmahs, which led to -their seeking refuge with the Sailo chief Lalsavunga, and forming a -village at Kelsi, near Aijal, where they were under his protection. - -When the aggressions of the Thangur chiefs disturbed the Khawtlang -and Khawchhak one section fled through the country of the Thados into -Cachar, another took refuge among the Chhinchhuan, a Thado family in -the southern portion of the Manipur Hills, to whom they paid tribute, -and a certain number joined the Thangur villages. Between those who -fled to the Chhinchhuan and the Lushais hostilities were carried on -until our arrival in 1890, and, as in the case of the Vuite, we found -many of them living in a state of semi-slavery in the Sailo villages, -whence they have mostly rejoined their relatives, and there are now 296 -households of these people in the south-west of the Manipur Hills and -more in the adjoining parts of the Lushai Hills. Lieutenant Stewart, -in his description of the "Old Kukis," states that ordinarily the -dead are cremated, warriors only being buried. I have never heard of -any clan in these hills which cremates its dead. The custom may well -have died out owing to the natural wish of the relatives to do honour -to the deceased by according him the honours of a warrior. Lieutenant -Stewart describes a regular marriage ceremony conducted by the headman -of the village, at the foot of a large stone erected in the middle -of the village. As far as my enquiries go, the marriage ceremonies -differ very little from those of the Lushais. - -The dress of the men is the same as among the Lushais, but the -women wear a petticoat with a broad white line between two narrower -blue ones, and dress their hair in a long plait wound round the -head. Zawlbuks are not maintained, but in other respects their -villages resemble those of the Lushais. The village organisation is -more democratic, the chief being replaced by a headman. The honours -of "Thangchhuah" and admission to Pial-ral are obtained by three -times celebrating the Buh-ai festival. There is no restriction as to -having windows. - -When a young man wishes to marry he sends messengers bearing a blue and -a white cloth, a hoe, and a pot of liquor to the girl's parents. This -is called "In hawn." If the articles are accepted the marriage takes -place as soon as the necessary amount of zu can be prepared. The -bride's parents kill a pig and the two families feast together. The -girl is conveyed to her husband's house by the men who arranged the -marriage, the party being pelted with dirt as among the Lushais. - -In case of adultery, it is the seducer, not the woman's relatives, -who have to compensate the injured husband. This is the common rule -among non-Lushei clans. - -A boy is named seven days and a girl five days after birth, a red -cock being killed and zu drunk. The maternal uncle gives the name. - -In common with many Old Kuki clans, the dead are buried in a special -cemetery outside the village. The corpse of a "Thangchhuah," dressed -in fine cloths and the head adorned with a chaplet of the tail feathers -of the hornbill, is carried round the village on a bier by all the old -people of both sexes, encircled by a ring of dancers singing a dirge -to the accompaniment of drums, and followed by the widow dressed in -the scantiest rags and raising loud lamentations. A halt is called -opposite the house of every person of importance, and the inmate -is expected to regale the party with zu. The circuit of the village -completed, the corpse is carried to the grave and buried with rice -and other eatables and a flagon of zu. A rough representation of a -house is built over the grave and food and drink are placed in it for -a year. The grave is fenced round and the heads of any animals which -have been killed in the deceased's honour are placed on posts. At -the close of a year a cane is stretched between poles over the grave, -and from it are suspended pieces of cloth, small baskets containing -tobacco and linseed, and the bodies of small animals and birds. This -is the final ceremony, and the spirit is supposed to have no further -concern with this world. - -The Biate in the Lushai Hills worship the images in the Bhuban caves, -but I am told that those in the North Cachar Hills differ in this -respect. The three images are called Bolawng Raia, Chhinga Raia, -and Maituki Raia, Raia being a corruption of Rajah. A fowl, a pig, -two eggs, and two kinds of jungle vegetable called "chinghrut" and -"hruitung" are offered to these deities outside the village once a -year. The following tale is told to account for this worship of images, -which is so opposed to general custom:--Long ago Zatea stole a mithan -belonging to two Biate chiefs, Chonlut and Manlal, and on their trying -to recover their property they were severely wounded. On their way -home they noticed that the leaves of the "bung" tree, a species of -Ficus, attached themselves to their clothes, and at night they dreamt -that the leaves spoke, saying, "Do not throw us away; we are sent by -the gods of the Bhuban caves to heal you." They applied the leaves to -their wounds and were soon healed, and then set off in search of these -new gods. [12] It is probable that in the course of their wanderings -the Biate at one time lived near the Bhuban, and in that case their -adopting the figures as local deities is quite in keeping with what -has happened in other clans. Thus the Chiru worship the god of Kobru, -though their settlement near that hill is of recent date. The Zote, -a clan very closely allied to the Biate, after sacrificing a mithan, -place bung leaves in a basket at the foot of the memorial post and -throw them away with the "sherh" after three days. This clan pays -special honour to Chhura, and after a mithan sacrifice a knotched pole -called Chhura's ladder is placed against the gable of the house, and -the skull, tail, and entrails are placed over it for three days. The -jawbones are hung on a branch specially left for this purpose when -the memorial post is being trimmed; a rough fence is made round the -posts, on which matting representations of pythons and a bow with an -arrow adjusted are hung. The latter is said to drive off the Huai, -and reminds one of the similar custom of the Manipuris on the occasion -of erecting the first post of a house. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE THADO CLAN - - -The term New Kukis, which appears so often in the records of Cachar -and Sylhet in the middle of the last century, and which has been -adopted by Dr. Grierson in the "Linguistic Survey of India," may be -taken as synonymous with the Thado clan. The clan is a very large -one; Dr. Grierson in the "Linguistic Survey" estimates the numbers -as follows:-- - - - In Manipur 20,000. - In Naga Hills 5,500. - In Cachar Plains 5,403. - In Sylhet 534. - ------- - Total 31,437. - - -This estimate omits the members of the clan in North Cachar Hills and -in the unadministered tracts between the Naga Hills and Manipur on the -west and the Upper Chindwin district of Burma on the east. Allowing -for these, we may safely conclude that the clan now numbers about -37,000 souls. - -The clan is divided in a manner exactly similar to the Lushei. There -are four main families, all named after their progenitors, and these -are further sub-divided into many eponymous branches. The whole clan -traces its genealogy back to Thado and his elder brother Dongel, -and beyond them to mythical heroes who lived below the surface of the -ground. The late Colonel McCulloch, in his most interesting "Account -of the Valley of Manipur," says, "About the names of those previous to -Thado there may be some doubt, but from this great chief, from whom -the whole race takes the appellation of Thado, I don't think that -there is any." After many enquiries I am quite of the same opinion -and have found pedigrees collected from various sources differ but -slightly from that recorded by Colonel McCulloch fifty years ago. The -original habitation of this clan is said to have been Kochuk, situated -very far to the south of Manipur. Here I must differ from Colonel -McCulloch, who says the traditional home of the Thados was in the -north. There are other reasons besides tradition for believing that -the Thados have come from the south, the many resemblances between -them and other clans, which either still live in the centre of the -Hills or did so till quite recently, and the connection between -their language and those of the Sokte, Siyin, Vuite, and Ralte, -so clearly established by Dr. Grierson, amply proves the southern -origin of this clan. It appears almost certain that the Kamhaus, -Soktes, and Siyins were the first to disturb the Thados, many of -whom entered Manipur territory to escape from these active foes, -while others probably moved westward and settled in the hills to the -south of the Cachar district, whence in 1848-50 they were driven into -Cachar by the triumphant Lushais, as described in Part I., Chapter I, -para. 3. In the Manipuri chronicle there is mention of an expedition -against the Khongjais, as the Manipuris call the Thados, as early -as 1787, and though the chronicle cannot be accepted as infallible, -I think we may conclude that the Thados entered the Manipur Hills -about the middle of the 18th century. The different families seem very -soon to have separated and, just as among the Lusheis, to have fought -among themselves, for tradition speaks of a great battle between the -Shit-hloh and the Chhinchhuan, on the Sawnchal hill, some 60 miles -in an air-line south-east of Imphal, the capital of Manipur. - -The four main families are the Dongel, Shit-hloh, Haukip, and -Kipgen. The Dongel are descended from Thado's elder brother, and -therefore are considered as rather superior to the rest of the -families. The reason why the clan has not been known by the name -of Dongel is said to be that Thado was a far greater warrior and -killed more men. His name is derived, by the people themselves, from -"that," "to kill," and "doh," "to war." It is curious that the direct -descendants of Thado are known as Shit-hloh. This Shit-hloh was the -seventh in the direct line from Thado, and it is said that up till -his time the followers of the direct line had been fewer than those -of the Kipgen and Haukip, but Shit-hloh was great in council and -war, and retrieved the fortunes of his family, and hence his name -has been adopted by them. Thus Thado remains as the true clan name, -while Shit-hloh, Kipgen, and Haukip are the names of the families, -which are further subdivided, as among the Lushais, into many branches, -mostly named eponymously. The Kipgen and Haukip have always differed -slightly from the Shit-hloh. The reason given for this is that Thalun, -the son of Thado, was one day sitting outside his house with his wife, -and, being alone together, the lady was somewhat careless as to her -garments. Hearing some people approaching, Thalun told her to adjust -her dress, and as she did not at once comply he threw a piece of wood -at her and killed her on the spot. Being overcome with grief and shame, -he fled to another part of the country and married again, the second -wife being the mother of Kipgen and Haukip, whereas Elmun, from whom -the Shit-hloh claim descent, was the son of the ill-fated first wife. - -The number of branches into which these three families have -divided is very great, and the connection of all of them with the -parent stem is not very well established. Most of them are now of -but little importance, the members being much scattered, but the -Chhinchhuan, a branch of the Shit-hloh, and Chongput and Hawlthang, -both branches of the Haukip family, still are of some importance. The -Chhinchhuan chiefs rule over eleven villages, containing 952 houses, -in the southern portion of the Manipur Hills, where they have been -established certainly over 150 years. The Chongput and Hawlthang -chiefs occupy sites in the hills to the west of the Manipur valley, -which were assigned to them by Colonel McCulloch about 1850, and rule -over some 190 houses. - -With the exception of the three branches just mentioned, the Thados -have broken up very much, and are found in small hamlets scattered -about the territory of totally different clans, without any reference -to locality or ethnographical considerations. - -All members of these families, however, admit the claims of the head -chief to their allegiance, and in token thereof give him, or his -nearest representative, a hind leg of every wild animal killed. - -The Thados generally are very truculent; in Manipur they have settled -themselves among the more peaceable Nagas, and until the British -Government assumed control of the State they lived largely on the -labour of these unfortunate people, whom they had virtually reduced to -slaves. The Manipuris found it easier to acquiesce in this oppression -by the Thados than to coerce them, and the Thados were used on many -occasions to punish Naga tribes whom the Manipuris were unable to -reduce to submission. The superior cunning of the Manipuris enabled -them to maintain their influence over the Thados by skilfully playing -off one family against another. On one occasion three of the most -powerful chiefs were enticed inside the royal enclosure in Imphal and -treacherously murdered. At present large numbers of Thados are moving -eastward in unadministered country, carrying on the same bullying -tactics, reducing the inhabitants, who as yet have no firearms, -to the condition of slaves. - -Among the Thados are found the remnants of many other clans, which -have been practically absorbed, having adopted Thado customs and -language. It is asserted that at the time of the Thimzing (v. Part I., -Chap. V, para. 1) Lianthang and his brother Thlangom, and Lunkim and -his brother Changsan, had such large supplies of skulls of animals -killed by them that they were enabled to live through that trying -time by using the trophies of their skill in the chase as fuel, -and from them the present Lianthang, Thlangom, Lunkim, and Changsan -clans claim descent. The Changsan are sub-divided into eight families -and are considered a clan of some standing, as is shown by the fact -that the Shit-hloh will only take wives from Shit-hloh, Changsan, -and Mangyel households. - -The following clans are said not to be descended from Thado, but -to have emerged from the earth after the Thimzing:--Kulho, Shongte, -Kullon, Thangneo, Hanngeng, Henngar, and Thanchhing. They are now to -all intents and purposes Thados, most of them having even adopted the -Sakhua, or domestic sacrificial rites, of whichever family of the Thado -clan they have attached themselves to. Shongte and his younger brother -Kullon emerged from the Khulpi, which is the Thado equivalent of the -Lushai Chhinglung. Kulho, Thangneo, and Hanngeng were sons of Shongte, -the two latter being by a different mother to the first. Henngar was -Kulho's son. Kulho celebrated the Chong festival, and invited his -half-brothers, but Thangneo refused to come, so Kulho disowned him, -which angered Thangneo, so that he proposed to Hanngeng that they -should kill Kulho, but Hanngeng refused, saying that the removal of -Kulho would make Thangneo head of the family, but would in no way -benefit him. This ancient quarrel is sometimes revived even now, -and blows are exchanged when representatives of Kulho and Thangneo -meet round the zu-pot. - -The houses of the Thados generally resemble those of the Lushais, but -are less regular in their interior arrangements, a big house sometimes -having two or three hearths irregularly placed. Zawlbuks are not built, -the young men sleeping in the houses of well-to-do people. The houses -of the chiefs are surrounded by palisading enclosing a courtyard, -along one side of which there is often a platform, which reminds one -very much of the Chin houses, and is one of the many trifles tending -to confirm the tradition of the southern origin of the clan. The -following extracts from Lieut. Stewart's notes on Northern Cachar, -written in 1855, show us the Thados as he knew them:-- - -"Each of the four clans is divided into separate and independent -Rajahlics, of greater or less power and numbers, consisting of one or -more villages, each of which is presided over by a hereditary chief -or Rajah, whose power is supreme, and who has a civil list as long, -in proportion to the means of his subjects, as that possessed by any -other despot in the world. All these Rajahs are supposed to have sprung -from the same stock, which it is believed originally had connection -with the gods themselves. Their persons are, therefore, looked upon -with the greatest respect and almost superstitious veneration, and -their commands are in every case law. - -"The revenue exacted by these chieftains is paid in kind and -labour. In the former each able-bodied man pays annually a basket of -rice containing about two maunds; out of each brood of pigs or fowls -reared in the village, one of the young becomes the property of the -Rajah, and he is further entitled to one quarter of every animal killed -in the chase, and, in addition, to one of the tusks of each elephant -so slain. In labour his entire population are bound to devote four -days in each year, in a body, for the purpose of cultivating his -private fields. On the first day they cut down the jungle, on the -second day, the fuel being dry, they fire it and prepare the ground, -on the third they sow and harrow, and on the fourth cut and bring -in the harvest. Besides the labour of these four days in which the -entire effective population, men, women, and children, work for him, -small parties are told off during the whole season to assist his own -domestic slaves in tending the crop, repairing his house (which edifice -is always built afresh by the subjects when a new site is repaired -to), and in supplying wood and water for the family. On the occasion -of the days of general labour, a great feast is given by the Rajah to -all his people; so also, on the occasion of an elephant being killed, -to the successful hunters, but this is the only remuneration ever -received by them, and calls can be made on them for further supplies -and labour, whenever it may be required. - -"The Rajah is the sole and supreme authority in the village or -villages under him, no one else being competent to give orders or -inflict punishment except through him. - -"To assist him in carrying on the affairs of government the Rajah -has a minister, and more frequently several, called 'thushois' -or 'muntries,' who have the privilege of being exempt from labour -and taxation at his hands. This office is not, strictly speaking, -hereditary--although in most cases, except when thoroughly incompetent, -the son succeeds the father--but is given to those qualified for it, -as being men of property and influence as well as of ability, and -good spokesmen. The Rajah himself is, on the contrary, invariably -succeeded by his eldest son, for whom, should he be a minor, the -kingdom is managed by a council of muntries. In default of sons, the -Rajah's brother succeeds, and failing him the nearest male relative -takes the guddee, the Salique law being in full force. - -"Should the Rajah die without any heir to the throne, the chief muntry, -if he be an influential man, takes his place, or some neighbouring -Rajah of the same clan is called upon to take the government or usurps -it. Each of the clans have one great Rajah, supposed to be the main -branch of the original stock, to whom, although those immediately -beyond his own villages owe him no allegiance, great respect is shown -by all, and acknowledgment of the superior title given, although in -power and wealth he may be much poorer than others of the tribe. - -"No regular courts are held among the Kookis, but complaints are always -heard before the Rajah, assisted by his muntries, whenever they may -be made. Heinous crimes are very infrequent among these people. Theft -is almost unknown, and they chiefly offend in slight quarrels and -disputes among themselves, which are settled by their Rajah, a fine -being exacted from the guilty party, according to his means and the -extent of his guilt, either in wine, fowls, pigs, goats, cows, or -methins. When cases of theft, burglary, or arson occur, the criminal -loses his independence and becomes a bondman to the Rajah for the term -of his life. Cases of murder and manslaughter are of course taken -up by our authorities and punished by our laws. But the punishment -awarded for murder among the Kookis was confiscation of all goods and -property and perpetual bondage for the murderer, his wife, and family, -who thenceforth became slaves of the Rajah and did his work. The -only crime punishable by death among the Kookis was high treason, -or an attempt at violence on the person of the king, and treacherous -commerce with an enemy of the clan: the victim in these cases was -cut to pieces with dhaos, but of course no such extreme measures -can be resorted to by them in the present day. In cases of adultery -and seduction the punishment is left in the hands of the aggrieved -husband or father. In the former case, death might be inflicted on -the adulterer by any means with impunity, but more generally it was, -and now invariably is, the custom to compound with him for a large -sum of money, something over and above the original price of the -wife. The adulteress then becomes the property of her lover. - -"In cases of seduction every effort is made, and in most cases -successfully, to have the guilty couple married forthwith, a penal -price being put upon the bride. All the women in the village, married -or single, are perfectly at the pleasure of the Rajah, and no voice -would be lifted against him for cohabiting with any of them, the only -prevention being a sense of immorality and an understanding among -the royal families of the whole tribe generally that such conduct -is infra dig.; indeed, there is little temptation, for the Rajah -may have as many wives as he likes or can keep, both polygamy and -concubinage being in common practice, female slaves living generally -in the latter condition with respect to their masters."--Stewart's -"Notes on Northern Cachar," pp. 45-48. - -This description is still fairly accurate, but the gradual breaking up -of villages, coupled with the increased control by Government and State -officers, has lessened the power of the chiefs and modified custom to -a considerable extent. Lieutenant Stewart gives the following account -of how the people hunted before guns were common among them:-- - -"The Kookis are great hunters, and are passionately fond of the sport, -looking upon it, next to war, as the noblest exercise for man. They -kill tigers, deer, and smaller game by means of poisoned arrows. The -bow is a small one made of bamboo, and very slightly bent, the string -being manufactured of bark. The arrow, the head of which has a barbed -iron point, is about 18 inches long, being drawn to the chest and not -the ear, and therefore delivered with no great force, the destructive -effect lying chiefly in the poison. With such an instrument the -great art in hunting lies in stealthily approaching the animal near -enough to deliver the arrow with effect, and in following it up after -being wounded to the spot where it is found lying dead. In this the -Kookis excel, being able to prowl about the jungle as noiselessly as -tiger-cats, and being equal to North American Indians in distinguishing -tracks. Tigers are also killed by spring bows with poisoned arrows -set in the jungles and by poisoned panjies planted in their paths. - -"Elephants are slain in great numbers by the Kookis wherever -they are to be had, not only the tusks but the flesh being highly -prized. Parties of 20 and upwards go out in pursuit of them at a -time. When some recent elephant track is discovered in the forest, -two or three of the party ascend some convenient tree, whose branches -overhang the track, the remainder follow it up, and having got on -the other side of the herd scare it towards the ambush by shouting, -beating gongs, and discharging firearms. Here, while passing, the -animals are assailed from above with long spears having huge iron -barbs covered with deadly poison; every wound inflicted results in -the death of the animal at not more than half a mile from the spot -on which he was hit. So wary are the elephants, however, that it is -seldom that more than two out of a herd are killed. At the place -where their game is found dead, they commence cutting him up, and -extract his tusks; laden with these and as much of the flesh as they -can carry, they return home, and other parties go out and encamp in -the neighbourhood of the carcase until they have entirely consumed -it, or are driven away by the effluvia of decomposition. Portions -of the flesh that they cannot immediately eat are dried and smoked -to be kept for future consumption. The Kookis also hunt the methin -or wild cow, which they have likewise succeeded in domesticating, -having introduced the breed to Northern Cachar. - -"The deadly poison used by the Kookis is, they say, extracted from a -tree which does not grow in these parts, but the article is brought -to them for sale by tribes inhabiting the borders of Manipur. The -substance is of a dark blue or black colour and of about the -consistency of common resin. To make it serviceable it is ground down -with capsicum seeds and tobacco juice, so as to form a pulp, with which -the weapons are smeared, cotton soaked in the mixture being also tied -to the iron under the barb. I had once the cruelty to try the effect -of this poison on two domestic fowls. To one I administered internally -a dose equal to about two common-sized pills, and I punctured one of -the legs of the other, so as merely to draw blood, with the pointed -bamboo about the size of a toothpick which had been dipped into the -mixture. The latter died in twenty minutes without much apparent pain, -and in the former no effects whatever could be perceived, and it may be -crowing to the present day. Another poison, called 'deo-bi,' is used -by the Kookis to kill fish, and has an intoxicating effect upon them -forcing them to the surface, when it is thrown into the water. The -Kookis also spear fish, but have not much idea of catching them by -the hook or net."--Stewart's "Notes on Northern Cachar," pp. 62, 63. - -When the track of a tiger is found the "thempu" lifts the earth on -which the footprint is and lays it on a leaf of the "ai" plant. He -pours some zu on it and then, muttering charms, he wraps it up in the -leaf and drops it into a pot, which he places to his ear and professes -to be able to hear whether the pursuit of the animal will be crowned -with success. The customs as regards "boi" approximate to those of the -Lushais, and where they differ it is always to the disadvantage of -the boi; thus a criminal seeking refuge in the chief's house has to -pay a mithan before he can be accepted. On a chief's death each boi -has to kill a pig at his funeral. Slavery by purchase is recognised -and is not restricted to the chiefs--another point of resemblance -between the Thados and the Chins. - -The village organisation is much the same as among the Lushais, but -the minor chiefs, while collecting all dues from the people of their -villages, pay certain dues to the head of their family. The crier is -known as "tlangsam," but he receives no remuneration. The "thirdeng," -or blacksmith, is known as "thirshu," and receives a day's labour -from every householder in the village as his pay. - -The thempu only receives zu, and this only from those he cures--a -system tending to increase the skill of the practitioners. - -As regards marriage the rules are not very clearly defined, but -young men of the families which sacrifice a sow to their Sakhua -will not generally take girls from the families which sacrifice a -mithan. Strange to say, the sow-sacrificers have no objection to -providing brides for the mithan-slayers, the cause probably being -that in certain cases the wife's Sakhua has to be propitiated and -the cautious sons of sow-killing families object to the extra expense -involved by marrying a wife whose Sakhua demands a mithan. Lieutenant -Stewart states that strict rules existed prohibiting the intermarriage -of cousins, however remote, but my enquiries tend to show that at -present the prohibition only extends to paternal cousins to the -third generation. - -Marriage is by purchase, the sums to be paid being:-- - -"Manpi" (Lushai "manpui")--three to 30 mithan, according to the family -of the bride, to the father of the girl or his representative. - -"Golha" (Lushai "palal")--Rs. 4/- or 5/-. - -The bride's elder sister, one cloth of dark blue. - -The father's younger brother, one mithan, called "mankang," but if -he is living in the same house as the father then the nearest male -relative who is living separately receives this. - -Although a man has paid the full price for his wife, yet he has, on her -death and the death of each of her sons, to pay a further sum called -"longman" to her nearest male relative. Supposing Pathong marries -Thonghlu's daughter and has by her two sons, one of whom dies, it is -Thonghlu's duty to kill a pig in honour of the deceased and to take -the skull and all the flesh except that of the head and the entrails -to Pathong. The skull is placed over the grave and the flesh eaten -by the family. Pathong now has to pay Thonghlu the price of the pig -and Rs. 9/-, but if he prefers he may, instead of these two sums, -give one mithan, however small, Rs. 1/-, and a hoe. It is often -found cheaper to give the mithan. Suppose Thonghlu is now gathered -to his fathers, leaving a son, Kanpu, and Pathong's wife also dies, -then Kanpu must kill the pig and will receive the mithan. Pathong -departs this life and his son marries and begets a son, Komyang, and -Kanpu also dies leaving a son, Nelet. Now on the death of Pathong's -remaining son, Nelet must kill the pig and will receive the mithan from -the dead man's son, Komyang, and as this extinguishes the liability -on account of Thonghlu's daughter, Komyang, in token thereof, will -also give to Nelet one spear and one tinder-box. These payments, -unfortunately, are seldom made on the spot, and claims on account -of great-aunts or even more distant female relatives are frequently -brought up for decision. In case of women who die in childbed or in -any unnatural manner her "longman," as this payment is called, has -not to be paid. "Longman" reminds one of the Lushai "lukawng," and -very similar customs are found among the Old Kuki and some Naga clans. - -In common with nearly all non-Lushei clans, a Thado co-respondent, -and not his victim's relatives, has to pay the injured husband all -the expenses he had incurred in the marriage and also a fine of one -mithan. The same rule applies to the seducer of a widow living in -her late husband's house. On a man's death his eldest brother can -insist on marrying the widow and taking all the children. "Sawnman" -is enforced as among the Lushais, but should the father refuse to take -the child when it is old enough to leave its mother, he is called on to -pay a second mithan, and he forfeits the right to receive the marriage -price in case of a girl. The eldest son inherits and, failing a son, -the nearest male relative. Adoption is practised as among the Lushais, -the ceremony being known as "Phunkai" (Lushai "Sa-phun"). - -In case of accidental homicide the offender has to kill a pig at his -victim's funeral and provide a blue cloth to wrap the body in. Should -the death have been caused by a gunshot wound the gun is forfeited -to the heir of the deceased. The Thados claim that rape and sodomy -are unknown among them. - -There is no doubt that head-hunting was indulged in in olden days, -and on the death of a powerful chief at least one freshly taken head -had to adorn his grave. - -Lieutenant Stewart, in the book already quoted from, gives a good deal -of information about the religious beliefs of the Thados. He says -they recognise one all-powerful god, whom they call Pathen (Lushai -Pathian), who has a wife, Nongjai. I have enquired about Pathen's wife, -but though all my informants say that it is usual to speak of Pathen -Nongjai together, none could say whether Nongjai was Pathen's wife--an -equally powerful being, sharing power with Pathen--or simply another -name for Pathen. Stewart also provides Pathen with a son, Thihla, -but my informants all agree that the Thihla are demons of the hills, -rivers, and forests--in other words exactly the same as the Huais of -the Lushais. Ghumoishe, mentioned by Stewart, is the king of all these -Thihla, and he has a wife, Imungshe. They are supposed to inhabit -the densest forests on the highest mountain tops, and when passing -through such their dread names are never mentioned. About this demon -Stewart says: "By some he is said to be the illegitimate son of Pathen, -but others deny the relationship, and say that he has no connection -with the god whatever. The idea of making the origin of evil proceed -thus from an illegitimate source is exceedingly clever." None of my -informants would venture a guess even at Ghumoishe's parentage. Kuchom, -whom Stewart gives as Ghumoishe's wife, is nowadays, as far as I can -find out, unknown, as also is Hilo, said by Stewart to be the daughter -of the last-named couple and to be the goddess of poisons. The Thihla -are divided into Thingbulnga, the Thihla of the big trees; Shongbulnga, -of the rocks and stones; Tuikhumnga, the demons of the water, of whom -Tuikhumlen is the king. These water spirits are said to be far more -powerful than those of the woods or rocks, and therefore are often -spoken of as Tui-pathen. They also receive a fourfold sacrifice, of a -white fowl or an egg, a pig, a dog, which must not be entirely black, -and a he-goat, whereas cocks or hens are considered quite good enough -for the Thingbulgna or Shongbulgna. - -Zomi is a female spectre, a sight of which is a sure forerunner of -some dire misfortune, which can only be averted by the immediate -sacrifice of a dog. Pheizam correspond to the Lashi. Nuaijingmang is -an evil spirit which lives underground. - -After death the spirits of men and women, great and small, all go -to Mi-thi-khua. The only advantage which the spirits of those who -have slain men and beasts and given feasts obtain is that Kulsamnu -does not dare to detain them, whereas she, sitting by the roadside, -seizes all other poor wandering souls, and troubles them sorely unless -their relatives who have gone on before come to their rescue. - -I have been unable to find any traces of ancestor worship, nor is it -mentioned either by Stewart or McCulloch. This is extremely curious, -as the Thados attach the highest possible importance to a long pedigree -and, as has been seen, nearly every other clan practise some rites -to appease the dead. - -Religious Rites and Sacrifices.--The Daibawl sacrifices are made -as among the Lushais, but not the Khal. The Dongel and Shit-hloh -families sacrifice a sow to Sakhua, but the Haukip and Kipgen kill -a mithan. This difference is said to date back to the time when the -Haukip lived on the banks of the Run or Manipur river, near to Tiddim, -and sacrificed a mithan to Rulpui, or the great snake. The Chhinchhuan -are said to have recently adopted the Vaiphei method of propitiating -Sakhua, and in consequence the Shit-hloh have ceased intermarrying -with them. - -Besides the sacrifice to Sakhua the Thado have a special sacrifice -known as "Pathen biak na" ("speaking to Pathen"). This consists of -killing a small pig in the closet at the end of the house and a white -cock in front of the house. The crop, entrails, and bones are "sherh" -and are placed on an oaken post in front of the house, and a thirty -days' "hrilh" is observed. - -The Ai ceremonies are much the same as among the Lushais, but in that -of the tiger the carrying of the porcupine is unknown. Directly a -tiger is shot a bamboo skewer is hammered into its ear hole, to make -sure that it is dead, and when the body is brought up to the village -an egg is placed in the mouth by some female relative of the lucky -hunter, who addresses the dead animal thus: "Oh! Ho! You stole that, -did you? And so a peg has been driven into your ear." She then jumps -across the body from side to side and from head to tail. After this the -skin may be removed. In connection with cultivation, a ceremony called -"Daibun" is performed after the burning of the jhums. Seven bamboos -adorned with cotton wool are placed round the jhum as an offering to -the "Thihla" of the locality, who are further propitiated later on -by an offering of an egg and some leaves placed on a bamboo in the -middle of the jhum. This is called "Daikam." Wanolnaunu died because -she was so lazy that it was too much trouble to live, so if any of -her signs are found in a new jhum, a sacrifice has to be performed -to avoid a failure of the crops. A tree which has two trunks which -unite some feet above the ground is said to represent her fingers, -and a red fowl must be sacrificed and the tree dug up by the roots. A -spring is said to be her tears, and a goat must be sacrificed. If -a wallow is found a pig must be offered. If a woman is not blessed -with offspring within the usual time of the marriage there are three -methods of procedure:--The woman may go to her father's house, and -he will kill a cock and they will drink zu together, after which he -ties a string round her neck. If this is not successful she may go -to her husband's eldest brother or cousin, and he will repeat the -performance. If there is still no result the thempu is called in and -kills a black hen inside the house, and its flesh, mixed with stones -and other ingredients, is compounded by him into a medicine which -the poor woman desirous of offspring has to eat. On the occasion of -the birth of a child the mother may not leave her house for five days -in case of a son and three in case of a daughter. When these periods -have expired she goes to her father's house and takes a fowl or a pig, -according to her means. This is called "Nau-bil-vu." The mother also -gives her father or sometimes her mother a cloth on the occasion of -the birth of a child, and the recipient kills a pig in honour of the -occasion. In case of a child getting sick the thempu sacrifices a fowl, -called "Ar-kang-tha." - -The marriage ceremonies of the Thados are described by both McCulloch -and Stewart, and do not seem to have changed at all during the 55 -years that have elapsed since their accounts were written. Neither -account, however, is quite complete. The bridegroom, accompanied by -his friends, taking with them at any rate a portion of the sum to -be paid for the bride, go to the village where the girl lives, and -for three days the young men of the village wrestle with them. On -arrival they are met with showers of filth from the children of the -village. The girl's parents have to give a pig or a mithan and much -zu to celebrate the occasion. At the conclusion of the feast the bride -sets out for her future home dressed in her best and wearing a gong on -her head. The actual marriage ceremony takes place in the house of the -father of the bridegroom and consists of the thempu killing a fowl, -feathers from the right wing being placed in the hair of the young -couple. They then drink out of the same cup of zu, and the thempu, -muttering charms, binds a cotton thread round their necks, which must -be worn till it falls off from old age. - -The thempu then presents each with a comb. Only very near relatives -may use the same comb. Stewart says husband and wife may share a comb, -but my information is that uterine brothers and sisters may do so. A -Lushai correspondent writes that among them the use of another man's -comb may cause a headache, and that a person of a higher clan would -be contaminated if he used the comb of a member of a lower one. To -see whether the union will prove harmonious the thempu takes a hair -from the head of each and moistens them in zu and then twists them -together. If the hairs remain twisted all will go smoothly, but should -they fly apart many bickerings and disputes are to be expected. The -parents of the bridegroom give a feast to all concerned, and this -completes the ceremony, but the young couple do not at once commence -sleeping together. If they have not been previously acquainted they -often sleep apart for a month, and for lesser periods according to -the degree of their acquaintance. - -Eligible brides are even now carried off and married against the wishes -of their parents, by ardent lovers belonging to powerful families. - -Immediately a death occurs guns are fired and a special funeral -chant called "La pi" (Lushai "Hla") is sung three times. The funeral -ceremonies of ordinary people are practically the same as among the -Lushais, but in the case of those who have performed the "Chong" -the ceremonies last seven days, and each day the corpse is carried -in and out of the house seven times with much shouting, and a mithan -has to be killed on each day. Every relative and slave has to attend -and bring some animal to be killed. The skulls of all these adorn -the great man's grave, and, in former days, at least one fresh human -skull taken specially for the occasion from some other clan had to be -added to the other trophies over a chief's grave. Sometimes the body -of a great chief may be placed in a small house at a short distance -from the village and partially dried over a slow fire; and a curious -survival of the times of war is found in the practice, now dying out, -of severing the head and burying it in an earthen pot in a separate -place. This was done to prevent the heads being found and removed -as trophies, should the village be raided. The entrails of the first -animal killed in honour of the deceased are placed on leaves at the -foot of the post against which the corpse rested during the funeral -feast, and are left there for several days, even up to one month, -and at every meal a handful of rice is taken out of the pot and placed -on the leaves, before anyone is allowed to eat. This portion for the -dead is called "thi an chhe." As among the Rangte, efforts are made -to obtain some wild animal or bird, and if the hunters are successful -the entrails of the animal, or the whole animal if it be not edible, -are buried with the "thi an chhe" in the grave, without waiting for -the expiry of the month. - -Unnatural deaths ("thichhia") are considered unlucky, and the custom -regarding the disposal of the corpse in such cases is the same as among -the Lushais. Memorial stones are not generally put up by the Thados, -but are occasionally found among the Chhinchhuan, perhaps from their -proximity to the Lushais. - -A man who has performed the Ai of a tiger is honoured with a special -memorial. Two posts, one some four feet long and the other about three, -carefully squared and with the four sides ornamented with transverse -notches, are placed in the ground some five or six feet apart. The -longer post terminates in a spike, on which are impaled several -oval-shaped pieces of wood, which indicate the number of animals -killed by the deceased. Between the posts and to one side a long pole -is planted leaning over between the posts, and from this hangs half a -dried gourd shell, convex side uppermost, from the rim of which hang -tassels of rough wooden beads, and from the centre hangs a piece of -wood 7 or 8 inches long, of which one end is forked and the other a -knob. This represents "thotche," a sort of rat found in the jungle and -said to be the master of the jungle. If this animal is burnt in the -jungle the "Thihla" of the place will be angry and punish the persons -responsible. Children eat the flesh of the thotche. The posts are -called "thingel" and remind one of the memorial posts of the Chins, -and the be-tasselled gourd is a sign among those people that the -owner of the house before which it is displayed has killed a man. - -A woman who has performed the Buh Ai is also honoured with a special -memorial, consisting of an upright stone some three feet high, in -front of which are placed three others supporting a flat stone. A -space of about four square yards in front is enclosed by a line of -stones set on edge, the whole of the interior being planted with -small stones, which are supposed to show the number of baskets of -rice reaped on the occasion of the Ai. The feasts connected with -the cultivation known by the Lushais as "Kut" are not practised, -but when the rice is well up the whole community goes to the jhums, -dancing and singing, and beating drums and gongs. In the jhums they -work vigorously in perfect silence for a considerable time and then -burst forth into song and dance, and eat their fill of rice washed down -with zu. There is another feast connected with the crops called "Hun," -which takes place when the rice is about a foot high. Each household -prepares two pots of zu, one for the husband and one for the wife, -and a post called "shekhon" is planted before each house. This post -has two horizontal arms projecting, one near the top and one near -the ground, the upper one being the longer. These are perforated, -and three reeds are passed through the holes. Each household kills -a white cock at the foot of the shekhon. The flesh is cooked in the -house and eaten by the householder alone. The "sherh" and bones are -hung on the shekhon. The zu in the householder's pot may only be drunk -by other householders, but that in the wife's pot is dispensed to -all comers. For five days after this feast no one but members of the -household may enter the house. Nothing out of the house may be given -away, and the householder must do no work, nor may he attend a funeral. - -The series of feasts performed by the Lushais to attain the honours of -"Thangchhuah" is not customary among the Thados, though some informants -say that in olden days some such custom prevailed, and the "Chong" -feast, at which seven mithan and two of every other sort of domestic -animal had to be killed, is not performed now only because none can -afford the expense. It will be remembered that "Chong" is the name -of the first feast in the Thangchhuah series. Among the Haukip I am -told that a position equivalent to Thangchhuah is attained by thrice -celebrating the Ai of one of the following--tiger, bear, elephant, -or hornbill. - - - -Thado Folk Tales. - -Benglama is the equivalent of the Lushai Chhura, and there are many -tales about him which are common to both clans and in fact seem to -be known to almost all representatives of the Kuki-Lushai race. The -following is a translation of a portion of a tale written down in -Lushai for me, but told by a Thado. Benglama had visited a village and -got himself much disliked, and everyone was trying to catch him:--"Once -they made a ladder and cut the lower side partly through and made -a great quagmire underneath. Benglama climbed up it, it broke, and -he fell down into the mud. Then a tiger came up. 'My friend, if you -help me out you may eat me,' said Benglama. Then the tiger pulled him -out. Then the tiger--'I will eat you up,' he said. Benglama--'I will -just go and wash myself clean,' he said. 'Presently I will eat you -up,' he said again. Benglama--'I will go and ease myself,' he said, -'otherwise you will dislike my dung,' he said. Where he went to ease -himself he cut a cane. The tiger--'Why do you do that?' he asked. Then -Benglama--'It is going to blow and rain like anything, therefore -I am going to tie myself to the stump of a tree,' he said. Then -the tiger--'If that is so, tie me up first,' he said. He tied him -up. Then he (Benglama) also put a mallet, that all who passed by might -beat the tiger. Benglama went away. Then the wild-cat came along. The -tiger--'My friend, you and I are just alike; we two are friends, we are -brothers--undo me,' he said. He undid him. Then the wild-cat left him, -going into a pangolin's hole. Then just as he was going in, the tiger -caught him by the foot. 'What you have got hold of, that is not me, it -is a tree root,' he said. The tiger let him go, but remained watching -for him, but the wild-cat always slipped out at the other side, and -was always eating fowls by Benglama's house. The tiger--'My friend, -what is it you are eating?' he said. Then the wild-cat--'Oh, I am only -just eating the bones of my hand,' he said. The tiger was always eating -his paw, and it hurt very, very much indeed. Presently the wild-cat -went to the tiger and said to him, 'If you were to take a torch and -go near to Benglama's house you would be able to catch some fowls,' -he said. So the tiger went up, but Benglama saw him, and heated some -water. When it was very hot indeed, he poured it into a tui-um (bamboo -tube for holding water) and threw it over the tiger. The tiger said, -'My friend! My friend! I am dying, I am all burnt up,' he said. The -wild-cat--'There is a waterfall some way down stream; if you roll -down that you will be well,' he said. He rolled down and so he died." - - - -How Benglama Tried to Climb to the Top of the Big "Bung" Tree. - -"This Benglama--his wife was going to start for the jhum, and she -spoke thus to him. To her husband his wife said, 'Benglam, when the -sun shines through our doorway, cook the rice, do,' she said. 'When -the sun shines on the top of the bung tree in front of our house, then -clean the rice and tie up the goat,' she said, and she also left her -child with him. His wife then left him to go to the jhum. Then he, -according to his wife's orders, when the sun shone in the doorway -prepared to cook the rice. As often as he put the pot on the fire -it fell off again. Presently the sun shone on the top of the bung -tree. 'Did my wife say cook the food on the top of the bung tree?' he -said. Then saying, 'I will clean the rice,' he prepared to climb to -the top of the bung tree with the rice, mortar, and pounder, with the -goat and the basket of fowls; but he could not climb up, he kept on -falling down again. Just then his child, being hungry, began to cry -and cry. Then Benglama, saying, 'Is his fontanel hurting?' pricked -it with his hairpin. Then the child died. Benglama, saying, 'Has it -gone to sleep?' laid it down on the sleeping machan; he did not know -that it was dead. Then his wife came back from the jhum, and Benglama -just before had fallen from the bung tree and was nearly dead, and -lay on the sleeping platform groaning terribly. His wife said, 'Are -you ill?' and he--'Speak! Why, I can hardly speak, I have fallen from -the top of the bung tree and am nearly dead, don't you know?' he said -to her. Then she looked at her child; and his wife--'Our child here -is dead; how has it happened?' she said. Then Benglama--'Go on! it's -not dead, its head was hurting and I pricked it; it is just asleep,' -he said to her. Then his wife--'It is dead indeed; go and bury it,' -she said. Then Benglama wrapped it up in a mat and carried it over his -shoulder, and the body dropped out behind him, and he placed the mat -only in a cave, and on his way back he saw his child's body. 'Whose -child is this?' he said, and kicked it about with his feet." - - - -The Story of Ngamboma and Khuptingi. - -"Formerly Ngamboma and Khuptingi, before they were born, while in -their mothers' wombs, they loved each other. When the time for them to -be born came near their mothers' bellies pained them. Then if their -mothers put their bellies near to each other they got well. Then -the children were born. In the jhums when they were placed apart -in the jhum house while their mothers were at work they always got -together. When they grew bigger they loved each other, and Ngamboma -wanted to marry Khuptingi, but their fathers and mothers did not -think it wise. Then Ngamboma made an image of Khuptingi in beeswax -and tied it to a stump of a tree on the bank of the stream, and -whenever the water rose Khuptingi got ill and when it went down she -got better. Thus it went on for one year. One day the stream rose and -carried away Khuptingi's image, then Khuptingi died. They placed her -body in a dead-house. From the decaying matter which fell from her -body flowers sprang up, and Ngamboma watched them always. One day a -wild cat was going to take away those flowers, but Ngamboma caught -it and said, 'Why did you think to steal my flowers--I'll just kill -you?' he said. Then the wild cat--'Protector! Do not kill me; I am sent -by Khuptingi,' he said. Then Ngamboma--'Where is Khuptingi, then?' he -said. Then the wild cat--'If you catch hold of my tail we will both go -(to her),' he said. Then the wild cat towed him to the village in which -Khuptingi was in the sky, in Mi-thi-khua (the dead-people's-village), -and they arrived at Khuptingi's house and they slept there, and they -ate rice also together. When they slept together Khuptingi was only -bare bones, and Ngamboma said, 'What bones are these?' and he threw -them to the top of the wall and to the bottom of the wall (i.e., all -about the room). Then the next day Khuptingi--'I am not well,' she -said. Ngamboma--'What is the reason?' he said. The Khuptingi--'Last -night when I was sleeping near you you threw me to the top of the -wall and to the bottom of the wall; for that reason I am in pain,' she -said. Then their villagers said, 'Let us go and fish,' they said. They -went. The place where they caught fish--indeed it was not a stream, -it was a patch of bamboo. The dead called the bamboo leaves fish, and -they filled their baskets cram-full, but Ngamboma said to himself, -'They will stop the holes in the baskets with the leaves when they -come to the stream so that the fish may not fall out by accident,' -he said, and he stopped the holes (in his basket) with leaves. Then -they all returned to the village. Ngamboma, by diverting a stream, -caught a few fish and returned. When they reached their houses the -dead roasted the leaves which they called fish, but when Ngamboma -tried to roast them the leaves all burnt up. Then Khuptingi said to -Ngamboma, 'The others have caught so many fish; why have you caught -so few?' Ngamboma roasted the real fish which he had caught, but they -burnt up just like the bamboo leaves. Then one day the people again -went out to hunt. In the place where they went hunting they saw a huge -black caterpillar; the dead called it a bear. Ngamboma did not see -it, and by accident trod on it and killed it. Then the dead said to -Ngamboma, 'That bear which ran towards you, have you seen it?' they -said. Ngamboma--'I have not seen it,' he said. Presently they saw -the caterpillar which he had trodden on, 'Hei-le! Why, you have shot -it!' they said. They carried it up to the village and all the dead -ate up its flesh entirely. Ngamboma, however, did not care to eat -any of it. Then Khuptingi said to Ngamboma, 'Living people and dead -people, we shall not be able to live together comfortably; therefore, -if you now build yourself a house here and then return to your home, -when you die you will be able to live in it?'--thus Khuptingi said. So -he set to work to build a house. The dead called the arum trees, and -they split them with axes and built (with them), but Ngamboma just -split those arums with his nail very quickly. 'Can one build houses -with such stuff?' he said. Then, splitting real trees into planks, he -built his house. Then Khuptingi said to Ngamboma, 'If you go to your -house and call all the villagers together and sacrifice a mithan, and -when you have finished eating its flesh you put on very good cloths -and wear round your neck the sacrificial rope (the rope the mithan -was bound with), and call on my name, then you will die and will be -able to come to our village,' she said. Just as Khuptingi said it came -to pass; he died as he was lying on his bed, then they were able to -live together with comfort. When he saw the house that he had built -in Mi-thi-khua, he said, 'Who built that house?' The dead said to him, -'You built it while you were alive.' Then they married in Mi-thi-khua, -it is said. - -"It is because of this story of Ngamboma and Khuptingi that we say -nowadays people are in Mi-thi-khua." - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE LAKHER OR MARA CLAN - - -This clan emigrated from the neighbourhood of Thlan-tlang (called -by the Chin Hills officers Klang-klang) in comparatively recent -times. They are closely allied to the Southern Chins, and a description -of them belongs more properly to the Chin Monograph. Much of the -information in Messrs Carey and Tuck's Gazetteer regarding the -Southern Chins applies to the Lakhers. I therefore propose to give -only a brief description here. - -The clan calls itself Mara, Lakher being the name used by the -Lushais. The Chins, I believe, call them Zo, and the Arracan name -for them is Klongshai. The following extract from my diary, dated -10th February, 1891, gives a brief account of the advent of this -clan:--"In the evening I had a long talk with the chiefs and found -out the origin, according to them, of the feud with the Mrungs (in -the Chittagong Hill tracts). In the lifetime of Thonglien's father, -the Bohmong of that time sent to ask the Mara clan to come and make -friends. A deputation went, taking with them two large elephant tusks -as a peace offering. The Bohmong had two of the party treacherously -killed, and hence the feud which has led to so much bloodshed. I am -told that the first Mara to come here (Saiha) were a colony under one -of Thonglien's ancestors. They came from Thlan-tlang to where Vongthu -now is, and then moved further east till they settled somewhere on the -Blue Mountain. Finding themselves too small a colony to hold their own, -they sent for the rest of the clan, who, under Lianchi, Hmunklinga's -great-grandfather, came and settled where Ramri now is. After a few -years a few of the Chinja tribe arrived and were received into the -village. These were followed by more and more until eventually the -Mara left the Chinja in possession of Ramri and moved across the Blue -Mountain, where they have remained ever since." There are other Lakher -villages besides those referred to in the above extract, and the clan -is found in considerable strength to the south of the Lushai Hills -boundary, in territory which is at present unadministered. Members -of the clan are also found in the Lushai and Chin villages adjoining -the real Lakher country, which lies in the loop of the Koladyne or -Kaladan river, south of latitude 22°3´. - -Their villages are more permanent than those of the Lushais though the -houses are built of the same materials, the proximity of large supplies -of bamboos having led the immigrants to abandon the substantial timber -buildings of the land of their origin for more flimsy structures. The -sites are, however, levelled and the villages are seldom moved. Before -the reign of peace which has followed our occupation of the Hills, -each village was surrounded by a triple line of stockading or by an -impenetrable belt of thorny jungle, through which a narrow pathway, -defended by three gates, led to the village. Inside the houses the -sleeping platforms of the Lushais are absent and the hearth is in -the middle of the floor. If the owner has slaves or a married son, -the interior is divided into compartments by partitions which extend -three-quarters of the way across the house. - -The men smoke but little, but much relish the nicotine water from -the women's pipes, which differ slightly in shape from those used by -their Lushai cousins. - -Dress.--I have been unable to detect any difference in dress between -the Lakhers and the Southern Chins. The men wear a narrow loin-cloth -twisted round the waist, one end being passed between the legs and -slipped under the waist-band, the only other garment being a cloth -about 7 feet by 5, worn as the Lushais wear theirs, and made either -of cotton or silk. Blue and white check cloths are very much fancied, -but are imported from Burma, whence also comes a very rough cotton -cloth with large brown checks. The silk cloths are made by the women -and are fine pieces of work, taking an industrious woman as much as -a year to weave. - -The dress of the women is more elaborate--several petticoats reaching -almost to the ground and held up by a massive brass girdle, made -after the pattern of the chain of a cog-wheel. These petticoats are -generally of dark blue cotton, but sometimes the outer one is a very -elaborately worked piece of silk, similar in pattern to the man's -cloth. Each petticoat is merely a strip of cloth wide enough to go -one and a half times or even twice round the body. - -While clothing her nether extremities thus decently, the Lakher -woman wears a jacket which consists really of little more than two -very short sleeves joined at the back and tied loosely together in -front. This absurd little garment does not by several inches reach -to her petticoat. The jacket is generally of home-made cloth or -silk of a pattern similar to the men's cloths. A loose cloth of the -favourite blue and white check is wrapped round the body for warmth, -but discarded when any work is being done. - -The men wear the hair tied in a knot above the forehead. A very narrow -turban is often worn, being passed round the back of the head low -down and the ends twisted round the knot of hair. Chiefs affect the -high turban of the Thlan-tlangs. - -Women wear nothing on their heads, except in wet weather, when both -sexes wear hats like the Lushais. The raincoat of the Chins is also -used. Special cloths and plumes are worn by those who have killed -men or given certain feasts, as among the Lushais. - -Ornaments.--The amber necklaces so dear to the Lushais do not find -much favour with this clan, who value especially necklaces of a stuff -known as "pumtek," but as this is very rare, necklaces of glass-beads, -cornelians, buttons, coins, etc., are generally all that commoners -can obtain. The women are particularly fond of necklaces; the men -wear but few, which is in marked contrast to the custom of the Lushais. - -The men ornament their top-knots with combs, the backs of which are -sometimes of ivory, sometimes of wood lacquered in various patterns. A -long pin of iron or bone is always worn in the top-knot, and is used -for scratching the head as well as for cleaning out the pipe. - -The women wear their hair rolled round a very heavy two-pronged brass -skewer, the weight of which, sometimes as much as 3 lbs., keeps the -hair low down on the nape of the neck. - - - -Constitution of Society. - -The Lakhers, in common with the Chins, are less democratic than -the Lushais and their cognates. The power of the chiefs is greater, -and the chiefs' relatives and other wealthy people form a kind of -peerage and lord it over the lesser fry, being seldom interfered -with unless their doings endanger the interests of the chief. Slaves -with the Lakhers are real slaves, not merely unpaid servants as among -the Lushais. A slave is the absolute property of his master, and may -be sold like any other possession. Female slaves are not allowed to -marry, but are encouraged to become mothers, as their children are the -property of their owners. Male slaves who win their master's favour -are sometimes married at their owner's expense, but they and their -children remain slaves. Parents and other relations sell children -when they are in pecuniary difficulties, and captives taken in war -are naturally the slaves of their captors. - -In the matter of marriage the Lakher's choice is as little limited as -that of the Lushai but, owing to the power of the upper class, there -is great competition to secure a bride of good birth, and this leads -to girls being married before they attain puberty. After her marriage -such a child-wife helps in the household of her husband's mother, but -sleeps with her own parents. The following extract from a report on -the Lakhers sent me by Mr. Whalley, of the E. Bengal and Assam Police, -cannot be improved on:--"The advanced age, as regards males, at which -marriage takes place is due to the recognised obligation on the part -of every male to marry the daughter of a house of higher standing -than his own, with the consequently disproportionate advance in the -amount of the marriage price. Too frequently a male on coming into -his inheritance is occupied during his years of vigour in paying off -the debt of his mother's marriage price, and can only afford to take -a wife of a higher station than his own when he is no longer capable -of becoming a father. In the interval he takes a concubine, generally -of a lower class than his own. On the other hand, the marriage or -betrothal of children by their parents is common. Such marriages are -on two scales. In both from the date of betrothal the bridegroom -commences to pay the marriage price in irregular instalments; in -one, however, he contracts, if he becomes a father by his bride, -to pay the whole marriage price, and can claim the return of all -payments made if the decease of his bride precedes such an event; -in the other he pays only a proportion of the whole fixed beforehand, -which is not recoverable, even if marriage is never consummated. The -first is in more general favour with parents, as even in the case of -the death of the prospective bride it is by no means certain that, -in view of the disparity in position of the families, the bridegroom -will be able to compel disgorgement of the instalments paid." - -"The above description of customs refers mutatis mutandis to all -classes of society except slaves. The desirability of an unmarried girl -varies directly with the social position of the parents; appearance, -industry, and chastity are entirely subordinate factors, and exercise -very little influence on the marriage price demanded. There is a -strange custom by which a husband who finds his wife incompatible -may exchange her for any of her sisters still unmarried. A younger -brother, again, whose parents are dead, even though already married, -takes over as a rule the wife as well as the liability of an elder -brother who has predeceased him. The precedence of such wives should -be regulated solely by the position of their parents, and breaches -of this rule, owing to the partiality of the husband, lead frequently -to bitter feuds." - -The following valuable note on the marriage price of a Lakher girl, -and on the dues payable at death, by Mr. R. A. Lorrain, is inserted -just as received:-- - -The important position occupied by the bride's eldest brother and -her maternal uncle are noticeable. - - - - - -PARTICULARS OF MARRIAGE PRICE PAID BY A MARA FOR HIS BRIDE. [13] - - -==========+================+==============+====+============================ - | Amount of Price. | | To whom price is paid and -Name of +================+==============+ No.| other particulars in - Price. | Common People. | Ruling Clan. | | regard to the Marriage - | | | | Customs of the Mara Tribes. -==========+================+==============+====+============================ -O-Kia | Rs. 20/- | Rs. 150/- | 1 | When the whole family live - | Gong (7 spans).| One slave. | | in the same house, none of - | Gun. | Two Mithan. | | the sons having their own - | | | | houses, then the Prices - | | | | Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and - | | | | Nos. 9, 10, 11, have all - | | | | to be paid to the father - | | | | of the bride. - | | | | -Sei-pi- | Rs. 20/- | Rs. 50/- | 2 | If the family is divided - hra | Gong (7 spans).| One Mithan | | and the eldest son has a - | Gun. | (female). | | house of his own, then the - | | | | father has price No. 11 and - | | | | the eldest son must have - | | | | price No 1, while the - | | | | prices Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, - | | | | and Nos. 9, 10, are at the - | | | | eldest son's disposal and - | | | | he may or may not share with - | | | | the youngest son as he - | | | | pleases. - | | | | -Chaw chyu | Rs. 20/- | Rs. 50/- | 3 | - | Gong (7 spans).| One Mithan. | | - | Gun. | Gun (syulô). | | - | | | | -Sei-chei- | Rs 20/- | Rs 50/- | 4 | - hra | Gong (7 spans).| One Mithan. | | - | Gun. | Gun (syulô). | | - | | | | -Nô-hla | Rs. 2/- | Rs. 10/- | 5 | - | Brass pot | Beer pot | | - | (4 spans). | (Ra-cha). | | - | | | | -Saw-hla | Rs. 1/- | Rs. 2/- | 6 | - | Full grown hen | Brass pot | | - | | (4 spans). | | - | | | | -Kei-ma | Rs. 2/- | Rs. 5/- | 7 | No. 7 has to be paid to the - | Brass pot | Beer pot | | friend of the father of the - | (4 spans). | (Ra-cha). | | bride if the sons and father - | | | | live in the same house. But - | | | | if the family is divided, - | | | | the eldest son having his - | | | | own house, then this must be - | | | | paid to his friend instead - | | | | of the father's. - | | | | -Lao-khyu | Rs. 2/- | Rs. 5/- | 8 | No. 8 has to be paid to the - | Brass pot | Beer pot | | bride's mother's brother - | (4 spans). | (Ra-cha). | | (bride's uncle). - | | | | -Rai-pi- | Rs. 2/- | Rs. 10/- | 9 | - hra | Brass pot | Beer pot | | - | (4 spans). | (Rai-pi). | | - | | | | -Aw-rua- | Rs. 5/- | Rs. 50/- | 10 | - baw-na | Beer pot | One Mithan. | | - | (Ra-cha). | Gun. | | - -Si-sa-zi or chhi-sa-zi. - -{a U-thei-| Rs. 10/- | Rs. 20/- | | Note.==No. 11, divided -{ pa | A "Sisa" bead. |A "Sisa" bead.| | into three sums, has to be -{ | | | | given on engagement before -{ | | | | marriage, and is kept by -{ | | | | the father of the bride. -{ | | | | -{a Lia-pa | Rs. 5/- | Rs. 10/- | 11 | -{ | Brass pot |A "Sisa" bead.| | -{ | (5 spans). | | | -{ | | | | -{a Sei- | Rs. 2/- | Rs. 5/- | | -{ hnai-pa| Brass pot | Beer pot | | -{ | (4 spans). | (Ra-cha). | | - - -PU-MA.[##] - -A-ma-pi | Rs. 20/- | Rs. 150/- | 12 | Pu-ma has to be paid by the - | Gong (7 spans).| One slave. | | bridegroom to the bride's - | Gun. | Two Mithan. | | "Pu-pa," that is, the - | | | | bride's mother's brother - | | | | (uncle). He therefore - | | | | receives the prices Nos. 12, - | | | | 13, 14, 15 and 18. - | | | | -Aw-rua- | Rs. 5/- | Rs. 50/- | 13 | - baw-na | Beer pot | One Mithan. | | - | (Ra-cha). | Gun. | | - | | | | -Nô-hla | Rs. 2/- | Rs. 10/- | 14 | - | Brass pot | Beer pot | | - | (4 spans). | (Ra-cha). | | - | | | | -Saw-hla | Rs. 1/- | Rs. 2/- | 15 | - | Full grown hen.| Brass pot | | - | | (4 spans). | | - | | | | -Kei-ma | Rs. 2/- | Rs. 5/- | 16 | No. 16 has to be paid to - | Brass pot | Beer pot | | the friend of the "Pu-pa" - | (4 spans). | (Ra-cha). | | (bride's uncle). - | | | | -Lao-khyu | Rs. 2/- | Rs. 5/- | 17 | No. 17 has to be paid to - | Brass pot | Beer pot. | | the bride's grandmother's - | (4 spans). | (Ra-cha). | | brother on her mother's - | | | | side (bride's great uncle), - | | | | or it is sometimes paid - | | | | the "Pu-pa's" (bride's - | | | | uncles) wife's father - | | | | (father of aunt by marriage - | | | | on the mother's side). - | | | | - -Pha-vaw. - -{a U-thei-| Rs. 7/- | Rs. 20/- | | -{ pa | A "Sisa" bead. |A "Sisa" bead.| | -{ | | | | -{a Lia-pa | Rs 2/- | Rs. 10/- | 18 | -{ | Brass pot |A "Sisa" bead.| | -{ | (4 spans). | | | -{ | | | | -{a Sei- | Rs. 1/- | Rs. 2/- | | -{ hnai-pa| A large fowl. | Brass pot | | -{ | | (4 spans). | | - - -DEATH DUE. [##] - -Ru | Rs. 10/- | Rs. 80/- | 19 | At the death of a wife - | or more. | or more. | | this price has to be paid - | Gong. | One Mithan | | as a death due by the - | | (large). | | husband to the dead wife's - | | | | father or eldest brother as - | This price is | | | the case may be. - | often nearly as| This price is| | - | heavy as the | often nearly | | At the death of a husband - | "O-kia." | as heavy as | | the eldest son of the dead - | | "O-kia." | | man has to pay the price to - | | | | his father's mother's - | | | | brother (the dead man's - | | | | uncle). - | | | | - | | | | If there is no son, the - | | | | dead man's brother will pay, - | | | | and then the dead man's - | | | | daughters, when they marry, - | | | | their marriage prices will - | | | | go to this brother of the - | | | | dead man (his nieces' - | | | | marriage prices). - | | | | - | | | | If there are no daughters - | | | | then he has his dead - | | | | brother's possessions as a - | | | | recompense, and he will - | | | | also care for the widow - | | | | unless she prefers to go to - | | | | her own family once again. -==========+================+==============+====+============================ - - -One out of each of the above prices has to be paid by the bridegroom -before he is out of debt for his bride, and it will be found that:-- - - - (1) An ordinary person has to give for his bride about Rs. 153/-, - or £10 4s. - (2) One of the ruling clan has to give for his bride about - Rs. 671/-, or £44 14s. 8d. - - Then at death the for No. 1, from Rs. 10/- to 20/-, or 13/4 - death-due must be met, to £1 6s. 8d. - for No. 2, from Rs. 80/- to 150/-, or £5 - 6s. 8d. to £10. - - -Needless to say, many of these prices are kept on credit, and often -have to be met after death by the son or the son's son, making it a -terribly complicated matter on the whole. - -Reginald A. Lorrain, - -Pioneer Missionary to the Lakhers' or Maras'. - -May 4th, 1911. - - - - -Offences against property and person can generally be settled by -payment of a fine, but the Lakhers have no fixed custom in such -matters, and a person of quality generally takes the law into his -own hands if he considers himself aggrieved. - -Head-hunting used to be indulged in and is still practised by the -Lakhers in unadministered tracks. In case of a chief's death it was -proper to kill someone of a distant village before drums or gongs -were beaten, but it was thought "thianglo" to bring back the head -on such an occasion. As regards their religious beliefs, the Lakher -equivalent of Pathian is Khazang. Mr. Whalley writes:--"All spirits, -with one doubtful exception to be noted later, whether malignant or -benign, are slaves of the great spirit Khazang or Loitha. Whereas the -attributes and the names of the lesser spirits vary from village to -village and individual to individual, this great spirit has a firmer -outline and permits of some attempt at description. The picture they -draw is primitive, almost touching in its childishness. The Khazang or -Loitha is small and brown and almost hairless. He is capable of sexual -love and has children. He is material in his essence, but superior to -natural laws such as those of time, space, and gravity. He is immortal, -and has an immaterial wife and immaterial children. For his continuance -the world exists with its revenue. In their own phrase he 'eats' the -domains of the lesser spirits through all nature as a chief 'eats' -villages (i.e., receives tribute in supplies from villages). He regards -individual men much as these same men regard individual ants. Nearer -to the heart and farther from the intelligence of the Lakhers is -the mysterious Pi-leh-pu, the all-mother and all-father (strictly -translated 'grandmother' and 'grandfather,' the term is generally -used for ancestors)--a being not anthropomorphised or materialised, -partaking in some shadowy way of the functions both of guardian angel -and of originator of the human race." - -In the course of my enquiries I did not come across any references -to Pi-leh-pu, but there seems good reason to think that the term -is applied to the mythical ancestor of the clan. In the Lushai -Mi-thi-rawp-lam, it will be remembered that in the centre of the -frame round which the effigies of the ancestors of the celebrants are -fastened there is a white effigy to represent the mythical ancestor -of the whole clan. In some respects Pi-leh-pu seems to resemble the -Lushai Sakhua. - -The Ram-huai of the Lushais are known as "Hri-pa" and the Lashi as -"Sakhia." After death the spirits pass to Mi-thi-khua, the road to -which is by the village of Lunchoi and passes up a precipice. It is -so narrow that women with child have to widen it as they go, for which -purpose a hoe is buried with them, or at least laid beside the corpse -during the funeral feast. Pial-ral is called "Pe-ra'," and to reach -it all sorts of animals must be killed and the Ai ceremony performed -for each. The Khuangchoi feast is also considered, if not absolutely -necessary, at least very useful. Triumphs in the courts of Venus will -not help the spirit to pass to Pe-ra'. Women can only reach that happy -place if their husbands take them. A series of feasts or sacrifices -closely resembling the Thangchhuah feast of the Lushais is performed, -but I was assured that the performer's state in the next world was -not in any way affected thereby, the feasts being equivalent to the -Lushai Sakhua sacrifice. The series consists of-- - -Vok-rial.--A very small pig which has been brought up in the house -is killed and eaten. - -Vok-pa.--A boar of five fists' height which has been brought up in the -house is killed, a black hen being also sacrificed at the same time. - -The "sherh" are kept inside the house for three days, during which time -none of the household may do any work, but the house is not closed and -anyone may share in the feast. The Vok-rial is performed three times -and the Vok-pa twice, and then a mithan is killed and all share in -the feast. The performer of the She-shun may not cross a big stream -or enter another village till he has sacrificed a hen. Subsequently -he again performs Vok-rial, which is said to conclude the sacrifices -to Sakhua. A feast in which two mithan are killed is called "Bawi." It -is followed by Khuangchoi, in which at least five mithan must be slain. - -The spirits of the dead are supposed to become mist after having -lived two or three lives in the other world. - -Ten days after the birth of a child the mother goes to the water supply -and washes herself. She then takes the child to her father's house, -where she receives some rice and a fowl, which she takes home and -eats. Sacrifices are not done at this time. Children's heads are shaved -at three months, and the hair is allowed to grow at nine years with -girls and at eleven with boys. The bodies of stillborn children are -buried outside the village without any ceremony, but no purification, -either of the house or village, is considered necessary. - -[Death.] The usual funeral feast, which in the case of wealthy -persons may last three to five days, precedes the burial. Some time -afterwards a second feast is given and a portion is put aside for -the spirit of the deceased. At the funeral feast the corpse is laid -out with fine cloths and ornaments and a dance is performed by two -women and one man. In other respects the Lakher and Lushai customs -are very much alike. There is an annual feast in honour of those who -have died during the year. It is called "Lachhia." A pig is killed -and the young men and maidens dance attired in their best clothes, -and the usual large quantities of zu are consumed. - -In cases of unnatural death no one may leave the village till the sixth -day. On the fourth day a hen is sacrificed outside the village. The -corpse is buried beyond the village boundary fence. Deaths in -childbirth are considered unnatural deaths. If the firstborn in -a family dies within a few days of its birth the corpse is buried -anywhere, without ceremony, and the household abstain from work for -one day. Such a death is called "naw-dawng" (Lushai "hlamzuih"). - -Many of the Lushai sacrifices are performed. The Khal takes the -following form:--A fowl is killed at the head of the bed in the name -of the father, a month later one is killed in the name of the mother, -and in successive months one is killed for each child. The flesh of -these fowls can only be eaten by the parents. The Uihring sacrifice -is known as "An-hmu"; a dog is killed outside the house, the hills -inhabited by their ancestors being named. The "sherh" are hung on -a tree or a bamboo. The husbands of women who are enceinte may not -enter the house on such occasions. The following sacrifices of the -Lushais are not performed--Hring-ai-tan, Khuavanghring, Tui-leh-ram, -Bawlpui. In the Thla-ko a cock is killed outside the village and -the spirit is summoned. Khawhring is unknown, and they maintain that -there are no wizards or witches among them. - -There are three festivals connected with the crops--(1) "Kicheo" or -"Kutsa-zawng," which takes place in January; feasting and drinking -are the main features of this festival, which is preceded by a -general hunt, as the flesh of wild animals, birds, or land crabs -is absolutely necessary. (2) "Paku," which comes just before the -sowing of the rice, closely resembles the Lushai Chap-char-kut. (3) -"Lalia"--this corresponds to the Lushai Mimkut; the children are fed -with maize cakes, and if any member of the family has died within -the previous year some cakes are put aside for his spirit. - -The superstitions of the Lakhers resemble those of the Lushais. To -kill a python is sure to result in the death of the killer. Even to -see a loris is unlucky and to kill one is fatal. The sight of two -snakes copulating will also be followed by serious illness, if not by -death. The Lushai Chawifa is known as "Thla-shi-pu," and if it falls -in the jungle that is the place to cut your jhum, for then you are -sure of a good crop. It seems that Thla-shi-pu is merely a meteor; -the Lakhers have not surrounded this natural phenomenon with the -myths which the more imaginative Lushais delight in. In choosing the -site for a village a cock is taken, and if it does not crow the site -will not be selected, but if one of the party dream of dead persons -or bad things this is also sufficient cause for rejecting the site. - -Among the Lakhers there are no priests of any sort; every man is his -own priest. At the marriage ceremony the fowl is killed by the man -who has arranged the match. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -LANGUAGE - - -The languages of all the clans dealt with in this monograph, except -the Lakher, are very similar, and also bear a strong resemblance to -those of their neighbours. - -Dr. Grierson, in the "Linguistic Survey of India," uses the term -"Kuki-Chin" to describe all the languages spoken by the clans I have -dealt with and their cognates, but he adds:--"Meithei-Chin would be -a better appellation, as the whole group can be sub-divided into two -sub-groups, the Meitheis (Manipuris) and the various tribes which are -known to us under the names of Kuki and Chin." Dr. Grierson considers -that all the Kuki-Chin languages belong to the Burmese branch of the -Tibeto-Burman family, and he subdivides them as follows:-- - - I. Meithei,* [17] or Manipuri. - - II. Chin languages-- - - 1. Northern group: Thado, Sokte,* Siyin,* Ralte, and Paite - or Vuite. - 2. Central group: Tashon,* Lai,* Lakher, Lushai, Banjogi,* - and Pankhu.* - 3. Old Kuki group: Rhangkhol, Bete (Biate), Hallam, - Langrong, Aimol, Anal, Chiru, Lamgang, Kolren (Kolhen), - Kom, Purum, Mhar (Hmar or Khawtlang), and Cha.* - 4. Southern group: Chinme,* Welaung,* Chinbok,* Yindu,* - Chinbon,* Khyang or Sho,* Khami.* - - -With reference to the connection between the different clans, -Dr. Grierson writes:--"The terms Old Kuki and New Kuki are apt to -convey the idea that the tribes so denoted are closely related to -each other. But that is not the case. Not only do their customs and -institutions differ considerably, but their languages are separated -by a large group of dialects in the Lushai and Chin Hills, and the -so-called New Kukis (Thados) are, so far as we can see, a Chin tribe, -most closely connected to the inhabitants of the northern Chin Hills, -while the Old Kukis are related to tribes more to the south." - -The account of the causes of the Old and New Kuki incursions into -Cachar, given in Part I, Chap. I, Section 3, which was written before -I had read Dr. Grierson's book, agrees entirely with his conclusions. - -A detailed account has been given in Part I of the Lushai language, -and, considering the full manner in which the dialects of all these -tribes have been dealt with by Dr. Grierson in the "Linguistic Survey -of India," it seems superfluous to attempt to give outlines of them, -and therefore I propose only to draw attention to the many points -of similarity between them. The works I have consulted are:--"The -Linguistic Survey of India," Vol. II, Part III, Lorrain and Savidge's -"Grammar and Dictionary of the Lushai Language," Mr. T. C. Hodson's -"Grammar and Small Vocabulary of Thado," and the appendix to Lieutenant -Stewart's "Notes on Northern Cachar," 1855. - -In going through Mr. Hodson's vocabulary of the Thado language, the -first thing that struck me was the absence of the letter R. Further -examination showed that where R is used in Lushai and certain other -languages G or Gh is substituted in Thado. Many instances of this -will be found in the following comparative vocabulary. - -In many cases F in Lushai, Rhangkhol, and Langrong is replaced by -Ch, sometimes softened into S in Thado, Manipuri, and some Old Kuki -dialects. I have so far only found the following examples, but the -material at my disposal is very insufficient, and I have no doubt that, -given complete vocabularies, many more would be found:-- - -"Fa" in Lushai, "cha" in Manipuri and Thado, meaning "child." - -"Far-nu" in Lushai and Langrong, "char-nu" in Aimol, Kolhen and -Lamgang, "sar-nu" in Chiru, Kom, and Hallam, meaning "sister." - -"Fak" in Langrong, "chak" in Manipuri, "cha" in Aimol, Anal, Kolhen, -Lamgang, "shak" in Chiru, meaning "to eat." In Lushai we have -"chaw-fak-hun," "rice-eat-time." Until I found that "fak" meant "to -eat" in Langrong, the Lushai equivalent for dinner-time had always -puzzled me, as the Lushai word for "to eat" is "ei." - -"Fawp" in Lushai, "chop" in Thado, "chup" in Purum, meaning "to kiss." - -"Fang" in Bete, "chang" in Thado, meaning "paddy," while "fang" -in Lushai means "a grain." - -"Fep" in Lushai, "chep" in Thado, meaning "to suck," as sugar-cane. - -"Feh" in Lushai, "to go to the jhums," "feh" in Rhangkhol, "to go"; -"che" in Thado, Aimol, and Anal, and "chatpa" in Manipuri have the -same meaning. - -"Fing" in Lushai, "ching" in Thado, "singba" in Manipuri, mean "wise." - -"Fu" in Lushai, "chu" in Thado mean "sugar-cane." - -"Fang-hma" in Lushai, "fung-mat" in Bete, "chung-mai" in Thado, mean -"a pumpkin." - -N in Lushai sometimes becomes "shi" in Lai or Haka dialect, as "ni" -in Lushai and "shi" in Lai, meaning both "to be" and "aunt." - -G and K are often interchanged and also R, L, and N. - -In Lushai we have "lung" meaning both "stone" and "heart," while -in Manipuri we have "nung" meaning "stone," and though "heart" -is translated by "puk," we have "nung-siba" "to be sad," evidently -composed of "nung" and "siba," "to die," and also "nung-ngaiba," -meaning "happy," showing that "nung" once meant heart. - -In many of these languages, similar words are used but have slightly -different meanings. For instance, "shang" in Lushai means "tall," -while in Thado and Manipuri we have "sang" meaning "long." - -"Leng" in Lushai means "to stroll," and "lengba" in Manipuri means -"to walk," but is only used of important personages who would be -likely to move slowly and in a dignified manner. - -In Lushai "shat" means "to cut," but as a Lushai's house consists of -timber and bamboos, he always uses "shat" when he speaks of building -a house, and we find "sha" in Thado and "saba" in Manipuri mean -"to make," "to build." - -In Lushai the verb "ni," "to be," is conjugated completely, but in -Manipuri "ni" means "is" and has no other tenses. - - - Manipuri: Ma ai-gi i nau ni. - Lushai: Ama ka nau a ni. - English: He my younger brother he is. - - -The following comparative vocabulary gives in the first two columns -the Thado and English words as given by Mr. Hodson. The first word in -the column of remarks is always Lushai, and where it has not exactly -the same meaning as the Thado word the correct meaning is given; -then follow, where necessary, the equivalents in other dialects. - -About one word in every three given in Mr. Hodson's vocabulary has -been found to resemble closely the Lushai word having the same or -a similar meaning. Mr. Hodson's vocabulary has no pretensions to be -a complete dictionary of the Thado language. Were such available I -believe the number of similar words in the two dialects would be found -to be even greater. As regards the Old Kuki dialects the information -available is not sufficient to make a thorough comparison. It is clear -that they are very closely allied to Lushai and Thado and to each -other. The connection between Manipuri and what Dr. Grierson calls -the Chin languages will, I believe, be found on further enquiry to -be closer than at first appears. - - - - - - - - -COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY OF THADO AND LUSHAI LANGUAGES, WITH NOTES ON -THE OTHER CHIN LANGUAGES AND MANIPURI OR MEITHEI. - - -THADO. ENGLISH. LUSHAI AND REMARKS. - -A Fowl Ar. Old Kuki dialects, Ar. -A-eng or Turmeric Ai-eng. Beteh, Aishel. -A-yeng -Ai Crab Ai. Beteh, Iae. -A-le True, right Awle, all right. -Ashi Star Arshi. Old Kuki dialects the same. -Ban Arm Ban. -Bat To owe Bat. -Be To beat a drum Beng. -Be Pulse Be, all sorts of peas and beans. -Bon To wrestle Buan. -Bong Cow Se-bong. -Bong-hlo Mud Bol-hlawh. -Bu Paddy Buh. -Chem Dao Chem. Same in Old Kuki dialect. -Chep To suck Fep. -Chi Salt Chi; and in Old Kuki dialects also. -Chok To buy Chawk. In most Old Kuki dialects, - Chok or Chak, and Purum has Lei, - which is the commoner word in - Lushai. -Da To spread Da, to put. -Chol Tired Chawl, to rest when tired. -Cham Level Cham. -Dang Other Dang. -Dai-tui Dew Dai. -Dangka Silver Tangka. -Deng To beat Deng, to pound, to hammer. -Ding To stand Ding. -Di Correct Dik. -Doi Magic Doi; and in Old Kuki dialects. -Doi Weak Doih, cowardly. -Dui To love Duh, to like, to desire. -Dum Tobacco Dum-ei, Dum-bawm, tobacco box; but - the usual word is Vai-hlo. -Eng Yellow Eng. -Ga Fruit Ra; also Beteh. -Gam-la Distant Ram, country; Hla, distant. In Old - Kuki dialects, La, Hla, and Lak. -Gam-mang Forest Ram. The Lushai Hills being covered - with forest, Ram means both country - and forest. Mang appears in the - Manipuri, U-Mang. -Ge To pass the night Ria(k). Cf. Manipuri. Lek. -Gel Hail Rial. Manipuri, Lel. -Ghai Pregnant Rai. -Ghal Enemy Ral. Manipuri, Lal; Beteh, Ral. -Ghi Heavy Rit. Beteh, Rik. -Ghin Sound Ring, loud. -Ghop Lean Rawp, to become thin, to waste away. -Ghu A bone Ru; also in Manipuri and Old Kuki - dialects. -Ghu A thief, to steal Ru; also in Beteh. -Ghul A snake Rul; also in Old Kuki dialects. - Manipuri, Lil. -Gim To worry Rim, tired, toilworn. -Go A bamboo Ro, a particular sort of bamboo. -Go To cremate Rawh, to heat, to roast. -Ha Tooth Ha, and in all Old Kuki dialects. -Hal To set fire to Hal; also in Beteh. -Ham Blow through Ham, to play a wind instrument. -Hao Rich Hao-sak; the k is nearly silent. -He To know Thei to be able; Hre or Hriat, to - know. Manipuri, Heiba, to know how - to do. -Hem Sharp Hriam. -Hem To soothe Thlem, to pacify. -Hla Month, the moon Thla; and Manipuri and Old Kuki - dialects, Tha or Thla. -Hla Wing Thla. -Hla Song Hla. -Hling To suffice Tling-tlak, to complete. -Hlut To enter Lut. -Hon Garden Huan. -Hot To shake Hot, to stir with spoon. -Hui A dog Ui. Hui or Ui in Manipuri and all - Old Kuki dialects. -In House In; and in all Old Kuki dialects. -Kal To climb Kal, to go; also in Langrong. -Kalson To walk -Kan Dry Kang, to dry up. Manipuri, Kangba. -Kap To shoot Kap. -Kel Goat Kel; and in all Old Kuki dialects. -Ket To be broken Keh. -Kha Bitter Kha. -Kha Chin Kha, the lower jaw. -Khel buk Thigh Khel, side of upper part of thigh. -Khoi Bee Khoi. -Khom To collect Khon. Manipuri, Khom-silba. -Khong Drum Khuang. -Kho-shi To feel cold Khua a shik. -Khu Cough Khuh. -Khubu Knee Khup. Manipuri, Khuk-u; Beteh, - Rakhuk. -Khut Hand Kut. Rhangkhol, Gut; all other Old - Kuki dialects and Manipuri, either - Khut or Kut. -Keng Leg Ke. -Keng bai Lame Ke bai. -Ki Horn Ki. Manipuri, Chi or Ji; Beteh, - Raki. -Ko To call Ko; and the same in Manipuri. In - most Old Kuki dialects, Ko, Koi, or - Kai. -Kol a phe To lighten Kawl a phe; and the same in Beteh. -Kong The waist Kawng, the loins. -Korka A door Kongkhar. -Ku Village Khua. Manipuri, Khul. Variations of - this are found in all dialects. -Ku To cover Khum. Manipuri, Khumba. -Khul A hole Khur; and in Old Kuki dialects. -Kum Year Kum. Manipuri, Kumsi, this year. All - Old Kuki dialects have Kum. -La To take Lak, with almost silent k. In all - Old Kuki dialects the word is very - nearly the same. It also has the - meaning to bring, and so may be - compared with the Manipuri Lak pa, - to come. -Lai Middle, navel Lai; and in Beteh also. -Lai To dig Lai, to dig, to hoe. -Laili Writing, the art Lai-shuih, paper, reading and - of reading and writing. Cf. Manipuri, Lairik - writing laishuih, writing materials, and - Kachcha Naga, Laishi. -Lam Direction Lam. Cf. Manipuri, Lom or Rom. -Lambi Road Lam-lian, though Kong, or Kal-kong - is the general word, Lam-lian being - generally used for a made road as - compared with a path. In Manipuri, - Lambi; and in most Chin and Old Kuki - dialects, either Lam or Lampi. -Le Tongue Lei. This word with very slight - variations is found in Manipuri, Old - Kuki, and all Chin dialects. -Le Earth Lei. Cf. Manipuri, Leipak, earth, - country. -Lei-chung Bridge Lei, Lei-lawn. -Lei-ka White ant Lei-kha. Manipuri, Leisau. -Len Net Len. -Len Big Lian, contracted into Len. Beteh, - Lien. Cf. Manipuri, Turel or - Turen--i.e., Tui, water, and Len, - big, though water in Manipuri is - Ising. -Leng To fly Leng, to stroll or float in the air. - In Manipuri the word means to walk, - but is only used of the Rajah or - very important persons. -Lim Form, shape Hlim, shadow, shape, picture. -Lo Jhum, cultivation Lo. This is another word which is - found in nearly every dialect. -Lo Medicine, drug Hlo. -Lo Suffix of Lo, not. - negation -Loi Buffalo Loi, Cf. Manipuri, Iroi; Beteh, - Siloi. -Lu Head Lu. Common to all Chin and Old Kuki - dialects. Cf. Manipuri, Luchingba, - principal. -Lui Old Hlui; also in Beteh. -Lum Hot, as water Lum. -Lung Heart disposition Lung; also in most Old Kuki - dialects. -Mai Face Hmai. Manipuri, Mai, and Beteh, - Hmai. -Maiche Vegetables Mai, a pumpkin. -Man Price Man. Common to Manipuri, Chin, and - Old Kuki dialects. -Mang Dream Mang; also in Manipuri. -Mang To lose, to be Mang, to die out; Mang ang, to be - spoilt upset in mind. Manipuri, Mangba, to - lose; Manghalba, to spoil. -Mao Woman Mo, a bride, daughter-in-law. -Me Fire Mei, another universal word. -Me Tail Mei; also in Manipuri. -Me Cloud Ro-mei, haze. -Me-hol Charcoal Mei-hol. -Me-khu Smoke Me-khu. -Me-tai Widow Hmei-thai. -Mel Appearance Hmel, face, appearance. -Min Name Hming. Manipuri, Ming. -Min Ripe Hmin. -Mi Person Mi. This word is found in all the - dialects under consideration. -Mit Eye Mit, which with very slight - variations is found in all dialects. -Mol Hill Mual, a hill, a spur of a hill. -Mom To chew Hmom, to put into the mouth whole. -Mu Hawk Mu. -Mu Beak Hmui, beak, upper lip. In most Old - Kuki dialects, Mur. -Mu To see Hmu. Similar word used in all Old - Kuki dialects except Anal, Purum, - and Lamgang. -Mul Feather, hair, Hmul. - fur -Mu mul Moustache Hmui hmul. -Mut To sleep Mut, lie down, sleep. -Na Leaf Hna. In Manipuri and Beteh, Na. -Na Nose Hnar. Manipuri, Chin, and Old Kuki - very similar. -Na Ill Na, pain. Manipuri, Na. -Nai Near Hnai. Manipuri, Nakpa; Chin and Old - Kuki dialects, Nai or similar words. -Nal Slippery Nal. Manipuri, Nalba, slippery, - smooth. -Nam To smell Nam. Manipuri, Namba; Beteh Num. -Nam A strap for Hnam. - carrying loads -Nau Younger brother Nau. Found in Manipuri and in many - or sister Old Kuki dialects, sometimes Nai. -Nem Soft Nem, also in Beteh. -Nga Five and Fish In all Chin and Old Kuki dialects, - Manipuri. -Ngai To be customary Ngai; has many meanings. -Ngoi Fishing weir Ngoi. -Ngol Mad, foolish Ngol-tawt, obstinate, - uncontrollable. Manipuri, Ngaoba. -Ni Sun, day Ni. In all Chin and Old Kuki - dialects and in Manipuri, we have. -Ni Aunt Ni; also in most Old Kuki dialects. -Noi To laugh Nui. Manipuri, Nokpa; Beteh, Inui. -Nom To wish Nuam, contracted into Nom. -Nau-shen Baby Nau-shen. -Nu Mother, female Nu, in nearly all these dialects. - suffix. Appears in Manipuri in Nupi, woman, - and "I cha nupi," my child - female--i.e., daughter. Nupi is - especially interesting because it - combines both the Lushai female - suffixes Nu and Pui. -Nunga After, behind Nunga. Most dialects very similar. - Cf. Manipuri, Back, Namgan. -Nunga Girl Nula. -Ole Alligator Awle. Beteh, Ove. -Pa Father, and male Pa, in all these dialects and - suffix Manipuri. -Pa-gong A widower Parol; note the change of g into r. -Pasal A male Pasal, a husband; Pasal-tha (man - good), a brave man, hero. The word - is used for man in several Old Kuki - dialects. -Paten The creator Pathian. With very slight variations - common to all these clans except - Manipuris. -Pe To give Pe. Very similar terms in all these - dialects. Manipuri, Piba. -Pengpulep Butterfly Phengphehlep; Beteh Phelep. The - Lushai may be Pheng, flat; Phe-phe, - to move; Hlep, a slice. -Phai Level Phei. -Pho To dry in the sun Pho. In Manipuri the word has the - same meaning and also means paddy. -Phung Clan Phung-chang, fellow-clansman. -Phut To place upright Phun. - in the ground -Pi Grandmother Pi. -Pi Feminine suffix Pui. Found in many Old Kuki - for animals. dialects. In Manipuri, "bi" is the - feminine termination of adjectives. -Pi Suffix denoting Pui. Common in one form or other to - great. nearly all these dialects. -Po To carry Paw, to carry on the back. -Pol Straw Pawl. -Pon Cloth Puan. The word in Chin and nearly - all Old Kuki dialects is either the - same or very similar. -Pu Grandfather Pu; and in Manipuri and all Chin and - Old Kuki dialects. The word has also - other meanings, such as maternal - uncle. -Pu To carry on the Puak, to carry on the back. - shoulder. Manipuri, Puba, to carry. -Pum Body Pum, belly. Manipuri Puk. There is a - curious dissimilarity here in most - Old Kuki dialects, in which Won or - some such word is used for belly. -Pum Raft Pum. -Sa Animal Sa. The word is used generally for - wild animals. In Lushai it is - prefixed to the names of wild - animals and to those of such - domestic animals as are not - indigenous. Thus, Sa-kor, a horse; - Sa-kei, a tiger; while Kel, a goat, - Shial, a mithan, Ui, a dog, have no - prefix. Sa is used in the same - manner in Manipuri--Sagol, a horse; - Sangamba, an otter; Saji, a barking - deer, &c. The word is found in Old - Kuki dialects. -Sam Hair Sam. In Manipuri, Chin, and Old - Kuki. -Sang Tall Shang. Manipuri, Sangba, long. -Sang Thousand Shang. Beteh, Shang. -Sa-ku Porcupine Sa-kuh. Manipuri, Sa-bu. -Sanga Wild cat Sa-nghar. -Sat To cut Shat, to chop. -Sat Hot, of weather Sha. Manipuri, Saba. -Sha To build Shat, to cut. As all buildings and - bridges were originally of timber, - building meant cutting, and a Lushai - always says, "In ka shat," "I build - a house." In Manipuri, Saba means to - make or build. -Shai Elephant Sai. -She To say Shoi. -Shelda Mithan Shiel, but in conjunction She; - Shepui, full-grown cow, mithan. -Shem To make Shiam. Manipuri, Semba. -Shi To be cold Shik. -Shil To wash the body Sil, to wash. -Soi, with To converse Thu, word; Shoi, to say. -"tu" -Shok A slave Sal is the Lushai for a slave; but - Suak, found in so many names, - evidently means slave (v. Part I, - Ch. IV, p. 6). All Old Kuki dialects - have very similar words for slave or - servant. -Sum Goods Sum. This word seems only to be - found in Langrong among Old Kuki - dialects. In the other dialects we - find Nenun, Nei, Neina, which - correspond to the Lushai Nei, to - own; or Lal or Ral. Lal in Lushai - means chief--i.e., the rich man; Cf. - Hausa--in Lushai, rich, and in - Thado, a chief. -Sunga Within Chhunga. -Tam Many Tam. In Aimol, Chiru, Kolhen, Kom, - and Purum, Tam is a plural suffix. -Tangka Rupee, silver Tangka. -Tangval A young man Tlangval. -Tat To kill That. Manipuri, Hatpa. -Te To be permitted; Thei, to be able. - to be able -Tha New Thar. Beteh, Thur. -Thal Arrow Thal. Manipuri, Tel; Beteh, Thul. -The Edible fruit Thei. Manipuri, Hei. -Thi Blood Thi. Beteh, Thi; Manipuri, I. -Thi Iron Thir. -Thing Tree Thing. Cf. Manipuri, Sing, firewood. -Thou Fat Thao. Cf. Manipuri, Mahau, fat, - grease, and Thau, oil. -Ti To die Thi. Cf. Manipuri, Si-ba. -Ti To say Ti. In most Old Kuki dialects, The. -Tin Finger nail, claw Tin. -Tou A fly Tho-shi, a mosquito. -Tui Water Tui. Ti, Tui, or Dui in all Chin and - Old Kuki dialects. Cf. Manipuri, - Tu-ren (Tui-len), a river. -Tunge Nowadays Tuna, now. -Tu Grandchild Tu. is found in this sense through - all these dialects. -Ve Left (direction) Vei. Manipuri, Woi. -Vo To beat Vuak, or Vel. Aimol, Ve; Kolhen, - Wel; Kom, Wuk; Purum, Wel; Lai - (Haka), Vel; Siyin, Vat. -Vok Pig Vok. Manipuri, Ok. Vok or Wok are - found in all Chin and Old Kuki - dialects. -Wan The sky Van. -Wa-phol The pied hornbill Va-pual. Va is a prefix denoting - bird, employed as Sa is with - animals. Wa is used in the same way - in Thado. -Wat Leech Vang-vat. -Wompi Bear Sa-vom. Manipuri, Sa-wom. -Wu To stink Uih. -Wun Skin Vun. Manipuri, Un. -Wut Ashes Vut. Manipuri, Ut. -Ya-cha To be ashamed Zah-thlak, shameful. -Yan Night Zan. -Yeng Yellow Eng. -Ying Dense, as jungle Zim. -Yao To complete Zaw. -Yu To sell Zuar. -Yu Rice beer Zu, a word found in one form or - other throughout the Hills. - - - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] 1 Lung = stone; thlan = grave; "vai" may mean "foreign" or be -short for "vai phei," the name of an old Kuki clan. - -[2] Vide p. 99 of Colonel P. R. Gurdon's Monograph on the Khasi People. - -[3] Compare Major Playfair's The Garos, page 114, where the word -"marang" is said to have the meaning of "unlucky" and "unlawful." - -[4] For a somewhat similar instance of trying to ward off cholera, -vide Khasi Monograph, p. 35.--P. R. G. - -[5] "Suak" or "Suok" in most old Kuki dialects and in Thado means -a slave. - -[6] Can the fear of his heirs neglecting to put up a memorial stone -have originated the "stone hauling" customs so distinctive of Maram -and Angami Nagas? - -[7] The Ralte clan is described in Part II, Chap. II. - -[8] See above as to windows, page 27. - -[9] Cf. "Manipur Festival," Folklore, Vol. XXI, No. I. - -[10] Compare the Synteng custom of beh-dieng-khlam.--P. R. G. - -[11] a is merely the masculine termination. Hrangchal-a is a man's -name, Hrangchal-i a woman's. The terminations are often omitted when -it is known who is meant. - -[12] Cf. the Purum tale of the eclipse given on p. 183. - -[13] At the wedding the bridegroom has to kill half the number of -pigs that are killed by the bride's family, thus:-- - - -Bride's family, 5 pigs killed; the bridegroom kills 3 pigs = 8 pigs. -Bride's family, 10 pigs killed; the bridegroom kills 5 pigs = 15 pigs. - - -[14] The amount of price in these columns are all equal to one -another in value and the bridegroom chooses only one out of each -price according to what he has. - -[15] If the "Pupa" wishes for these prices to be paid he has to go to -the bridegroom's house after the marriage (some other day) and kill a -big pig. Then the prices have to be met quickly, or at least some of -them, and the bridegroom also has to go to the "Pupa's" house and kill -a pig in exchange for the pig that was killed for him. If the "Pupa" -is dead (or when dead) his children can claim the prices in his stead. - -[16] The death-due upon a woman is heavier than that upon a man. The -death-due upon a prosperous man is more than that upon a poor man. - -[17] Clans marked * are not dealt with in this monograph. - - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Lushei Kuki Clans, by John Shakespear - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LUSHEI KUKI CLANS *** - -***** This file should be named 54160-8.txt or 54160-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/1/6/54160/ - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg (This file was produced from images generously -made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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