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diff --git a/old/54129-0.txt b/old/54129-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index f904220..0000000 --- a/old/54129-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14599 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Sixteen years in Siberia, by Leo Deutsch - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Sixteen years in Siberia - Some experiences of a Russian revolutionist - -Author: Leo Deutsch - -Translator: Helen Chisholm - -Release Date: February 7, 2017 [EBook #54129] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SIXTEEN YEARS IN SIBERIA *** - - - - -Produced by KD Weeks, MFR and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - Transcriber’s Note: - -This version of the text cannot represent certain typographical effects. -Italics are delimited with the ‘_’ character as _italic_. - -Footnotes have been moved to follow the paragraphs in which they are -referenced. - -The position of each full-page illustration has been changed to fall -upon a paragraph break. - -Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Please -see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for details regarding -the handling of any textual issues encountered during its preparation. - -[Illustration: _Leo. Deutsch._] - - - - - SIXTEEN YEARS IN SIBERIA - - SOME EXPERIENCES OF A - RUSSIAN REVOLUTIONIST - - - - - FIRST EDITION _October, 1903_ - Reprinted _December, 1903_ - Reprinted _February, 1904_ - - - - - SIXTEEN YEARS IN SIBERIA - SOME EXPERIENCES OF A - RUSSIAN REVOLUTIONIST - - BY LEO DEUTSCH - - TRANSLATED BY HELEN CHISHOLM - - - WITH ILLUSTRATIONS - - - - - - - - - THIRD IMPRESSION - - - - - - - - - NEW YORK - E. P. DUTTON & CO. - 1904 - - - - - _Printed in Great Britain_ - - - - - TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE - - -The author of the following narrative is a leader in the Russian -revolutionary movement. The German transliteration of his name is given -here as being the form he himself uses in Western Europe; but he is -called “Deuc” in the English version of Stepniak’s _Underground Russia_, -which was translated from the Italian, retaining the Italian -transliteration of names. A more exact rendering of the Russian would be -Deitch, the “ei” pronounced somewhat as in the English word “rein.” - -George Kennan’s valuable work, _Siberia and the Exile System_, the fruit -of investigations carried on under circumstances of much difficulty and -even danger, has made its many English and American readers acquainted -with the true conditions of life among Russian political prisoners and -exiles. The story given in the present volume of the painful and tragic -events that took place in the political prisons at Kara after Mr. Kennan -had left the Russian Empire was written to him by, among others, a -friend resident in Kara at the time, whose letter he published in his -book. In it are also to be found additional particulars concerning the -earlier or later history of many persons whose names occur in the -following pages; and it thus throws an interesting light on Mr. -Deutsch’s story, which is told so quietly, with such an absence of -sensationalism, that it is sometimes necessary to read between the lines -in order to grasp fully the terrible realities of the situation. - -It may, perhaps, be useful to readers unfamiliar with the history of the -Russian revolutionary movement if I give here a rough sketch of its -development, and of its position at the present time. - -From the first consolidation of the Empire under the Tsars in the latter -half of the sixteenth century, Russian despotism has consistently -regarded with apprehension and disfavour all manifestation of -independent thought among its subjects. There has never been a time when -those bold enough to indulge in it, even in what English people would -consider a very mild form, were not liable to persecution, and this -traditional attitude of repression and coercion had the inevitable -result. Even early in the eighteenth century secret societies had come -into being, but these were mostly of the various religious sects or of -the Freemasons. When they began to assume a political character they -were at first confined entirely to the upper classes, and took the form -of revolts organised among the military, the last and most important -being that of the Decabrists (or Decembrists), who attempted to -overthrow the monarchy on the occasion of Nicholas I.’s accession in -1825. - -Liberal views were to a certain extent fostered by Alexander I. -(1801-1825), who at one time openly talked of granting a Constitution. -Russians who visited Western Europe, officers in the Napoleonic -campaigns, and others, had “brought France into Russia,” had made the -French language fashionable, and thus had opened a way for the -importation of new philosophical, scientific, and political literature, -eagerly appreciated by the developing acuteness of the Russian mind. -Literary influence, even the purely romantic, has throughout ranged -itself on the side of liberty, Pushkin heading the poets and Gogol the -novelists. Indeed, one may safely say that up to the present day nearly -every Russian author of any note has been implicated—some to a greater, -some to a less degree--in the revolutionary movement, and has suffered -for the cause. - -Alexander I. in his later years, and his successor Nicholas I., fell -back on a reactionary policy. Even Freemasonry was prohibited, mere -literary societies of the early forties were considered seditious, and -their members were punished with imprisonment and death. There now -sprang up political secret societies, whose dream was of a federal -republic, or at least of a constitutional monarchy. - -The accession of Alexander II. in 1855 strengthened the hopes of the -reformers. The study of political and social questions became the -fashion; while professors, students, and the “intellectuals” of the -upper and middle classes warmly engaged in the “underground” movement. -With this period are associated such names as those of Herzen, Bakounin, -and Tchernishevsky, whose writings were the inspiration of the party, -and even influenced for a time the Tsar himself. But the emancipation of -the serfs, on February 19th, 1861, bitterly disappointed those who had -hoped great things of the new monarch, and who saw from the way in which -this and other liberal measures were emasculated by officials, to whom -the drafting of them was entrusted by the Tsar, how futile it was to -expect any effective reform as a grace from an autocrat. The reform -movement, now definitely socialistic, speedily took on a revolutionary -character, and culminated in the active sympathy and support given to -the Polish revolt of 1863. - -Alexander II. resorted to the old coercive methods; all attempts to -voice the aspirations and needs of the people, or even the academic -discussion of political questions, were met with the savage punishments -of martial law, imprisonment, exile, death. In face of a new enactment, -which had professed to give fair trial to all accused persons, special -courts were set up to try political offenders; and the practice of -banishment by “administrative methods” (_i.e._ without any trial at all) -was instituted. - -A time of enforced quiet followed, when the leaders of the movement were -either dead, imprisoned, or had fled into voluntary exile abroad; but it -served as a time of self-education and study for the younger generation, -at home or in foreign Universities, and in the early seventies the -revival came. Our author here takes up the story with his account of the -Propagandist movement, which was peaceful, except in so far as it aimed -at stirring up the peasants to demand reform; for, in the absence of any -constitutional methods for expressing their desires, this could only be -effected by organised uprisings. He describes how this movement -developed into terrorism under the system of “white terror” exercised by -the Government, and how, after the assassination of Alexander II., the -strong hand of despotism succeeded in checking, until a few years ago, -the passionate struggle for liberty. - -A new monarch and a new century have altered little the essential -features of the situation, so far as relations between government and -governed are concerned. Every day we have examples of the time-honoured -policy, in the dragooning of Russia proper; the attempted Russification -of Finland; and the deliberate fostering by the Government of -anti-Semitism, with the covert design of counteracting the revolutionary -activity of Jewish Socialists, discrediting their labour movement in the -eyes of the Russian proletariat, and also distracting the latter from -organisation on their own account. - -But a significant change is at work to-day among the people. The -peasants and working-classes in town and country, formerly the despair -of those who strove to arouse in them political consciousness, are being -awakened by the inevitable development of industry to a sense of their -duties and their rights. A genuine labour movement has arisen, which, in -face of the intolerance of the authorities, has naturally taken on a -political character, and affiliated itself to the successors of the -older revolutionary societies. - -The words “anarchist” and “nihilist,” so commonly associated with the -Russian revolutionists, are complete misnomers to-day (as, indeed, they -always have been, except in the case of a few isolated individuals). The -movement is now carried on chiefly by two organisations: the -“Revolutionary Socialists,” and the party to which our author belongs, -and helped to found, the “Social Democratic” Labour Party; associated -with the latter being the powerfully organised social-democratic -“General Jewish Labour Union of Lithuania, Poland, and Russia,” usually -known as the “Bund.” Of these the Revolutionary Socialists alone still -adhere to the practice of terrorism in a modified form, and even they -have always proclaimed their intention of abandoning it directly -“constitutional” methods are allowed to them. The aim of the -revolutionists is to replace the present autocratic government by a -social republic, under which the various races now grouped within the -empire shall each have scope to develop its national individuality. -Groups are actively at work in widely distant localities, even Siberia -furnishing her contingent, while Poland and Finland have various -revolutionary organisations of their own. - -The Government’s policy at present is to exile to Siberia without trial, -or intern in some place distant from home, all persons known or even -suspected to be interesting themselves in the movement. This is effected -principally through the instrumentality of the gendarmerie, which was -instituted by Nicholas I. as a sort of spy system, primarily intended to -unearth official abuses and report upon them directly to the Tsar. It -soon, however, became imbued with the prevailing spirit of the -bureaucracy; its members shut their eyes to the official corruption -everywhere prevalent, and they have since confined their attention to -unearthing “political” delinquencies. The force has at least one -representative in every town of any size, and it has a vaguely defined -roving commission to watch and arrest all persons who appear to be -suspicious characters; these may be kept in imprisonment for an -indefinite time, or may be exiled “by administrative methods.” It has -become an adjunct to the ordinary police, although quite independent of -them, and is generally employed in all matters of secrecy.[1] Travellers -from Western Europe who observe too closely the life and conditions of -the country are liable to arrest in this way. Sir Donald Mackenzie -Wallace and Mr. Kennan, among others, had this experience. - -Footnote 1: - - See _Russia_, by D. M. Wallace. - -The mere existence of such a force may help to explain the discomfort of -even the ordinary peaceful Russian citizen under the present system of -government; and he is further incommoded by the presence in every house -of a police-spy. For the _dvornik_ or _concierge_, though paid by the -inmates of the house, is appointed subject to the approval of the -police, and is responsible to them. He keeps the keys, and is bound to -deliver them up to the police whenever they may take it into their heads -to require a domiciliary search. As an instance of the petty tyranny -that occurs I may mention that the possession of a hectograph (or any -such appliance for multiplying MSS.) needs a special permission from the -police. - -The police have power to break up any gathering in a private house where -more than seven guests are assembled; this is frequently done, even on -such ordinary occasions as a wedding or funeral, if many students or -such-like “untrustworthy” people are of the party. When a town or -district is under martial law—an everyday state of things in Russia—the -above number is still further reduced; indeed, it is quite common for -the police to prohibit _all_ gatherings. - -Readings at entertainments for the poor got up by philanthropic people -may only be given from books licensed by the police for the purpose (and -mostly very dull); the catalogues of lending libraries may contain only -such books as are definitely permitted, many being excluded that are not -forbidden to private persons—though the latter, again, are by no means -free to choose their reading, many authors being entirely prohibited -within the empire; and whole columns of newspapers, including foreign -ones that have come through the post, are blacked out by order of the -censor. Private debating societies’ meetings or lectures, however -innocent, are practically impossible to all who are not in the best -odour with the authorities, except under the strictest precautions -against discovery—such as closing of shutters, disguise of preparations, -and a warning to guests not to arrive simultaneously. - -It is evident what opportunity all this gives to officials “on the make” -for demonstrating their zeal, and it accounts for the fact that every -year hundreds of persons not accused of any definite offence are removed -from their homes. Nearly everyone has friends and relations so banished, -and the result of such systematic interference with private liberty is -that almost everyone in Russia, outside official circles, is more or -less in league against the bureaucratic government. The countenance, and -even financial support, afforded to the revolutionists, not only by -sympathisers in free countries, but by the general public at home, is -one great source of their strength. They are willingly assisted in -evading arrest and in escaping from prison or from exile; and prohibited -literature (printed abroad, or secretly in Russia itself) is circulated -and sold throughout the country in immense quantities—not only leaflets -by the thousand, but reviews, some elaborately illustrated, and even -books of a more solid character. The Russian original of the present -work will presumably soon be on the “illegal” market. - -The illustrations are reproductions of photographs taken from life. - - H. C. - -LONDON, _July, 1903_. - - CONTENTS - - - TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE _Pages_ - v-xii - - - CHAPTER I - Journey to Germany—Imprisonment in Freiburg—Episodes from 1-11 - the past of the Revolutionary movement - - CHAPTER II - The cause of my arrest—Professor Thun—My defence—Plans of 12-20 - escape—My legal adviser - - CHAPTER III - Uncertainty—Prison life—The Public Prosecutor—A change of 21-29 - cells - - CHAPTER IV - The visit of “my wife”—More plans of escape—The Public 30-41 - Prosecutor shows his hand—reparations for a journey - - CHAPTER V - The journey to Russia—In the cattle-truck—The Frankfort 42-48 - and Berlin prisons—The frontier-station—Through Warsaw - to Petersburg - - CHAPTER VI - The Fortress of Peter and Paul—The Public Prosecutor as 49-57 - compatriot—A hard-hearted doctor—A fleeting acquaintance - - CHAPTER VII - Changed conditions—A frustrated plan—The minister’s 58-66 - visit—A secret of State—My literary neighbour - - CHAPTER VIII - Fresh fears—The Colonel of Gendarmerie—Inquiry into the 67-72 - case of General Mezentzev’s murder—Meeting with - Bogdanovitch—Departure - - CHAPTER IX - A ray of hope—An unheard-of régime—The hunger-strike—Our 73-82 - club—A secret ally - - CHAPTER X - A brave officer—My military service—The trial—Further 83-93 - examinations - - CHAPTER XI - The visit of the minister—I am turned into a convict—The 94-104 - prison at Kiëv - - CHAPTER XII - New acquaintances—The girl-conspirators of Romny—Arrival 105-114 - in Moscow—Companions in destiny—A liberal-minded - governor - - CHAPTER XIII - The trial of the fourteen—Recollections of Vera 115-122 - Figner—Numerous imprisonments—_Agents Provocateurs_ - - CHAPTER XIV - A not incorruptible inspector—Broken fetters—Resistance to 123-129 - the shaving process—Visitors in the prison - - CHAPTER XV - Political condition of Russia and the revolutionary 130-137 - party—Our little society—Fête days—Prohibited visits—A - lecture on manners - - CHAPTER XVI - Preparations for our travels—The boat journey by the Volga 138-147 - and the Kama—Ekaterinburg—On the troika—“To Europe, to - Asia” - - CHAPTER XVII - In Tiumen—Parting—On the Siberian rivers—A startling 148-157 - proposal - - CHAPTER XVIII - By way of the convoy-stations—A clumsy officer—The 158-168 - vagabond—A man-hunt - - CHAPTER XIX - The forest—Unsuccessful attempts at escape—The people we 169-183 - met—The criminal world—The convoy officers - - CHAPTER XX - From Krasnoyarsk to Irkutsk—Misunderstandings and 184-193 - disputes—The women in Irkutsk prison - - CHAPTER XXI - The chief of police at Irkutsk—Meeting with exiled 194-208 - comrades—From Irkutsk to Kara—Stolen fetters—A dubious - kind of Decabrist—Another contest—Arrival at our - journey’s end - - CHAPTER XXII - First days at Kara—Friends old and new 209-220 - - CHAPTER XXIII - The organisation of our common life—The “Siriuses”—Wagers 221-232 - - CHAPTER XXIV - Some details of the prison’s history—The “Tom-cat”—The 233-247 - “Sanhedrin’s room“—My first Siberian spring - - CHAPTER XXV - Humours and pastimes of prison life—Two new 248-265 - commandants—The “Hospital”—The participators in armed - resistance - - CHAPTER XXVI - The women’s prison 266-274 - - CHAPTER XXVII - The “colonists”—Further events in the women’s prison—The 275-282 - hunger-strikes—The Yakutsk massacre - - CHAPTER XXVIII - Our celebration of the centenary of the French 283-290 - Revolution—Sergius Bobohov—The end of the tragedy - - CHAPTER XXIX - Disquieting reports—Visit of the Governor-General—Release 291-299 - from prison - - CHAPTER XXX - Nizhnaya-Kara—New life—Stolen gold 300-306 - - CHAPTER XXXI - The tour of the Heir-Apparent through Siberia—Our life in 307-315 - the penal settlement—An incensed official - - CHAPTER XXXII - The death of the Tsar—New manifestoes—The census 316-322 - - CHAPTER XXXIII - A prehistoric monument—My departure from Kara—Life in 323-346 - Stretyensk—My transference to Blagovèstshensk—The - massacres of July, 1900 - - CHAPTER XXXIV - My flight from Siberia—The end of my journey round the 347-359 - world—My friend Axelrod again—Conclusion - - INDEX 361 - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - LEO DEUTSCH, IN PRISON DRESS _Frontispiece_ - - FORTRESS OF PETER AND PAUL, ST. PETERSBURG _To face page_ 48 - - PRISONERS MARCHING THROUGH THE STREETS OF ODESSA “ 96 - - “BUTIRKI,” THE CENTRAL PRISON AT MOSCOW “ 110 - - PORTRAITS: TCHUIKOV, SPANDONI, VERA FIGNER, “ 112 - STEFANOVITCH, MIRSKY - - SIBERIAN HALTING-STATION (ÉTAPE) “ 146 - - IN A SIBERIAN PRISON “ 158 - - ROLL-CALL OF PRISONERS AT A HALTING-STATION “ 160 - - ESCAPED CONVICT-TRAMP (BRODYAGA) “ 164 - - AN ATTEMPT AT ESCAPE “ 170 - - PORTRAITS: MARTINOVSKY, STARINKYEVITCH, “ 208 - SUNDELEVITCH, ZLATOPOLSKY, PRYBYLYEV, YEMELYANOV - - PRISONERS GOLD-WASHING AT KARA “ 232 - - YARD OF KARA PRISON FOR “POLITICALS” “ 254 - - DULEMBA, KOHN, RECHNYEVSKY, LURI, MANKOVSKY “ 258 - - LURI, SOUHOMLIN, AND RECHNYEVSKY, IN PRISON “ 260 - DRESS - - PORTRAITS: A. KORBA, E. KOVALSKAYA, N. SIGIDA, “ 266 - M. KOVALEVSKAYA, N. SMIRNITSKAYA, S. BOGOMOLETZ - - GRAVEYARD OF POLITICAL PRISONERS AT KARA “ 290 - - THE PENAL SETTLEMENT, KARA “ 300 - - COTTAGE SHARED BY “POLITICALS” IN THE KARA PENAL “ 302 - SETTLEMENT - - KARA PRISONERS AT WORK “ 308 - - FEMALE CRIMINALS AT KARA DRAWING WATER-CART “ 310 - - AGED ORDINARY PRISONERS AT KARA “ 314 - - THE COSSACK VILLAGE OF STRETYENSK “ 324 - - BLAGOVESTSHENSK “ 328 - - ON THE AMUR NEAR BLAGOVESTSHENSK—THE SCENE OF “ 336 - THE MASSACRE - - - - - SIXTEEN YEARS IN SIBERIA - - - - - CHAPTER I - JOURNEY TO GERMANY—IMPRISONMENT IN FREIBURG—EPISODES FROM THE PAST OF - THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT - - -In the beginning of March, 1884, I travelled from Zurich, through Basel, -to Freiburg in Baden. The object of my journey was to smuggle over the -frontier a quantity of Russian socialistic literature, printed in -Switzerland, in order that it might then be distributed by secret -channels throughout Russia, where of course it was prohibited. In -Germany a special law against the Social-Democratic movement was then in -force. The _Sozialdemokrat_ was published in Zurich, and had to be -smuggled over the German frontier, where the watch was very keen, -rendering most difficult the despatch to Russia of Russian, Polish, and -other revolutionary literature printed in Switzerland. Before the -enactment of the special law in August, 1878, the procedure had been -simple. At that time the publications were sent by post to some town in -Germany near the Russian border, and thence, by one way or another, -despatched to Russia. Later, however, it became necessary to convey them -as travellers’ luggage across the German frontier, in order to get them -through the custom-house, after which they could be forwarded to some -German town nearer the Russian border. It was on this transport business -that I was engaged. - -My luggage consisted of two large boxes, half-filled with literature, -and their upper parts packed with linen and other wearing apparel, that -the Customs officers might not be suspicious. In one trunk I had men’s -clothes, in the other women’s, supposed to belong to my (non-existent) -wife; and for this reason there really was a lady present at the Customs -examination in Basel,—the wife of my friend Axelrod from Zurich. She -offered to take further charge of the transport, thinking she would run -less risk than I if the police became suspicious. As, however, the -examination of the luggage went off quite smoothly, I declined the -offer, hardly thinking any further trouble probable. - -Besides Frau Axelrod a Basel Socialist was with me at the station. He -had advised me how to carry out my perilous mission, for he was -experienced in such business, having managed many transports of -forbidden literature. Only a few days before, accompanied by a Polish -acquaintance of mine, Yablonski, he had been to Freiburg, whence they -had despatched some Polish literature. He now recommended to me a cheap -hotel in Freiburg, close to the station; and in good spirits I climbed -into a third-class carriage. It was a Sunday, and the carriage was -filled with people in gay holiday mood. Songs were sung, and -unrestrained chatter filled the air. The guard was pompous and -overbearing, as often happened then on German lines; I do not know if it -is so still. When he saw that I was smoking, he told me very rudely, -with a great show of official zeal, that this was not a smoking -carriage. I answered politely that I had not been aware of it, and at -once threw away my cigarette. He insisted peremptorily, however, that I -must change carriages. “A bad omen,” thought I, and still recall the -sensation. I was out of temper, and felt irritated and uncomfortable. -The weather, too, grew overcast, and a cold drizzle set in, which worked -on my nerves. - -The train moved off, and before I had got over my grumbling humour we -were at Freiburg. It was between seven and eight in the evening. Landed -on the platform, I looked out the porter of the Freiburger Hof, and gave -him my luggage-check. He noticed at once that it showed the unusual -weight of my boxes, and expressed his surprise thereat. To quiet any -suspicion I told him at once unconcernedly that I was a student, and -intended to study at Freiburg University, and that it was my books which -made the trunks so heavy. The hotel was soon reached, and a room -engaged, after which I betook myself to the restaurant for supper. As I -passed by the buffet I saw the porter whispering earnestly with another -man, apparently the landlord. Directly I had finished my meal the waiter -brought me the visitors’ book; and as I had a Russian passport, lent me -by a friend at the time of my flight from Russia, I at once signed -myself in my friend’s name, “Alexander Bulìgin, of Moscow.” I then -ordered writing materials and went to my room, but had barely shut the -door behind me when there came a knock. At my “Come in!” there appeared, -instead of a servant with writing things, as I had expected, a -policeman, accompanied by a gentleman in civil dress. “I am an officer -of the secret police,” said the latter; “allow me to examine your -trunks.” Instantly I thought, “As Freiburg is so near the Swiss -frontier, the police (to whom the porter must have announced the arrival -of a young man with unusually heavy luggage), may think I have -contraband goods; or they may take me for an anarchist, and suspect me -of conveying dynamite.” I tried, therefore, to look as harmless as -possible, although I felt that things were awkward. Busied with the -unlocking of my boxes, I let fall the remark that one of them contained -the belongings of my wife, whom I expected shortly. No sooner, however, -had the men begun to turn over my things, than I saw that my guess as to -their search for contraband was incorrect; the detective was on the -look-out for neither contraband nor dynamite, but for books, and he -immediately began to examine mine. I then concluded he was looking for -German Social-Democratic literature; and I was astonished when, at sight -of a little book bound in red, my gentleman cried triumphantly, “Ah, -here we are!” - -It was the _Calendar of the Naròdnaia Vòlya_,[2] a book that had come -out about a year before this, and was openly sold by German booksellers. - -Footnote 2: - - _Naròdnaia Vòlya_: literally, “the People’s Will,” the name of the - chief revolutionary party in Russia at the time with which the - narrative is now dealing, and also of its secretly printed - newspaper.—_Trans._ - -“I must now have you searched,” said the police agent. - -Besides a notebook, a letter, and a pocket-book containing several -hundred-mark notes, there were in my pockets a dozen numbers of the -Zurich _Sozialdemokrat_, which I had brought with me to send to a -Russian friend in Germany. - -“Here at least is something that we can read!” said the detective in a -satisfied tone; “now, I arrest you!” - -“Why? What for?” asked I, much astonished. - -“That you will soon find out; come along!” was the answer. - -The procedure of the police agent was extraordinary in every way: no -attempt was made to fulfil the legal enactments for the protection of -personal safety; the domiciliary search was instituted without legal -warrant; there were no witnesses. I insisted on the officer’s counting -over in my presence the money in my pocket-book, which they had -confiscated, though of course that was not much guarantee for the -security of my property. - -As I was descending the steps of the hotel, a prisoner between my two -guardian angels, a young lady carrying a small travelling-bag met us. -The detective asked me if this were my wife, and, notwithstanding my -reply in the negative, tried to seize hold of her. She evidently thought -she had to do with some Don Juan, and fled screaming into the street; -whereupon the detective ordered the policeman to lead me on, and himself -followed the unknown lady. - -The policeman now tried to take me by the arm, and so conduct me through -the streets, but I hotly resisted such treatment, declaring that I had -committed no crime, and that he had no possible justification for -putting me in such a position. - -We arrived at last at the House of Detention. Here I was searched again, -and for the first time since my arrest was questioned by an official as -to my personal identity. - -My detective soon appeared, bringing the lady, who, weeping bitterly, -protested her absolute innocence, and indignantly demanded the -explanation of such an insult. Coming on the top of all my own -experiences since my arrival in Freiburg this scene put me into a state -of fury. - -“What is all this?” cried I to the police officer. “How can you take -upon yourself to insult this lady? I repeat again that I do not know -her; she is not my wife, and I have never set eyes on her in my life -before.” - -“Well, we shall see about that. It is my business. It is no affair of -yours whom we arrest,” declared he; and I thought to myself, “This is a -nice state of things! We might as well be in Russia.” - -I was then told to follow a warder, who took me up to the first floor. -The lock of a cell-door turned, grating, and I found myself installed in -the Grand-Ducal prison of Baden. - -When the warder had withdrawn with his lantern absolute silence reigned, -and the chamber was perfectly dark. Lights were not allowed here either -in the cells or passages. I took my bearings as well as I could, groping -along the walls, and, having found a bed, I lay down fully dressed as I -was. My mind was in a state of chaos; I could follow no clear train of -thought, nor form any conclusions about what had occurred. The sense of -fate weighed me down; my strength seemed broken. Sinister dreams left me -no peace all night, and consequently I awoke from slumber in a dazed -condition, not knowing where I was or what had happened to me. When at -last with an effort I realised my position, despair seized on me. -Extradition to Russia stared me in the face; I could not banish the fear -of it. True, at that time there was no extradition treaty between -Germany and Russia which applied to political refugees.[3] But I had -special reasons for fearing that I might be treated exceptionally; and -that the significance of my position may be clear to the reader, I must -now give some details of my earlier career. - -Footnote 3: - - This treaty was only concluded in the autumn of 1885. - - * * * * * - -In 1874, just ten years before the events described above, as a youth of -nineteen I had joined the “Propagandist movement,”[4] which at that time -engrossed a great number of young students throughout Russia. Like most -of the young Propagandists, I was led to this chiefly by sympathy with -the sufferings and endurance of the people. According to our views, it -was the sacred duty of every reasonable and upright human being who -really loved his country to devote all his powers to the object of -freeing the people from the economic oppression, the slavery, the -barbarism, to which they were subjected. The young generation, always -most prone to pity the misfortunes of others, could not remain -indifferent to the miserable situation of the newly enfranchised serfs. -An entire social revolution in Russia appeared to the Propagandists the -sole means of altering the existing wretched material conditions, and of -removing the heavy burden on the people; following, therefore, the -teaching of the Socialists of Western Europe, they set before themselves -as their ultimate object the abolition of private property and the -collective ownership of the means of production. The Propagandists felt -entirely convinced that the people would instantly embrace their ideas -and aims and join them at the first appeal. This belief was an -inspiration to them, and spurred them to unlimited self-sacrifice for -the idea that possessed them. These youths and girls renounced without -hesitation their previous social position and the assured future that -the existing order of things offered them; without further ado they left -the educational institutions where they were studying, recklessly broke -all family ties, and threw their personal fate into the balance, in -order to live entirely for the idea, to sacrifice themselves without -stint for the idea, to make every faculty and possibility serve in the -sacred cause of the people’s deliverance. Any personal sacrifice seemed -to these young enthusiasts scarcely worth speaking of when the great -cause was in question. The common ideal, the common aim, and the -enthusiasm of each individual drew the Propagandists together into one -great family, linked by all the ties of affection and mutual dependence. -Fraternal relations of the most affectionate intimacy grew up among all -these young people; a complete altruism governed their actions, and each -was prepared for any sacrifice on behalf of another. Only in great -historical moments, in the time of the early Christian martyrdoms, and -the founding of religious sects, have proselytes manifested such -personal devotion, such exalted feeling.[5] - -Footnote 4: - - Organised by the revolutionists for teaching the principles of - Socialism, and awakening the desire for liberty; for which purpose was - instituted the policy of “going among the people,” _i.e._ living among - the peasants like one of themselves,—_Trans._ - -Footnote 5: - - The reader who is interested in this period of the Russian revolution - will find much information in the work of Professor Thun, _Geschichte - der revolutionären Bewegung in Russland_, and in Stepniak’s - _Underground Russia_. - -In this elect band, however, there were found (as has happened in every -such movement) individuals not capable of this unselfish fervour; there -were among them some paltry spirits, and even some who proved traitors. -Certainly the number of these latter was infinitesimally small; but the -history of revolutionary movements shows sufficiently that hundreds of -the most able secret or public agents of a government can never do a -tithe of the harm to a secret society that can be effected by a single -traitor in its own ranks. In this manner did treachery become pregnant -with evil results for the Propagandists, and it gave to the movement a -character it might otherwise never have developed. Early in the year -1874 the young revolutionists, men and women, went out “among the -people,” according to the plan they had formed; they distributed -themselves among the villages, where they lived and dressed like -peasants, carrying on an active Socialist propaganda. But scarcely had -they begun operations when treachery made itself apparent; two or three -of the initiated denounced the organisation, and delivered over hundreds -of their comrades to the authorities. Searches and arrests took place -without number; the police pounced on “guilty” and innocent alike, and -all the prisons in Russia were soon filled to overflowing. In this one -year more than a thousand persons were seized. Many of them suffered -long years of imprisonment under the most horrible conditions, some -committed suicide, others lost their reason, and in many cases long -terms of incarceration resulted in illness and premature death. Under -these circumstances the reader can conceive the bitter hatred kindled in -the ranks of the Socialists against the traitors who had sacrificed so -many lives. The knowledge of the victims’ terrible sufferings would -naturally incite their friends to avenge them; inevitably, too, the -thought would arise of punishing treachery, in order to put a stop by -intimidation to the trade of the informer. But the Propagandists were in -the highest degree men of peace, and it was not easy for them to harbour -thoughts of violence. When such ideas were first mooted, they long -remained only subjects of discussion. - -Not till the summer of 1876 did the first attempt to put the terrorist -theory into practice take place. The circumstances were as follows. The -members of a revolutionary group well known at the time—the _Kiëv -Buntari_[6]—had assembled at Elisavetgrad. I belonged to this -organisation. Many of the members were “illegals,”[7] and for some time -past the gendarmerie had been making captures among them, acting on the -information of a traitor named Gorinòvitch. This Gorinòvitch had been -imprisoned in 1874, and being in the greatest danger had saved himself -by telling everything he knew about the Russian Socialists. His -revelations had injured many; yet, as in numerous other cases, not a -hair of this renegade’s head would have been touched, if he had kept -clear of revolutionary circles. But about two years after his release -from prison he tried again to insinuate himself among us, and he managed -to get into the confidence of some inexperienced young people, who of -course had no notion of the part he had formerly played. From them he -learned that the Kiëv Society had assembled at Elisavetgrad; he came -there at once, and sought to find out what the persons he had before -betrayed were doing. We recognised him, however, and it soon became -evident to us that he was playing the spy, and preparing some fresh -treachery. So I and one other comrade resolved to put an end to his -life. - -Footnote 6: - - _Bunt_ means both “uprising” and “revolt”; the name of the society - might be translated “Agitators of Kiëv.” Its object was to stir up and - organise risings among the peasantry.—_Trans._ - -Footnote 7: - - In the language of the Russian revolutionaries those are called - “illegals” who have for any reason already become suspected by the - authorities, and who therefore must conceal their identity under - fictitious names. - -Our determination could not be carried into effect in Elisavetgrad -itself, or it might have resulted in giving the police a clue for the -discovery of our organisation. We therefore asked Gorinòvitch if he -would go with us to Odessa to find the persons he was in search of, and -he agreed. There in a lonely spot we attempted to execute our mission, -and left Gorinòvitch lying, as we thought, dead, with a paper fastened -on his breast bearing the inscription, “So perish all traitors!” But he -was only severely injured, was found by the police, and survived to give -information concerning his attempted assassination. Searches and arrests -followed in due course, and although at the time I succeeded in avoiding -capture, in the autumn of the following year I was arrested, together -with other comrades, on account of the famous Tchigirìn case.[8] - -Footnote 8: - - At the time of the emancipation of the serfs the peasants in the - Tchigirìn district of the province of Kiëv did not wish to divide into - private property the land allotted to them, but to hold it in common, - as was done in the north of Russia. In 1875 the Government took the - harshest measures against them: arrests, executions, and persecutions - of every kind; but the peasants held firm. The revolutionists, among - others Stefanòvitch, Bohanòvsky, and myself, resolved accordingly to - organise a rising among the Tchigirìn peasantry. Our plans failed, we - ourselves were arrested, and the Tchigirìn trial instituted. See also - Thun’s _Geschichte der revolutionären Bewegung in Russland_, and - Stepniak’s _Underground Russia_. - -I was imprisoned in Kiëv, but in the beginning of 1878 I escaped[9] in -company with Stefanòvitch and Bohanòvsky. - -Footnote 9: - - See note, p. 98. - -Those who were concerned in the attempt against Gorinòvitch were -prosecuted for the first time in November, 1879, at a period when both -the “red” and the “white” terrorism[10] had blazed up. After a series of -attempts against different representatives of the Government, the -revolutionists had concentrated their entire strength on the endeavour -to assassinate Alexander II. The Government combated the terrorist -movement by means of special enactments, martial law, and death -penalties, to which large numbers of people were sentenced who were -perfectly innocent of complicity in the above deeds. On November 19th, -some days before the beginning of the Gorinòvitch case (and after the -accused had been acquainted with the facts alleged against them, for -which they were only liable to comparatively light sentences), the -Terrorists blew up a train on the Moscow line, believing the Tsar to be -in it. In consequence of this the Government determined to revenge -themselves upon the accused in the Gorinòvitch case. Of these only one -had been directly implicated, and as all had been imprisoned two or -three years already before the beginning of the terrorist agitation, -they could under no circumstances be supposed answerable for that -agitation. In spite of this it was decided to “make an example” by -inflicting a heavy sentence. Three of the accused,—Drebyasghin, Malinka, -and Maidansky—were condemned to death by hanging, and were executed on -December 3rd; two—Kostyurin and Yankovski—were sentenced to penal -servitude; and the traitors Krayev and Kuritzin were set free. If I had -been in the power of these judges my fate would have been sealed. -However, early in the year 1880 I effected my escape from Russia, and I -had been living in Switzerland up to the time of my going to Freiburg as -previously described. From all this it will be clear with what feelings -I contemplated the possibility of extradition to Russia. - -Footnote 10: - - “White” terrorism was that practised by the Government for the - intimidation of the revolutionists—wholesale arrests, banishment, - imprisonment, death penalties, etc. “Red” terrorism was the answer of - the revolutionists,—war waged against the Government and its - representatives with pistol, knife, and bomb, also with the object of - intimidation.—_Trans._ - - - - - CHAPTER II - THE CAUSE OF MY ARREST—PROFESSOR THUN—MY DEFENCE—PLANS OF ESCAPE—MY - LEGAL ADVISER - - -In Germany, as a constitutional state, the law requires that no one -shall be imprisoned for more than four-and-twenty hours without a -magistrate’s order. As a foreigner, however, this was not held to apply -to me; and it was only after two days that I was brought before a -magistrate. - -After he had asked me the usual questions as to name, position, and -antecedents, he informed me that being a foreigner whose identity could -not be immediately established, I must remain in prison. He added that, -of course, I could appeal against this decision, but that I should find -it useless to do so. And, in fact, the appeal that I did make was -rejected. - -So after this examination I was as wise as ever regarding the cause of -my arrest. Again, I began turning over and over my various conjectures. -Uncertainty is always an unpleasant condition, and most prisoners have -to endure it; but in my case uncertainty racked me with the most -dreadful apprehensions. After three days that seemed endless, I was -again taken before the magistrate. When the ordinary questions had been -answered he asked me if I knew the reason of my arrest. On my reply in -the negative he gave me the following explanation:— - -Some days before my arrival from Basel two men had come from the same -place, (my acquaintance, the Swiss Socialist, and the Pole Yablonski). -They also had put up at the Freiburger Hof; they also had brought boxes -filled with books. They had despatched those books to a man in Breslau, -who had just been imprisoned under the law against Socialists; and in -connection with his arrest the police had confiscated the parcel, in -which were discovered Polish socialistic pamphlets prohibited in -Germany. The senders having given the address of the Freiburger Hof, the -pamphlets had been sent back to Freiburg, as a preliminary to the search -for the persons who had despatched them. Orders were given at the hotel -to inform the police if they or any other suspicious characters should -arrive from Switzerland. Thus it was that the hotel porter, learning -that I had books in my trunk, had, after consultation with the landlord, -given information which led to the appearance of the police. The -detective had found among my books the duplicate of one in the Breslau -parcel—the _Calendar of the Naròdnaia Vòlya_; and when he also -discovered copies of the _Sozialdemokrat_, things were suspicious enough -to warrant my arrest. The charge against me, therefore, was that in -conjunction with other persons I was guilty of distributing prohibited -Polish literature in Germany. - -On hearing this, it was easy for me to reply to the charge that there -was nothing in Polish among my books, nor any single book which had been -prohibited in Germany; and as to the copies of the _Sozialdemokrat_, -their possession was no offence. The question resolved itself simply -into this: Whether I was in conspiracy with certain persons, and whether -I had not in any case been circulating forbidden literature. Chance -alone had led to my capture. - -“If you had not gone to the Freiburger Hof nobody would have thought of -arresting you,” said Herr Leiblen, the magistrate. - -My spirits rose on hearing this. I said to myself, “All is not lost yet. -Perhaps everything will go off smoothly, and I shall soon be set free, -if only the Russian Government is kept out of the game.” That was the -thought which occupied me while the magistrate was writing out the -protocol. He then said, pointing to a gentleman who sat at a table -somewhat apart, “That is the interpreter who is assisting us in your -case, a professor of our University.” - -During my examination I had once or twice looked round at this -gentleman. He seemed known to me, and his presence caused me involuntary -uneasiness. - -“You can speak Russian with the Herr Professor,” concluded Herr Leiblen, -as he left the room to fetch some document. - -“Do you not recognise me?” said the interpreter, turning round. - -“Professor Thun!” cried I in great astonishment. - -“What! am I so much altered that you didn’t know me before?“ he asked, -and did not wait for my answer, but continued without pause, “How can I -help you?” - -“Do you know who I really am?” I asked, without replying, and a cold -shudder ran through me. - -“Yes; I know your true name. But there is no need for alarm. You have -turned quite pale!” - -His recognition had indeed given me no small fright. I had come to know -Professor Thun about a year and a half before this time in Basel, -whither I had then betaken myself in order that, being there at some -distance from the colony of Russian refugees, I might be freer from -interruptions to my studies than when surrounded by friends and -acquaintances. I had matriculated in the Basel University, and was -attending Professor Thun’s lectures on political economy and statistics. -Karl Moor, a leader of the Basel working-men, had introduced me -personally to the professor, who supposed me to be simply a Russian -student, not knowing me by my real name, but under the assumed one of -Nicholas Kridner. He invited me to call on him, and confided to me his -plan of writing a history of the revolutionary movement in Russia. Of -this plan I had already heard, and it was partly this that had attracted -me to Basel. Professor Thun was a Rhinelander, had studied at Dorpat, -and had then passed some years in the interior of Russia. He spoke -Russian fluently, and was pretty well up in Russian affairs. When he -found, in conversation with me, that I was not unacquainted with the -Russian revolutionary movement, he suggested that I should help him in -his work, to which of course I gladly assented; and thus it happened -that we became rather intimate. In this way I learned Professor Thun’s -views regarding the Terrorists and their deeds. He condemned them -ruthlessly; according to his convictions, it was the duty of all -European governments to refuse such persons the right of asylum, and to -deliver them over as ordinary criminals to the Russian authorities. In -particular I had a lively recollection of the following occurrence. -Professor Thun had given a lecture in the Basel “Freisinniges Verein,” -before a large audience, on “Two Episodes in the Russian Revolutionary -Movement.” These two episodes were the attempted assassination of -Alexander II. and the Tchigirìn case. In speaking of the latter he -related how Stefanòvitch, Bohanòvsky, and I had escaped from the -fortress of Kiëv;[11] and he closed with the remark that these criminals -were living in foreign parts, and had “unfortunately” not yet been -captured. I had an opportunity afterwards of speaking to him on the -subject, and gathered the impression that if he knew my real name -Professor Thun would not only break off all connection with me, but -under certain circumstances would even perhaps assist in my “capture.” -This led me to reduce my personal relations with him to a minimum, and -besides I shortly afterwards left Basel. - -Footnote 11: - - See note, p. 98. - -Now here I was standing, a prisoner, before this man, and he knew who I -really was! My feelings may be imagined. - -“How do you know my name?” I asked, trembling with excitement. - -“Your friend, Karl Moor, told me it in confidence after you had left -Basel.” - -“And although you know who I am you offer me your help?” asked I in -surprise. - -“Yes. Only tell me how to help you, and I will do what I can.” - -I could scarcely grasp it, but one look in his eyes convinced me that I -might trust him; it was that intuitive confidence that, once given, is -unbounded. - -“Thank you,” said I. “Well, if I do not succeed in getting out of prison -by lawful means, I shall try to escape. Would you stand by me then?” - -“Certainly,” said he simply and earnestly. - -I still could hardly believe my ears. This German professor, whom I had -heard publicly express his regret that the minions of Tsarism had not -yet caught me—in other words, that I was not hanging on the gallows—this -same man now offered me help to fly from a German prison! He gave me, -however, undeniable proof of his sincerity. As translator he was in -possession of all books, letters, etc., taken from me; he now produced -my notebook, and advised me to tear out and destroy pages on which he -had noticed addresses entered that might prejudice my cause. Of course, -I immediately acted on his suggestion. - -I then proposed to him that he should go to Basel without delay, tell my -friend Axelrod what had occurred, instruct him what steps he could take -to obtain my release by legal means, and finally, arrange with him some -way of effecting my escape should the danger of extradition to Russia -arise. - -This task Professor Thun fulfilled to the letter; and during my -imprisonment in Freiburg he did me many kind offices, running serious -risk of thereby compromising his own position. He arranged secret -meetings in Freiburg Cathedral with my friends, who had come in haste on -the chance of being useful to me. He was also the medium of both verbal -and written communication between me and my comrades. - -Having the right of free access to me, as the authorities placed full -confidence in an illustrious professor, he often had me called into the -translator’s office, where we could chat undisturbed. In these -conversations I saw how much he had taken my affairs to heart. He went -so far as to offer his house as a refuge if I were obliged to attempt an -escape. Sometimes he joked about the part he was playing:—“Look at me, -now,” he would say, laughing; “I, a German professor of dignity and -position, have become a Russian conspirator; and this peaceful town of -Freiburg is the scene of a plot!” Through his relations with the -magistrate he knew how my case was going on, and of course he kept me -posted up. - -At the first hearing of my case I made the following statement:—I was a -Russian student, and had come abroad in pursuit of my studies. I had -married here, and had one child. Hitherto I had lived in Switzerland, -but now I wished to remain in Freiburg, whither my wife, now in Zurich, -was to follow me. I lived partly by literary work, partly on private -means. In Switzerland I had attended the University as “hospitant” (an -occasional student at lectures).[12] As for my political opinions, when -I left Russia they were still somewhat undecided; but the influence of -German literature had led me to join the Social Democrats, and I had -determined to assist, as far as I could, in the propagating of their -views in my own country.[13] When, for various reasons, I had determined -to live in Germany, I had brought with me the publications found in my -possession, meaning to sell them eventually to the country people. They -were not prohibited in Germany, and their possession was in no possible -sense an infringement of German law. “And now,” I concluded, “in a free -German town, in Frei-Burg, I have been arrested with no legal -justification, without any of the prescribed formalities, I am subjected -to all manner of indignities, and clapped into gaol like a common -malefactor. As if that were not enough, the police, with no shadow of -excuse, seized upon and arrested a lady of this town as if she were a -pickpocket or disturber of the peace. I may well ask, What difference is -there between this constitutional state of the German Empire and the -absolute despotism of Russia? No one could have been worse treated, even -in Russia!” - -Footnote 12: - - These particulars were necessary, because they applied to Bulìgin, the - friend from whom I had borrowed a passport for this journey, and whose - name I always used when travelling. He really did live at Zurich with - his wife and child, and attended the University there. - -Footnote 13: - - This corresponded pretty nearly with fact. About a year previously, in - 1883, Plehànov, Vera Zassoùlitch, Axelrod, and I had founded the - Social-Democratic organisation—“The League for the Emancipation of - Labour”; the object of which was to spread the doctrines of Marx in - Russia, by means of translations and original writings. Some of the - papers in my box were of this description, the first fruits of our - literary activity, which had just been printed by our private press - established for the purpose. - -These words seemed to make some impression on the magistrate. He walked -up and down excitedly, while he dictated my statement to the clerk, -assured me repeatedly of his sympathy, and asserted his keen disapproval -of the way in which the police had behaved towards me and the young -lady. At one point he muttered, “Still, as Othello says, ‘The -handkerchief, the handkerchief!’” Herr Leiblen appeared to be quite on -my side, and Professor Thun told me later that he had declared the -matter seemed to him harmless enough; in his opinion here was a -perfectly innocent person being kept shut up in prison, and he hoped I -should soon be set free. I had therefore a well-grounded hope of -obtaining my release in due course; nevertheless doubts continued to -arise, and thoughts of escape still haunted me. With some slight help -from outside it would probably have been by no means difficult during -these first days of my imprisonment. - -One day, while I was still in this state of suspense betwixt hope and -fear, I was called into the visitors' room. I expected to find Professor -Thun there, and was surprised at being confronted by a man perfectly -unknown to me. He introduced himself by name (I cannot recollect it -now), and informed me that he was a lawyer, who had been engaged by my -friends to undertake my defence. He announced himself as a comrade, a -member of the Social-Democratic party, and invited me to be quite open -with him, as my friends had already told him everything concerning my -past career. “You think of attempting to escape?” he asked in a whisper; -and when I assented he continued quickly, “That would be a most fatal -mistake. I have just seen the minutes of your case; the affair is going -splendidly for you. I have no doubt you will soon be set at liberty. Why -should you risk the dangers of a flight? If the attempt were to fail you -would be in an infinitely worse position than now. I have been talking -to the magistrate; he is convinced there is nothing of any significance -against you. As soon as inquiries in Switzerland have elicited a -satisfactory reply regarding your identity you will be released.” - -“But,” I interposed, “supposing a simultaneous inquiry is set on foot in -Russia?” - -“There is no ground whatever for such a proceeding,” replied the lawyer, -“and if it were contemplated we should get to know it somehow. Germany -is not Russia. With us legal proceedings are not secret. On the -contrary, the law provides that your trial shall be held in public, and -all documents relative to the case are without delay submitted to me as -your counsel. In such documents mention would be made if an -understanding with the Russian authorities were suggested. In our -conduct of such cases it is absolutely out of the question that such a -weighty complication should be kept private.” - -“Yes,” I interrupted, “but how can you be sure that the police executive -will not put the political and administrative authorities in -communication with Russia?” - -“The Government and the police would never combine in an affair of law -without some announcement. You were arrested because there were grounds -for supposing you in relation with persons who had made themselves -liable to prosecution by German law. If you are set free—as neither I -nor the magistrate have the slightest doubt that you will be—you will be -discharged unconditionally. There is nothing now to wait for but the -establishment of your identity in Switzerland. You may rely on this. As -a German lawyer I know all our legal methods; you, on the other hand, -judge from Russian conditions, which are altogether different.” - -An inner voice said to me that the consistency of German law was not so -entirely to be trusted; but I had no rational ground for demur, as -German affairs of the kind were perfectly strange to me. And an attempt -to escape, although it might have been easily managed in the first -instance, became more risky as time went on. Though not quite abandoning -the idea, these considerations led me to set it aside for the moment, -till we had some proof of collaboration between the Russian and German -Governments. Apparently such a step could not be hidden from me; and I -had the well-known and influential Professor Thun on my side, who was on -the best of terms with the authorities both of town and state. News must -reach me through him if anything fresh were planned. - - - - - CHAPTER III - UNCERTAINTY—PRISON LIFE—THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR—A CHANGE OF CELLS - - -For some time longer I had to remain in the prison of Freiburg, -vacillating between the expectation of speedy release and the dread of -extradition. Every day I changed my mood a dozen, nay, a hundred times; -and this everlasting alternation had a most depressing effect. The days -dragged on, and seemed endless, although I tried to occupy myself by -every possible device. I was well supplied with books—my comrades and -Professor Thun saw to that—and I was accommodated with writing -materials. So I read much, and tried to put on paper my thoughts, -impressions, and recollections. - -But it was not only uncertainty as to my own fate that worked on my -spirits: anxiety about my friends, and about the further development of -our “League for the Emancipation of Labour” troubled me. Our -organisation was only in its infancy; we were but a small band, and our -means scanty. In coming to Germany for the despatch of our first output -over the Russian border, I had planned at the same time to arrange for -future transport. On this account I had many duties to discharge, -regarding not only money matters, but organisation. I had also left -behind me in Switzerland much business that called for my return as soon -as possible. All my comrades had their hands full; time was precious to -them all. And now not only was I sitting here in prison, condemned to -inaction, but all the other members of our League were occupied with my -affairs, and waiting about to see how they could help me. The -consciousness of this check to our work, and of being its involuntary -cause, oppressed me, and raised my impatience to the highest pitch. - -My state can easily be pictured if one imagines a man who has an -important and urgent affair to manage, and who suddenly breaks his leg, -so that instead of pressing on to the goal he must lie inert on a -sick-bed. But in that pitiable state he would be preoccupied with his -physical suffering; and I, being free from pain, was given over entirely -to worry and distress of mind. - -The conditions of prison life left much to be desired. At first, -particularly, I found them hard to bear, till by degrees I accustomed -myself to German regulations. As I have already said, the cells were not -lighted at night, and there was nothing for a prisoner to do but to -sleep away the long hours of darkness, if he could. I afterwards learned -that light was denied for fear of fire, and on the same ground smoking -was forbidden. What there was to burn I could not imagine; for, except -the doors, the window-frames, and the floors, there was no wood, the -building being of massive stone.[14] - -Footnote 14: - - During my stay in Siberia, later, this fear of fire in the German - prison was often brought to my mind. Thousands of prisoners, condemned - to exile or to penal servitude, are there confined in wooden barracks, - serving alike as prisons and as halting-places for convoys of exiles - on the march. These buildings are always lighted, and the prisoners - smoke quite calmly, without anyone thinking of danger from fire. - -The irksomeness of the long evenings without light, and the prohibition -of smoking, must for many people be not only a discomfort, but a hard -penance. Yet there should have been no question of punishment in this -prison, as only accused persons awaiting trial were detained there. - -The behaviour of the prison officials towards the prisoners was anything -but tender. For instance, this is what took place on one of my first -days. Exercise in the prison yard was taken by all the inmates of one -corridor at the same time. We were trotted round in a continual -goose-step, always a certain number of paces distant each one from the -other. One felt like a horse being led round the riding-school by a -rope. I found that many prisoners regarded it as a humiliation, and -preferred to forego the chance of fresh air. One day during this walk -the military guard was being changed in the prison yard. The formalities -of German drill were new to me, and involuntarily I stopped a moment to -look, thus upsetting our beautiful order by not keeping at the correct -distance between my preceder and follower; besides, perhaps I also -dropped out of line an inch or so. Suddenly I felt someone seize me by -the shoulder, abusing me violently. I scarcely knew what was happening -till I found myself being raged at by the warder in my cell, whither he -had whisked me off. The man was like one possessed, and threatened to -deprive me of exercise if I behaved as I had done. At first I could not -understand what frightful misdemeanour I had committed. When it dawned -on me that all this was because of my momentary pause, it was my turn to -show temper. I asked the man how he dared treat me so, informed him that -prisoner though I was I would not permit anyone to knock me about or -abuse me, and said that if such a harmless infringement of discipline -was looked on as an offence against German prison rules, it was his -plain duty to have warned me of the fact, and so on. This had its -effect; the man’s bearing instantly became milder, and thenceforward our -intercourse was on the most peaceful footing. - -The prison rations were quite insufficient; there was never enough to -satisfy a full-grown man. If I remember rightly, they consisted of a -pound and a half of rye bread daily, and twice in the day a little soup -or gruel. Meat was only allowed twice a week in the first month, and -that in microscopic portions. Even the gaolers admitted that unless a -prisoner had means for providing himself with extra food, he would never -get enough to eat. - -The cells on the first floor, one of which I first inhabited, were -roomy, bright, and clean. For furniture they were provided with a table, -a stool, and a bed, the latter having a mattress, straw pillow, and -woollen covering. In one corner of the room stood the stove, heated from -the corridor and surrounded by an iron grating intended to prevent -escape by the chimney. On the wall hung a copy of the regulations, -whereby prisoners were informed of the various penalties for the -slightest departure from the rules. All these rules were framed to spare -the staff trouble, and to make the business of looking after the inmates -as simple as possible. The interest of the inmates was not considered; -they were not treated like people unconvicted of crime, but rather as -malefactors deserving punishment, which the prison staff on their own -responsibility had to see carried out in their own way. I will give an -instance. - -One day I was conducted from my cell to a corridor on the ground-floor, -where a number of prisoners were already ranged along the wall, -evidently awaiting something. I was directed to a place. I wanted to -know what was happening; and after I had asked several times in vain, -the gaoler told me that the Catholic priest had come, and wished to -speak to all the prisoners, who would be taken to him one by one in -order. I said that I was a Socialist and had nothing to do with Catholic -or any other priests. I therefore begged to be taken back to my cell. -This seemed to strike the man as irresistibly comic, and he burst into -an ironic laugh. - -“What you want or don’t want is all the same to us. He wants to see you, -and so you will be taken to him.” - -The warders who stood by were immensely tickled. They joked about the -Russian barbarian who came to a German prison and expected to have his -own opinions taken into account. So before the priest I went, but our -conversation was of the shortest. To his question about my religion I -answered that I was a Social Democrat, and belonged to no Church. -Whereupon he looked at me compassionately and dismissed me. - -Another disagreeable feature of life in this prison was the system of -espionage. Often, when I was buried in my book or writing, a warder -would suddenly appear. He would creep along on tiptoe to open the door -noiselessly and spy round, probably designing to catch me if I were -looking out of the window—a diversion strictly forbidden by the rules. -Not only here, but in other German prisons that I have seen, the -extravagant care with which the prisoners and their things were -inspected was perfectly ridiculous. For instance, a dozen oranges sent -me by my friends aroused the suspicions of the warders, and they -conscientiously cut up every single orange into quarters to see if there -were anything inside! So far as I know, even Russian gendarmes have -never given one credit for contriving a hiding-place in an uncut orange -or apple. The good people, however, do not achieve their purpose, in -spite of all their cleverness. The “kassiber,”[15] or written message to -or from prisoners, passes under their very noses. Nor had I ever any -difficulty in getting forbidden articles conveyed into any German -prison. - -Footnote 15: - - “Kassiber,” Russian prison-slang. - -As I have said, the numerous petty formalities made me very impatient at -first, but I accustomed myself at last more or less to German prison -methods, and the officials dropped their over-zealous harshness towards -me, and became more confidential. The fact that I was a foreigner, a -Russian, rather interested them, as probably they had never even seen -one before. And then, however incorruptible a German official may be, -the possession of worldly resources cannot fail to influence him. The -staff knew that I was in command of money. The chief inspector, a man -named Roth, boarded me; and they knew I had everything that could -mitigate the hardness of my lot, that my friends, in fact, supplied me -with all sorts of little comforts and luxuries. This seemed to impress -the prison staff, and I also was for ever telling them I should -certainly be released very soon. I really almost believed it, and they -seemed to do so, too—at any rate, for a time. - -The staff consisted of three men—two warders and the chief inspector, -who was also the governor of the gaol. All three often came to chat with -me; they asked me questions about Russia, and on their side related much -about German matters—prisons, laws, and other things in which they were -interested. They all impressed me as being perfectly contented with -their situations; indeed, their wages were comparatively high—up to -2,000 marks (£100) and more a year, if I am not mistaken. The warder -with whom I had had the tiff recounted above paid me many visits. He, -like the other two, had been a soldier, and was therefore imbued with -notions of strict military discipline, which is the watchword throughout -German prisons. Though in outward appearance hard and even forbidding, -he was really a good-natured creature. Of his own initiative he asked me -to let him have the remains of my meals, to take to a neighbouring -prisoner who was poor and often went hungry through being unable to -afford extra food. Of course I gladly consented. This warder was a big, -powerfully-built man, aged about thirty, who had taken his present -situation because he did not like his original trade—that of a joiner. -Like most German workmen, he had only been to a _Volksschule_ (public -elementary school), but the instruction given there is far better than -in similar schools in my own country; and in comparison with our workmen -of like standing, he might be considered a highly intellectual person. -We talked over all sorts of things—politics among the rest—and he told -me he was a supporter of the existing Government—the National Liberals, -I think. My own attainments caused him great admiration, especially my -knowledge of French and German, as well as of my own mother-tongue. - -The way they dealt with my money was a little odd. As I have said, the -money in my pocket-book was taken possession of at the time of my -arrest. Some days later the inspector presented me with an account of -expenditure. It appeared that the police had been most generous on my -behalf. A day’s use of the room at the hotel, which I had barely seen, -was paid for, and four or five marks in addition as “compensation for -disturbance.” Furthermore, as the good people had not been able to open -my second box, although they had the key, they had paid a locksmith -(very liberally too) to open it. Naturally I made no objection to the -bill, but I felt somewhat amused at having to pay for the “disturbance” -of my arrest, and the breaking open of my own trunk! - -Soon after my imprisonment I was taken to a photographer’s and -photographed. I did not like this at all, as I feared that my portrait -might be sent to Russia and recognised; but I could not make any -protest, lest my reasons should be suspected. The photograph was needed -for the inquiry in Switzerland, that by means of it I might be -identified as Bulìgin. The Swiss authorities certified that it did -represent Bulìgin, with whose passport I always travelled; so that part -of the inquiry was got through safely. Also, the proofs I adduced of my -not being implicated in the doings of Yablonski and his friend were -accepted, and it was agreed that I had neither circulated forbidden -literature nor had had any in my possession. Weeks passed away before -these formalities were accomplished, and at last, nearly two months -after my arrest, the magistrate informed me that he should close the -affair in a few days, and that he himself was satisfied there were no -grounds for my prosecution. The decision lay with the Public -Prosecutor,[16] who might concur in this, and so release me at once; or -he might after all think fit to take the matter into court. In the -latter event, however, the judge would most probably uphold the finding -of the magistrate; and even if against all expectation a prosecution -should be set up and a penalty enforced, the sentence would be such as -my term of imprisonment here would be held to fulfil. In any case I -might be certain my release was now only a question of days. It seemed -absurd to distrust this forecast, and it is but natural to expect what -one ardently desires; so I began to feel easy. - -Footnote 16: - - This term is the nearest English equivalent to the German - _Staatsanwalt_, a functionary attached to every court of law. A - corresponding official exists in Russia, with a colleague, the Public - Advocate, who undertakes the defence of any prisoner unable or - unwilling to employ a counsel of his own.—_Trans._ - -Some days after I was again sent for to the visitors’ room, where I -found Frau Axelrod and a grey-haired gentleman, the Public Prosecutor, -Von Berg. In stern tones he informed us that we were at liberty to -converse, but only in German; at the first Russian word he would -separate us. This precaution, and the whole behaviour of the grim old -gentleman, did not quite bear out the idea of speedy release for me; and -knowing him to be acquainted with the magistrate’s views, I wondered -what his reasons were, but I was not apprehensive. Frau Axelrod and I -did not find much to say to each other under this supervision, and our -interview was brief. - -I remember the next few days very well. On the morrow the inspector, -Roth, came and told me, in a most cheerful and friendly way, that I must -change over into a cell on the ground-floor, as the one in which I was -had to be renovated. He was quite apologetic, regretting that the other -cell would not be so comfortable for me. This change did not please me -at all. My plans of escape had all been based on the situation of my -cell, and its being on the first floor would have been no impediment. -One of my friends had hired a room in the opposite house, towards which -the window of my cell looked, so that at a pinch we could communicate by -prearranged signals. Besides these reasons of business, so to speak, on -other grounds I was sorry to quit my now familiar quarters. My -associations with these four walls were not all unpleasant, and looking -out of the window had been my greatest distraction. On market days many -lively scenes were enacted between buyers and sellers—peasants of the -district. Sometimes military exercises took place in the square, and the -unfamiliar drill interested me. But above all I loved to climb up to the -window in the evenings to watch the children, who, when twilight came -on, always romped about the square, playing all sorts of games. Their -merry laughter and shouting took me back to my home in South Russia and -my own childish days. - -All this came to an end with my change of lodging. My new cell was dark, -less roomy, and the window looked into the yard. This latter -circumstance made escape well-nigh impossible. I comforted myself with -the thought that the idea of flight was needless, and tried to reckon -how many days were likely to elapse before my release. I argued that my -transfer to another cell was probably in view of my departure, or else a -mere chance, necessary for the reason given me by the warder. But my -friends took it quite otherwise when they saw me no more at the window, -and thought I must be already on my way to Russia! - - - - - CHAPTER IV -THE VISIT OF “MY WIFE”—MORE PLANS OF ESCAPE—THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR SHOWS - HIS HAND—PREPARATIONS FOR A JOURNEY - - -On one of the following days I was told there was someone to see me. No -sooner had I crossed the threshold of the visitors’ room than a young -lady threw herself, laughing and weeping, into my arms. It was Frau -Bulìgin. As I was in prison under her husband’s name, she had now come -to play the part of my wife; and so well did she play it as even to -soften the heart of the Public Prosecutor, who witnessed this moving -scene of meeting between such a young and loving pair. He left us alone -for a moment, and only when the first emotional greetings were over did -he warn us that we must speak German; but his tone was less stern and -dry than at my first encounter with him, when Frau Axelrod was there. -Frau Bulìgin had at once whispered to me that I must somehow contrive -that we should speak Russian, as she had important things to talk about. -I therefore begged Herr von Berg to let us speak in our own language. - -“I cannot,” he said shortly; “you both seem able to speak German quite -well enough to understand one another.” - -“You must allow,” said I, “that however well a man speaks a foreign -tongue, when he meets his wife after weeks of imprisonment and in -circumstances like mine, he wants to speak freely. We cannot talk of -family affairs in German. But,” I continued, “if you insist about this, -though I cannot understand by what law nor for what reason, could you -not let Professor Thun be present as he would understand all we said in -Russian?” - -After some further demur he at last relented so far as to say that -though he would not request Professor Thun’s attendance himself, not -being in any way bound to do so, yet if the professor chose to do us -such a favour, we might then be permitted to speak Russian. Of course I -would not betray my relations with Professor Thun, so I carefully -inquired his address, that my wife might take him a message. - -“Your wife shall be given it in my office,” said Herr von Berg. So he -and Frau Bulìgin departed, and I was taken back to my cell. - -After a short interval I was sent for again, and found Professor Thun -with the others. I had not seen him for some time, as he had been away -for his Easter holidays; besides, his official duties as translator had -come to an end, and my case being now in the hands of the Public -Prosecutor, he had not the same freedom of access to me. Frau Bulìgin -told me that she had hurried hither because of the great anxiety felt -about me by my comrades. Russian spies were closely watching all my -friends and acquaintances in Geneva; showing my photograph (which of -course strongly resembled that sent from Freiburg by the police), and -asking where I was. From this my friends concluded that the Russian -Government was already on my track; they feared that if my imprisonment -lasted much longer my real identity would certainly be discovered, and -they therefore begged me to try and effect my escape. We talked over -every chance, and tried to work out a plan, Professor Thun taking the -warmest interest, and making many suggestions. But, as I said before, -absolutely no plans were feasible from the cell I was in now; and I will -not trouble to describe those we discussed, except to repeat that -Professor Thun played an important part in them all, even undertaking to -provide me with a key to the outer door of the prison. The personal risk -he was willing to accept, or even court, was great; yet this was the man -who had at one time avowed his desire of handing me over to Russian -justice! After eighteen years it is scarcely comprehensible to me, spite -of my lively recollection of his kindness and sympathy. - -The Public Prosecutor, Von Berg, who remained in the room during all -this confabulation, played rather a comical part. Of course, he -understood not a word, as we spoke Russian; but whenever we laughed he -smiled indulgently, as if amused at us. I cannot imagine what would have -been the feelings of this painfully correct and stern old gentleman if -he had known the chief cause of our merriment, which was simply that we -had to concoct the report of our conversation with which Professor Thun -was subsequently to regale his worship. - -When we had finished our consultations, which lasted rather a long time, -Frau Bulìgin took a very tender farewell of me. She thanked Von Berg for -having allowed us to speak Russian, and asked him how soon he thought I -should be released. I think he told her that he believed the case would -be concluded in a few days, mentioning the date. In any case, he added, -if I were set free I should be handed over to the police to be conducted -over whatever frontier was convenient—the Swiss, he supposed, being the -nearest. - -I held fast to the hope that it really would be so, and tried to stifle -the doubts that persisted in rising. It was certainly pleasanter to -dream of prospective freedom, than to brood over the consequences of -extradition to Russia, or even of being set over the Russian border. The -sight of Frau Bulìgin had aroused keen longings for liberty; fancy -painted joyful pictures, my thoughts dwelt on my friends and my work. -Mentally I lived through many scenes of welcome, and saw our circle -setting to work with redoubled energy at our “League for the -Emancipation of Labour.” I planned out to the smallest detail how I -would make up for my enforced idleness. I lived only in the future, and -looked on the dreary present as if it were a long-vanished past, a -disagreeable episode that I and mine could talk over as far behind us. - - * * * * * - -“To-day the order for my release will be made out.” I remember how I -awoke on a certain May morning with this thought in my mind, and -instantly began to conjecture in what manner the announcement would be -made to me. - -“You are to go to the Public Prosecutor,” said the warder, breaking in -on my visions. - -“It is for my formal discharge,” was my first thought; “the man is -keeping his word. Strange that the judge has been so quick in -pronouncing his decision; it is still quite early,” I meditated, as I -went along the corridor. - -In the office sat Herr von Berg at a table; beside him was a young -clerk, and the table was covered with bundles of documents. - -“To-day, as you are aware,” said the Public Prosecutor, turning to me, -“judgment was to be given on your case. Before I inform you of the -verdict, I must again have your assurance that your name is Bulìgin, and -your home Moscow.” - -“Certainly. I am Bulìgin, of Moscow,” I answered. - -“Read the document relating to that point,” said the Public Prosecutor -to the clerk. The latter read aloud in dry, business-like tones a -communication, apparently emanating from some Moscow official, stating -curtly that there was no person of the name of Bulìgin answering to the -description given.[17] - -Footnote 17: - - This was true. The passport was forged, and my comrade who travelled - with it bore another name in Russia. - -“What have you to say to this?” asked Herr von Berg coldly. - -I felt that the blood had left my cheeks, and that my knees were -trembling; but I pulled myself together at once, and began to defend -myself, speaking rapidly, warmly, and earnestly. - -I saw my critical situation, and felt the ground slipping from under my -feet. My fear of communications with the Russian Government was -justified, and it was now a fight for life. I had so often dreaded this -eventuality, that my plan of defence was prepared. - -“Listen!” I cried. “I declare to you that I am Bulìgin; but I confess -that I do not come from Moscow, and that the other particulars I gave -you about myself were false. This amount of deception was forced upon -me, foreseeing as I did the course that might be taken by the -authorities here, and knowing too well what Russian methods are. _You_ -do not know those methods, and I must explain. It often happens that -people are denounced to the gendarmerie for having a prohibited book in -their possession. Not only are they themselves arrested, but everyone -who has consorted with them is liable to arrest, and anyone whose -address is found in their rooms. Their houses are watched, and everyone -who visits them is seized. Whole families are persecuted in this way, -and think themselves lucky if they get off at last after untold -annoyance. Quite innocent people are often in prison for months. When I -came from democratic Switzerland to constitutional Germany, with no -intention of contravening German law, little did I expect to meet with -an experience which shows me that, at any rate as regards foreigners, -there is not much to choose between Germany and Russia in some of their -dealings. I find to my cost that without any legal formalities the -police may arrest and imprison whom they choose; that they can make a -domiciliary search without a warrant, and may treat a harmless traveller -as if he were a criminal. I was kept in gaol for two days without being -brought before a magistrate; I saw a young lady seized in the street and -brought to the prison, just as if in Russia. What ground had I for -trusting the magistrate’s assurance that there would only be an ordinary -judicial inquiry? I took it for granted that the police, as with us in -Russia, could override the administrators of the law, and that the -police would be in correspondence with the Russian authorities. This -document proves that I was right. - -“Well, then, if I had given the true facts about myself, the police, as -is evident, would have handed them on to their Russian _confrères_, who, -of course, when they heard I had been arrested here because I had two -boxes of books forbidden in Russia, (though not in Germany,) would have -started their usual game in the town whence I really come. My people -would have been subjected to annoyance; my brothers and sisters, who -share my views, would perhaps have been found possessed of forbidden -literature, and clapped into gaol along with many others. Russia is not -a constitutional country, and therefore I was obliged to guard myself by -suppressing particulars here that might have been used against my -friends there.” - -“You assert, then,” said the Public Prosecutor scornfully, “that you are -Bulìgin, but that you do not come from Moscow; and you refuse to give -the name of your native place?” - -“Yes, I refuse for the reasons I have stated.” - -“Read the next report,” said Herr von Berg, and the clerk read aloud:— - -“The prisoner now in the State prison of Freiburg, calling himself -Bulìgin, is in reality Leo Deutsch, who in May, 1876, attempted—in -conjunction with Jakob Stefanòvitch—to murder Nicholas Gorinòvitch. -Therefore the Government of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia, through -their representative in the dominions of His Highness the Grand Duke of -Baden, demand the extradition of both the aforesaid persons. And at the -same time His Majesty’s Government consider themselves bound to draw the -attention of the German authorities to the fact that the aforesaid Leo -Deutsch has several times already broken out of prison, and should -therefore be most jealously watched, both during his incarceration and -while being transported to Russia.” - -I have transcribed this document almost literally, for though nearly two -decades have passed since that moment, it seems present to me this day. -“It’s all up with me,“ I thought, and torturing visions rose before me. - -“What reply have you to make?” I heard the dry question of the Public -Prosecutor, and saw his malicious smile of triumph. - -With a tremendous effort I collected myself. - -“What I have just heard read,” I said as calmly as I could, “scarcely -surprises me. It bears out all I have been told as to the methods of the -Russian Government. Their game is clear. When they want to get hold of a -harmless Russian Socialist who has been arrested in a constitutional -country they will not allow that he is the person he claims to be, but -give him the name of someone implicated in a serious crime. This is -nothing new. For example, Rumania was induced in this way to deliver up -a certain Katz, who was then immediately exiled to Siberia by -‘administrative methods,’ as is said in Russia, that is, without any -judicial process. Evidently they are doing just the same in my case. The -best proof of this lies in this document itself. You see there that the -Government not only demands the extradition of Deutsch, but also of -Stefanòvitch, although the latter was long ago arrested in Russia and -sent to penal servitude in the Siberian mines, and although his -complicity in the attempt against Gorinòvitch never came into question -at his trial. It is plain that the extradition of Stefanòvitch is asked -for in order that on the next opportunity some peaceful Socialist may be -claimed as being he. What I am telling you would be confirmed by -Professor Thun, who not only is acquainted with Russian ways, but has -particularly studied our revolutionary movement.” - -This ended the interview. When I was back in my cell, and could collect -my thoughts, I felt completely crushed. My extradition seemed certain, -and escape my only hope. But that this hope was futile I quickly -discovered. Following the Russian Government’s warning as to my having -often broken out of prison before (as a matter of fact I had done so -twice),[18] a special warder was now posted at my door, with -instructions not to stir from the spot, and to watch my every movement. -The other warders also were told to keep an eye on me, and—what had -never happened before—the chief inspector, Roth, had been present at the -interview described above. - -Footnote 18: - - See pp. 86 and 98. - -Soon after midday I was again taken before the Public Prosecutor. This -time he seemed more graciously inclined, and treated me with as near an -approach to geniality as could be expected from such an arid man of law. -He informed me that Professor Thun had endorsed my description of -Russian judicial proceedings; and he then continued, “It is possible -that an injustice is being done you in ascribing to you the crime spoken -of in the communication of the Russian Government, and I am prepared to -assist you in defending yourself. You must understand that in Germany it -is no part of a Public Prosecutor’s duties to pass sentence, but he has -to get at the truth, and to discharge persons who are unjustly accused. -Give me any particulars that would tend to exonerate you, and I will do -what I can for you.” - -This change in the behaviour of the Public Prosecutor was evidently -owing to Professor Thun’s influence. I knew quite well that there was -not much left to hope for now, but I saw I should try to make use of -Herr von Berg’s more favourable attitude to gain a little time. If my -extradition could be delayed I might yet find some opportunity of -escape. So I gratefully accepted the Public Prosecutor’s offer, and -begged him to let me have an opportunity of consultation with my lawyer -and the official translator, as I myself had no acquaintance with the -forms of German law. Meanwhile, I said, I could tell him at once how I -hoped to prove I was not Deutsch; I had reason to believe that he was in -London, and if my friends there could find him, he would no doubt be -quite willing to give his testimony in my behalf. (I was hoping, with -the help of Professor Thun, to arrange that one of the Russian refugees -in London should play the part of Deutsch, _i.e._ of myself.) - -Herr von Berg informed me that the granting of this request lay with the -Minister of Justice, to whom he would apply; and with this our interview -terminated. - - * * * * * - -Events now took on a lively pace. Before this I had sometimes had weeks -to wait between the acts of my drama, and had often longed for the next -hearing, that I might at least know what was going on. Now, however, -things went faster than I cared for. The next day I was again called -before the Public Prosecutor. This time, with Herr von Berg, his clerk, -and inspector Roth, who stood sentinel at the door, I found a man, -strange to me, dressed in the uniform of a Russian officer of justice, -with a glittering order in his buttonhole. - -“Good morning, Deutsch! Don’t you know me?” asked the unknown in -Russian, with an agreeable smile. “I am the Deputy Public Prosecutor in -the Petersburg Court of Appeal. My name is Bogdanòvitch, and you must -remember me, for I was Deputy Public Prosecutor in Kiëv when you were a -prisoner there.” - -“I have never been in prison at Kiëv; and I have not the pleasure of -knowing you,” I answered quietly. And indeed I had never set eyes on the -gentleman before. - -“There is no doubt about it, he is Deutsch,” said Bogdanòvitch, turning -to his German colleagues. - -“And I declare that I am not,” said I. - -“We prefer to believe Herr von Bogdanòvitch,” said Herr von Berg. “You -shall go back to Russia.” - -“Then this is what you are doing,” cried I, “you are giving the Russian -Government another opportunity of banishing an innocent man to Siberia.” - -“We never send innocent people to Siberia,” said Bogdanòvitch promptly. - -“You not only send them to Siberia, but to the scaffold,” I cried. “You -say that you belonged to the staff of the Kiëv law courts; then you must -have heard of the judicial murder of an innocent boy, the student -Rozòvsky, which took place there. Perhaps you were concerned in the -case. He was hanged, in spite of the fact that the judge himself allowed -his only offence to lie in the possession of a proclamation, the authors -of which he refused to name.”[19] - -Footnote 19: - - Rozòvsky was executed early in the year 1880. - -“Rozòvsky was not executed solely on that account,” said Bogdanòvitch, -smiling at the Public Prosecutor, “but because he belonged to the -Socialist party.” - -“You see!” I cried, turning to Herr von Berg, “in Germany members of the -Socialist party sit in the Reichstag, and take part in your legislation; -but according to the views of a Russian law-officer, and of the Russian -Government, mere suspicion of being a Socialist, let alone proof, is -enough to send one to the gallows!” - -The two gentlemen could not easily answer this, and on the German lawyer -it seemed to make a distinct impression. I saw, however, that the -self-important Herr von Berg found the presence of the Deputy Public -Prosecutor from the Petersburg Appeal Courts rather imposing. From time -to time his glance rested on the glittering order worn by the official; -in addressing the Russian his voice took on an affability hitherto -strange to it; and his painful efforts to pronounce the difficult name -correctly were really comic. Apparently in order to show off his own -importance and zeal to the stranger, he remarked to me severely— - -“I see that you are not backward in finding excuses, and for this reason -are trying to paint the Government of your country in the most lurid -colours. But whatever you may think of it, it is to that Government you -must be surrendered, and I am convinced you will be treated in Russia -with all legal equity.” - -“Oh, certainly, certainly!” Bogdanòvitch hastened to assure him. - -I was led back to my cell, and what I suffered in mind during the next -few days I need not describe; the reader can well imagine it. It was -clear to me that all hope of release was gone; yet I could not resign -myself to the thought, and my brain was always busy with plans of -rescue. I counted on the time that must necessarily be absorbed in -making out the terms of my extradition, and concocted a long letter of -conspiracy to my friends, hoping to forward it through Professor Thun. -Two or three days went by before I could get it finished; and meanwhile -I was again called before the Public Prosecutor, although the day was -Sunday. Evidently things were being hurried on. - -“The Government have decided to deliver you up to Russia,” he began, -“but on this condition: that you shall be brought before a regular -tribunal, and only prosecuted on the count of the Gorinòvitch case.[20] -Your request for an interview with your lawyer and the interpreter is -refused.” - -Footnote 20: - - The object of the treaty was to ensure the trial of the case in the - ordinary criminal courts. The Russian Government’s practice, in - dealing with “politicals,” was to subject them to martial law, and so - obtain heavier sentences; _e.g._ capital punishment, which is not - inflicted at all under the Russian civil code.—_Trans._ - -After he had read me the decision of the Baden Government, Herr von Berg -informed me that I was to start for Russia that very day. As I left him -I remarked that I should certainly be sent before a special court and -judged by martial law. - -“That is quite impossible,” was his rejoinder; “it would be a -contravention of the treaty and contrary to international law.” - -Once alone in my cell, I began preparations for my journey. These were -not so simple as might be supposed. Notwithstanding the excessive care -with which everything sent me by my friends was inspected, I had become -possessed of an English file for cutting through iron gratings, a pair -of scissors to cut my hair and beard in case of need, and also money in -German and Russian banknotes. I had to dispose of these things somehow. -The file I decided to part with, as it was now hardly likely to be of -any use, and would be hard to conceal; so I broke it in two and threw it -down the waste-pipe of the closet. The other things I managed to secrete -in such a manner that I should be able to avail myself of them if I had -occasion on the journey. The warder at the cell-door never let me out of -his sight; yet I managed to hide them in my clothes so that there was a -chance of their escaping the searchers. All this was like the drowning -man’s clutch at a straw. I did not deceive myself as to the strict watch -to which I should be subjected, and the futility of any hope of speedy -rescue. But in such circumstances even useless precautions serve at -least to distract one’s thoughts, and my thoughts were not of the -pleasantest. I knew what was before me, and pictured my future. Long, -long years of prison! It was almost more bearable to think of death than -of that living grave. - -“Of what use would my life be?” I asked myself; and the answer was -devoid of consolation. - - - - - CHAPTER V - THE JOURNEY TO RUSSIA—IN THE CATTLE-TRUCK—THE FRANKFORT AND BERLIN - PRISONS—THE FRONTIER-STATION—THROUGH WARSAW TO PETERSBURG - - -When evening came I was sent off in a closed carriage, accompanied by -two policemen in plain clothes, who had been enjoined to use all -possible vigilance. The carriage was stopped at a branch of the railway -line some distance from the station, and here my companions and I were -put into an ordinary cattle-truck. As this truck was brought into the -station, where it was attached to a passenger train, I observed an -unusual commotion on the platform, and my guards, who noticed it too, -whispered together excitedly. From chance words that I caught I gathered -that an arrest was being made, and wondered if it could have anything to -do with me. Years afterwards I learned that it was indeed two of my -comrades who were seized on the platform at Freiburg, they having hoped -to travel by my train and be at hand to assist me if I could attempt an -escape. But this was another fiasco. My two friends were kept some days -in prison in Freiburg, and then sent back to Switzerland. - -Towards morning we arrived at Frankfurt-am-Main, where for some reason -or other I was again put in prison. The governor of this gaol made a -great show of kindness and consideration towards me, but had his own -reasons for such tactics, as will subsequently appear. When I asked if I -might write a post card to my friends in Switzerland, he assured me most -obligingly that it should be forwarded at once, and furnished me with -writing materials. (Later I found that he had handed over the card to my -guards, who sent it to the Russian authorities; but, of course, it only -contained a few words of greeting.) - -The cell to which he conducted me was very comfortable, and looked out -on a lively street; but he posted two policemen in the room to keep -watch over me. He then provided me with an excellent luncheon—or at -least it seemed very good to me, as during the last day or two -excitement had kept me from eating. Seeing that the journey threatened -to be tedious, I wanted to get some books, and the obliging governor -offered to buy them for me at a second-hand shop, where they would be -cheap. I remember choosing a few German and French classics, which he -procured for me at what I thought a reasonable price. Finally, he -invited me to go for a walk in the yard with him. - -As soon as we were alone he began giving me a very prolix account of all -his experiences, and then suddenly asked me point-blank if I were not -really the famous Degàiev.[21] - -Footnote 21: - - Degàiev, a captain of artillery, was a prominent member of the - “Naròdnaia Vòlya.” Arrested and imprisoned in the beginning of 1880, - he soon turned informer, and betrayed many of his former comrades. By - this he not only gained his liberty, but also won the confidence of - the notorious persecutor of revolutionists, Colonel Soudyèhkin, - commander of the Petersburg _Ochrana_ (a body of secret police). Pangs - of conscience, or fear of the vengeance of the revolutionists, caused - him to make a full confession to them in 1883, and as amends for his - treachery he offered to stand by them in an attempt to assassinate - Soudyèhkin. The latter was difficult to entrap, being extraordinarily - clever and wary; owing to which qualities he had done more harm to the - revolutionists than anybody else. Degàiev’s proposal was accepted; and - in the winter of 1883 he managed to decoy Soudyèhkin, under pretext of - important business, into his house, where two revolutionists were - lying in wait, and shot Soudyèhkin down. They were both caught, - condemned to penal servitude for life, and imprisoned in the - Schlüsselburg fortress. Degàiev escaped to foreign parts, and - afterwards disappeared. - -I could not help laughing heartily: the assiduous friendliness of this -worthy, who, as a matter of fact, was always looking out for his own -advancement, appeared now in quite a new light. Apart from the fact that -(as I heard afterwards from the policemen in my cell) he drew a -considerable profit, not only from my food, but even on the books he got -me, he also had his eye on the reward he would receive if he could -induce me to confess to being Degàiev. The Russian Government had put a -price of 10,000 roubles on that man’s head, and his name was in every -European newspaper. - -I stayed in this prison until nightfall, when I was fetched away by -three policemen in plain clothes. Every time that my guards were changed -I was searched, but nothing was found. Before starting on our journey, -the Frankfort police put chains on me, not heavy or thick, and quite -inconspicuous, as they were attached under my clothes; but they hindered -any quick movement, and of course made running impossible. I protested -vehemently against this indignity; but they declared they had received -special instructions, and had no choice in the matter, so I had to -submit. Even this was not their final precaution. When we passed on to -the railway platform, one man, a giant in stature, took me by the arm in -a friendly way; another went a few steps in front, and the third came a -little behind, so that we must have appeared to the uninitiated like a -trio of boon companions. We installed ourselves in a carriage among the -ordinary travellers, and it probably never dawned on any of them that -they were sitting cheek by jowl with a fettered prisoner. I could not -help thinking of the proverb used by our Russian peasants to describe -German ingenuity:—“The Germans are too clever for anything; they’ve even -invented apes!” I must say that my guardians behaved very civilly to me, -although with formal strictness. So far as their orders permitted, they -showed me many little kindnesses. In the _Begleitschein_ with which I -was given into their custody I was entered as “the so-called Bulìgin,” -and by this name I went until I was handed over to the Russians. - -There was no thinking of escape on this journey. My escort never let me -out of their sight for a second, never stirred from my side, and watched -my slightest movements. They did not enter into conversation with me, -nor had I any inclination to gossip with them. I felt heavy at heart, -enervated, and exhausted. My mind seemed dormant, nothing attracted my -attention during the whole journey; I seemed to hear and see nothing -that went on around me, but to lie wrapped in a dreary apathy. “What -must be must be,” I said to myself, if a thought of the future arose. -Reaction had set in after the painful excitement of the last days in -Freiburg. - -The following day we arrived in Berlin, where I was at once taken to -prison. Which prison it was I do not know, but I remember what a gloomy -impression it produced upon me. The dark cell, (into which no direct -light could penetrate owing to the high wall opposite the window,) and -the sour-faced warders, who never seemed to look one straight in the -eyes, forced on me the thought that people who were compelled to inhabit -this place for long were much to be pitied. I have made acquaintance -with many prisons, both in Russia and Western Europe, but never felt so -thoroughly despondent as in this Berlin gaol. Everything seemed intended -to make one feel: “You are in Berlin, the capital of military Prussia, -where inflexible rule and iron discipline are the watchwords applying to -the smallest detail.” - -The policemen who had brought me from Frankfort never left me alone even -in my prison cell, keeping watch over me by turns. And I must say that I -was glad of this. Their company was not exactly enlivening, but the -presence of another human being mitigated the dreariness of the prison -atmosphere. Fortunately I was not detained here long, and I was truly -thankful when evening came, and I was once more on my travels, attended -by the same escort. Next morning we were in Russia. - -The frontier station where I was to be delivered over to the Russian -authorities is called Granitza, a place where three empires -meet—Germany, Austria, and Russia. As I was to be taken straight on to -Petersburg, this was a very roundabout way to have come, and I suppose -it must have been chosen from fear of a rescue being attempted at the -frontier. This is the more likely, as shortly before the Polish -Socialist, Stanislas Mendelssohn, had—aided by his friends—escaped from -the Prussian police at another frontier station (Alexandrovo, I think), -just as his surrender to the Russians was to be effected. He got safe -through to Switzerland. - -I remember my sensations well. It was a lovely May morning, and the -sunshine gave me renewed strength. I had scarcely descended from the -train with my German guards, when I was surrounded by a crowd of Russian -gendarmes. - -“Good morning, Deutsch! good morning, sir! Here you are at last! We have -been expecting you for ever so long!” were their greetings. I saw round -me the fresh, smiling faces of young Russian peasant lads, surmounting -the hated dark blue uniform. Their free, familiar bearing made me smile -back at them as if old friends were welcoming me. - -“How do you know me?” I asked them, as we went towards the gendarmes’ -quarters. - -“Oh, of course we know you; we’ve heard such a lot about you!” cried -several. “Will you come and have some tea at once, or brush the dust off -first?” they asked, and vied with each other in doing the agreeable and -making me at home. It was a curious contrast to the manners of my German -guards. The Russians were frank and simple; there was something of even -friendly confidence in their behaviour. To the German police I was a -dangerous criminal, who went about under false names. They had their -orders, and followed them rigidly, not troubling themselves with -anything beyond that, hoping thereby to gain a reward (as I gathered -from their whispered talk when they supposed me asleep). To the Russian -gendarmes,[22] who never have anything to do with common criminals, I -was a “political offender,” a “State prisoner” (as we call it), whose -name they had heard so often that they looked on me quite as an old -acquaintance. I had not been in Russia for four years, and the first -persons I met from whom I heard my mother tongue were gendarmes. The -reader will be able to understand my mingled feelings. Any uninitiated -person glancing into the room where I sat before the steaming samovar, -refreshing myself with tea, and gossiping with the gendarmes standing -round, might have thought we were a party of old friends enjoying a cosy -chat. - -Footnote 22: - - See preface.—_Trans._ - -“Well, what’s it like in foreign parts?—not so nice as here, eh?” asked -the lads; and I related how in “foreign parts” it was ever so much nicer -than at home, in many ways. But that they would not allow to be -possible, and we disputed about it, till at last everyone present, ten -or twelve men, were all talking at once. When this topic was exhausted I -asked what was the news at home, what was happening? They then described -excitedly how all Russia had just been celebrating the majority of the -heir-apparent, the present Tsar. - -The German police having fulfilled their commission and handed me over -with bag and baggage, had departed, probably somewhat disappointed, for -no reward had been given them—in Granitza, at least. After some hours an -officer of the gendarmerie appeared, and commanded some of the men to be -ready to escort me, as I was to go on by the next train. I saw that he -gave over to one of them the money that had been taken from me by the -German police. Unobserved, I immediately drew out the Russian money I -had concealed about me, and then handed it to the officer, for I feared -it might be discovered if I were carefully searched. He was greatly -surprised, and asked if I had never been searched in Germany. He then -ordered me to be searched again, which was done with every care; but all -the same, the rest of my German money and the scissors were not found. - -Three gendarmes accompanied me on the journey to Petersburg. In Warsaw, -where we arrived during the night, a colonel of gendarmerie was awaiting -me. Like most of his kind, he was very polite and ready to converse. - -“You were concerned in the Tchigirìn case?” he began; and when I -assented, he continued confidentially, “Ah, that was a long while ago. -Wasn’t it at the time of the Polish rising? Well, then, you will have -the benefit of the coronation amnesty; they won’t have much against -you.” - -At the time of the Polish insurrection, in 1863, I was only eight years -old. This is an illustration of how much many of the officers of -gendarmerie know about the political trials which are supposed to be -their own special business. This friendly sympathy did not prevent him, -of course, from giving my escort the strictest orders about my -treatment, as I could hear when seated in the carriage. “Be sure you -don’t fall asleep!” he whispered. The gendarmes, however, did not allow -this to trouble their minds much, but continued to treat me in a very -easy-going fashion, and did not manifest any fear of my running away. - -When we arrived in Petersburg a captain of gendarmerie met us, and took -me at once in a closed carriage to the Fortress of Peter and Paul. - -[Illustration: - - FORTRESS OF PETER AND PAUL, ST. PETERSBURG - To face page 48 -] - - - - - CHAPTER VI - THE FORTRESS OF PETER AND PAUL—THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR AS COMPATRIOT—A - HARD-HEARTED DOCTOR—A FLEETING ACQUAINTANCE - - -A strange feeling came over me when I saw that I was being conveyed to -this prison, used by the Government of the Tsars for political offenders -only; a place never spoken of in Russia without a shudder. I approached -it with dark forebodings, but these gave place to interest. I knew well -that a cruel severity ruled in this place, but I could not help being -curious to experience it personally. The reality fully answered to my -expectations. - -I was taken at once to a room where the governor of the prison, Colonel -Lesnik of the gendarmerie, ordered me to strip to the skin. A couple of -gendarmes examined me carefully, and then gave me, instead of my own -clothes, prison under-linen, a striped cotton gown, such as is worn in -hospitals, and a pair of slippers. My own clothes and other things were -taken away. I was then shut up in a cell on the ground floor. - -Everything goes on here in utter silence; not a word is heard, the -stillness is intense. No one could imagine that men lived here year -after year; it felt like a house of the dead. Only the chimes of the -clock broke upon the ear, sounding out every quarter of an hour the -national hymn, “How glorious is our Lord in Zion!” - -The cell was large, but dark, as the window was high up in the wall. It -was cold, despite the May weather, for the sunshine never entered here, -and the walls were damp. Besides the iron bedstead with its straw -mattress, pillow, and thin woollen covering, there were an iron table -and a stool, both chained to the wall, and the customary evil-smelling -tub. Even at three o’clock in the afternoon darkness reigned, although -at this season Petersburg enjoys its “bright nights,” when it never gets -really dark. Reading was not to be thought of. Above everything I was -sensible of the extreme cold, partly due to the situation of the cell, -but chiefly to the insufficiency of my clothing. To warm myself I -marched up and down from one corner to the other till I was tired; but -hardly had I sat down a minute than I began to freeze again all over. -Even in bed I felt the same penetrating cold, for the blanket was very -thin. - -My rations consisted of about two pounds of black bread, and for dinner -at midday two dishes, which were not bad, but insufficient in -quantity—always half cold, moreover, as all the food had to be brought a -long way. As an unconvicted prisoner I could have provided myself with -better accommodation at my own expense; but that was impossible at -first, because the gendarmes who brought me had given over my luggage -and my money to the officer of gendarmerie, and he had delivered it to -the Central Department of the State Police. The worst of this was that -it meant the loss of my spectacles, and therefore I could not read, -another privilege to which I had a right, as an unconvicted prisoner. -This made the days, and the nights too, seem interminable. I did -everything I could think of to occupy myself. I tried arithmetical -problems, of course in my head, for writing materials were not allowed; -I related my own history as an exercise of memory; and at last I hit on -the plan of “publishing” a newspaper. When I had got through washing and -dressing in the morning, I ate a piece of bread, and then “read my -paper.” First came a leading article on some question of the day, then -the summary of news, gossip of the town, notes, etc. After some days, of -course, my “copy” began to run short, and the contents of my journal -became very uninteresting. The reading of it could not occupy the whole -day, and I was often, too, kept awake at night by the cold; so I filled -in my time by running up and down, up and down, like a beast in its -cage. - -Outdoor exercise brought little relief from the eternal solitude; it was -only taken every other day, and lasted a very short while. The time -allowed was but a quarter of an hour, including dressing and undressing, -my own clothes being brought to me for these occasions. My walks took -place in a yard enclosed with high walls, where no one was to be seen -but gendarmes and sentries. The slightest attempt to converse with them -was forbidden, or even that they should answer the simplest question. If -one asked anything they stared straight in one’s face and were dumb. - -After some days, however, an occupation provided itself; I became aware -of a gentle knocking, perceptible at a slight distance from the wall. -When I was in prison before I had learned to use this means of -communication with my fellow-captives, and the alphabetical code at once -came back to me.[23] - -Footnote 23: - - The letters of the alphabet being arranged in certain groups, _e.g._:— - - a b c d e f - g h i k l m - n o p r s t - u v w x y z, - - words are made up by knocking so many times on the wall for each - letter. First the horizontal line in which the letter stands is - counted, and then its number in the line. For example, to make the - word “you” one would knock as follows: four taps, a short pause, five - taps, a longer pause; three taps, a short pause, two taps, longer - pause; four taps, short pause, one tap. The taps are not only heard in - the neighbouring cell, but sometimes in far-distant ones if they have - a common wall. - -It is difficult to describe my joy when I heard the familiar sounds, and -supposed they must be addressed to myself, but I was soon undeceived. I -began to knock back, but found out at once that the signals were not -meant for me; two friends were having conversation, and they would not -answer my attempts to introduce myself. This knocking was strictly -forbidden, and they hesitated to admit an unknown person to their -company, fearing to be entrapped, and deprived of further intercourse. I -was obliged to content myself with making out what these two said to -each other in their short conversations, but it was only stereotyped, -often-recurring phrases: “Good morning,” “How have you slept?” “What are -you doing?” and the answers: “Well,” “Drinking tea,” etc. I envied them -the exchange of such insignificant speeches. I never discovered whether -they were two men or two women, or a man and a woman. - -I do not know how long it was before I underwent my first examination, -it must have been about eight or ten days. Until then, from the first -moment I arrived in Russia, I had not officially been even asked my -name. Like a box or parcel coming from abroad, I had been passed on from -hand to hand with my official form of consignment, no one caring to -learn who I was. The gendarmes appeared to know that I had taken the -name of Bulìgin, being in reality Deutsch; but they had no idea with -what I was charged, and did not seem interested to find out. Besides, in -the Fortress of Peter and Paul names were not necessary—were even -useless—for one was never spoken to, intercourse was carried on by -gestures only. - -One morning my clothes were brought me, as I supposed for the customary -walk, but I was led into a room where at a table covered with a blue -cloth sat three men dressed like functionaries of the law. I was given a -chair, and one of them informed me he was the examining magistrate “in -specially grave cases” at the Petersburg law courts. His own name was -Olshàninov, and he introduced one of his companions as the Public -Prosecutor, Mouraviev;[24] the name of the third he did not tell me. - -Footnote 24: - - The present Minister of Justice (1902). - -Then began the hearing of the case. To the usual questions concerning -name, etc., I answered the truth. I knew I had nothing now either to -lose or to gain. I told the whole story of the assault on Gorinòvitch, -of course not giving the name of any other person concerned, and not -attempting to excuse myself in the least. I knew I could injure no one -now by telling the whole affair, for all who were in any way connected -with it had been sentenced five years back; and as to myself, it could -make no difference, for by the terms of the extradition treaty between -Russia and Baden the conditions of my prosecution were strictly laid -down. In the interests of historical accuracy I considered it right that -this episode in our movement should be correctly described. - -During the hearing, which was conducted by the magistrate, the official -whose name had not been mentioned addressed several questions to me. I -did not recognise him at first, but later it appeared that I had known -him at Kiëv, where—in 1877—he took part in my trial. His name was -Kotliarèvsky; he was then Deputy Public Prosecutor in Kiëv, and now -filled the same post at the Petersburg Appeal Courts, where he had to -conduct the political cases in particular. It will thus be seen that -this was the real owner of the position which Bogdanòvitch had falsely -claimed when pretending to identify me at Freiburg. Although -Kotliarèvsky was in very bad odour with the revolutionists, and had been -shot at by Ossìnsky in 1878, I was in a way glad to meet him in this -gloomy place, for, at any rate, his face was a familiar one. And he -behaved in a very friendly way to me. We were soon deep in conversation, -recounting our respective experiences since we had last met. That we -might not disturb the magistrate, who was making out the protocol, we -sat a little apart, and chatted quite comfortably. Kotliarèvsky remarked -that I had altered very much; “and not only in outward appearance, I -mean,” he said, “your whole character seems to me changed.” That might -well be. Kotliarèvsky was noted for keen observation, and this faculty -was very useful to him in his peculiar sphere. - -“Do you remember what a hot-headed young fellow you were? How you once -nearly threw an ink-bottle at my head?” - -I remembered the incident perfectly, and saw why he referred to it. When -I was at Kiëv I was in a high state of nervous excitability, and in -consequence was often hasty and irritable. Partly because of this, and -partly because I was a member of the “Buntari,” in whose programme was -included a continual warfare against all recognised authorities, -Kotliarèvsky and I once came to loggerheads. The point of dispute was -the signing of a protocol, which I absolutely refused to do. In a -towering passion I seized the ink-bottle, and was quite ready to hurl it -at him had he persisted in trying to force me; but he saw my intention, -and keeping quite composed, called the warder and whispered something to -him. Seeing the man hasten away, I thought he had gone for the guard to -put me in confinement. Great was my surprise and joy, therefore, when -after a few minutes the door opened, and my friend Stefanòvitch[25] -appeared on the threshold. It was a delight to us both, for although in -the same prison, we had not hitherto been allowed to meet. - -Footnote 25: - - See pp. 15 and 98, note, p. 210, and portrait, p. 112. - -“Will you kindly pacify your comrade?” said Kotliarèvsky, turning to -Stefanòvitch. “His nerves seem a little overstrained.” - -I learned thus to appreciate the adroitness of this man, and thanked him -now for his considerate treatment of me on that occasion, which seemed -to gratify him. - -In the course of our conversation I expressed my surprise that although -I had been surrendered by Germany as an ordinary criminal, only to be -proceeded against as such, they had brought me to the Fortress of Peter -and Paul, which everyone knows is reserved for “politicals.” “Neither do -I understand,” I added, “why I have been brought to Petersburg, when the -deed for which I am to answer was committed in Odessa, and according to -law the trial should take place there.” - -Kotliarèvsky gave me no answer on this point, but he promised to see -about my being allowed to provide myself with more comforts from my own -purse, and said he would speak to Plehve,[26] the chief of the Central -Department of the State Police. - -Footnote 26: - - The present Minister of the Interior.—_Trans._ - -Shortly after this Colonel Lesnik gave me a more comfortable cell on the -first floor, and henceforward he treated me somewhat better. Two days -later he told me that my money and luggage had arrived from the police -department, so I could now purchase food and tobacco. I congratulated -myself even more on getting my spectacles again; but it seemed that for -this I must have an order from the prison doctor, and he was sent to see -me. He was an elderly man of between sixty and seventy, and had the rank -of a general officer. He was well known to be of a very harsh and -unpleasant disposition, and soon gave me a proof of his quality. He -turned up my eyelids, fixed me with a forbidding glare, and declared -off-hand that my eyes were perfectly normal and that I did not need -glasses. In reality qualified oculists have diagnosed a rather unusual -abnormality in my vision, and since my eighteenth year I have been -obliged to use spectacles for reading. - -This dictum of the prison doctor upset me cruelly; I felt so desperate -that I could scarcely control myself, but was ready to weep and to -curse. - -“I beg you to consider again,” I cried. “You are quite mistaken; I -really cannot read without glasses. Think what you are doing; you are -condemning me to a hideous torture, in robbing me of the only -distraction allowed here.” - -Nothing was of any avail; the man remained immovable, repeating -obstinately, “You do not need glasses,” and therewith took his -departure. I clenched my fists, a prey to impotent wrath, and nearly -broke down altogether. But what was I to do? I had to bear it; and it is -hard to say what a man cannot put up with. But to this moment I cannot -think of that doctor without my blood boiling. The only consolation left -me was my cigarette, and it became a friend and comforter in my -loneliness. To a captive smoking not merely gives pleasure, but takes -from him the sense of utter desolation. - -The days passed on in miserable inactivity. Then one morning a sound -fell upon my ears, someone was knocking again, and in my immediate -neighbourhood, as it seemed. Was it for me? I replied at once with the -familiar signal. It was for me; what joy! Now I should know what -comrades lay here, and should be able to exchange thoughts with a human -being. - -“Who are you?” “In what case are you concerned?” were the questions I -deciphered. I seized my comb, the only hard movable object to be found -in my prison cell, and tapped the answer. My interlocutor expressed his -surprise and asked, “How did you come here?” To my question, “Who are -you?” the answer was “Kobiliànsky.” I was no less surprised to “meet” -him here (if so one may express it). We had not previously known one -another personally, but I knew that in 1880 he had been condemned to -penal servitude for life, on account of his participation in various -terrorist affairs, and had long ago been deported to the Siberian mines -on the Kara. How came he, then, to be in the Fortress of Peter and Paul? -I burned with impatience to learn his adventures, but he was just as -anxious to hear mine, and I had to give way to him. Scarcely, however, -had I told him as shortly as possible how I had been arrested in Germany -and given up to Russia, when I was interrupted by a voice, “So you are -knocking?” - -I sprang up and looked round. Before me stood Colonel Lesnik, -accompanied by some gendarmes. The door had been noiselessly opened; I -had been observed, and caught in the act; there was no getting out of -it. - -“I give you fair warning, if you attempt such a thing again, you will be -put back on the ground-floor, and deprived of tobacco and of exercise.” -Thereupon he departed, and I felt like a naughty schoolboy, found out -and disgraced. Moreover, I had to give up hope of learning why -Kobiliànsky had been brought back from Siberia.[27] - -Footnote 27: - - I learned the following particulars later. In May, 1882, some of the - political prisoners at Kara escaped. They were soon recaptured, and - horribly severe measures were then set on foot in their prison. It was - resolved to send away the “most dangerous element.” Thirteen men were - chosen, on any kind of pretext, only four of them having been - concerned in the escape, and they were all despatched to the Fortress - of Peter and Paul, and afterwards to Schlüsselburg, the special prison - for politicals. There the harshest régime prevails, and no one who - enters is ever set free again. Kobiliànsky shared this fate, although - he had not been one of those who had broken loose from prison. Nearly - all these unhappy men met their death in Schlüsselburg: among them - Butzìnsky, Gèhlis, I. Ivànov, Kobiliànsky, Shturkòvsky, and - Shtchedrin. Only one survives (1902)—Michael Popov. - -Shortly after this event, one day my clothes were brought to me at an -unusual hour. I supposed there was going to be another hearing of my -case; but no, apparently I was to be taken right away. My luggage was -brought, and the captain of the gendarmerie appeared, the same who had -escorted me hither from the station. - -“Where are we going—to Odessa?” The officer gave me no answer. - -“Evidently we are going to the station,” I thought, when the captain and -I were seated in a droschky. It was just the transition hour on a -“bright night,” when one hardly knows whether it is evening twilight or -dawn. The weather was perfect, and I felt my spirits rise at the -prospect of the journey to Odessa. But alas! the carriage took another -turning, it was not going to the station, and we were soon in the -courtyard of a huge stone prison. It was the House of Detention for -prisoners under examination. - - - - - CHAPTER VII - CHANGED CONDITIONS—A FRUSTRATED PLAN—THE MINISTER’S VISIT—A SECRET OF - STATE—MY LITERARY NEIGHBOUR - - -When the officer of gendarmerie handed me over to the governor of the -gaol, he pointed with his finger to a sentence in my charge-sheet, -whereupon the governor looked at me sharply. It was clear his attention -was being drawn to the warning of my former escapes, and the need for -strict surveillance. - -I saw from the first that prison rules were less strict here. My -belongings, after examination, were brought into my cell. As soon as I -could look them over, I sought for the hidden money and scissors, and -behold, there they were! The careful scrutiny, both at the fortress and -here, had been no more successful in detecting them than had previous -examinations. The scissors I again concealed; but I wanted to change the -German notes, so as to have at any rate part of my money available, and -that was not a very simple matter. I began to observe the warders -carefully; there were three of them on my corridor. The man who had -searched my luggage seemed to me the most promising, and I determined to -bribe him. When he came on duty I took the money out of its -hiding-place, and called him into my cell. - -“What do you want?” he asked, coming in and shutting the door behind -him. - -“Did you search my luggage properly when I arrived here?” - -“Yes, of course; is anything wrong?” he asked, quite alarmed. - -“Oh, nothing much!” I said soothingly. “Only, I had better tell you that -you don’t know how to search. Look here! you never found these!” and I -held the bank-notes under his nose. - -“Impossible!” he cried; “where were they hidden?” - -“Well, that is my secret,” said I. “But listen! It is German money, and -if changed would come to about fifty roubles.[28] Take it, and when you -are off duty go to a money-changer—there are several on the Nevsky -Prospekt—and get it changed for Russian money. Half shall be yours, and -half mine. Is that agreed?” - -Footnote 28: - - Nearly £5 10_s._—_Trans._ - -“All right. I’ll see to it,” he said, and went off with the money. - -“He bites,” I thought to myself; and at once began building castles in -the air. I knew from experience that the great thing was to establish -communication with the outer world, and this we revolutionists had often -effected by bribing warders to take letters into and out of prison. In -Kiëv and the south we called such warders “carrier-pigeons.” When I saw -how easily this one fell in with my proposal, I immediately began to -plan out further steps. - -“After a few days,” I said to myself, “we will try him with a letter for -the post; and next I shall send him to someone I know with a commission. -When once things are in train, who knows? something may come of it.” - -It was in the morning that I had given the warder my money, and I was in -great excitement all day. Several times he looked through the peephole -in my door, smiled and nodded at me, and of course I replied in similar -fashion. Towards evening he came into my cell again, and laid my notes -down on the table. “Take them back,” he said; “I am afraid of getting -into trouble. See here; a little while ago one of the others had two -watches given him, and they were found on him, and he was dismissed. You -see, I’ve a good place here, and get twenty-five roubles[29] a month. I -shouldn’t get so much again in a hurry. No, I’m afraid; take it back!” - -Footnote 29: - - About £2 5_s._—_Trans._ - -Of course I did not press him, for I knew that without courage he would -never make a “carrier-pigeon.” I saw no chance now of changing the notes -secretly, so I told him to take them to the governor, that they might be -added to the rest of my money. - -“Tell him you found them in searching my luggage.” - -“No, no, that won’t do. There would be no end of a fuss because I hadn’t -given them up directly. I’d rather tell the truth, and say you had just -given them to me.” - -Thus did my visions end in smoke. The money was taken charge of, and no -further inquiry made. - -Soon after this my books were brought to me, and I could also use the -prison library. After being for so long prevented from reading, this was -a great boon; and as writing materials were also allowed me, I was -altogether far better off here than in the Fortress of Peter and Paul. -Still, the little cell with its stone floor became a perfect oven in the -heat of summer, most unpleasantly stuffy and dusty; and the food was -inferior both in quantity and quality. But the walks were what was most -disagreeable. Imagine a huge circle, divided into sections by partitions -running from centre to circumference. In these cattle-pens we were -allowed to disport ourselves singly, carefully watched all the while by -warders stationed on a raised platform at the centre of the circle, -commanding all the “cattle-pens”; so that the prisoners had no chance of -communicating with each other. One could see nothing but the wooden -partitions, the back of the prison buildings, and a narrow strip of sky; -but every day we had to breathe the air here for three-quarters of an -hour, which seemed an endless time for such “recreation.” - -In comparison with the uncanny stillness of the fortress, things here -seemed full of life and bustle. The windows of the corridor looked into -the street, and its noises could be heard in the cells—the rumbling of -carriages, the cries of street-hawkers, or the dulcet music of an -organ-grinder. One felt so near freedom that the burden of prison life -was the heavier. - -One day I heard unusually lively sounds in the corridor—scrubbing, -sweeping, and a general tidying-up. Some important visit seemed to be -expected, and I soon learned that the Minister of Justice, Nabòkov, was -coming to inspect the prison. Shortly after, he appeared in my cell, -accompanied by a numerous suite; and when my name was pronounced, he -greeted me and said— - -“I have read your deposition, and was much pleased with its frankness. I -hope you will speak out in the same way before the court.” - -I replied that, as I have already said, it was my object to state the -exact historical truth. - -He went, but came back again, and put one or two unimportant questions -to me, looking, however, as though there were something else he would -have liked to say. He bent forward a little in speaking, and held his -hand to his ear. His whole bearing was simple and unaffected. - -Kotliarèvsky was among the suite. He remained behind a moment, and told -me he wanted to speak to me when the minister had gone. Some time after -I was taken to him in a room that served as the prison schoolroom. - -“I am not here on business,” said he, “but I should like to have a chat -with you about old times.” - -So we sat down on a school-form and talked. Following a remark of mine, -Kotliarèvsky touched on the question I had raised before as to the -reason for my confinement in the Fortress of Peter and Paul. - -“Why, you see, there were very important interests of State to -consider,” he said. “It was like this: if you were brought before an -ordinary tribunal and only prosecuted on the Gorinòvitch count, you -might be merely condemned to seven or eight years in Siberia; and that -would not be agreeable in _high quarters_.” He accented the last words. - -“But they cannot try me otherwise,” I cried. “Germany only extradited me -on that stipulation.” - -“Well, that remains to be seen,” said he. “We are at present on very -good terms with Bismarck, and he would not mind at all giving us this -little proof of his friendship. Or, if necessary, it could easily be -made out that you had committed some offence _after_ your extradition. -Which reminds me—the Germans have sent us on all the notes that you made -in Freiburg gaol.” - -I was utterly astonished. I remembered that from sheer ennui I had now -and then written down odds and ends of notes, plans, etc., while I was -at Freiburg, but I could not conceive how those scraps could have come -into the hands of the Russian Government, for I had destroyed all my -manuscripts before leaving. I could only suppose that when I was out of -my cell for exercise some single sheets might have been abstracted. Even -then it seemed impossible that they could afford any foundation for a -fresh accusation sufficient to set aside the extradition treaty with -Germany. But Kotliarèvsky reassured me on that head. - -“Oh, never fear! they would soon manage that. Nothing would be easier -than to get Germany’s consent, and then they would sentence you -according to your deserts. People who have had far less against them -than you—Malìnka, Drebyàsgin, Maidànsky—have long ago been executed. And -you—you broke out of prison just when you were at last to be brought up -for judgment in the Gorinòvitch case. Then for quite eight years you -were engaged in conspiracies; and then you were the instigator, along -with Stefanòvitch, of the Tchigirìn affair, and so on, and so on. That -all this should only let you in for a few years’ hard labour did not at -all suit the views of Government. So when you were extradited a special -council was held in _high circles_. Of course, I was not there. I am not -numbered among the elect; but this is what I have been told. At first -they were all unanimous in declaring that a modification of the -extradition treaty must be arranged, so that you might be brought before -a special tribunal. Then, as you can easily imagine, they would have -made short work with you! But one of these great personages had a qualm, -and he urged, ‘Germany might fall in with our views. Well and good! But -is that really a good precedent? They have caught Deutsch for us now. -To-morrow a still more important capture might be made in some other -country, and then it might be hard for us to get an extradition. The -Press would make a hubbub; they would say, Russia never respects -treaties, and would point to the case of Deutsch as an example.’ This -consideration influenced the majority, and it was consequently resolved -to proceed against you in the Gorinòvitch case only. This is why you -were put into the Fortress of Peter and Paul until a decision was -arrived at.” - -It is quite possible that Kotliarèvsky betrayed this secret of state to -me with the object of loosening my tongue; but perhaps he really had no -afterthought, and told tales out of school just for the joke of it. - -In the further course of our conversation he touched on many subjects, -among others on political prosecutions in Russia. I remarked to him how -often perfectly harmless persons were condemned to fearful punishments. - -“What would you have?” he replied. “When trees are felled there must be -chips. As the ancient Romans said: ‘_Summum jus, summa injuria_.’ -Personally I do not approve of capital punishment at all. I say to -myself that in a great state political offences are inevitable. With a -population of many millions there must always be a few thousand -malcontents, and, of course, examples must be made of any disturbers of -the peace. But a strong Government ought to be able to render them -innocuous without resorting to the death penalty.” - -In pursuance of this theme, he then asked me, to all appearance -casually, how many Terrorists in my opinion there might be in Russia. I -answered that I knew nothing at all about it, for I myself did not now -belong to the Terrorists, but to the Social-Democratic party. - -“Oh yes,” he said, “but as a ‘friendly power’ you must be able to judge -as to the strength of the terrorist organisation. I think myself their -numbers must be very small now.” - -In point of fact there were indeed very few active Terrorists left in -Russia. I did not, however, wish to strengthen Kotliarèvsky’s opinion -about the “friendly powers,” so told him that according to my estimate -there could be only a few thousand, not more. - -“How can you make that out?” he asked. “It is quite impossible; I reckon -at most some hundreds. They have been imprisoned in crowds just lately.” - -I persisted in my opinion, and therewith we separated. - -At this time, _i.e._ in the summer of 1881, there were in this House of -Detention a number of prisoners accused of different political offences. -One of these so-called offences, on account of which numberless persons -had been sent to prison in Petersburg, Moscow, and many smaller towns, -or even in Siberia, was what Kotliarèvsky called “the old clothes case.” -He gave me the following account of this highly important affair of -state. In some domiciliary visit the police had found a note containing -the names of persons who were assisting the political prisoners by -providing them with clothes and other necessaries. Thereupon a number of -these persons were arrested; and he told me that an imposing case was -being trumped up against this “secret society,” under the name of the -“Red Cross League of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_.” (Of course, Kotliarèvsky -did not mind giving a sly hit at the gendarmerie, with whom the police -officials have many little tiffs, each often putting a spoke in the -other’s wheel.) - -A pretty conspiracy indeed—for providing prisoners with old clothes! I -shall hereafter always allude to this case as the “old clothes affair,” -and hope to show by it some of the little peculiarities of -“administrative methods” in Russia. These “administrative methods” are -sometimes extremely unpleasant for those treated by them. The -gendarmerie can imprison people, and exile them to Siberia or the -outlying provinces without trial, all by “administrative methods.” - -Besides those implicated in the “old clothes affair,” there were at this -time in the gaol many prisoners involved in other cases, among them -several well-known literary men—Protopòpov, Krivènko, Stanyukòvitch, and -Erthel. The first-named was my neighbour, and we were soon knocking to -one another, though not without some misunderstanding at the outset. -Directly I told him my name he left off replying to my taps, I could not -imagine why. Several days passed. I could hear him going up and down in -his cell, could catch his voice when he spoke to the warder, but he left -all my signals unanswered; so concluding that he was afraid of being -caught (though the officials of this prison did not seem to make much -fuss over the knocking), I left off in despair. After a little, however, -he began again. “Why do you hide your name from me?” he asked. I replied -that I had told him my name at the very beginning, and repeated it; upon -which he hastened to apologise: “I took you for a spy; for I could not -make out what you said, and thought you seemed to be knocking confusedly -on purpose, so that I might not decipher the name.” - -We now conversed together freely. Our names were well known to each -other, and we had many common friends. Of course, we were very anxious -to know one another by sight, and we accomplished this in the following -manner. From the windows of our cells, which were on the fifth floor, we -could see into the “cattle-pens”; and though we were all supposed to -take our exercise at the same time, we arranged together that each -should manage to get out of it on different days, and that he who -remained in his cell should recognise the other by a preconcerted -signal. The next thing was to know one another’s voice, and this also we -succeeded in effecting. We knew that in this prison, “politicals,” in -the “Case of the 193,” not only spoke together, but even conveyed small -objects to one another, by means of the water-closet pipes. The sanitary -system here was so arranged that on all the six storeys each pair of -cells was in communication, not only with one another, but also with -those immediately above and below. Thus twelve prisoners could arrange -together that they should simultaneously let the water run, so making a -space in the pipes that acted as a speaking-tube; and if one spoke into -the opening the voice could be heard perfectly in the connected cells, -while the running water prevented any inconvenient odour. In this -fashion we instituted a club of twelve members. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII -FRESH FEARS—THE COLONEL OF GENDARMERIE—INQUIRY INTO THE CASE OF GENERAL - MEZENTZEV’S MURDER—MEETING WITH BOGDANOVITCH—DEPARTURE - - -During my imprisonment in the Petersburg House of Detention my spirits -were altogether more cheerful than they had been since my first arrest. -At Freiburg I had been in a chronic state of excitement and unrest, -longing for the freedom that seemed so near. In the Fortress of Peter -and Paul I had been downcast and despairing. Now I had reached a -condition of equanimity and indifference. - -“Hard labour in the Siberian mines,” I thought to myself. “What does it -matter whether it be for ten years or fifteen? It is much the same to -me.” My future was done for, my life gone. It is hard for a man to -reconcile himself to such a thought, particularly when he feels -physically sound and healthy, but one does somehow get accustomed to it. -At times there will arise sudden hopes, dreams of unexpected luck, of -happiness in a distant future; and then wild visions chase one another -in dazzling pictures through one’s brain. But I had lived through too -many bitter self-deceptions of the kind when I was at Freiburg; and I -was only annoyed with myself when I found my fancy dallying with them, -and tried to extinguish them at once. “Nonsense!” I cried to myself; “if -anything, the only unexpected turn Fate will do you will be some bad -trick.” And I steadfastly made up my mind to the worst. - -Weeks had gone by since my change of prisons, and during that time I had -not been once up for examination. I did not know in the least how my -affair was going. “Perhaps in ‘high circles’ they’ve taken a new -departure, and invented some other means of treating me as a political -criminal. Why am I not brought before the court? Why do they not send me -to Odessa? Something must be happening.” I had begun to fidget in this -way occasionally, when one July morning, as I came back from my walk -feeling rather cheerful, the warder said to me, “Make yourself ready; -they have come to fetch you!” A hired droschky awaited me at the door, -and I and a gendarme got into it. From him I could learn nothing as to -our destination, and although this uncertainty did not last long, it -made me feel uncomfortably nervous. After about half an hour the -carriage stopped in the courtyard of a large building. I was taken into -a small cell with a tiny window, whose panes were of thick ribbed glass. -As I was pacing up and down here I noticed an officer at the peephole in -the door observing me closely. - -“May I come in?” he asked, hesitatingly opening the peephole window. - -“A strange question! I am at your disposal, not you at mine,” said I. -The door opened, and smiling apologetically, a young man in the uniform -of a colonel of gendarmerie stepped in. - -“Allow me to introduce myself”—he bowed and clicked his spurs -together—“Colonel Ivànov.” - -“I do not understand,” said I. “Will you please tell me where I am, and -why I have been brought here?” - -“This is the office of the gendarmerie headquarters; you have been -brought here for examination, and will soon be taken before the Public -Prosecutor. I only wanted to have a chat with you, and revive some old -memories. We have many common acquaintances.” - -“But how do you know me?” I asked, surprised. - -“Oh, excuse me,” he cried, smiling, “there is hardly an intelligent -person in all Russia who does not know you by name.” - -The young gentleman appeared to class himself among the -“intellectuals”—that set in Russian Society which just at this time was -protesting against the reactionary tendency and making its influence -felt in some of the best Russian journals. In the language of that -section of the Press it was customary to designate the revolutionists by -the harmless title of “intellectuals.” - -“Oh, we have many common acquaintances,” the colonel resumed. “I knew -all your comrades—Malinka, Drebyàsghin, Maidànsky. I was formerly -adjutant of gendarmerie at Odessa, and made acquaintance with them -there. They were really delightful people.” - -Now I understood why this man was a colonel already, notwithstanding his -youth. The big political cases during the end of the seventies and -beginning of the eighties had given many officers of gendarmerie and of -the law grand opportunities for self-advancement. The lives and freedom -of the “politicals” were the merchandise by which they founded their -fortunes. This gentleman had no doubt played no insignificant part in -condemning to penal servitude or to death those comrades of mine on whom -he was now lavishing his compliments. Perhaps he had been the originator -of the happy thought by which the traitor Kùritzin was induced to -sacrifice so many victims.[30] - -Footnote 30: - - Kùritzin was arrested in consequence of the attempt upon Gorinòvitch, - and turned traitor unknown to his former comrades. He was shut up in a - cell with the other prisoners, so that he might spy upon them; and - through his information some of them were sent to the mines in - Siberia, and many others delivered into the clutches of the law. I - believe that he himself is now practising somewhere as a veterinary - surgeon. - -My interview with this engaging young man was not exactly to my mind, -and I was glad to be called away. I was taken to a comfortably furnished -apartment, where Kotliarèvsky was seated in an armchair before a large -table, looking over some papers. - -“I have some documents here that concern you,” he said, and began to -read aloud:— - -“In the beginning of August, 1878, the widow of the murdered Baron -Gèhkin, adjutant in the gendarmerie, observed in the neighbourhood of -General Mèzentzev’s house two young men who were apparently watching for -the General.” The document went on to state that the Baroness had -recognised one of these young men to be myself; and on the following day -she had seen them again on the watch, her cousin Baron Berg being with -her at the time. Then followed a paper in which Baron Berg corroborated -the lady’s evidence. There was a time, 1878-9, when a good many people -delighted in romancing about me, and persisted in ascribing to me a -prominent rôle in events taking place in the most widely separated parts -of Russia. These imaginings even found their way into the press, and I -was often surprised to read in the papers accounts of my varied -exploits; I seemed to be a perfect Stenka Rasìn![31] - -Footnote 31: - - A noted Cossack chieftain of the seventeenth century, who has become a - hero of Russian popular romance.—_Trans._ - -I remember, for example, that on May 25th, 1878, when I was still in -prison at Kiëv, a rich lady of that place was murdered, evidently by -thieves. Baron Gèhkin was shot on the following night, May 26th; and on -the night _after_ that, May 27th, I and two comrades escaped from -prison. I soon saw in the newspapers that, according to the opinion of -many astute persons, the author of both these murders could be none -other than myself! - -The evidence as to my being concerned in the death of General Mèzentzev -was in the same way complete nonsense. When Kotliarèvsky had read me the -documents, he asked me what I had to say about them. - -“It appears that the Government has not given up the attempt to -implicate me in affairs not specified in the extradition treaty,” I -said; “I shall therefore refuse to answer questions relating to any -outside matter.” - -“Well, if you refuse to give evidence, we will leave it alone,” said -Kotliarèvsky, with perfect composure, and he clapped the papers together -again. “Besides, I may as well tell you that I attach no importance to -the testimony of these good people. So far as I can make out, you had -already gone abroad when Mèzentzev was murdered?” - -I assented. He seemed, nevertheless, to want to draw me out on this -subject; but as I did not assist his endeavours in that direction he -began to chat about indifferent matters, asking me questions as to our -Socialist propaganda and our views. When, however, I quoted from some of -our writings, he confessed that they were quite unknown to him. - -While we were talking, Bogdanòvitch came in from a neighbouring room. My -readers will remember him as the gentleman who had been by way of -identifying me at Freiburg. He greeted me, and sat down at the table. We -met without any sign of ill-feeling or recollection of the sharp -passage-at-arms we had had together. - -“I wish you would tell me,” I said to him, “as it is now a thing of the -past, when did you see me in Kiëv? I have no remembrance of you.” - -He replied, laughing, that he had seen me once in prison; but I saw at -once that he was bluffing. Evidently he had recognised me at Freiburg -merely from Kotliarèvsky’s description. I was curious to know when -exactly the Baden authorities had found out with whom they were dealing; -and when I asked him this, Bogdanòvitch replied, “They knew some weeks -before the extradition that you could not be Bulìgin, and then you were -put under stricter supervision, with a guard before the prison. About -ten days before my arrival they were informed that you were -Deutsch.”[32] - -Footnote 32: - - While these pages are in the press comes the news (May, 1903) of - Bogdanòvitch’s assassination. Having risen to be Governor of Ufa, he - had suppressed in a very brutal manner a strike at Zlatoust. Shortly - afterwards he was shot in a public park, and his assailants - escaped.—_Trans._ - -It was now clear to me why I had been moved into a different cell, and -also why Herr von Berg had forbidden me to speak Russian with my -visitors. - -As I was going away, to be taken back to the House of Detention, I asked -Kotliarèvsky whether I should soon be brought before a fully qualified -tribunal. He could give me no decided answer, and himself seemed -surprised at my being kept in Petersburg so long. - -This was the last time I saw Kotliarèvsky. I learned afterwards in -Siberia, from comrades arriving there, that though he had dealt fairly -by me, his conduct of some political trials had been considered -altogether too mean; it not only drew down on him the bitter hatred of -the accused, but was too much even for his superiors, and he was -withdrawn from the cases. About three years ago he was President of the -Courts at Vilna; where he is now (1902) I do not know. - -This interview convinced me still further that the Government would not -be content to restrict themselves to prosecuting me in the Gorinòvitch -case. Every morning I awoke wondering what would happen next; but day -after day went by without anything fresh. July came, then August, and I -was still waiting in my cell. One day towards the end of August -gendarmes again came for me, and I was ordered to prepare for a journey; -it had at last been decided to send me to Odessa. While the carriage -conveyed me through the streets I sadly took leave of my beloved -Petersburg, which I could never hope to see again. - - - - - CHAPTER IX - A RAY OF HOPE—AN UNHEARD-OF RÉGIME—THE HUNGER-STRIKE—OUR CLUB—A SECRET - ALLY - - -My removal to Odessa went off without any noteworthy incident. The -change of scene, the railway journey, the sight of people, their doings, -their speech, all had a reviving effect on me; but the company of three -gendarmes did not allow me to forget for an instant that I was a -prisoner on my way to judgment. The idea of escape, however, never left -me, and once at least circumstances seemed favourable. It was night; we -were already nearing Odessa. I had been dozing, and when I awoke I saw -that all three gendarmes were fast asleep. My heart began to thump -wildly, and my plan was made in an instant: to get my scissors out of -their hiding-place, cut off my beard, stride over the sleeping -gendarmes, step out on to the footboard of the train, and jump off. But -as this flashed through my mind, one gendarme opened his eyes, waked the -others by shaking them violently, and scolded them with a most -self-righteous air for not keeping guard. I feigned sleep, and the scene -was over. - -In Odessa a prison van with barred windows awaited me. I was taken at -first to a prison for political offenders, under the rule of the -gendarmerie. While my belongings were being searched, the scissors -suddenly fell on the floor, to the no small astonishment of the warder, -a former gendarme. - -“Nice order they keep in Petersburg! Prisoners are allowed to have -scissors there!” he exclaimed. He imagined I had brought them openly in -my luggage, and of course I left him in his pride at being cleverer than -his colleagues in the capital. - -In this prison conditions were very much like those in the Fortress of -Peter and Paul: rather large, dark cells, tolerably good food, the same -strict, formal bearing of the gendarmes, and the same all-pervading -silence. In order at once to draw attention to the stipulations of the -extradition treaty, I expressed my astonishment at being again put into -a prison for “politicals.” Whether on account of this protest or because -of an order from Petersburg I do not know, but after a few days I was -removed to the prison for ordinary criminals. - -It was evening, an evening that I shall never forget. They put me into a -cell, and when the door closed behind me I could at first see nothing, -the cell was so dark, and only the feeble rays of a lamp shone through a -little window in the door. When my eyes had begun to accustom themselves -to the dimness I set to work to take stock of my quarters. The cell was -circular, and contained no bed, chair, nor table; only the customary -wooden tub, a water-bucket, also of wood, and some straw on the -floor—nothing else. I was much surprised, and thought there must have -been some mistake. I went to the door, and saw through the peephole that -two armed soldiers were on guard, while on a bench close by sat a -gendarme and a policeman. I had been in many prisons, but this state of -things was new to me. - -“Look here! What is all this? Where are the bedstead and mattress?” I -asked, sticking my head through the little window. - -“Don’t know,” said the gendarme briefly. - -“Then call the governor!” - -He did not stir, but after a while the deputy-governor appeared. - -“Will you tell me what this means?” I said, indicating the state of the -cell. - -“I know nothing about it,” replied he. “We have simply followed -instructions. You must apply to the Deputy Public Prosecutor, who will -be here to-morrow.” - -I felt horribly cast down. “What shall I do if they refuse to improve -things?” I thought, sitting down in the straw with my head in my hands. -Soon fatigue overpowered me, and I lay down; but hardly had I gone to -sleep when I sprang up broad awake—mice were scratching and burrowing in -the straw! I paced up and down the tiny cell, feeling how stifling the -atmosphere was. The tub stank vilely; the space outside where the four -watchers were was small, and only used-up air penetrated thence into the -cell. I wished I could effect some ventilation, but the window was high -up and could not be opened. I awaited the day with impatience, hoping I -should at least be able to breathe some fresh air. Wearily the hours -dragged along; sometimes I had to lie down for a moment’s rest, but only -to spring up again because of the mice. At last day dawned. - -“Take me to the air!” I cried to the gendarme, who seemed here to act as -warder. - -“I have no orders to do so,” was his reply. - -Towards midday the Deputy Public Prosecutor arrived. I explained to him -the horrible conditions to which I had been subjected, and demanded -redress. - -He listened to me, but assured me he could do nothing whatever. - -“But tell me what hinders you from giving me a bedstead?” - -“You could climb up to the window and try to escape.” - -“Excuse me,” said I, “do consider what you say. Four men are watching -me; even if I stood on the bed I could not reach the window without -their seeing me. This is the fifth floor, and a sentry goes backwards -and forwards below the window; if I could pass him I should next have to -climb over a wall as high as a house, on the further side of which -another sentry is posted! Surely you must see,” I urged, “that under -these circumstances any attempt at flight is out of the question.” - -“Who can tell? You have often got away before.” - -“Only twice,” I corrected. - -“Well, that’s quite enough,” said he. “I can’t do anything for you.” And -he went away. - -I had already made up my mind what to do now. On no account would I put -up with this treatment, but would maintain a passive resistance. - -The gendarme brought my food in a wooden vessel and placed it on the -floor. - -“Take it away! I shall not eat anything,” I said. - -He took it up again and withdrew in silence. - -This was repeated every day at meal-times. The hours dragged on. I could -get no fresh air, could not read, as they would give me no books, could -not even sleep for the mice. I did not feel any great craving for food, -but drank water continually. In mind I suffered frightfully, not that I -felt any anger against these people, but I was irritated beyond measure -at the utter senselessness of such treatment. - -“You will have time enough,” I apostrophised the staff, “to poison life -for me after I am once sentenced; but for the present I am only on -trial.” - -For three days I went without food, and nobody seemed to trouble -themselves about it, though, of course, the attendants knew what was -going on. On the afternoon of the fourth day I was taken to the office. -Unwashed (I had purposely abstained from washing ever since my arrival), -my clothes covered with dust and bits of straw, I appeared before the -Public Prosecutor of Odessa and the examining magistrate. They informed -me they were there for the preliminary inquiry into my case, and would -take my evidence. I told them I was in no condition to answer questions, -and set forth my grievances, saying that I intended to starve myself as -a protest. - -“Oh, you refuse to take your food? Well, then, we shall have to feed you -by artificial means.”[33] - -Footnote 33: - - Not long before this some political prisoners had got up a - “hunger-strike” as a protest against unjust treatment; and the - authorities becoming alarmed at their condition of weakness, the - prison doctor, Dr. Rosen, had forcibly administered nourishment by - means of the enema. - -As I knew what he meant, I replied promptly, “Try it, then! But I warn -you that if you do, I know of a way to bring on sickness and -diarrhœa, and it will simply hasten my end.” Of course, I did not -know anything of the kind, but thought this piece of bluff might ward -off the fulfilment of the Prosecutor’s threat. - -He looked sharply at me, and threw a meaning glance at the magistrate, -as if to say, “The devil only knows what this fellow mayn’t be up to! -He’s an old hand, and knows all the tricks of the trade.” - -For a moment they were both silent. I saw that my words had taken -effect, and began to dilate on their folly in treating me as they were -doing. - -“You must allow,” I said, “that all this is scarcely reasonable. The -Government treats with Germany for my extradition, an important official -travels to Baden on that account, you make no end of a fuss before the -eyes of all Europe; and when, after setting all this machinery of the -State to work, you have at last got hold of me, you can’t bring the -accused to justice, because you have driven him to commit suicide! And -all on account of such mere trifles to you as a bed and a few other -necessaries! You must see how out of proportion the whole thing is.” - -“Well, I’ll go and see for myself how they have provided for you,” said -the Public Prosecutor, and went off. - -When he returned he seemed in some excitement: “Well, it’s perfectly -true,” he exclaimed, “they have used you shamefully! I assure you it is -no fault of mine. Three persons have united against you—the colonel of -the gendarmerie, the governor of the town, who controls the police, and -the commandant of the military garrison. Before your transference to -this prison they all three came here, settled all the arrangements, gave -their orders, and sent subordinates from their own departments to keep -guard over you. Unfortunately I cannot overrule these arrangements on my -own responsibility, but I will apply personally to the authorities -concerned; and all I can do in the meantime is privately to advise the -governor of the gaol to consult your wishes as far as possible.” - -Thereupon the governor was called in, and the Public Prosecutor repeated -this to him in my presence. We then concluded a sort of compromise. A -proper bed was brought into my cell for the night, my books were given -to me, and a table and writing-things for the daytime. All these things -had to be taken away again if any officials were coming round who might -report the matter. That I might get a little fresh air the governor -arranged for me to take exercise in an outer courtyard where the other -prisoners could not see me. Upon these conditions I consented not to -prolong my “hunger-strike,” and that evening I partook of some food. It -was only when I began to eat that I realised how fearfully hungry I was. -I could have devoured an ox; but knowing that in such cases care is -advisable, I put a curb on my appetite. During the two following days I -felt very seedy, as though I had had a bad illness, and my attendants -treated me rather like a convalescent; the governor and the -deputy-governor inquired frequently after my health; even the gruff -gendarme made himself agreeable, and went to the kitchen to buy me food -and simple dainties. - -The morning after this I went for exercise, accompanied by my four -guardians. The yard set apart for me was a space between the prison -building and the surrounding wall. The soldiers posted themselves at a -little distance from each other, standing at attention, while I strolled -up and down the space between them, closely attended by the gendarme and -the policeman. It was heavenly weather, the clear, mild autumn of the -South. As my guardians seemed equally to appreciate the spell of freedom -after the narrow, close corridor, our walks lasted longer and longer. I -attempted on these occasions to get into more friendly relations with -the gendarme, who, besides being stiffened by severe discipline, was -naturally of a gloomy, morose turn of mind. When we were walking up and -down, especially if the policeman were temporarily absent, I tried to -engage him in conversation, and asked him questions on indifferent -subjects. This man had been selected from among many others as the most -trusty, zealous, and incorruptible. I must explain that as he had no -substitute during his watch over me (which lasted two or three months), -he was supposed to be never off duty, but to spend his entire time in -the corridor outside my door, to eat there, and to sleep there as well -as he could. To my knowledge he never once changed his clothes! The -policeman, on the other hand, only remained twenty-four hours at a time -on duty, being then relieved by another member of his force; and the two -soldiers were changed every two hours, from the regular military guard -which is attached to every Russian prison. - -As I was saying, I tried to get the gendarme to talk to me during my -exercise, and after a while I found out his weak side, and that even he -had not a heart of stone. He had an enormous family; and it was very -grievous to him that as he had received strict orders not to take his -eyes off me for a second, he could never get away to visit his home. He -at last contrived to move the governor to stand by him, and let him off -for an hour now and then, without his superiors knowing of it. These -secret visits of the gendarme to his wife and children led to a tacit -understanding between him and me, and brought us more together. He could -not help letting out complaints now and then about the severe discipline -that kept him away from his family; and as I listened with much -sympathy, he presently began to talk about the service, and his hard -work. He related to me how he had helped to get hold of Socialists in -various ways. - -“My chief once ordered me,” he said, “to keep an eye privately on one of -the _specialist_ ladies” (unfamiliar words were rather a stumbling-block -to him, and _socialist_ was always _specialist_ in his vocabulary). “Oh, -she was a oner! Clever and cute, and could lead us all by the nose. Vera -Figner[34] was her name. A real beauty she was, and must have been well -brought up, and associated generally with the officers’ families. Well, -I dressed up in private clothes and followed her secretly wherever she -went. If she took a carriage, I got into a droschky and went after her. -If she went into a house, I took down the address, and asked the -_concierge_ who it was the fair lady had visited; so I got to know -pretty well who her friends were. I followed her like this for three -days. Suddenly she disappeared; I couldn’t find her anywhere; she might -have sunk into the ground. I tell you I did feel a fool! They say she -went to Khàrkov, and that in the end she was caught.”[35] - -Footnote 34: - - See portrait, p. 112. - -Footnote 35: - - Vera Figner was arrested in Khàrkov during February, 1883, the - informer Merkúlov having pointed her out in the street to the police. - I shall have more to say about her later (see chap. xiii.). - -This zealous gendarme, who had dogged the footsteps of the “specialists” -with such zest, became in the end quite confidential with me, especially -when I told him I would give him this and that little thing as souvenirs -when my fate was finally decided. From him I learned the details about -the watch that was being kept over me. He confided to me, among other -things, that the governor of the town, the commandant of the garrison, -and the colonel of the gendarmerie had come to look at me during the -first days of my imprisonment here; had spied at me through the peephole -without my being aware of it, and had strictly ordered that I was not to -be told. - -By degrees the days grew shorter, and I did not know how to pass the -time during the long evenings, for I had no light. Often I ran up and -down in my cell for hours together, till I was tired out. Sometimes I -would station myself at the door, and listen to the conversation of my -attendants. The policemen were the most entertaining; they relieved one -another every twenty-four hours, and as it was only a few of the most -trustworthy men in the force who took turns in this watch over me, I -soon got to know them all. It was from them that the gendarme and -I—almost equally prisoners—heard all the news, the gossip of the town, -and so forth. Occasionally one of them would smuggle in a newspaper, -which would then be read aloud in the select little club we formed. I -would stick my hand with the paper in it through the peephole, so as to -get some light, press my face against the opening, and read aloud to the -others. The two soldiers would stand at ease beside the door, listening -eagerly, while a few steps further off the policeman and the gendarme -sat on their bench. If we had no newspaper, nor any special subject for -talk, the policemen would tell tales of witches, demons, or the devil, -to which the honourable members of the “club” listened with perhaps -almost greater interest than to my political readings and disquisitions. - -In this way I learned from time to time what was going on in the world, -despite the attempts of three high functionaries to prevent (as the -governor of the gaol phrased it) even a fly getting into my cell. -Moreover, I managed besides to get news that is not to be found in -Russian journals, namely, accounts of events in revolutionary Russia. A -man filling a rather high official position, a well-wisher to our cause, -helped me to this. I owe much to him; but as I do not know whether he be -still living or not, I dare not give his name, nor particulars of my -relations with him, for fear of harm ensuing to himself. It is our rule -never to speak fully about noble deeds done on behalf of revolutionists -or the revolutionary movement unless the doers are either dead or in -exile. I can only say that through this friend I was able to send -letters to my comrades, and that he kept me informed of all that might -interest me in external events. I learned, among other things, that the -well-known revolutionists then living in exile in Paris—Peter Lavrov, -Lopàtin, and Tihomìrov—had held a council upon the conduct of -Degàiev[36]—then also in Paris—and had come to the conclusion that -though certainly, in assisting to “remove” Soudyèhkin, Degàiev had -rendered a service to the revolutionary cause, yet that he must refrain -unconditionally from any further participation in our movement, and from -associating in any way with revolutionists. I learned also that a young -girl of twenty, Maria Kalyùshnaya,[37] had attempted to shoot Colonel -Katànsky of the gendarmerie in his own house, but had not been -successful. About a fortnight before my removal to Odessa she had been -tried before a court-martial; and as she was not of age, had “only” been -sentenced to twenty years’ penal servitude in Siberia. - -Footnote 36: - - See note, p. 43. - -Footnote 37: - - See later, chapters xvii, xix, xxi, xxvi, etc. - - - - - CHAPTER X - A BRAVE OFFICER—MY MILITARY SERVICE—THE TRIAL—FURTHER EXAMINATIONS - - -On one of the first days of my imprisonment in Odessa I had a small -passage-at-arms. I was pacing my cell, when I suddenly heard voices -raised outside the door. I went and looked through the peephole. It was -the officer of the day on his rounds of inspection, and he seemed to be -questioning one of the soldiers about his duties. I was going to draw -back again, when the words, “Get away from there, you scoundrel!” struck -my ears; and only after a moment did I realise they were addressed to -me. I was extremely surprised, for the officers generally behaved quite -politely to the “politicals.” - -I instantly withdrew from the door without a word, but I resolved to -teach this gentleman a lesson in manners. So that evening, when the -deputy-governor paid his usual visit to my cell, accompanied by the -officer, without appearing to notice the latter I asked if prisoners -were forbidden to look through the peephole. - -“No, of course not,” said the deputy-governor. “How could anyone prevent -you?” - -“Then, will you please tell me if a prisoner should be abused by an -officer for doing so?” - -“Certainly not.” - -I then related what had occurred, and requested the official to give me -particulars in writing next morning as to this officer’s name and -position, so that I should know how to state my complaint about him. - -Next day my gendarme told me this promising young lieutenant had been -round more than once during the night, telling him and the policeman -what they were to say if there were any inquiry. Evidently the young -fellow was in some trepidation, as he had thus humbled himself before -his inferiors. I felt rather sorry for him, and thinking he had a -sufficient warning, I took no further steps in the matter. - -My case, meanwhile, was running its course. About the middle of -September the examining magistrate read me the document that was the -outcome of his labours. According to paragraph so-and-so of the -statute-book, it set forth, he must hand me over to the Prosecutor of -the Military Court. I at once entered a protest, calling attention to -the extradition treaty, which enjoined my being tried by the ordinary -civil law, not by any special tribunal. Whereupon the magistrate showed -me a paper, in which the Minister of Justice informed him that after the -conclusion of the examination he must act according to such and such a -paragraph, which enacted that crimes committed by any person belonging -to the army must be dealt with by a court-martial. - -“When the crime of which you are accused was committed,” said the -magistrate, “you were serving in the army.” - -This makes another retrospective digression necessary, that I may tell -the reader something about my youth and my brief military career. - - * * * * * - -Led by the spirit of the times and my own convictions, I had donned -peasant’s dress and gone “among the people,” to return home in the -autumn of 1875 disenchanted and discouraged after my propagandist -efforts. Like many youths of those days, I was filled with impetuous -longings. I wanted to use my young strength, and yearned after great -deeds; but what I should begin upon I hardly knew. - -When I returned from my campaign I found very few of my old companions -in Kiëv. Some were in prison, others were scattered to the four winds. -It was just at this time that insurrections had broken out in Bosnia and -Herzegovina. Numbers of young men, among whom were many Socialists, had -joined the volunteer corps, and I found a very warlike spirit abroad. -The fight for freedom on the heights of the Balkans was the topic of the -day. A youth of twenty was naturally carried away by this tide; and I -was preparing to go off to the war and fight in the struggle to release -an oppressed people from the Turkish yoke, but I was too late, the waves -were retreating. Volunteers wrote from the scene of action letters that -were only disheartening. The situation was of such a nature that young -people—for the most part not inured to the hardships of guerrilla -warfare—were not only useless, but an encumbrance to the fighters; and -our friends advised that no more such should be sent out. So I had to -give up my project. - -However, I had got the war fever, and was altogether at a loose end; so -I resolved to serve my time in the Russian Army as a volunteer, although -it was a year sooner than was necessary. Doubtless I was moved to this -partly by the consideration that as a soldier I should have -opportunities of continuing my propagandist work, and also by the -thought that military training might be of use to me hereafter. - -According to the then existing regulations I had only six months to -serve as a volunteer of the second class. Thus it came about that in the -end of October, 1875, I became a private soldier in the 130th regiment -of infantry at Kiëv. But it also happened that only four months later I -had to leave the service, as I will now explain. One of my friends, a -student named Semen Luryè, implicated in the “Case of the 193,”[38] was -at this time imprisoned at Kiëv. The all-powerful adjutant of -gendarmerie, Baron Gèhkin, had borrowed large sums of money from the -parents of Luryè, and thanks to this circumstance the prisoner was -allowed opportunities for escaping. I rendered him some assistance in -his flight, and suspicion falling upon me, my dwelling was searched by -the gendarmes. My arrest seemed imminent; and being a soldier, I should -have been brought before a court-martial, which in those days of heavy -sentences would have sealed my fate, so I went into hiding until the -intentions of the gendarmerie should become clear. In a few days it was -evident that Baron Gèhkin (who might come in for a good deal of blame, -as he had allowed the fugitive many favours) would be sure to hush the -thing up, so far as possible. It therefore seemed my simplest plan to -report myself again on duty, when I should be punished for five days’ -absence without leave, but at worst not very severely. Things, however, -turned out differently. My regiment belonged to the 33rd division, at -the head of which was Vannòvsky, later Minister of War, and subsequently -of Education. He hated the volunteers; and I, who by no means took -kindly to subordination and discipline, was not in his good books. As -ill-luck would have it, just at the time of my absence the General had -ordered up my battalion of volunteers; so when I now reported myself I -was taken straight to him, and he sent me off at once to headquarters -for trial. I was accused of desertion; and over and above that I had -brought upon myself a charge of insulting an officer on duty, because I -had objected to being called “thou” and roughly handled by the officer -on guard. The affair looked rather bad for me, and flight seemed the -only remedy. I succeeded in making good my escape with the help of two -of my comrades, who brought me civilian’s clothes into the bath-house. I -dressed myself in them, and passed the sentry at the door unrecognised. -This was in February, 1876, from which time until the autumn of 1877 I -was free, but an “illegal,” as I have already said. In the autumn of -1877 I was again arrested, as related in chapter i., and in the -following spring I once more escaped. - -Footnote 38: - - One of the monster trials of revolutionists undertaken by the Russian - Government at that period. More than 1,000 persons were implicated in - it.—_Trans._ - - * * * * * - -To return to my present narrative. I made two protests against the -magistrate’s decision to send me before a court-martial: one directed to -the president of the Military Court in Odessa, and one to Nabòkov, the -Minister of Justice. I called Bogdanòvitch to witness that the -Government of Baden had only surrendered me on condition that I should -be brought before an ordinary court, and tried by civil, not martial -law. If a military court were to try me for desertion and insulting an -officer, that would be against the conditions of the treaty, which laid -down that I should only be answerable on the Gorinòvitch count. - -As was to be foreseen, my petitions were set aside without further -parley; and soon after, my indictment, signed by the Public Prosecutor -of the Courts-martial, was put before me. This indictment left me in no -doubt as to what kind of trial I was to have. Certainly the facts -relating to the assault on Gorinòvitch were given; but nothing whatever -was said as to the motives, nor as to the circumstances that led to it. -Of course, the prosecutor had not failed to make use of the most -stringent articles in the Russian Criminal Code. The heaviest punishment -authorised therein (for parricide and such-like crimes) is penal -servitude for life, and it was the very article dealing with that -sentence which was cited in my case. According to the law this penalty -is capable of various degrees of mitigation under certain extenuating -circumstances: _e.g._ it may be reduced to twenty years’ penal servitude -when the victim of the assault survives, even though against the -intention of his assailant; and further, the term of years is to be -shortened by a third if the perpetrator be under age at the date of the -crime. In accordance with this, the Public Prosecutor asked for thirteen -years and four months as my sentence, that being the maximum penalty to -which I could be liable under the terms of the extradition treaty. Even -then, the proclamation made at the time of Alexander III.’s accession -might come into consideration; by it judges were authorised to remit the -punishments for any crime committed before the date of the proclamation. -In my case there was no hope of this permission being used; and I looked -upon this whole travesty of justice as a formality which had to be gone -through, but otherwise of no significance. I therefore declined the -assistance of the advocate assigned to me (some candidate for a military -post), and prepared to endure the unpleasant ordeal as best I could. - -The day of the trial came. A great van with barred windows rumbled into -the prison yard. I was put into it, a sergeant of police took his seat -beside me, and the door was fastened outside with a mighty padlock. The -gendarme who had been so long my companion in captivity mounted the box; -a company of infantry escorted us, and the cortège was finally -surrounded by Cossacks on horseback. The Chief of Police led the van, -and a commissary of police formed the rearguard. It might have been -supposed that at least a dozen robber chiefs, each with his horde of -banditti, were being transported through the town. As we passed along -the streets this unusual procession aroused the attention of the public, -and I saw people crowding to the windows. Meanwhile I chatted quietly -with the police-sergeant. It seemed that he had been on duty in Kiëv -twenty years before, and knew my family. - -“Who would have thought that little Deutsch I often used to see would -ever come to this!” said he, and began following up old recollections, -talking of my father and our house. My thoughts flew back over the -years, and scenes of my childhood rose before me. - -The court was filled with a carefully selected “public,” consisting of -officers and their womenfolk, people connected with the law, and other -representatives of the official world. The examination of the witnesses -produced nothing of any interest. Most of those originally called were -either dead or had disappeared, and those few who did attend made -inconclusive statements, their memories being vague after the lapse of -eight years—some, indeed, refused to answer on that account. The -principal witness, Gorinòvitch himself, for some reason did not appear, -but his deposition was read. I on my side took little part in the -proceedings, and had renounced my right to call witnesses for the -defence. But I was moved and excited; the large audience, mostly -hostile, that gazed on me worked on my feelings. I sought for a familiar -face, but saw nobody I knew except the Public Prosecutor of the Civil -Courts, who had conducted my examination in prison. - -After the hearing of witnesses the Military Prosecutor took up his -parable. His speech was a verbal reiteration of the formal indictment -which I had already seen. All my interest was to hear what motives he -would assign. As he could impute to me neither “selfish ends” nor -“personal hatred,” he gave “revenge” as the reason of the assault; but -of course he had to abstain carefully from suggesting any motive for -this “revenge,” as he dared not mention the word “political.” The order -to keep dark at all costs the political character of the case led to -perfectly irreconcilable accounts of what happened. The Public -Prosecutor informed the court that I had been arrested in 1877, and had -made such and such admissions in the course of examination, but that I -had subsequently “withdrawn” from justice. He dared not say that I had -escaped from prison at Kiëv; and it was still funnier when he had to -explain that I had “withdrawn” from my military service. - -I began my defence by the declaration that I had no desire to plead for -any mitigation of sentence, as was proved by my not denying that I had -fully intended to kill Gorinòvitch, though there was no proof of this -save my own avowal.[39] I was ready to face the consequences, and my -only wish was that the story should be truthfully told, that things -might appear in their true light. With that in view I would put clearly -before the court the reasons why my comrades and I had come to the -resolution of putting Gorinòvitch to death. Scarcely, however, had I -uttered the words, “We had formed a ‘circle’ in Elisavetgrad,” than the -presiding general, Grodèkov, interrupted me with the observation that -under the conditions of the trial I must refrain from any allusion to -political offences. - -Footnote 39: - - Grave bodily injury without intent to kill was only punishable with - four or five years’ hard labour, to be diminished by one-third in the - case of minors. - -Of course, under such terms a true exposition of the real character of -the affair could not possibly be made, the events could not even be -narrated with any coherence. For instance, when I began again, “While -Gorinòvitch was in prison in Kiëv,” the president stopped me instantly, -and said that was out of order; and though I then carefully avoided -mentioning names of persons or places, or any political occurrence, I -was continually interrupted by the president, and threatened with being -silenced altogether or removed from court. I really did not see how to -put things so as to make out the simplest statement; and I soon -concluded this so-called speech of defence, in which I was not allowed -to defend myself, and scarcely to speak. Even then the Military -Prosecutor carried the comedy so far as to wax indignant over my -“contradictory statements.” I answered him briefly, and declined to make -any concluding remarks. - -The deliberation of the court was very short, and the sentence was of -course in accordance with the Public Prosecutor’s demand—thirteen years -and four months’ penal servitude. - -I was then escorted back to prison; and although I had always expected -this sentence, I felt in a certain sense relieved as if a weight had -fallen from my shoulders. Everything was now settled once for all. -Uncertainty, as I have said, is a prisoner’s hardest trial; and I had -only now to wonder whither I should be sent. As I had been tried as an -ordinary criminal, I might be despatched to Kara, in Siberia, where were -old friends and acquaintances of mine, and where the prison life was -comparatively bearable. Or they could send me to the island of -Saghalien, where—as all Russia knows—the conditions are horrible. But -what frightened me most of all was the thought that the Government (who -by having to stick more or less to the extradition treaty had been -prevented from sentencing me to such a severe punishment as they would -have liked) might still find some excuse for aggravating my penalty, and -send me to be buried alive in the Schlüsselburg fortress. The building -of that prison had just been finished, and everyone was saying that as -it was intended for the most dangerous of the “politicals,” a -murderously cruel régime was to be enforced there. - -A week after the trial the president of the court-martial came to inform -me officially of the sentence. I was taken into the office, where -General Grodèkov had entrenched himself behind a wide table, so that he -was well separated from me; but even so he commanded the sentries to -stand between us with fixed bayonets, and seemed terribly apprehensive -of what I might do to him. I was much amused, and my guards were very -contemptuous, as I gathered from their subsequent comments while I was -being taken back to my cell. Indeed, I have never seen any civilian take -so many precautions when speaking with a convict as this seasoned -warrior thought necessary. - -Although the proceedings against me were concluded, I still had to -undergo further examinations, but in the character of a witness. First -there appeared one day a captain of gendarmerie, accompanied by the -Public Prosecutor. He addressed the following question to me:— - -“A letter was found in your cell at Freiburg; it contained an address. -You were to arrange for the despatch of books from this address. Can you -tell me what the books were, and who was the writer of the letter? And -remember,” he continued, “that through our possession of this address a -number of persons in Vilna have been arrested. If you will tell us who -was the actual writer, the others will be set at liberty.” - -I knew this trick well enough, and replied calmly— - -“You seem to think it not dishonourable to reveal the names of one’s -correspondents. I cannot agree with you.” - -The young man looked embarrassed, and hastily brought our interview to -an end. - -It was true that the authorities in Baden had consented to give up all -my papers to the Russian Government; an excess of zeal they might well -have spared, for in consequence many absolutely innocent people were -molested by the secret police. I myself was to blame, having -unfortunately omitted to destroy this address when I was sorting my -papers with Professor Thun. - -Another time I was called up by an examining magistrate, who showed me a -letter from the Ministry of Justice, instructing him to examine me -concerning some events connected with the murder of General Mezentzev. -He read me the deposition of a certain Goldenberg; according to which I -had met Goldenberg one day in the horse-market of Kharkov, and had -mentioned to him that it was S. Kravtchìnsky[40] who had stabbed the -chief of gendarmerie. - -Footnote 40: - - Well known to English readers by his assumed name of Stepniak. See - later, chap. xxv.—_Trans._ - -I did indeed recollect walking in the horse-market with Goldenberg, and -that he had told me how he himself had in that very place killed the -governor of Kharkov, Prince Kropotkin. Whether I had said anything about -the part played by Kravtchìnsky in the assault on Mezentzev I could not -remember. The thought shot through my mind that Kravtchìnsky had perhaps -been captured abroad like myself, and that the Russian Government were -wanting to get him extradited too. The statement of Goldenberg, which -only repeated the words of another, was not sufficient evidence for -that, and they desired my testimony in addition. I therefore did not -refuse to speak on this occasion, but made a statement tending to -counteract that of Goldenberg. I told them I had certainly talked to -Goldenberg about the assassination; but that I had merely mentioned -rumours which ascribed the deed sometimes to me, sometimes to -Kravtchìnsky. Fortunately my alarm was unnecessary: Kravtchìnsky was -already in London and out of danger. - - - - - CHAPTER XI -THE VISIT OF THE MINISTER—I AM TURNED INTO A CONVICT—THE PRISON AT KIËV - - -Shortly after my trial a feverish anxiety set in at the Odessa prison: -the Minister of Justice was expected. Of course, everything except the -straw and the tub was taken out of my cell; and one day the great man -appeared, attended by an imposing suite—the governor of the town among -the rest. As soon as Nabòkov saw me he greeted me by name, which seemed -to excite the governor’s interest in no small degree. - -“Your Excellency is pleased to recognise Deutsch?” - -“Oh yes; we have met in Petersburg,” answered Nabòkov in an agreeable -tone, as if recalling a meeting in some elegant drawing-room instead of -in a prison. He then turned to me, to tell me that he had received my -petition, and had “reported to His Majesty”; but the Tsar had pronounced -that as a former member of the army I must go before a court-martial, -and therefore that had been the only course. The manner in which I was -lodged seemed to strike the minister unpleasantly, for he looked round -my cell, and asked if I were properly treated and had no complaints to -make. I now learned that my transference to Moscow was decided on; that -I was to winter there, and remain until the journey to Siberia was -possible. - -The way in which the minister had spoken to me seemed to have made a -powerful impression on the prison authorities; for scarcely had “His -Excellency” left the place than the governor hastened to my cell, and -took me to one much more comfortable, where were a good bed, a table, -and a chair. - -“A report has been made to His Majesty himself about you!” I was -therefore a person of consequence, and the governor’s official soul was -troubled. I was offered books from a lending library, and was henceforth -treated with marked civility. Of course, I knew that this alteration -really proceeded from orders given by the three functionaries spoken of -in a previous chapter, who had been the cause of my former -ill-treatment. This is a striking example of the arbitrary way in which -prisoners are used. - -I had not much longer to enjoy these marks of favour. A fortnight later -I was informed that a party of convicts would start for Moscow that -evening. I was to accompany them, and accordingly must assume the -convict garb. After eighteen years I think of that day with a shudder. - -First of all, I was taken into a room where was stored everything -necessary to the equipment of a convict under sentence. On the floor lay -piles of chains; and clothes, boots, etc., were heaped on shelves. From -among them some were selected that were supposed to fit me; and I was -then conducted to a second room. Here the right side of my head was -shaved, and the hair on the left side cut short. I had seen people in -the prison who had been treated in this fashion, and the sight had -always made a painful impression on me, as indeed it does on everyone. -But when I saw my own face in the glass a cold shudder ran down my -spine, and I experienced a sensation of personal degradation to -something less than human. I thought of the days—in Russia not so long -ago—when criminals were branded with hot irons. - -A convict was waiting ready to fasten on my fetters. I was placed on a -stool, and had to put my foot on an anvil. The blacksmith fitted an iron -ring round each ankle, and welded it together. Every stroke of the -hammer made my heart sink, as I realised that a new existence was -beginning for me. - -The mental depression into which I now fell was soon accompanied by -physical discomfort. The fetters at first caused me intolerable pain in -walking, and even disturbed my sleep. It also requires considerable -practice before one can easily manage to dress and undress. The heavy -chains—about 13 lbs. in weight—are not only an encumbrance, but are very -painful, as they chafe the skin round the ankles; and the leather lining -is but little protection to those unaccustomed to these adornments. -Another great torment is the continual clinking of the chains. It is -indescribably irritating to the nervous, and reminds the prisoner at -every turn that he is a pariah among his kind, “deprived of all rights.” - -The transformation is completed by the peculiar convict dress, -consisting—besides the coarse linen underclothing—of a grey gown made of -special material, and a pair of trousers. Prisoners condemned to hard -labour wear a square piece of yellow cloth sewn on their gowns. The feet -are clad in leathern slippers nicknamed “cats.” All these articles of -clothing are inconvenient, heavy, and ill-fitting. - -I hardly knew myself when I looked in the glass and beheld a fully -attired convict. The thought possessed me—“For long years you will have -to go about in that hideous disguise.” Even the gendarme regarded me -with compassion. - -“What won’t they do to a man?” he said. And I could only try to comfort -myself by thinking how many unpleasant things one gets used to, and that -time might perhaps accustom one even to this. - -My own clothes I gave away to the warders, and any possessions of -value—watch, ring, cigarette-case—I sent by post to relations. I kept -only my books. I had been given a bag in which to keep a change of -linen; and into it I also put a few volumes of Shakespeare, Goethe, -Heine, Molière, and Rousseau, thus completing my preparations for -travelling. - -[Illustration: - - PRISONERS MARCHING THROUGH THE STREETS OF ODESSA - To face page 96 -] - -Evening came. The officer in command of the convoy appeared in the -prison courtyard with his men and took the party in charge. I was -conducted to the office. A _statyehny spìsok_[41] is prepared for each -individual convict, in which his name and place of exile are entered, -and also a list of the exciseable things he takes with him. In the -_statyehny spìsok_ of each political prisoner his photograph is pasted, -and in mine there were two. - -Footnote 41: - - Literally “a list of particulars.”—_Trans._ - -The officer carefully went through all these _dossiers_. We were then -arranged in processional order. The soldiers surrounded us; the officer -lifted his cap and crossed himself. - -“A pleasant journey! Good-bye!” called out the prison officials. - -“Thanks. Good-bye!” cried the officer. He then gave the signal to start, -and off we marched at a slow pace to the station. - -On account of the conditions attached by the Grand Duke of Baden to my -extradition, I had till now been treated sometimes as an ordinary -criminal, sometimes as a “political”; but from the moment I joined this -convoy I was treated frankly as a “political.”[42] This being so, I was -not placed among the ordinary criminals when we reached the train, but -was put in the compartment reserved for the escort. Here there was a -fair amount of room, and one could be pretty comfortable, while the -others were packed like herrings in a barrel; but, on the other hand, -the society of the soldiers was not very enlivening, as they dared not -exchange a word with me in presence of the officer. - -Footnote 42: - - The Russian Government has a twofold reason for making this careful - distinction between ordinary and political prisoners after conviction. - Firstly, in order that the supervision of the latter shall be - stricter, and that they may be prevented from influencing the ordinary - prisoners; and secondly, because the “politicals” were originally only - recruited from the upper and privileged classes, and the tradition - remains. - -After four-and-twenty hours we arrived at Kiëv, where we were to have a -day’s rest. We got out of the train, were formed up in procession, -encircled by the soldiers, and marched by a roundabout way through the -suburbs to the prison. - -A strange emotion possessed me, when, after years of wandering both in -Russia and abroad, I once again passed through the streets of my native -town. I had not been here since I had fled from prison in 1878, six -years before; and now I returned in chains, with the ominous yellow -diamond on my back, a convict doomed to years of exile. - -“Get on, get on! Mind what you’re about!” I heard a rough voice say, and -felt a poke in my back from the butt-end of a rifle. - -“This is the beginning,” I thought, and pictured all the humiliation and -suffering that lay before me. However, the officer had remarked the -incident, and coming up, reprimanded the soldier who had hustled me. - -When we came to the prison gate the convicts were told off one by one -like sheep, and let through the door in turn. I was taken straight to -the office. Here everything was altered, and everywhere faces were -strange to me. Fat old Captain Kovàlsky was gone, and the rest of the -staff had been changed too. - -“It was from this prison you escaped?” asked a haughty-looking man in -uniform, the new governor, Simàshko. I assented. - -“Ah, you managed that very cunningly!” said he, laughing. - -In reality the thing had been very simple. One of my comrades, named -Frolènko, had provided himself with a false passport, and had got -employment in the prison; one night he took Stefanòvitch, Bohanòvsky and -me away disguised as warders.[43] - -Footnote 43: - - The story of this escape has been told by Professor Thun, in his - history of the Russian revolutionary movement (_Geschichte der - revolutionären Bewegung in Russland_), and also by Stepniak - (_Underground Russia: Two Escapes_), who had it from Bohanòvsky; but - the readers of the present volume may like to have it repeated with - more detail than our author has thought fit to give. - - When Stefanòvitch, Deutsch, and Bohanòvsky were imprisoned at Kiëv, - Frolènko contrived to obtain work in the prison as a sort of odd man - under the name of Michael. He gradually rose to be warder, first in - the criminal and then in the “political” department, where, in spite - of a feigned protest made by his three friends (who did not wish to - appear on good terms with him), he was appointed to their corridor. - They lost no time in fixing a night for their escape together; and - having obtained two suits of private clothes and a warder’s dress for - the prisoners to put on, he let them out of their cells at midnight. - As they were creeping along the dark passages one of them stumbled - against something, at which he grasped to save himself from falling. - Instantly a deafening noise woke the echoes, he had clutched the rope - of the alarm bell! “Michael” hastened off to explain to the staff that - he had accidentally caught at the rope, and luckily this sufficed to - satisfy everyone. As soon as all was quiet again he collected his - companions from the corners where they had hidden, and all proceeded - safely to the entrance, where the key was handed to “Michael” without - a question. They stepped out of the prison almost into the arms of an - officer; but he proved to be their comrade Ossìnsky, who had been - organising the affair, and who now conducted them to the river, where - a boat with provisions was ready for them. They travelled up the - Dnieper for a week, concealing themselves in the long rushes of the - bank if a steamer came in sight; and they finally reached Kremutshy, - where Ossìnsky furnished them with passports and money. “Michael” was - for long supposed by the Kiëv prison officials to have been made away - with by the escaping prisoners.—_Trans._ - -After the usual formalities I was led away to my cell, and as I passed -along the corridors I noticed that structural alterations had been made -everywhere. The cell in which I was installed was unusually large, and -was almost filled up by the wooden bedshelves; apparently it was -generally used for a large number of prisoners temporarily confined -there, and had now been assigned for my sole occupation, so that I might -not be left among the other convicts. - -The prison of Kiëv has an interesting history in connexion with the -“politicals.” Many episodes—not always entirely tragic—in the -revolutionary movement have taken place there; indeed, in that respect -scarcely any other Russian prison except the Fortress of Peter and Paul -can equal it. Above all, it has been the scene of frequent escapes. -Besides us Tchigirìners, in the same year the student Isbìtsky and an -Englishman named Beverley attempted an escape. They had scooped out a -tunnel under the wall, and were actually already free, when a sentinel -espied them and fired. The Englishman fell dead, and Isbìtsky was -caught. Four years later another student, named Basil Ivànov, escaped -with the help of the officer in command of the guard, a certain Tìhonov, -a member of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_. Shortly before my arrival, Vladìmir -Bìtshkov also disappeared from Kiëv prison in a very mysterious way, and -so far as I know a certain much-esteemed authority has to this day not -solved the riddle of that, and is probably still racking his brains over -it. Finally, in August, 1902, eleven “very important” prisoners escaped -from Kiëv, nine of them having been arrested early in the year, and two -the year before. These prisoners were allowed to take exercise every -evening in the prison courtyard, in presence of only one warder. They -and their friends knew that one of the surrounding outer walls, beyond -which were fields, was unguarded on the outside. They were provided -secretly with an iron anchor weighing twenty pounds, and with an -improvised ladder made of strips of sheets. At a given moment some of -the prisoners muffled and gagged the guard, and tied him up before he -could give the alarm. In the meantime others formed themselves into a -living pyramid, and thus managed to fix their anchor to the top of the -prison wall, so that they could fasten to it their ladder for ascending -and a rope for descending on the other side. That after they were -actually free they could manage to hide in the town, and afterwards all -get away safely, was due to the sympathy of the general public, many -members of which not only helped the fugitives by deed, but also -subscribed together a considerable sum to assist the escape. It is -noteworthy that from first to last in this affair no one was killed or -hurt, nor a drop of blood shed. - -But these prison walls have also witnessed sadder scenes. Many -revolutionists have passed their last hours within them, waiting to be -led to the scaffold. Still greater is the number of those who have left -this place to tread the path to exile and the Siberian prisons. Only the -Fortress of Peter and Paul, the gaol at Odessa, and perhaps the Warsaw -citadel, can for memories like these compare with the prison of Kiëv. -Here too, more than anywhere else, have conflicts taken place between -the imprisoned revolutionists and the authorities. The tradition as to -these occurrences remains unbroken; every “political” cherishes the -memory of the “old times”—_i.e._ the exceptionally stormy years 1877-9. -The young generation speaks of them as the “heroic ages”; and not only -the prison staff, but even the ordinary criminals (who are employed here -in the domestic labour of the place), relate stories of them. The -authorities have never succeeded in uprooting the independent spirit -that flourishes within these precincts, and the door had hardly closed -behind me when I had a proof of it. - -“The ‘politicals’ beg that you will be so kind as to write down your -name, in what case you are implicated, and where you were sentenced,” I -heard a voice at the door say. I stepped nearer, and saw it proceeded -from one of the ordinary criminals, who was speaking through the -peephole. When I answered that I had nothing on which to write, he -instantly produced a pencil and a bit of paper, and poked them through -to me. - -I stated shortly who I was, and begged my comrades to let me know in -return who and how many they were, and concerned in what cases. The same -man came back almost immediately with a reply, which ended with the -words: “You will soon hear particulars verbally from our ladies.” - -And sure enough I soon heard a woman’s voice bidding me climb up to the -window. I did so; but as I then found that there was no way of opening -it, I wasted no time, simply proceeding to smash two panes of the double -windows. Outside stood two ladies, wives of political prisoners, by name -Paraskovya Shebalina[44] and Vitolda Rechnyèvskaia. They were taking -exercise in the courtyard of the women’s quarters, and my window being -close to the wall separating the two yards, we could easily communicate. -I thus heard full details about the imprisoned “politicals,” who were -not few in number, as a trial had just taken place in the Kiëv courts, -at which twelve persons had been sentenced: four of them, including -Shebalìn, to penal servitude, and his wife to exile, on the sole ground -that in their house type had been discovered with which a pamphlet was -to be secretly printed. We were, however, suddenly interrupted in our -talk by the appearance of the assistant governor. - -Footnote 44: - - Surnames in Russian take the feminine termination when used for a - woman. It will be noticed below that the husbands of these two ladies - are called Shebalìn and Rechnyèvsky.—_Trans._ - -“What’s all this? You’ve broken the window?” - -“Yes,” said I; “why haven’t you proper fastenings, so that they could be -opened?” - -“Well, you will suffer for it; you will be frozen with cold to-night.” -And in fact there was a sharp November frost. He then turned to the two -ladies, and bade them go away, as it was entirely against rules to wait -about at the door. Here, however, he met his match; for the two turned -on him, requesting him to be off himself, and not disturb us. Paraskovya -Shebalina especially was most energetic in her treatment of him. She was -a lively and charming young lady, whom the atmosphere of a prison had -rendered so nervously excitable that the mere sight of an official would -send her into a passion, which led to endless contests. - -Vitolda Rechnyèvskaia shared the captivity of her husband. They were a -very young couple, married only a few days before their arrest. Thaddeus -Rechnyèvsky[45] was twenty-one years of age; he had just left the school -of jurisprudence in Petersburg University when he was arrested, and was -now (1884) under examination as to his association with the Polish -Socialist “proletarian” party, whose members were prosecuted at Warsaw -in 1885. - -Footnote 45: - - See portraits, pp. 259 and 260. - -Besides the above mentioned, who were either condemned to banishment or -still under examination, there were in the prison a number of people who -were to be exiled by “administrative methods.” There had been riots in -Kiëv University shortly before this, in consequence of which the -University was closed, and many of the students were imprisoned. - -New facts and impressions crowded upon me, and it was late before I lay -down. I threw over the plank-bed the sheepskin that had been given me, -and covered myself with my great-coat. The night was frightfully cold, -and the wind whistled through the broken window. I put my bag under my -head, but the French and German classics it contained did not make a -very comfortable pillow, and it was long ere I slept. Suddenly I was -awakened by a terrific hullabaloo. I ran to the door, and called to the -warder to know what was happening. After some time he turned up, and I -learned that the criminals in the next room had been having a tussle; -one of them had hidden away a few roubles, and the others having seen -it, had tried to murder and rob him. He had succeeded in keeping them at -bay and calling for help. - -“That’s the way that lot always go on!” remarked the warder composedly, -and returned to his post and his nap. There were no further consequences -of the scrimmage; with an “I’ll teach you!” the warder had separated the -combatants, and the thing was at an end. He never even reported the -occurrence, it was such an everyday event. - -Next morning the governor came hurrying to me, and said that the colonel -of gendarmerie was coming to visit me. This was Novìtsky; I did not know -him personally, but many amusing stories were told about him in our -circles. He arrived, accompanied by his adjutant, put the usual -question—“Have you any complaint to make?”—and then began to chat. It -was pure curiosity that had brought him. I remember he wanted to know -if, when abroad, I had come across Debagòrio-Makriyèvitch, who had been -imprisoned at Kiëv in 1879 and condemned to penal servitude; but on his -way to Siberia had “swopped” with one of the ordinary criminals, and so -escaped. When I said I had seen him in Switzerland, Novìtsky overwhelmed -me with questions: “Now tell me, how is Vladimir Kàrpovitch? What is he -doing over there?” One would have thought Makriyèvitch was at least one -of his relations; he spoke of him familiarly by his Christian name and -his father’s name.[46] Like Colonel Ivànov in Petersburg, who had known -my old companions, he too went off into praises of them; though all the -while he was doing what he could to bring two of Makriyèvitch’s comrades -to the scaffold.[47] They are easy-going people, these ornaments of -officialdom! - -Footnote 46: - - It should be remembered that in private intercourse Russians do not - use their family names, but the Christian name combined with the - Christian name of the father, _e.g._ Vladimir Kàrpovitch—Vladimir, son - of Kàrpo, the same man’s family name being Debagòrio-Makriyèvitch. - -Footnote 47: - - Antònov and Brantner, besides Ossìnsky and some of the others whose - names I have mentioned above. - - - - - CHAPTER XII - NEW ACQUAINTANCES—THE GIRL—CONSPIRATORS OF ROMNY—ARRIVAL IN - MOSCOW—COMPANIONS IN DESTINY—A LIBERAL-MINDED GOVERNOR - - -Next morning I was taken to the office, where arrangements were being -made for the continuation of our journey. When formalities were over the -governor said to me that I had better go into the next room: “You will -find company there—comrades of yours who are to travel to Moscow with -you.” - -In my conversation with the two ladies they had told me that two exiles, -banished by “administrative methods,” Vladimir Malyòvany and Anna -Ptshèlkina, were to travel with me; and I was very glad to make -acquaintance with my future companions. I had known Malyòvany by name -for some time past. He had once been secretary to the Town Council of -Odessa, had been exiled to Siberia by “administrative methods” in the -end of the seventies, after some years had made his escape, and was now -being sent back to Siberia again for five years.[48] - -Footnote 48: - - This sentence was renewed later, and in 1892 he died in hospital at - Tomsk. - -When I entered the room I found there two well-dressed young ladies, a -middle-aged gentleman with a black beard, and an officer in full -uniform. One of the ladies stood close by the door, and I held out my -hand to greet her; but she drew back and stared at me, looking surprised -and rather alarmed. Evidently she took me for some bold criminal! -Smiling, I gave my name; and the girl instantly grasped my hand, and -shook it warmly with many apologies. She was Anna Ptshèlkina’s sister, -come to say farewell to the exile. “I really am afraid of you!” she -said, with a friendly glance, smiling rather shamefacedly. - -The black-bearded man was Malyòvany. The other lady, with a -delicate-looking but sympathetic and expressive face, was Anna -Ptshèlkina, who was being sent to Western Siberia for three years. The -officer was Captain Vòlkov, commanding our convoy. We exiles were -naturally friends directly, and at once engaged in eager conversation. -With my shaven head, clattering fetters, and convict’s dress, I -contrasted oddly with the others, who looked civilised and respectable. -In the faces of the two sisters, especially in that of the younger, I -plainly read the most romantic interest in my fate. Probably she now for -the first time beheld a Socialist, stamped outwardly as a criminal and -deprived of all civil rights, going forth to a gloomy future. She begged -me, if there were any special thing I would like to have, to write it -down; and handed me a pencil and paper that she might keep my note as a -reminder. I wrote down the titles of some mathematical text-books, and -she promised to send them; but she either forgot all about it, or lost -my elegant autograph—at all events, the books never arrived. - -Malyòvany and Anna Ptshèlkina were then taken in a carriage to the -station, while I—though also invited to drive—preferred to go on foot. -So I marched with the rest of the party, rattling my chains, along the -streets of my native town. When, and under what circumstances, should I -see it again? - -We were taken straight to the railway carriage engaged for us by the -organisers of the convoy, while a compartment was reserved for the -officer. We settled ourselves comfortably, and the train started. I now -asked my companions the reason of their banishment, and learned from -them that—as in many other instances described to me by people who had -similarly been exiled to Siberia by “administrative methods”—they had -simply been accused by the police of being _neblàgonadyèshny_, _i.e._ -untrustworthy. This word has become classical in Russian police affairs, -and has a conveniently vague signification. Literally it means “of whom -nothing good can be expected.” A young man or a girl associates with -So-and-so, reads such and such books; this is enough to awaken suspicion -that the said young man or girl is “untrustworthy.” The police or the -gendarmerie pay a domiciliary visit, find a suspicious letter or a -prohibited book, and then the course of events is certain: arrest, -imprisonment, Siberia. It may be scarcely credible that people languish -for years in prison, without any pretence of legal procedure against -them, simply by decree of an officer of gendarmerie; and that at the -good pleasure of these officers—most of them fabulously ignorant -men—people are banished to the wilds of Siberia. Even those familiar -with Russian affairs are often shocked and staggered by some fresh case -of this kind. - -As we were nearing a large station the officer informed us that we -should be joined here by some more political exiles; and when the train -came to a standstill, two quite young girls—at the most eighteen to -twenty years of age—and two youths were brought into our carriage. We -three who came from Kiëv were by no means aged; but we might almost have -been called old folks by these children. We received the new-comers -cordially, and of course begged for their story, which was as follows. - -In the district of Poltava the chief town is a small place called Romny, -and in this little town there is a girls’ school. Two or three of the -scholars hit upon the idea of lending one another books, and making -notes on them—not books that were in any way forbidden, but that were -accessible to all. Soon a few young men joined them; and thus a small -reading society was formed, such as might help to pass away the long -winter evenings in the dull little provincial town. As these young -people had no idea that they were committing any offence, they naturally -never dreamt of keeping their proceedings secret. But the eye of the law -is sleepless! The officer commanding the gendarmerie in that place saw -and triumphed. For years he had been vegetating in this obscure corner -of the empire, and had never unearthed the least little conspiracy, nor -brought to light a secret society; now was his chance. He could at last -make manifest his burning zeal, his devotion to his country and his -Tsar; and recognition by his superiors, perhaps an order or promotion, -shone before him. One night the gendarmerie paid domiciliary visits to -the dwellings of the young ladies of the school. Certainly nothing -suspicious was found, but the frightened girls “confessed” that they had -“held meetings,” and that they read books in a “society.” This was -enough for the brave sergeant; here were grounds for the State to take -action against the “secret society of Romny.” The girls and their -friends were arrested and imprisoned; a report was sent to Petersburg -about the discovery of a secret society, in which such and such persons -had taken part, and discussed “social questions” together; the officer -was of opinion that these evildoers should be sent to Siberia;—and the -thing was done. - -When these boys and girls told me their simple tale and explained the -nature of their “crimes,” unflattering as was my opinion of legal -proceedings in Russia, I could hardly believe that there was nothing -more behind this. Only when I became more closely acquainted with these -“conspirators of Romny” and other “criminals” of their class, was I -convinced that no suggestion of fancy is too slight and unsubstantial to -be formulated as a ground for prosecution and banishment of the most -harmless people by the gendarmerie, the secret police, and the other -guardians of public safety in Russia. - -After having been imprisoned for a considerable time, these young people -were now being exiled to Siberia for three years; but as travelling on -the Siberian rivers can only begin in the month of May, they were to -pass the winter with us in the Moscow Central Prison for exiles; in -other words, they must remain for another six or eight months under lock -and key. - -“Doesn’t this sound like the Inquisition of the Middle Ages?” we said to -one another, talking over this specimen of “administrative exile.” The -officer of the convoy heard us, and there arose a lively discussion, in -which, of course, he combated our views on Russian politics. A witness -for the crown was soon forthcoming. During our halt at some big station -(probably Tula or Oriel) Anna Ptshèlkina opened the barred window to get -some air; and a young peasant of about twenty-two or twenty-three who -was passing, stopped and stared at the young lady, and cried jeeringly, -with a mischievous grimace, “Aha! so you’re caught, are you? _Now_ -you’ve really got something to grumble at!” We all burst out laughing. -How simple was this peasant lad’s view of political difficulties! -“Caught,” “grumble”—the situation was as clear as daylight to his -philosophy, and left nothing to be explained. But indeed millions of -people, from peasants to the highest dignitaries, make use of the same -logic; witness the choice expression of the Public Prosecutor -Kotliarèvsky—“Where trees are felled there must be chips.” Everything -can be summed up and accounted for in this classically simple way; and -our officer could add nothing more. - -When a few Russians get together, however, their gloomy disquisitions on -the terrible state of things prevailing in our country are always varied -by enlivening interludes of jokes and harmless chatter, funny stories -and witticisms. Malyòvany was in this respect inexhaustible. Like most -natives of Little Russia, he had a rich vein of humour, and was a born -_raconteur_. No wonder, then, that from the corner in which the soldiers -had established us, there frequently issued sounds of irrepressible -mirth. - -The journey from Kiëv to Moscow took forty-eight hours, but at last we -arrived at our goal. I again chose to walk to the prison; Anna -Ptshèlkina, Malyòvany, and the Romny youths followed my example, while -the girl-conspirators elected to drive. One of them, named Serbinova, -was rather delicate; and the other, Melnikova, clung to her friend with -such tender affection that she would not be separated from her for a -moment. - -It was a lovely winter morning; there was a sharp frost, and the houses -and streets of Moscow were white with newly fallen snow. Our fetters -rang clearly in the frosty air, and under our feet the snow crackled, as -in a long line we marched away to the gaol. We passed by many of those -churches and chapels in which “White Moscow” is so rich; and here most -of the convicts uncovered their heads and crossed themselves. On the -other hand, there were many streets and market-squares which reminded us -“politicals” of historic events that had taken place there, which had -much in common with our own experiences. Here the Tsars had brought -their enemies to execution. There the suspects had been publicly -flogged. And now appears “Butirki,” as the populace nicknamed the -Central Prison for exiles about to be deported. It is a mighty stone -building, and looks like a gigantic well; a great wall, with a tower at -each of the four corners, encloses it. The main building is reserved for -ordinary criminals, who are to be transported to Siberia, and contains -accommodation for many thousands. In the high towers are lodged the -various classes of “politicals.” Those condemned to penal servitude are -confined in the Pugatchev tower, which takes its name from the -celebrated adversary of Catherine II.; that Pugatchev who wanted to -“shake Moscow to its foundations,” and was made a show of in an iron -cage, till the Tsaritsa sent him to the scaffold. In the north tower -were the “administrative” exiles; in the third, or chapel tower, those -still under examination; in the fourth the women belonging to all the -different categories. - -[Illustration: - - “BUTIRKI,” THE CENTRAL PRISON AT MOSCOW - To face page 110 -] - -I was well informed as to the conditions prevailing in this giant -prison, from which thousands—if not tens of thousands—of persons of all -sorts and conditions are despatched yearly into exile. The reports were -not exactly unfavourable, but when we arrived at the door and entered -the gloomy edifice, a painful feeling seized on me. Since my arrest in -Freiburg—that is, during at least eight months—I had come to know three -German and six Russian prisons, and in each there was a different -régime. However careless one may be of one’s material comfort, one -cannot help experiencing an uncomfortable sensation when entering a new -place of confinement; knowing that one may be denied the most elementary -necessaries, and may perhaps have once more to begin a bitter fight -about one’s right to exercise, books, a table, or a bedstead. - -In the spacious office there awaited us a man of about sixty, with a -long white beard, and spectacles on his nose, dressed in a well-worn -military coat with officer’s epaulettes. This was Captain Maltchèvsky, -one of the prison governors, specially charged with the supervision of -the political prisoners. After we ourselves and our luggage had been -searched in the usual way, we were led off to our respective quarters. - -I was first taken through a long, narrow court terminating in a doorway. -Here the warder rang a bell; another warder appeared, and conducted us -through another narrow court, and up an iron spiral staircase till we -reached the third floor. We came to a halt on a dimly lighted landing -scarcely a yard and a half wide, with five doors round it. One of these -was opened, and I found myself in my cell. A rapid glance showed me that -it was not exactly luxurious; it was an irregular triangle in shape, so -tiny that one could scarcely take three steps across it, and very little -light came through the narrow window. However, it contained a bed and -other usual furniture. - -“And here I shall have to live for six long months,” I thought sadly. - -“Good day! Who are you?” said a voice close at hand. It turned out that -two prisoners were my neighbours, condemned like me to penal servitude -in Siberia. They were concerned in the “trial of the fourteen,” or “Vera -Figner Case,” as we usually called it, and had been sentenced at the -same time as myself. We introduced ourselves to one another, and talked -through the peepholes in our doors, which did not seem at all to disturb -the warder, who was on the landing. He soon after took us out for an -airing in the little court I had passed through, which was enclosed -within high walls; and as he left us alone here, we could talk as much -as we liked to the tune of our clanking fetters while we walked up and -down. - -I now for the first time saw other political convicts like myself, -“deprived of all civil rights” and condemned to penal servitude. It was -a strange sight. I noted their youthful but worn faces; both of them -wore spectacles, and on their heads were round caps with no brims. With -their yellow sheepskins and rattling chains my comrades gave one the -impression that they could not be real convicts, but were just dressed -up for the part—so great was the contrast between their refined faces -and behaviour and this uncouth disguise. - -They were about my own age—twenty-nine or thirty. The elder, Athanasius -Spandoni-Bosmàndshi, was sentenced to fifteen years’ penal servitude; -the younger, Vladimir Tchuikòv, to twenty. - -Neither of them looked as if he had ever been strong, and both seemed to -have suffered much in health during their long imprisonment in the -Fortress of Peter and Paul. With their pale, thin faces they looked as -if they had just come through a severe illness. But this obvious lack of -health had been an advantage to them, as on account of it they had -escaped incarceration at Schlüsselburg,C to which place their comrades -sentenced in the same case had all been sent. - -[Illustration: TCHUIKOV] - -[Illustration: SPANDONI] - -[Illustration: VERA FIGNER] - -[Illustration: STEFANOVITCH] - -[Illustration: MIRSKY] - -To face page 112 - -We had not known one another while free; but as we had belonged to the -same society, and had worked for the same ends, we met in prison like -old comrades. During the first few days our subjects of conversation -seemed inexhaustible. We talked during our walks, and also in our cells, -where only a small space separated us, so that by speaking through the -peepholes we could hear one another perfectly well. My apprehensions on -entering this prison were soon quieted; for though the cells were -certainly uncomfortable, we gladly put up with that in view of the other -ameliorating circumstances. - -On one of the first evenings I was sent for to the office, where the old -captain awaited me. My comrades had described him to me as very -good-natured and obliging, always ready to forward the wishes of the -“politicals” whenever possible. He invited me to sit down, and said he -wanted to talk quite frankly with me, to which I replied that I should -be very glad if he would do so. - -“You want to get away,” he said; “don’t deny it. I know it very well. -But I think it right to warn you plainly that any such attempt can only -harm yourself and your comrades. We don’t want anyone to suffer -needlessly here; we do our best to lighten the fate of the prisoners. If -there is anything you want, you have only to set it down in black and -white” (this I found later was a pet expression of the old man’s); “we -will send your request to the Governor of Moscow, and he always does -what he can to please the prisoners, as far as the law allows him.” - -Neither before nor since have I ever met an official who spoke so -candidly, and his manner inspired confidence. The old man seemed to -understand the people with whom he had to deal. He had evidently heard -of my two former escapes, and in his diplomatic way hoped to deter me -from similar attempts by speaking to me straightforwardly and convincing -me of his own goodwill. This pleased me, and I said to him forthwith -that of course every prisoner condemned to penal servitude in Siberia -must have a very distinct wish to escape; but that so far as I could see -such an idea was quite hopeless in this prison, and I had no intention -of making any attempt of the kind. This answer seemed to satisfy the old -captain, and we separated with the conviction that we should get on -rather well together. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII - THE TRIAL OF THE FOURTEEN—RECOLLECTIONS OF VERA FIGNER—NUMEROUS - IMPRISONMENTS—“AGENTS PROVOCATEURS” - - -When I told the old governor that I was engaged on no plan of escape, I -spoke the simple truth. After my establishment in this prison I felt too -much wearied out to think of any such matter. Beyond everything else I -wanted rest, to recover myself after the frightful tension of the last -months. Naturally the desire for freedom did not leave me; no human -being in my circumstances could entirely abandon the thought of it. But -it remained for the time being in the background of my consciousness; I -felt I had not the energy to strive seriously for its fulfilment. - -Time at first passed peacefully and quietly; I read a good deal, and -talked with my new friends. What they had to tell was in part new to me, -and very interesting. I had known nothing at all about the particulars -of their trial. It remains to this day an isolated case, in which nearly -all the accused were military or naval officers. Two of them, the naval -lieutenant Baron von Stromberg and Lieutenant Rogachev, were -executed.[49] What most interested me, however, and will most interest -others, was to hear about the heroine of this case, the celebrated Vera -Figner.[50] At that time her name was in everyone’s mouth, and for long -she was the most popular personage in revolutionary circles. All the -young people worshipped her; and the stories that were told of her -talent for organisation, her astonishing powers of invention, her -wonderful perseverance, untiring energy, and boundless readiness for -self-sacrifice, testified fully to the part she had played in our -movement. The dignified and unselfish conduct of this exceptional woman -impressed even the members of the court-martial that tried her. - -Footnote 49: - - The following were condemned to death, but the sentence was afterwards - changed to penal servitude for life: Captains Aschenbrenner and - Pohitònov, Second Lieutenant Alex. Tihonòvitch, Ensign Ivan Yuvatchov. - And besides these, Vera Figner and Ludmilla Wolkenstein. - -Footnote 50: - - See portrait, p. 112. - -I had come to know Vera Figner personally in Petersburg, during the year -1877, at a time when she had already adopted the idea of going “among -the people.” Twenty-two years of age, slender and of striking beauty, -she was even then a noteworthy figure among the other prominent women -Socialists. Like so many other girls, she had thrown heart and soul into -the cause of the Russian peasants, and was ready and willing to -sacrifice everything to serve the people. - -In the summer of 1879 I again came repeatedly in contact with her. While -two years before she had impressed me as a very young propagandist, -ready to accept without question the views of her comrades, she had now -formed her own independent and keenly logical powers of judgment. As I -have previously said, this was a time of hot discussion as to our future -programme. Some held the opinion that the whole strength of our party -should be concentrated on the terrorist struggle to overthrow the -existing machinery of State by attempting the lives of the Tsar and the -lesser representatives of despotism. Others contended that revolutionary -propaganda ought still to be tried and carried further than hitherto; -that revolutionists should work among the people, colonise the villages, -and instruct the peasants in the manner of the organisation _Zemlyà i -Vòlya_ (Land and Freedom). Vera Figner was one of the most strenuous -supporters of the former view. - -I remember well, how once, when our whole circle had met together at -Lesnoye, a summer resort near Petersburg, we were arguing hotly with her -as to how propaganda among the peasantry might be made to yield the most -fruitful results. She had just returned from a small village on the -Volga, where she had been living as a peasant, for purposes of -propaganda. The impressions she had received there had stirred her -deeply, and she described in graphic language the fathomless misery and -poverty, the hopeless ignorance of the provincial working classes. The -conclusion she drew from it all was that under existing conditions there -was no way of helping these people. - -“Show me any such way; show me how under present circumstances I can -serve the peasants, and I am ready to go back to the villages at once,” -she said. And her whole manner left no doubt of her absolute sincerity -and readiness to keep her word. But her experience had been that of many -others who had idealised “the people,” and also their own power of -stirring them; and we were none of us prepared with any definite counsel -that could deter her from the new path she had determined to -tread—simply because she could see no other leading to the desired end. - -When I went to Odessa in the late autumn of the same year I found Vera -Figner there. In conjunction with Kibàltchitch, Frolènko,[51] -Kolotkèvitch, and Zlatopòlsky she was busy with preparations for an -attempt on the life of Alexander II., who was about to return to -Petersburg from Livadia. The dynamite was stored in her house; she had -now put aside all doubt, and devoted herself with her whole soul to -terrorist activity.[52] - -Footnote 51: - - See chap. xi. p. 98, note.—_Trans._ - -Footnote 52: - - Kibàltchitch was executed for participation in the attempt against - Alexander II. in March, 1881. The others mentioned here were all - condemned to penal servitude for life and imprisoned in Schlüsselburg, - where Kolotkèvitch and Zlatopòlsky died. Frolènko is still alive - (1902). - -She belonged to the Russian aristocracy; her grandfather had won a name -for himself in the guerrilla warfare against Napoleon’s invasion. -Inflexible determination and tireless perseverance were her most -prominent qualities; she was never contented with a single task, even -the most enthralling, but would carry on work in all sorts of different -directions simultaneously. While engaged in making ready for this -attempt on the Tsar’s life she was at the same time organising -revolutionary societies among the youth of the country, doing propaganda -work in the higher ranks of society, and helping us in Odessa with a -secret newspaper that we were starting for South Russia. - -But Vera Figner was still only in the developing stage of her strength -and capacities. She was already highly esteemed by all who came near -her, winning their sympathy and confidence; yet even her greatest -friends could hardly suspect the depth of character possessed by this -radiantly beautiful girl. It was fully shown in 1882, when nearly all -her comrades of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_ were in prison, and the few who -had escaped capture had fled into foreign countries; she resolutely -declined to entertain the idea of flight, though the danger of arrest -menaced her at every turn. In 1883 she fell a victim to the treachery of -Degàiev,[53] and was sentenced to death; but “by favour” this was -altered to lifelong penal servitude, and she was immured in the living -grave of the Schlüsselburg fortress, where she still is (1902). - -Footnote 53: - - See note, p. 43. - - * * * * * - -To return to my comrades in the Moscow prison, Spandoni and Tchuikòv; -besides their own narratives of their past experiences I could also -avail myself of their formal indictments, which they had with them. The -chief characteristic of these documents was their entire failure to show -any grounds for the exceptionally heavy sentences inflicted. I will set -down here what the Public Prosecutor had to say against these two -companions of my captivity. - -“Athanasius Spandoni was connected with a secret printing press -discovered in Odessa in the house of the married couple Degàiev.” Thus -began the indictment, and it went on to state that he had refused to -make any confession, but that his membership of the secret society -_Naròdnaia Vòlya_ was sworn to by Mme. Degàiev, who also stated that he -had twice visited her house. That was absolutely all. Two visits to a -secret printing office were punished with fifteen years’ penal -servitude! - -The “crime” of Tchuikòv was scarcely more serious. His indictment ran as -follows:— - -“When Vera Figner was arrested in Kharkov, the authorities in that place -advised us that Vladimir Tchuikòv, among others, had been in -correspondence with her. His house being searched, there were found (1) -implements for setting up type, (2) implements for making false -passports, (3) prussic acid and morphia, (4) various seditious writings -(some printed, some in manuscript), (5) a list giving the names of -different political criminals, (6) lists for the collection of -subscriptions to the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_. Tchuikòv has acknowledged that -he agrees with the principles of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_.” And on these -grounds he was condemned to twenty years’ penal servitude. - -The charge brought against the rest of the accused in this case, the -naval and military officers, were of a similar description; and for -these “crimes” they were all condemned to death, the sentence being -actually carried out as regards two of their number. - - * * * * * - -For a time we three were the only inmates of the Pugatchev tower, but we -were expecting other companions. In about a fortnight after my advent -the condemned in the already mentioned Shebalìn case were to arrive from -Kiëv—four sentenced to penal servitude and four to exile, among the -latter two women. We awaited their coming with the greatest interest, -but when the party arrived only two were brought to our tower, the -exiles Makàr Vasìliev and Peter Dashkièvitch. Paraskovya Shebalina and a -young girl, Barbara Shtchulèpnikòva, also condemned to exile, were of -course taken to the women’s quarters; but the four other men had quite -unexpectedly been sent off to Schlüsselburg, as the outcome of a -conflict with the prison authorities, of which I will give some -particulars. - -I have already tried to give some idea of what all convicts must suffer -when their fetters are first put on and their heads shaved. Until the -time of which I write it had been customary (and still is, in the case -of anyone belonging to the “privileged classes”) to defer the -performance of this barbarous ceremony until arrival in Siberia at the -town of Tiumen. But it occurred to the officials that the condemned in -the Shebalìn case (_i.e._ Shebalìn, Pankràtov, Karanlov, and -Borisòvitch) should be fettered and shaved before their transfer to -Moscow. This was hotly resented by the victims themselves, and all the -other “politicals” in the Kiëv prison joined in their protest. The -authorities then employed force to carry out their intention, and -thereupon the prisoners “demonstrated” in the usual fashion, that is, by -breaking windows, destroying furniture, etc. The occurrence was reported -to Petersburg, and thence the order was at once received to send our -four comrades to Schlüsselburg. What that meant I have already -indicated: burial alive in a state of perpetual martyrdom. Most of the -unhappy victims die in a few years, others lose their reason, and many -purposely offer violence to the officials in order to win for themselves -a speedy execution. It is easy, then, to imagine our feelings on -receiving this news about our comrades, especially as there were some -among them at whose door no accusation of any consequence could be laid. -Karanlov, for instance, had only been sentenced to four years’ penal -servitude, the court-martial having found it impossible to inflict a -heavier punishment. He had thereupon married, as his wife would by law -be permitted to follow him to Siberia; and his imprisonment in -Schlüsselburg meant utter separation for them, as he would not even be -allowed to write to her. - -The case of the Shebalìns was even more sad. The young wife had scarcely -parted from her husband when her child—an unweaned infant, whom she had -with her in prison—fell ill and died. She herself succumbed to her -grief, and late in the autumn died in the Moscow prison. - - * * * * * - -Soon after these arrivals there came fresh batches of “politicals,” -until the great prison was full to overflowing. The Lopàtin case -contributed many. Hermann Lopàtin is one of the best-known figures in -our Russian revolutionary movement. In 1884 he had returned from abroad -(whither he had earlier been obliged to flee), in order to resuscitate -the organisation of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, all the active members of -which were in prison in consequence of Degàiev’s treachery. Lopàtin had -almost to begin at the beginning again in reorganising that terrorist -society, and travelled for this purpose all over Russia, establishing -fresh connections everywhere. As he could not depend on his memory he -had to write down the names of members, with notes as to their capacity -for usefulness, and he kept the bit of paper with this list on it always -about his person, meaning to destroy it if in any danger. Unfortunately, -this proved impossible, for one day he was seized in the street by the -secret police and overpowered before he could manage to swallow the -compromising document, though he had actually got it into his mouth. All -whose names were on his list were, of course, arrested, and -imprisonments were made all over Russia. The numerous persons who were -sent to the central prison in Moscow in consequence of Lopàtin’s capture -were for the most part scarcely out of boyhood, and their guilt entirely -consisted in their being named in Lopàtin’s list. - -One case that especially moved me was that of Rubìnok, a young student -from Moscow University, aged only nineteen, highly gifted, and developed -intellectually far beyond his years. He was condemned to three years’ -exile in Eastern Siberia, and was eventually sent to one of the most -forsaken corners of the earth—in the province of Yakutsk, beyond the -arctic circle. While there he was somehow or other set upon by the -half-savage natives and nearly killed, in consequence of which violent -treatment he lost his reason and became permanently insane. - -There was much said in our prison (and throughout Moscow, too) about the -fate of another young student of the Peter Rasoumòvsky Academy. His name -was Kovalièv; he had been arrested on some trifling count, and confined -in the police prison. A certain officer of the guard, Belino-Bshezòvsky, -was also there, under examination for some criminal offence. This -representative of our gilded youth entered into league with the -gendarmerie to take advantage of the young student’s inexperience; and -they planned no less than the concoction of a false attempt at -assassination. The officer pretended to Kovalièv that he himself -belonged to the revolutionists, and tempted the boy with the suggestion -of killing the Public Prosecutor of the Moscow Courts (the present -Minister of Justice, Mouravièv). The unwary youth fell into the trap, -and the _agent provocateur_ furnished him with a loaded revolver; then, -when Kovalièv was to be examined by the Public Prosecutor, he was -suddenly seized on his way to the office by the gendarmes (instructed, -of course, by Belino-Bshezòvsky), searched, and the weapon found on him. -He was at once charged with being caught in an attempt to murder the -Public Prosecutor. In his despair he tried to commit suicide, but was -prevented. The provocative rôle played by the gendarmerie was here too -flagrant to be concealed, and the representations of the victim’s father -were successful in rescuing him from their clutches. An order was sent -from Petersburg to hush up the affair. Rumours were current everywhere -that Mouravièv had been privy to the action of the gendarmerie, his -attempted assassination being designed to fix public notice upon him and -bring him to the front. But I have no means of knowing how far there was -any foundation for this report. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV - A NOT INCORRUPTIBLE INSPECTOR—BROKEN FETTERS—RESISTANCE TO THE SHAVING - PROCESS—VISITORS IN THE PRISON - - -In this Moscow prison we “politicals” had frequent opportunities of -intercourse, and we soon managed to get news of the outer world. This -was partly through our discovery that one of the inspectors was -accessible to bribes. This man—we will call him Smirnòv—was about -five-and-twenty, his family an impoverished branch of the smaller rural -nobility. His sister was the mistress of a personage of some importance, -and he owed his situation as prison inspector to her influence. -Reckless, daring, and up to all sorts of dodges, he was ready for any -adventure, and would not even have recoiled from committing a crime if -it had seemed likely to be profitable to him. Scarcely able to read and -write, he had an almost superstitious reverence for anything like -education, and that made him anxious to ingratiate himself with us -“politicals.” He was doubly delighted at being useful to us: first, -because it flattered his vanity, and secondly, because we were very -willing to reward his services with coin of the realm. He had a special -affection for me, and often came to my cell for a gossip about all sorts -of things. Of his own accord he suggested that he might help me to -escape; but I turned every plan over and over, and could see none likely -of success. - -“Just listen, though,” he said once; “we can work it out like this: I -can disguise you as a lamplighter or a stove-cleaner, and take you out -of the prison with me, and then we can go abroad together.” - -This might indeed have been managed, but there was much to be said -against it; above all, the feeling of solidarity with my comrades -prevented me from wishing to escape alone. The other two, my neighbours, -had severer sentences than mine to undergo, and I could not have borne -to leave them behind. We should have needed a considerable sum of money, -which I had not at command; and then, besides, I should have had this -man on my hands for the rest of our lives. All this led me to decline -his offer. - -Meanwhile, my companions had a plan of their own for breaking through -the wall and so getting free, and although they had kept their -preparations carefully secret, Smirnòv got an inkling of them. - -“Do you think I don’t know your comrades want to get out?” he said to me -one day. “Only tell them to manage so that I don’t get into trouble. I -shan’t betray them.” - -I promised him he should not be let in for anything, and told my -comrades; but they very soon saw their plan was not feasible, and gave -it up. We had no reason to fear that this man would tell tales of us, he -was too much in our hands; but on one occasion I forced him to give -information to the authorities, as I will now relate. - -It had come to our knowledge that the ordinary criminals in this prison -managed to disembarrass themselves of their fetters, not only at night, -but through the day, and that this was winked at by the officials. I -therefore resolved to follow their example, and get rid of my chains, -but openly, not in secret. - -“Smirnòv,” I said, “bring me a hammer and a nail.” - -“What do you want them for?” - -“You shall see directly.” - -He did as I told him; I stepped on to the iron landing, and in his -presence broke the rivets of my fetters. - -“What are you doing?” cried Smirnòv. “I shall have to pay for that!” - -“Not a bit. Go at once and tell the governor I have broken my fetters.” - -“But I can’t go and denounce you!” - -“Don’t be silly,” said I; “do as I say.” - -He went, protesting and shaking his head, and soon after called me to go -before the governor. I fastened up my chains with twine in place of the -rivets, and followed him. - -“What’s all this?” cried the old man in great excitement. “You’ve broken -your fetters? You are trying to make your escape?” - -And he raised his hands in horror at this shocking discovery. - -“On the contrary,” replied I. “If I were in your place I should feel -reassured about that, if a prisoner broke his chains openly.” - -“I don’t know what you mean,” said the governor; “this is a serious -business.” - -“If I were contemplating flight,” continued I, “I should not break my -fetters in the presence of the inspector, but should carefully keep -quiet about it. I merely wanted to get rid of a perfectly unnecessary -inconvenience, that worries me day and night.” - -“That’s all very well,” observed the governor, “but you can’t expect me -to give you permission to take them off as you please in this fashion!” - -“You needn’t give me permission,” I returned. “You need only behave as -if you know nothing about the matter, and consider everything to be ‘in -good order,’ as you say in your reports.” - -“That’s a nice suggestion!” said the old governor, amused and half -relenting. “But what do you suppose my superiors would think of it?” - -“Unless you tell them, I don’t see that they will ever have cause to -think about it,” I replied. “It will never occur to the Governor of -Moscow to examine whether my chains are fastened with rivets or with -string.” - -“Then if an inspection is made you will be wearing your fetters?” he -asked, laughing. - -“Of course! You see, I’ve come to you in full dress,” and I pointed to -my tied-up chains. - -We parted quite amicably; and I took it that informal permission not to -wear our fetters had been conceded. It was not so easy to get -dispensation from having our heads shaved; yet that we also achieved. -According to rule, half the head should have been shaved every month; -and there was no getting out of this save by a downright refusal to -submit. This we accordingly made; and the barber reported it to the -governor, who sent for us to come to him singly. - -“What do you want me to do now?” said the good-humoured old man to me. - -“Simply to report to the Governor of Moscow that such and such prisoners -refuse to let their heads be shaved, and declare that they will offer -determined resistance if forced. We have nothing against you,” I -continued, “but this is our only way of appealing publicly against -barbarous and humiliating usage.” - -Whether he transmitted our protest I do not know; but anyhow, we were -not again asked to undergo this degrading process until the end of our -stay in this prison. - - * * * * * - -Russian prison regulations provide that prisoners belonging to the -different categories shall be treated differently: the “administrative -exiles” less severely than those banished to Siberia after a regular -trial; and the latter again somewhat better than those condemned to -penal servitude. But by the end of a month or two we had so contrived -that this gradation was no longer apparent. We hard-labour prisoners -only differed from the other “politicals” in having to wear the convict -dress, and in not being allowed—as they were—to see our ladies, who were -imprisoned in their own special tower. These interviews were only -permitted to them when those who wished to meet were related, married, -or betrothed to each other. But this was soon arranged. Various couples -had an understanding on the subject, and addressed simultaneous -petitions to the Governor of Moscow, asking to be allowed interviews -with each other, as they were betrothed. In most cases this was a purely -fictitious engagement, as the staff very well knew, and was only -designed to vary the monotony of prison life; but not seldom the -pretence led to a veritable attachment, as may easily be imagined. These -were mostly young people of from eighteen to eight-and-twenty, and the -nature of their surroundings shed a romantic glamour over their -intercourse. The young pair met in the office of the prison, a dreary -apartment with grated windows; and every word was listened to by an -official. Prison life lent a poetical and spiritualised expression to -their features, and there was much to awaken mutual interest and -compassion. Sometimes this affection remained purely platonic; but in -some cases an actual wedding was the upshot. Of course, in the latter -event the young couple received the hearty sympathy of all their -comrades, who also had personal reasons for rejoicing. The ceremony -always took place in the prison chapel, and was a great occasion which -pleasantly varied our dull existence. - -Prisoners were allowed at intervals to receive visitors from outside. -These also must be near relations, and often other friends and -acquaintances gave themselves out as betrothed to such and such a -prisoner in order to be allowed entry. It occasionally happened in this -way that an awkward situation came about, if a young man or a girl -appeared to be betrothed to two or more different people; but the -solution was generally a satisfactory one in the end. - -These visits were received in the office to which we had first been -introduced, but the room on these occasions took on a very different -appearance. The old captain sat in his place busy with his ledgers. By -the door stood the inspector in full uniform, with revolver and -cartridge-bag at his waist and his long sabre at his side; and round the -walls would be grouped the prisoners with their visitors. The dim light -falling through the grated windows shone on many a characteristic scene. -All classes and ages were represented—young and old, men, women, and -even children. Here would be a doctor or lawyer accompanied by his wife -talking to their brother, a banished student. There an old -peasant-woman, who had made the long journey by the Volga from some -distant province to bid good-bye to her favourite son, would tell him -the village news or bitterly lament her difficulty in living now he had -been taken from her. Close by, the scions of a noble race—Prince -Volhònsky and his princess—would be chatting with Malyòvany, his uncle; -or Senator Shtshulèpnikov would sermonise his young daughter for having -allowed herself to be drawn into the revolutionary movement, whereby she -had now to suffer the penalty of exile to Siberia. All around would be -the babble of voices—condolences, arguments, gossip, even jokes. One -woman would furtively wipe away a tear as she bowed a grief-stricken -head; while another would break into uncontrollable sobbing, because the -sight of some beloved face now pale and haggard from long confinement -and anxiety had robbed her of self-command. As everywhere else -throughout the world, laughter and weeping, hope and despair, went side -by side; only here in prison emotion is more openly avowed, ceremony -more easily dispensed with, and franker expression given to the -feelings. Those who here sought out their friends or relatives speedily -got acquainted with one another and with all the prisoners whom they -were accustomed to see. Among the “politicals,” as Socialists, there are -no distinctions of rank or privilege; and the prison atmosphere soon -exercised its levelling influence on all, and bound together members of -every class with the common tie of sorrow and sympathy. Once only was -the rule broken, and the announcement of a visitor’s name and position -fixed all eyes upon him. - -A grey-headed man in the garb of the Russian lower middle-class—a long -kaftan and broad girdle—had entered the room. - -“Whom do you want?” asked the captain, looking up from his books. - -“I should like to speak to a person whom you have here in the prison. -Làzarev is his name,” replied the stranger. - -“Have you a permit?” - -“Certainly, certainly; here it is,” said the man in the kaftan, and held -out the paper. - -The captain settled his glasses and read. Suddenly up he jumped as if he -had had a blow, and began to stammer out a thousand apologies. “Pray sit -down, Count! I really did not recognise you!” And then to the inspector, -“Hi, Ivànov!” he cried, “ tell them to send Làzarev. The Count wants to -see him.” - -The whole prison seemed waked up. Bells were rung, and people ran about -calling out: “ Làzarev! Send Làzarev! Count Leo Tolstoi has come to see -him!” - -Yegor Làzarev, a peasant by birth, a very intelligent and well-educated -man, was from Count Tolstoi’s district. He was to be sent to Eastern -Siberia by administrative order for a term of three years, simply -because he, being a lawyer, had defended his poorer neighbours of the -village in various cases of exaction by officials. - - - - - CHAPTER XV - POLITICAL CONDITION OF RUSSIA AND THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY—OUR LITTLE - SOCIETY—FÊTE DAYS—PROHIBITED VISITS-A LECTURE ON MANNERS - - -At the time of which I am writing the reactionary policy of the new Tsar -was already clearly indicated. Four years had passed since the accession -of Alexander III., and signs of his domestic policy were visible in -frequent death-sentences, favouring of Anti-Semitism (which had sprung -up in various towns in south-west Russia), the appointment of the -universally detested Count Dmitri Tolstoi as Minister of the Interior, -the institution of new regulations at the Universities, not only for -students, but for professors, and so on. In spite of all this there were -still some incurable optimists who hoped this might prove but a brief -transition period, soon to be followed by radical reforms; they even -anticipated the granting of a Constitution to the country. I remember -well how various educated people-lawyers, physicians, etc.—would, when -conversing with us, make hopeful prophecies: “You’ll see, in five years -we shall have the Constitution.” - -Undoubtedly many of the younger revolutionists shared these hopes; if -not all, at any rate the majority believed that sooner or later the -Terrorists would “remove” Alexander III., as they had his father, and -that then, as a matter of course, “the Constitution _must_ come.” Some -were so firmly convinced of this that when I ventured to express a -doubt, bets were often offered me as to how few years would elapse -before the great event came to pass. “Before we have reached our place -of exile Alexander III. will be gone,” declared many young people. - -This self-deception had one advantage in helping them to bear their fate -and keep up their courage; but these castles in the air were doomed to a -speedy destruction. As I have said already, the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_ was -nearing its collapse, and the Terrorists were now scarcely any real -menace to the Government. The original trusted leaders of the society -were either dead or languishing in prison, and their successors showed -none of the capacity needed to carry on a conspiracy of that sort; -while, on the other hand, the police had learnt much, knew better how to -spread their nets, and left the young conspirators no time to develop -their powers. The untried and unskilfully managed societies were run to -earth before they could undertake anything definite, and the unity and -interdependence that characterised the original band of members -disappeared. - -In 1884 various fractions of the society came to life again. There was -the _Young Naròdnaia Vòlya_, whose members carried on a sort of minor -terrorism; that is to say, they directed their daggers and bombs against -the lesser officials, governors of gaols, agrarian and industrial -employers, etc., holding that there should be an immediate forcible -answer made to every act of tyranny by constituted authorities against -the workers. There were the “Bombists,” who swore by dynamite as the -sole and only remedy; the “Militarists,” who thought a conspiracy within -the army the best hope. Finally a group entirely new to Russia made its -appearance—the Social Democrats, among whom I was numbered. - -In our prison at Moscow all these different views had their adherents, -and naturally the liveliest discussions took place, though their course -was always fairly peaceful. Notwithstanding all our differences of -opinion, we formed together a sort of big family, in which there was -absolutely no distinction of high or low, rich or poor. All were equal, -all shared alike. - -The prison food was beneath criticism; even the most robust at their -hungriest could scarcely swallow a spoonful of the repulsive malodorous -broth in wooden bowls brought to our cells at midday. This is explained -by the fact that the sum originally provided by Government for our -maintenance was extremely small; and on its way through to us a great -part of it found its way into the bottomless pockets of officials great -and small, among whom there is an organised system of general -peculation. The big cauldrons used for cooking the food of several -thousand prisoners were filled up with the worst materials that were -procurable; and we “politicals,” after a very few specimens of it, -decided to feed at our own expense. So we founded a commissariat union, -and elected as chief, to whose care our domestic economy should be -entrusted, Làzarev, the peasant-lawyer, whom Tolstoi had visited. All -the money that we had at command—either what had been given in keeping -to the prison authorities on our arrival or what was sent us by friends -and relations—was handed over to our chief of commissariat, and he had -to arrange our dietary so that all should share alike. In the morning we -had tea, milk, and bread _ad libitum_. For dinner at midday we had a -meal—generally of two courses—prepared from the provisions in our larder -by one of the ordinary criminals hired by us as cook. In the evening -there was tea and bread again. Nobody could say that our table was -exactly luxurious; but then our means were extremely limited. Our poor -housekeeper had often to rack his brains over the problem of making both -ends meet; and he at last hit on the expedient of buying horse-flesh for -us. Beef was cheap enough—ten kopecks (about 2½_d._) a pound, if I -remember rightly; but horseflesh came to only about half that price, and -we agreed to try it. It proved quite eatable, if somewhat tough and -tasteless; but two or three among us were dainty, and declared that the -meat gave them indigestion, and they could not stand it. As the rest of -us believed this to be pure imagination, and simply the result of -prejudice, our “chief” determined to use a little art. He suggested that -he might buy beef for these “invalids”; but he really just had some of -the horse-flesh cooked up a little differently from the rest, and set it -before them. The result was excellent; our epicures much relished their -“beefsteak,” and declared it made them feel sick to see us eating horse; -while we had some trouble in keeping our faces straight! This lasted the -whole time of our stay in Moscow, and not one of our gourmands ever once -complained of indigestion again! When afterwards we let out that for -months they had eaten and enjoyed horse-flesh, of course they were -furious, and asserted—to the common amusement of the others—that they -had always thought the meat had a queer taste. - - * * * * * - -Besides our own friends there were many people personally unknown to us -who cared for our material needs, I mean the members of the “Red Cross -of the Revolution,” of which mention has been made in an earlier chapter -as the “old clothes society.” These were chiefly women, who undertook -with much zeal the small but very charitable and indispensable task of -providing for the political prisoners and exiles. Many a one, left -deserted in the world, had reason to value the unselfish activity of -these good Samaritans. Often enough have I seen the grateful emotion of -some lonely soul, when the strange hand of a kind woman—one of the -society’s members—bestowed on him cheerfully some useful and hardly -spared article. Our little company in the prison of Moscow seems to have -come off particularly well in this way. Long before the commencement of -the journey to Siberia our benefactresses warned us to let them have a -list of what we should be needing for our travels. When it is remembered -that we were over fifty persons, and that before many of us lay a -journey of more than half a year, it is evident how much opportunity -there was for the thoughtful and minute care of these noble women. There -were hundreds of little things wanted that gave them not only time and -trouble, but personal inconvenience to procure; and their -self-sacrificing exertions to lighten the lot of the captives were -infinitely touching. - -Easter and Christmas are special feast days in Russia. The Russian -revolutionists have definitely renounced all religious creeds, and there -are many among them who in any case would have nothing to do with the -Orthodox Russian Church—Jews, Germans, Poles, etc. Nevertheless, those -in prison or in places of banishment always take part whenever possible -in the common festivals of the people; and these days of rejoicing are -doubly welcomed when they come to break the dreary routine of -prison-life. Relations, friends, and the Red Cross ladies send food and -even dainties to the prisons, and the inmates hold high revel. In the -Moscow prison we had a specially merry time on Easter Eve. We had -petitioned the Governor of Moscow for leave to pass the night before -Easter together, according to Russian custom. This was conceded; and we -all, including the women, assembled in the quarters of the -“administratives,” where the rooms are large, because the prisoners are -there grouped together, not confined in single cells. All manner of good -things had been sent us—Easter cakes, eggs, hams, poultry, and all that -is customary, including some bottles of light wine and beer—so that our -Easter table was a magnificent sight.[54] Under the superintendence of -the old governor and his staff we spent the evening and half the night -in a merry fashion not often witnessed in a prison. Songs were sung, -there were jokes and laughter; finally a harmonica appeared, and the -young people began to dance. Yet, despite so much hearty and unfeigned -cheerfulness, not one of us could forget our real condition; indeed, the -very sight of gaiety brought to the minds of many of us remembrance of -home, where our dear ones were at this moment celebrating the feast-day, -though with many sad thoughts of the absent. - -Footnote 54: - - In Russia it is the custom at Easter in every house to spread a large - table with cold dishes of all descriptions, and the master of the - house invites every visitor to partake of the feast, which they are - bound to do, eating and drinking standing. This “Easter table” is kept - going throughout the festival time.—_Trans._ - -For us hard-labour men this was the first chance we had had of getting -to know our women fellow-prisoners. The “administratives” met them not -only in visiting hours, but in the courtyard, although the latter was -supposed to be against rules. Those condemned to hard labour, on the -contrary, were not admitted to the visitors’ room. After this Easter -festival, however, even we “deprived of all rights” managed to break -through the regulations. Under the pretext that we had some business in -the office we had ourselves conducted across the big yard, and the -warder left us at the door, supposing we should go straight on down the -corridor. Instead of that we raced across the courtyard to the door of -the women’s quarters. The flustered warder came tearing after us, -calling us back; but we had reached our goal, our ladies were at their -door, and we could exchange a few friendly words with them. Of course, -this was only a defiant frolic; we took pleasure in trampling on the -hated prison rules, and the authorities saw nothing very wicked in it. -The prohibition of meeting had no sense in it whatever, as in a few -weeks’ time all the “politicals” were to travel in company together to -Siberia. In this, as in many other cases, we were unnecessarily -thwarted, simply because in paragraph so-and-so of the regulations this -or that is forbidden. - -These regulations are not nearly so strictly kept as regards the -ordinary criminals, who are often allowed to wander all about a Russian -prison without supervision, and manage to get admitted even to the -women’s quarters. Moreover, it not infrequently happens that a criminal -who has money at his disposal is allowed by the warders and overseers to -be out all night in the town, where he amuses himself or goes about his -own business. So far as the treatment of prisoners goes, we “politicals” -are only too glad to be put on the footing of “common criminals”; which -but seldom happens to us, however. Yet in one respect the “politicals” -have an advantage—I mean in the demeanour of the prison staff towards -them. Every official, high or low, knows well that he cannot go beyond a -certain point with them, and that he must behave with courtesy. This -unwritten law arose from the fact that for generations the “politicals” -belonged exclusively to the educated and privileged classes, and also -from their proud conviction that they have only acted according to the -dictates of reason and conscience, which upholds them in the firm -feeling of innocence, and makes them fiercely jealous for the -preservation of both their own self-respect and their dignity in the -eyes of others. If any official ventures to ignore this sentiment he may -count on energetic protest, and in such cases the prison is often the -scene of a bitter conflict that may lead to tragic results. As a slight -example I may relate the following incident. - -A certain great personage had come from Petersburg—Galkin Vrassky, the -head of the controlling department for all Russian prisons. His position -demanded the deepest awe and subservience from all minor officials, and -he himself was fully conscious of his power and bore himself -accordingly. He was a Privy Counsellor and extremely pompous. Before his -promised visit to our prison we had heard that it was this gentleman’s -custom not to uncover his head when entering the cells, but to keep his -hat on all the time. We instantly agreed together that if he behaved so -here, the first of us whose cell he visited should teach him a lesson in -manners. - -Galkin Vrassky came, attended by an imposing suite, and accompanied -by—among others—Prince Galitzin, the Vice-Governor of Moscow. He began -his rounds with our Pugatchev Tower, and went first to the cell of Peter -Dashkièvitch. Dashkièvitch had been a theological student; he was a man -of very calm but unyielding temperament, and permeated to an uncommon -degree with the instinct of justice and fairness. It was now incumbent -on him to beard this haughty official, who had scarcely begun the -stereotyped question—“Have you any complaints to make?”—when -Dashkièvitch interrupted him, saying quietly: “It is very impolite of -you, sir, to enter my apartment without removing your hat.” - -Galkin Vrassky reddened to the roots of his hair, turned on his heel and -left the cell, the whole company following him in silence. - -“In what case was he condemned?” we heard him ask, as he stood on the -landing. - -“In the Kiëv trial,” someone answered. - -“Aha, one of those fellows who made trouble in the prison over there!” -he said in a satisfied tone. - -He visited the rest of us, holding his hat in his hand most politely, -but he did not forget to revenge himself on Dashkièvitch after his own -fashion. - - * * * * * - -Dashkièvitch’s sentence had been “banishment to the less distant -provinces of Siberia,” a fairly mild punishment; but Vrassky now ordered -his transportation to the furthest wilds of the country, and he was sent -to Tunka, on the borders of Mongolia. - - - - - CHAPTER XVI - PREPARATIONS FOR OUR TRAVELS—THE BOAT JOURNEY BY THE VOLGA AND THE - KAMA—EKATERINBURG—ON THE TROIKA—“TO EUROPE, TO ASIA” - - -The spring of 1885 came, and we began to make ready for our long -journey. At the outset arose the very important question, what luggage -could we take? The rules prescribed that those “deprived of all rights” -should not have more than 25 lbs. in weight. The equipment provided by -Government weighed that by itself; so that all our own belongings would -have to be abandoned, including books, of course. This would have been a -severe loss, for in Moscow our private library had grown considerably. -Count Tolstoi had given us an edition of his collected works in twelve -volumes, and also a _History of Russia_ in twenty-nine volumes. Happily, -however, the authorities decided that only the gross weight of the -luggage should be counted for the whole detachment of exiles; so that as -the “administratives” were allowed 5 pood (about 180 lbs.) apiece, and -many of them had but few possessions, we managed to get our books in. - -As everything we possessed had been through the hands of the officials, -of course there was no forbidden literature in our library; nevertheless -we were told to submit it all anew to inspection, and in the course of -this the appointed censor had opportunities for exhibiting to our -delighted gaze his special qualifications for the post. He was a high -official, and had graduated in jurisprudence at Petersburg. Our friend -Rubìnok turned to him with the question whether he might take Karl -Marx’s _Capital_ with him. - -“Why, how can you take somebody else’s capital with you?” asked our -censor in a surprised tone. - -“It is my own,” said Rubìnok, not comprehending. - -“Well, if it is your own, of course you can take it,” was the reply, -“only you must hand it over to the officer commanding the convoy, who -takes charge of all money.” - -We, who saw the joke, had great difficulty in repressing our mirth at -the idea of Rubìnok’s running off with the apparently unknown Karl -Marx’s property! - - * * * * * - -When the time of departure drew nigh the idea was mooted of giving some -substantial testimonial to the worthy old Captain Maltchèvsky, our -governor. He learned with pleasure of the project, but begged us not to -spend on him any of the little money we possessed, as we should need it -on our long journey. I forget whether in the end any present was -actually bought or not. At all events, the old gentleman was a great -exception among his kind. I have only known one other instance of -“politicals” desiring to testify their gratitude to a prison governor in -such a manner. Yet an event happened at the last moment which changed -our hitherto friendly feeling for Captain Maltchèvsky into resentment -and dislike. - -During the whole eight months of our sojourn in Moscow we had been on a -perfectly amicable footing with the prison staff. Our independent -proceeding in discarding our fetters and our revolt against head-shaving -had been silently condoned at the time; but it was just these two points -that led to a rupture of relations on the day of our departure. We were -informed that we must now submit to the head-shaving and chain-riveting -processes, because the officer who was to command our convoy insisted on -it. We roundly refused to comply; and the “administratives,” who were -themselves exempt from the proceeding, declared their intention of -supporting us in our resolve. - -The hour for mustering the party arrived. We determined to keep -together, and on no account to go singly into the office for our -enrolment. The staff saw at once that any attempt to use force would -lead to a row; so they resolved to outwit us. We were given to -understand that the idea of subjecting us to the barbarous proceeding -had been thought better of, and we were committed to the charge of the -convoy officer. The party was almost ready to start, when we three -“hard-labour men” were suddenly told that if we liked we could get a -medical certificate from the doctor to excuse us from travelling on foot -when we reached Siberia, as those condemned to penal servitude were -supposed to do. We said we were quite willing to be examined for this -purpose; but scarcely were we separated from our companions than a party -of warders hidden behind the door surrounded us. We saw immediately that -we had fallen into a trap, and determined to resist to our utmost. We -kept close together, and struck out with feet and fists when the warders -advanced on us; but, of course, we were ultimately overpowered by their -superior numbers. We were dragged away and each held forcibly down on a -bench while the barber shaved the half of our heads and the blacksmith -riveted on our fetters. Captain Maltchèvsky stood by the while and gave -the orders. This performance of his was enough to alter our sentiments -towards him, and our parting was distinctly cool. - - * * * * * - -Our journey began on a beautiful morning in the middle of May when -spring had just made its appearance in Moscow. The sunshine was bright -and warm, and the scent of spring was in the air. Our mood was by no -means in consonance with this aspect of outward things; but most of us -elected to go on foot to the station. Our procession must have been an -odd sight. Convicts with fettered feet and grey prison garb marched -along beside other men and women in ordinary clothes. Most of us were -quite young; few had reached middle-age. Of the twelve women in our -party three were voluntarily accompanying their husbands to Siberia. - -The last violent scene had depressed us all, and we traversed in silence -the quieter streets of Moscow, where the few passers-by paused to look -at us, and here and there faces stared from the windows. The station, -which we reached after a short tramp, had been cleared of people; only -some gendarmes, prison officials, and porters were on the platform. -Police were keeping guard all round, and nobody who had not a special -order was allowed through to the train reserved for us. When we -“politicals” were established in the places assigned to us, a few -persons—relations of the prisoners—arrived to say good-bye. The -gendarmes would not let them come near to the carriages, and we had to -shout our farewell greetings. - -“Good-bye! Good luck! Don’t forget us!” sounded from the barred windows. - -“Keep up your courage! We’ll meet again soon!” came back the response. - -“Let us sing something together,” called out somebody. We had formed a -choral society in prison, and now started a song of Little Russia—“The -Ferryman.” Slowly the train was set in motion, and as we glided away the -affecting strains of the beautiful melody accompanied us. Many could not -restrain their tears, and sobs were heard which the rattle of the train -soon drowned. With faces pressed against the bars of the windows we -gazed back at Moscow as long as it could be seen. Then came the -outskirts, and then our eyes were refreshed by the sight of broad -meadows. - -When we halted at the next station there were a good many people on the -platform—peasants and workmen. Many of them came up to the carriage -windows unhindered, and seemed to be offering things to us. - -“Here, take it, in the Virgin’s name!” said a voice close by me. I -looked out, and was aware of an old peasant woman who held out a -kopeck[55] to me. - -Footnote 55: - - Value one farthing.—_Trans._ - -“I don’t need it, mother; give it to someone who does,” I said; and felt -my heart warm towards this kindly old woman of the people. - -“Take it, take it, my dear!” she insisted. - -“Well, as a remembrance, then.” I agreed; and I kept the little copper -coin for a long time before I eventually lost it. - -A whole chain of recollections was started in my mind by this -occurrence, and I sank deep in thought. The further we went from Moscow, -the sadder became my spirits; I felt as if I were leaving behind me -there a host of friends I should never see again. I did not want to talk -to anyone, but gazed silently out of the window. The line ran through a -factory district; the stations were crowded, and along the railway banks -we saw many groups of workpeople. Men and women in brightly coloured -cotton garments stopped and called out after the train, making -expressive gestures. Whether they knew us for exiles on our way to -Siberia and meant to send us a message of sympathy I cannot tell. -Perhaps it is the custom in that countryside, whence many prisoners are -transported, to express in this way that feeling of compassion towards -the “children of misfortune”[56] so common among the Russian people. - -Footnote 56: - - By this name the common people throughout Russia and Siberia designate - all prisoners. - -On the following morning we arrived at Nijni Novgorod, whence we were to -journey by boat to Perm, by the Volga and its tributary the Kama. Our -party attracted much attention both at the station and on the way to the -quay. The married and betrothed couples walked in front, arm in arm, and -the rest of us followed, the escort surrounding us all. Two large -cabins, one for the men and one for the women, were assigned to us on -the big barge, which was taken in tow by a river steamer. Here we were -rather comfortably lodged, and we were all in common allowed free access -to the roomy deck, which was enclosed by iron netting at the sides and -overhead. Food we provided for ourselves, and on that head had nothing -to complain of, thanks to the kindness of our friends and to the -provident care of Làzarev, our elected chief or _stàrosta_. - -The voyage lasted some days; the weather was uninterruptedly fine; and -we sat on deck from early morning till late evening, revelling in the -charming scenes which passed before our eyes, on this giant among -European rivers and on its tributary stream. Especially lovely was it -towards sunset, when our choir, which boasted some exceptionally fine -voices, would sing our favourite songs. As one sat, with head supported -against the iron netting, and eyes following the shining ripples lit by -exquisite fairy-like tints, the impression made on one by those -beautiful sad songs was never to be forgotten. Gradually the colour -would fade from the sky, and the stars shine down from a cloudless -heaven, to be mirrored in the glassy surface of the great river; and -everything around me—the river, the stars, the songs—would recall to my -mind another royal stream, the mighty Dnieper, by whose banks my -childhood had been spent. - - * * * * * - -“What are you thinking of? Why are you so sad?” on one such evening a -young “administrative” asked me. She was a girl of about twenty, with -whom I had become acquainted during the journey. We were soon engaged in -intimate and friendly talk. She could understand my mood, and -sympathised heartily. She was an unusually interesting creature of -peculiar and, some might say, eccentric character, but of keen -intelligence. She told me how she had come to adopt the principles of -Socialism, and what kind of life she had quitted to join the -revolutionary movement. Like so many others at that time, she had been -possessed by the longing to do something for the people—the peasants. -Where and how to begin she did not know, and she could find no one to -advise her. She tried to discover some way for herself, and read -everything she could get hold of that bore on the subject. At last, -against her parents’ wishes, she left her home in South Russia for -Petersburg, where she hoped to find someone who could help her. In the -course of her quest, and before she had arrived at any definite solution -of the problems that perplexed her, she was arrested, and was now being -sent to Siberia for three years’ banishment. Like hundreds of others, -this noble-hearted girl had expended her strength and sacrificed her -happiness to no purpose, without benefit to others, without attaining -her own peace of mind; a victim to the cramping and illiberal political -conditions that reign in our native land. She died by her own hand in -Siberia some time after this. - -From Perm we were taken by rail to Ekaterinburg, where we arrived after -a wearisome day’s journey. Here we spent the night; and next day our -party, consisting entirely of “politicals” with their escort, was to -drive to Tiumen, the first town within the borders of Siberia. The -construction of the Siberian railway was only just being begun, and the -journey—now very simple—was then attended by all manner of difficulties. - -At the outset we had a disagreement with the authorities that might have -had serious consequences. A number of _troïkas_[57] had been provided -for the transportation of ourselves, our escort, and the luggage; in -each of them four prisoners and two soldiers were to go, which, with the -driver, made seven persons. The younger members of our party thought -this too many, and appealed to the officer, Captain Volkov, who had -accompanied us from Moscow (and with whom I had previously travelled -from Kiëv), to arrange that only three of us and two soldiers should go -in each carriage, or, if he preferred, four of us and only one soldier. -As there were not enough carriages for this arrangement the captain -refused the request; and our young Hotspurs flatly swore that they would -not get in. In other words, they would oblige the soldiers to use force -with them, and that would naturally lead to a battle, the results of -which might be very unpleasant. The _ispravnik_[58] appeared, and -declared that he could not hire any more carriages, as this number had -been specially ordered by his chief. There was much arguing up and down, -during which several of the young men and two of the women got very -angry. We elders, on the contrary, thought the matter not sufficiently -important to warrant a conflict which might well result in the despatch -of the “administratives” to distant stations for increased periods of -exile, and of ourselves perhaps to Schlüsselburg. - -Footnote 57: - - Carriages with three horses harnessed abreast in a peculiar manner, - the two outside facing somewhat outwards. The middle horse is trained - to trot very fast, and the two outside ones to canter.—_Trans._ - -Footnote 58: - - Head of the district police.—_Trans._ - -“I beg you to get into the carriages,” urged Volkov; and the _ispravnik_ -joined in his persuasions. - -“No, we will not. Use force if you like!” cried voices from our midst. - -“We shall have to report you as refusing to obey orders.” - -“Do as you please!” was the answer. - -It is absolutely against the rules of our societies not to stand by each -other in all dealings with the authorities, whatever the occasion. -Despite the fact that the majority among us saw no ground for persisting -in this revolt, we were at the mercy of the hot-headed youngsters, and -the situation was becoming strained. A struggle seemed inevitable; but -some of us had the happy idea of trying the practical experiment of -fitting ourselves into one of the vehicles, to see whether the official -arrangement were feasible or not. The trial was made, and it turned out -that with a little goodwill it was quite possible to find room for seven -persons in each _troïka_. In face of this simple fact, the malcontents -could hardly maintain their attitude; so with a little further grumbling -and delay they gave in. We had not gone far before each carriage was -lightened of one passenger; the soldiers preferred to ride on the -baggage-waggons, and only one was left to guard each four prisoners; so -we were more comfortable, and everything was peaceably settled. - -During the voyage on the Volga and Kama we had fallen into various -groups of friends, who now naturally wished to keep together during the -land journey. The idea suggested itself of giving our ladies the right -to choose their cavaliers, and this plan found favour with the majority; -but there were one or two who objected to any sort of “woman’s -privileges,” and even some others who disliked travelling in female -society, and declared themselves _hors de concours_. These latter -incorrigible mysogynists were, as may be supposed, the youngest among -us. - -This travelling by _troïka_ has, as is well known, a special charm of -its own. It can scarcely be called driving; one flies and rushes along -at a most exhilarating pace. On that side of the Ural Mountains spring -was only just beginning; everything was budding and sprouting, and the -air was full of song and other happy sounds of young life. - -We flew along great stretches of the highway, raising enormous clouds of -whirling dust. Our drivers cheered on their horses with cries and -whistling, continually urging them to yet greater speed. At first we sat -by fours in the carriages, generally two men and two women; but soon we -changed places at every halt, and then five or six people might be seen -in one carriage, while only two would be left in another. Here there -would be chatter, joking, and songs; there, earnest quiet talk not to be -overheard by the guards—words of far-reaching import being perhaps -spoken in those whispered conferences. The intimate life in prison had -brought many into close relations that had been strengthened during the -long journey by rail and boat; and the drive together now gave fresh -opportunities for bringing the fellow-sufferers nearer to one another. - -[Illustration: - - SIBERIAN HALTING-STATION (ÉTAPE) - To face page 146 -] - -Every day we left two stages behind us, each from fifty to sixty versts -(about thirty-three to forty English miles), on which the horses were -often only changed once, the change being made with lightning rapidity, -as the fresh steeds were generally waiting ready harnessed for our -hurrying procession. While the drivers were occupied over this business -we usually made a hasty meal, buying provisions from the market-women -waiting in the yard of the posting-station—hard-boiled eggs, milk, -bread, etc. The halting-station (_étape_) for the night we generally -reached early, long before twilight set in. Here the first thing was to -prepare our meal—dinner and supper in one; that was the task of the -_stàrosta_ and some volunteer assistants. Afterwards we stayed out in -the open air as long as possible. Songs were sung in chorus; groups and -couples wandered about in confidential talk; or sometimes we held formal -debates, of a very animated description. - -On one of the earliest days of our journey we made our first halt in the -open, far from any posting-station. We all got out and stood before a -boundary post; it was that one so often described, of such sad renown, -which bears in engraved letters the two words, “Europe,” “Asia.” - -It was now the beginning of June. A year and three months had gone by -since my arrest in Freiburg, and I had now crossed the border between -two continents. The sight of this landmark, passed by thousands driven -into exile, brought thronging many gloomy thoughts. I had passed fifteen -months in German and Russian gaols. “How many years have I now to linger -in a Siberian prison?” I asked myself. “Shall I ever see this signpost -again on a return journey? or shall I find my grave over yonder in -Siberia?” - - - - - CHAPTER XVII - IN TIUMEN—PARTING—ON THE SIBERIAN RIVERS—A STARTLING PROPOSAL - - -The town of Tiumen was at that time noted for the disputes that were -continually arising between the political exiles and the authorities. We -dreaded lest our party might be obliged to sustain a battle of this -sort, the causes of which were known to us of old from the letters of -various comrades; so we had intended to arrange together betimes how we -should behave under given circumstances, what we must insist on, and in -what manner we should conduct our dealings with the powers above us. But -it was so difficult to get any orderly discussion during the journey, -that after all we reached Tiumen without having made any definite plan -of action. - -Tiumen was then the place whence exiles took their several ways -according to their ultimate destination. Our party was to separate here, -some going south-west, others north-east. Among the latter were the -hard-labour prisoners, the judicially banished exiles, and some of the -“administratives.” Except us convicts none knew to what town or village -they were bound; they did not even know whether they were to go north or -south from Tiumen. Now, the difference in climate which this might mean, -even if between places in the same province of Siberia could be greater -than between Norway and Italy. The anxiety of the “administratives” in -awaiting a decision can be imagined, as so much depended for them on the -direction in which they were to be taken. - -At the very gates of the prison we were within an ace of a squabble with -the officials; they wanted to take our ladies to a female prison far -away from ours. We opposed this, because such a separation would have -upset all our feeding arrangements, besides being otherwise very -unwelcome to us all, and the officials finally yielded to our -representations. - -We were only to remain for a few days in Tiumen, so our chief subject -for anxiety was soon settled; most of the “administratives” were bound -for the Steppes Government, and would be sent to the southern part of -the province of Tobolsk—a relatively pleasant neighbourhood. But we were -informed at the same time that they would travel by way of the -_etàppuy_, or convoy-stations, which would be by no means pleasant. To -be taken by that route, _i.e._ by land, means a journey of some weeks -under most uncomfortable conditions, and with all manner of hardships -that can perfectly well be avoided by the adoption of the route by -water, on either barge or steamboat. The choice of this wearisome route -has been a frequent source of trouble with the parties of “politicals.” -The officials, therefore, were quite accustomed to protests on the -subject; but either on grounds of convenience, or for some other reason -not vouchsafed to us, they stuck to their proposed arrangement. Our -friends who were to go southward resolved to keep up all possible -opposition, and we all agreed to support what we considered their -perfectly reasonable attitude. We held heated consultations, and -ultimately it was decided to send a telegram to the governor of the -province, petitioning him that the journey of the “administratives” -should be made by boat. - -The appointed day of departure arrived, and the “administratives” were -sent for to go singly into the office, but we others would not allow -them to leave the prison. If the staff had resorted to force there would -undoubtedly have been a serious struggle, but all passed off quietly, as -they gave in for the time being; only, however, to lay a trap for us -later. Instead of answering our telegram by another, the governor -appeared in person (of course, he may merely have come over by chance -from Tobolsk) and examined into the affair. He then declared himself -quite willing that our comrades should travel by boat, according to our -request; and this promise, given by the highest available authority, was -sufficient for us, our minds were forthwith at rest. But unfortunately, -as will appear hereafter, the highest authority had simply lied to us. - -Soon after this the parting came; those of us going northward from -Tobolsk and those bound for Eastern Siberia received orders to make -ready for the start. There was a good deal to do, as a journey of some -months was in question; also our common housekeeping had to be wound up, -the money and provisions divided among the different parties according -to their respective needs and the distance they had to travel. Besides -this, small sums were set apart for any “administratives” or other -exiles who were unprovided with means, for use in emergency on their -first arrival at their destinations. - -The parting was no light matter to us. During the next few days small -groups and isolated couples would be seen wandering up and down the -prison yard, deep in endless and engrossing talk. Most of us had first -become acquainted in the Moscow prison or during the journey; but apart -from the more intimate friendships that had been formed among us, we had -all been drawn very near to each other in the course of our half-year’s -sojourn under the same roof. Of course, in view of the separation many -resolutions were made of keeping up friendships, and of never forgetting -one another, whatever happened. Sad, sad, that external circumstances -should too often prove stronger than the firmest resolutions, and even -than the heart’s desire! After two or three years, with thousands of -miles between, and every possible hindrance put in the way of -correspondence, friends are gradually lost sight of, and the thought of -them even passes from the mind. With how many of those comrades did I -share the hope of one day meeting again! Eighteen years have passed -since then, and I have only seen one of them again. - -As to the subsequent lot of our “administratives,” we learned later -that, the party being a large one, the officials had declared themselves -unable to carry out the arrangement expressly promised by the governor; -and as our comrades refused to go voluntarily by the land route, they -were dragged forcibly by soldiers from the prison and packed into the -carriages. Much rough usage ensued, but without any really serious -result. We had been quieted by lies, because so long as we were all -together the authorities had not dared to try conclusions with us by -force. - -The detachment to which I belonged, which was to travel north-eastwards, -consisted of five-and-twenty persons: four condemned to penal -servitude—Tchuikòv, Spandoni, Maria Kalyùshnaya, and myself; four -judicially exiled—Vasìliev, Dashkièvitch, and two ladies (Tchemodànova -and Shtchulèpnikòva); the rest all banished by administrative order—some -to the north of Tobolsk Government, some to Eastern Siberia—among these -latter being Malyòvany, Rubìnok, and our chief of commissariat, Làzarev, -who still fulfilled his old functions, our “housekeeping” arrangements -continuing as before. - -From Tiumen we had to go by boat to Tomsk, our route being as follows: -down the Tura, on whose banks Tiumen is situated, to its junction with -the Tobol; by the latter as far as the Irtisch, by which to the Obi; and -then up stream to the Tomi, on which Tomsk stands. This made a voyage of -about 3,000 versts (about 2,000 miles), lasting at least fifteen days. -As on the Volga, we were installed in the two cabins of a prisoners’ -barge, and a steamboat took our floating gaol in tow. This journey -afforded little of interest. Although we were in mid-June there were as -yet no signs of spring. Sometimes we passed masses of drifting ice; the -nights were extremely cold, and the sunshine gave no great heat by day. -The rivers were in flood, and everything looked dead and deserted; for -miles round we could often discover no trace of human existence. The -deathly stillness, the absence of any sign of growth at this awakening -season of the year, the piercing cold, ever increasing as we got further -north—all this had an uncanny and depressing effect. “Men and women live -in these primeval forests and swamps (_tundra_),” I thought, with a -shiver, and I pictured to myself how, after many years of prison had -robbed me of strength and vitality, I should be given the “right” of -residing in a similar, or perhaps a drearier locality; even then not -enjoying the liberty possessed by the unfortunate natives—Samoyedes and -Ostiaks—who wander about these eternal woods and steppes. - -Our boat occasionally came to anchor, either to get wood for fuel, or at -the two or three halting-stations provided. The Ostiaks would then come -on board, paddling up in their wretched boats (_yaliks_) made of bark, -and would offer fish for barter. They hardly seemed to understand the -use of money, for when asked the price of a fish, they would only answer -with the one word “roup,” meaning “rouble,” and would then gratefully -accept a copper coin though a piece of bread or a little tobacco would -elicit much more joy. These people had a most pitiable appearance, and -were treated with the utmost contempt by our boatmen and the soldiers, -who usually addressed them all as “Vanka” (Johnny), which they accepted -quite calmly. Sometimes we saw their huts in the distance, cone-shaped -structures, the framework made of branches, the walls of birch-bark or -reindeer skins. - -Except the capital town of Tobolsk, situated at the junction of the -Tobol with the great Irtisch, throughout the length of some thousand -versts we only passed two inhabited places dignified with the name of -towns—Surgut and Narim. Here, and at Berèsov, on the northern coast of -the continent, some of our “administratives” were to take up their -abode. We parted from them at Tobolsk. The conditions of life in some of -these places of exile may be guessed at from our glimpses of them. A -“town” of this sort consists of some dozen wooden huts, the inhabitants -of which are usually a mixed race, Russian and native. These people make -out a livelihood with difficulty, subsisting almost exclusively on fish. -An educated man must find existence in such a place unspeakably -miserable; yet the Russian Government sends even minors here. I know a -young girl who at the age of seventeen was exiled to Berèsov, and had to -languish there for twelve years. Fortunately, none of the women in our -company were destined for these waste places of the earth. - -When we began to go up the Obi there was scarcely any change of scene, -but ever the same hopeless wastes. Our little company had much -diminished; our choir was disbanded; and life on the barge was quiet and -monotonous as we slowly glided on to Tomsk. - -This town, which counts as one of the liveliest in Siberia, only -harboured at this time a very small number of political exiles. When we -arrived, two of them came at once on to our barge, burning with -curiosity to see who we were, and to have news from home; and they -unexpectedly found acquaintances among our party. One young lady I had -known six years before; she stared at me now, and would scarcely believe -that the shorn convict was the same man she had known under such -different circumstances. “You are so changed, so changed!” she kept -saying thoughtfully. - -The local prison authorities took us into their custody on the barge, -when our identity had been established by a careful comparison of our -appearance with the photographs in our record-books. We were then -marched through the town to the prison. On the way two young girls, -scarcely over school-age, suddenly broke through our escort of soldiers, -and rushed upon us. The surprised soldiers tried to catch hold of the -intruders and send them off, but that was not so easy. The girls ran -like squirrels through our midst, announced themselves as the two -sisters P., gave each of us a hasty kiss, and paid no attention to the -calls of the officers and soldiers. Not till they had attained their end -did they quit our ranks, and then they walked beside the procession, -keeping us company to the prison gates. - -We stayed a week in Tomsk, and during that time made acquaintance with -all the exiles there, as they were allowed to visit us in the prison. -This prison in which we were lodged was composed of a few wooden -buildings and some barracks. Every room was filled to overflowing, for -there were about a thousand prisoners of all classes, but mostly -criminals—young and old together. Like ourselves (for we were left -fairly free here), they spent the whole day in the spacious yard. Until -now we “politicals” had been entirely separate from the ordinary -criminals, but henceforward the convoy was composed of both classes, and -I now learned to know the criminal world from personal observation. - -One day as I strolled about the yard one of these men spoke to me. He -was a powerful-looking fellow of about thirty, red-haired, and with -well-marked features. He was evidently a dandy among the convicts. -Beneath the long grey coat, which he wore thrown loosely over his -shoulders, could be seen a white linen shirt adorned at the throat with -a gay tie; round his waist was wound a brightly coloured scarf, and to -this his chains were cunningly attached, so that they made no noise -whatever in walking. The leather protections beneath the ankle-rings -were artistically fastened to look like the tops of his boots. A round -cap pushed carelessly back on the side of his head was the crowning -touch to his elegance, which the moustache, curling upward, finally -completed. Everything denoted an aristocrat of criminal society. - -“How many years have you got?” he asked after a polite greeting. And on -my reply he continued, “And you mean to stay it out?” - -“I can hardly do otherwise,” I said. - -“That depends. If you like, we can arrange a ‘swop.’”[59] - -Footnote 59: - - A “swop” is carried out in the following way. A convict under heavy - sentence—of so many years’ penal servitude, _e.g._—takes an - opportunity of exchanging personalities, so to speak, with one of the - ordinary criminals who is simply being deported. A member of this - class will undertake the business for a ridiculously small - compensation. Then at the first station whence the exiles are to be - despatched to their separate destination the supposed exile escapes, - to wander about in Siberia, and, if lucky, find his way back to - European Russia. The other who has taken his place reveals after a - time his true character, and confesses that he exchanged with - So-and-so at such and such a place. The matter is investigated, and - the culprit receives a hundred lashes and a year’s hard labour. It is - generally the very lowest class of criminals who offer themselves as - merchandise in these cases—wretched outcasts, who only receive a - trifle—a few roubles, perhaps—as their share of the reward. The - organisers of the traffic, the leaders of their _artèl_ (union), see - to it that when once a prisoner undertakes a “swop” he sticks to his - part. If he dare attempt to betray them he is simply murdered. - -I understood what he meant. In 1879 some political exiles—Vladimir -Debagòrio-Makrièvitch, Paul Orlov, and V. Isbitsky—exchanged identities -with three ordinary criminals, and got away. When this had become known, -however, the authorities had at once taken stringent precautions against -a repetition of the affair. The papers of political prisoners were most -carefully made out and photographs attached; they were sent by special -convoy if moved from one place to another; and besides this, each one -was confided to the personal charge of one of the soldiers. But when I -set all this before the man he was not in the least abashed. - -“Nonsense! We can do it in spite of all their paraphernalia!” - -I knew already from books and from the tales of comrades that a peculiar -organisation exists among the convicted criminals in Siberia, the -principle of which is in a manner oligarchic. A small band of the more -strong-willed and energetic gaol-birds governs the rest. They are called -the “Ivans”; they decide all matters relating to their “party,” both in -prison and _en route_, and institute their own rules quite independently -of the recognised authorities. The rank and file yield them slavish -obedience, however unjust and terrible their orders may be. I saw at -once that I had one of these tyrants before me. - -“I don’t see how it could be done,” said I; and indeed, the difficulties -appeared to me quite insurmountable. - -“Do you see that brook?” said the “Ivan.” “Well, in the course of every -year one or two corpses are found in that brook. We arrange a ‘swop’; -one of us changes with you, and the chief person concerned disappears -down there. Do you understand?” - -I could not quite see what he meant, and was horror-struck when he -explained his plan, which was as follows:—I was to make the exchange -before the warders got to know us “politicals” individually, and the man -with whom I exchanged must be as like me as possible. Of course, when -the “politicals” were to be sent on, their identity would first be -inquired into; but then it would only appear that Deutsch was missing. -To accomplish this the “Ivan” would simply murder his companion who had -taken my place, and throw his corpse into the stream. I should not be -found; or if my unfortunate substitute’s body eventually came to light, -it would be taken for granted that it was mine, and that I had committed -suicide or been murdered. I myself, in the meantime, should be sent to -the dead man’s destination as an ordinary criminal, and could afterwards -escape thence—not a difficult matter for that class of prisoner. For -perpetrating this villainy the man only asked a mere trifle—twenty or -thirty roubles—which blood-money he would have had to share with quite a -number of accomplices. He assured me that such enterprises were by no -means uncommon, and always succeeded. - -I listened to him with the fascination of horror and astonishment. He -treated the subject with perfect calm and indifference, as if discussing -the simplest piece of business in the world, and seemed to find my -rejection of his proposal most incomprehensible. Afterwards, when I had -come to know the country better, I realised that this was a typical -example of the manners and customs of the ordinary criminals, and -nothing out of the common. As I have said, henceforward we were to have -these gentry for travelling companions, and it may be imagined what that -meant. - - * * * * * - -Another batch of our comrades took leave of us at Tomsk, and we were now -only fourteen in number, including Maria Kalyùshnaya, Barbara -Shtchulèpnikòva, and Liubov Tchemodànova. We learned that the -authorities proposed to separate these ladies from us here, and send -them on for the remainder of their journey with a party of married -convicts of the ordinary class. As, however, we heard from those who -knew that in such a party, surrounded by the unruly band of criminals, -they would have endless disagreeables and hardships to put up with, we -sent a petition to Petersburg, with the consent of the governor, and -obtained permission for our women comrades to remain in our detachment. - - - - - CHAPTER XVIII - BY WAY OF THE CONVOY-STATIONS—A CLUMSY OFFICER—THE VAGABOND—A MAN-HUNT - - -The real hardships of the journey now began for the “politicals.” From -Moscow to Tomsk, over three thousand miles, the conditions of travelling -had been more or less European; but henceforward we were to go entirely -by road, crawling from one halting-station to another by short stages. -In the terrible Siberian cold, in the glowing heat of summer, in all -weathers, without regard to the fitness or unfitness of the road, -parties of a hundred prisoners are despatched from Tomsk regularly on -fixed days of the week, parties which consist alternately of men only, -and of families—men, women, and children. The day’s march is a stage of -from sixteen to twenty miles, and every third day is a rest. At this -tortoise-like pace—on an average about thirteen miles a day—the long -wandering lasts for many weeks and months, under the most wretched -conditions of life. - -In the damp rooms of the convoy-stations, the air of which is loaded -with every evil odour imaginable, the convicts lie squeezed together on -the bare boards of the two sloping wooden shelves, one above the other, -which do duty for bed-places. These invariably swarm with myriads of -parasites; sleep is probably impossible for half the night, and early in -the morning the prisoners are driven forth to begin afresh the weary -march. Long before sunrise the criminal contingent will be standing -drawn up in the yard, to wait there in the cold until the roll is -called, and at last the signal to start is given. At the head of the -procession march the older criminals, seasoned rascals most of them, the -“Ivans.” The majority of them have trodden this path more than once -already, and know every brook and copse on the way. They go at a quick -pace, in serried ranks, and easily do their four miles an hour, or even -more. Behind them the other criminals straggle painfully along in -irregular groups separated by long stretches of road. Then come carts -with the sick and exhausted and the baggage; and lastly, the -“politicals” in the rear, two or three together in each one-horse cart, -under the charge of their special escort. - -[Illustration: - - IN A SIBERIAN PRISON - To face page 158 -] - -This strange procession extends itself along the road for about -three-quarters of a mile, and raises clouds of dust, from which we in -the rearguard have most to suffer. To add to our woes there is the -special scourge of those regions, the Siberian midge. Swarms of those -terrible little creatures kept us company, not only attacking our hands -and faces, and getting into mouth, nose, ears, and eyes, but inserting -themselves beneath our clothing, and inflicting tortures of irritation. -The only—and even these inefficient—means of protection are nets of -horsehair, with which we had taken care to provide ourselves. - -After the first ten miles or so there is a halt in some woodland -clearing, or by a spring or stream. The criminals here break their fast, -usually only on dry bread, and perhaps some of them have not even that. -Their feeding is managed in this way: each man receives daily five to -twelve kopecks,[60] according to the locality through which they are -passing (where prices depend on the result of the last harvest), and -also according to the “rank” of the prisoner, for even here there are -class distinctions and privileges. This allowance is only under the most -favourable circumstances sufficient to satisfy hunger; it covers, at a -pinch, the cost of bread, tea, and a few vegetables. But gambling is so -deeply rooted a passion among the criminal prisoners that they will -stake their last coin, and he who loses everything has to go hungry. His -only resource then is to beg; and whenever we passed through a village -some of the most destitute always went begging, under the soldiers’ -supervision. They would station themselves before a hut and start a -pitiful song, when the Siberian women would throw out pieces of bread to -them. Travellers, too, whom we met would give them alms, and these gifts -were shared among the whole party, for the criminals too had their -_artèl_, or union. - -Footnote 60: - - A kopeck is equal to a farthing.—_Trans._ - -After the short rest the party would set out again in the same marching -order, and try to reach the halting-station before the noonday heat -began. As soon as they arrived at the station the advance party would -crowd round the door, ready to rush in directly it was opened; and then -would begin the battle for the best sleeping-places, the weaker being -thrust aside or trampled down by the stronger. At our first sight of -this mad fighting and struggling among some hundred men in a narrow -space we thought they would kill each other, but generally the wild -tumult of blows, kicks, and curses did not result in anything serious. -Of course the “Ivans” came off triumphant, having secured the best -places for themselves, while the old and weak had to be content with the -worst corners. The crowding, dirt, stench, and noise made these prisons -veritable hells on earth. - -The halting-stations were usually tumbledown, one-storied buildings -made of rough-hewn tree-trunks, and were divided inside by passages -into two, three, or four rooms. Near this prison building would be a -house for the officer in command and another for the soldiers, the -whole enclosed by a stockade of posts about fifteen feet high, closely -fitted together, and pointed at their upper ends. There are two -classes of halting-stations:—larger ones, where the days of rest are -spent, and where an officer is always in residence, and smaller ones, -which are only used as lodging for one night. - -[Illustration: - - ROLL-CALL OF PRISONERS AT A HALTING-STATION - To face page 160 -] - -When the question of places had been settled the prisoners would all -come out into the yard. Here there were generally market-women with -their wares outspread, and a regular bargaining would ensue. Of course, -the convicts were always ready to cheat the women and steal from them, -and the latter would then raise loud cries of lamentation; as, however, -in such cases the convicts all stuck together like one man, no inquiry -could ever elicit any evidence in favour of the complainants. - -Washing and cooking also went on in the yard, a big fire being kindled -in the middle of it; and no one ever thought of danger to the wooden -buildings and stockade. - -The “politicals” were given a separate room; and our first task on -arrival was always to screen off a part with sheets and rugs to make a -place for our ladies. The position of these poor women, obliged to camp -out in such close proximity to us men, was in many ways very -uncomfortable, especially as soldiers were often quartered with us; but -we did our best to spare them any unpleasantness that could be avoided. - -For some of our party the greatest hardship of our long journey was the -early rising; they needed sleep beyond everything, and from force of -habit could not get it early in the night. As the ordinary criminals -liked early hours—and the earlier the better—there were often disputes -between us on the subject. We usually arranged the evening before with -the officer of the convoy, and also with the headman of the ordinary -convicts, and appointed six a.m. as the hour for starting; but once we -had a regular battle on this point. We “politicals” seldom made use of -the courtyard until the criminals were shut up for the night; there was -no room for us till then, and it was therefore only toward nightfall -that we could get out into the open air. One evening, however, some of -us were in the yard, when the officer came up and ordered us to go -inside. We were exceedingly surprised at this piece of gratuitous -interference, and asked what it meant. - -“Make haste, and be off, or I shall order the start to be made at four -o’clock to-morrow morning,” said the officer. - -“But you have just agreed that we shall start at six,” said we. - -“Well, and now I say that we shall start at four.” - -“We shall stick to the original arrangement, and won’t stir before six,” -we returned. - -“We shall see about that!” was the rejoinder; and off he went. - -Evidently we should have a tussle, but we were unanimous in our resolve -not to give in to any such arbitrary proceeding. - -Next morning the watch awakened us while it was still dark, and said the -officer had given orders that we must be moving. We paid no attention to -this. The ordinary convicts had been already called out, and were in the -yard ready for the start, when at four o’clock the sergeant came and -repeated the order. Some of us then dressed, but the others remained -lying on the plank beds. Meanwhile the convicts began to grumble at -being kept freezing in the cold; they cursed and threatened, and made a -great to-do outside our windows. The officer himself now appeared, -accompanied by one of the soldiers, and again repeated his order to -start. We did not stir, and he called to his people— - -“Drive them out with the butt-ends of your rifles!” - -This would now most certainly have become a serious affair if the -soldiers had obeyed at once, for we were prepared to defend ourselves. -Fortunately they hesitated a moment, and that saved us. - -“What are you doing?” cried some of us. “Do you want to have bloodshed? -That would not be pleasant for you. You have broken your promise, and in -no case are we obliged to begin the march so early; the instructions -only say that a party must reach its destination before sunset.” - -At this moment the sergeant came up in haste. - -“Captain,” said he, “the convicts are in rebellion; they want to break -in here.” - -“Let us get at them!” we heard them shouting outside; “we’ll soon make -them show their legs!” - -“There you are!” we cried to the officer. “You have brought this on -yourself. It is your fault for having inflamed those men against us.” - -The man lost his presence of mind in face of this danger; and, scared -out of his wits, instead of giving orders, appealed to us for counsel. - -“In God’s name, what’s to be done?” - -We advised him to let the fellows start off at once, under command of -the sergeant, so as to get them out of the way. - -“At six o’clock we will be ready, and will go after them; but we won’t -start a minute sooner.” - -He went off somewhat humbled, and gave the order as we had suggested. We -drank our tea very peacefully, and got ready at our leisure. From time -to time the orderly appeared, and asked if we would start; but we always -looked at the time and said it was only so many minutes to six. -Punctually on the stroke of the hour we got up and set off after the -rest of the convoy. - -This occurrence had the effect of winning us the respect and sympathy of -most of the convicts. Our firmness and decision pleased them and -impressed them. They were surprised that such a handful of us—fourteen -men and women—should have successfully resisted the domineering of an -officer, who had at his command a hundred soldiers and their own -contingent into the bargain. - -Friendly relations were established between our two divisions, and -throughout our journey we never came into collision. One only of the -convicts had a grudge against us, and took every opportunity of evincing -his dislike. He was an old hand, had repeatedly escaped from prison, and -was now being transported as a criminal of “unknown antecedents.” He was -evidently from the working-classes, but was distinguished by keen -reasoning powers, and had read an astonishing amount. Reading seemed to -be his master passion, but the works of reactionary authors exclusively -had fallen into his hands—Katkov, Meshtchèrsky, etc.—and his views were -according. He had formed really remarkable opinions on politics in -general, and Socialism in particular. He was genuinely convinced that -the revolutionists had killed Alexander II. solely because he had -emancipated the serfs! He accused us before all the other convicts of -being either discontented aristocrats or their paid agents. After this, -several of us entered into discussion with him, and tried to convert -him. By degrees our arguments began to take effect; he begged us to lend -him books, and sought our society whenever possible. I had many talks -with him, and tried to get him to tell me about his past and his -wandering life; but I never succeeded in learning who and what he really -was. He remained to the end the “Ivan of unknown antecedents,” as he was -called in his record-book. Yet he would readily tell us tales of his -vagabondage. I asked him on one occasion how he managed to get through -to European Russia when he escaped from Siberia. - -“Oh, where’s the difficulty?” he replied. “The chief thing is to have -the Urals behind your back; then you get a train or a steamboat, and -stop wherever you like. I would go in that way to Kharkov, or Kiëv, or -Odessa, or Rostov, hire a room, and live quite comfortably. I was always -respectably dressed; my passport was all right (that we see to -ourselves), and so nobody bothered about me. The one thing I cared about -was to subscribe to a library and get books. I’ve read all sorts of good -things—Gaboriau, Paul de Kock, Ponson du Terrail, and lots more beside. -At midday I would dine at a restaurant, and go to the theatre in the -evening sometimes.” - -“That sounds very nice. But where did you get the money for all that?” I -inquired, with interest. - -Of earning a living in the ordinary sense there was evidently no -question here. One would suppose the gentleman to have been living on -private means. - -[Illustration: - - ESCAPED CONVICT-TRAMP (BRODYAGA) - To face page 164 -] - -“Money? Oh, I took whatever there was to take!” - -“Well, tell me just what that means,” I asked him. And he thereupon -explained his theory of life. - -“Above everything, it’s my motto that ‘Self’s the man.’ I don’t hold -with joint-stock business in our way of life. Thieves make bad partners, -you know. You run the chance of being murdered or split on at every -turn; so I always work on my own hook.” - -He then related how he “worked” at burglary, pocket-picking, or petty -thefts, each as occasion served. - -“Of course,” he observed, “sometimes you have a bit of bad luck and get -caught. Then off you go to Siberia, and have to begin all over again. I -expect I shall go on all my life ringing the changes on Europe and -Asia,” he concluded, with perfect composure. - -I realised from the narrations of this man and other criminals the -astonishing numbers belonging to this vagabond class. It is generally -recruited from the ranks of those condemned to transportation for the -less serious offences; but some among its members have been sentenced to -penal servitude, and have then “swopped.” As soon as the sun of spring -shines out, not one of them remains at his place of exile; they all -manage to get away and make for European Russia. They usually choose -byways and tracks known only to themselves through the _taigà_ or -primeval forest, but occasionally they wander quite calmly along the -great Moscow high road—until the completion of the railway the only -regular way of transit between Eastern Siberia and Europe. We ourselves -often met these tramps on the road, travelling in couples or in quite -considerable bands. They came along in their prison clothes, a bundle -and a small kettle on their backs; always skirting the edge of the -forest, so as to vanish within its recesses if need be. At sight of our -party they would stop for a chat with the convicts, among whom they -often found old acquaintances. The officers and soldiers seemed not to -trouble their heads about them in the slightest degree. - -“Where are you off to?” the officer of our convoy once asked, when some -tramps saluted him, cap in hand. - -“Your Excellency knows; we’re going to the Government’s lodgings,” the -rogues replied, grinning. - -“Oh, get along with you, then, in God’s name!” the officer laughed; and -then told us that he had escorted this very lot into exile a few months -back. - -“Government lodgings” was the recognised euphemism for prison, and it -was perfectly true that most of these vagabonds would find their way -back there soon enough; by autumn hardly a man of them would be still at -large. Meanwhile they begged their way along. The Siberian natives were -liberal in almsgiving; partly from obedience to their religion, which -enjoins charitable deeds, but not a little from fear, as, if refused, -these tramps are not slow in revenging themselves. In many places there -was a regular custom of putting out food on the window-sill at night—a -bowl of thickened milk, a piece of bread, or some curd-cheese. The -peasants would even leave open the door of the bath-house (generally -placed at a little distance from the other houses), that the wanderers -might find shelter. They were admitted very unwillingly to the -dwelling-houses, from a not unjustifiable mistrust of their conduct; and -that reminds me of the following episode. - -One day as we were on the march a criminal told me that he had known -Tchernishevsky.[61] This naturally excited my interest, and I asked him -how and where he had met that great martyr to our cause. He told me that -he had once before been exiled, and sent to Viluisk, in Yakutsk. -Tchernishevsky was there at the same time; they were let out of prison -together, and interned in the same town. The man could tell me nothing -except some details of the way in which Tchernishevsky had passed his -time in exile; but that was enough to make my heart warm towards him. It -seemed to me that a criminal who had known personally one of the noblest -men in Russia must have something in him a little different from the -rest. When he had told me all he could of Tchernishevsky, I asked him -how he himself came to be going back into exile. - -Footnote 61: - - This celebrated scholar and political writer, though not an active - member of the revolutionary party, was arrested in 1866 and condemned - to penal servitude. During his imprisonment in the Fortress of Peter - and Paul he wrote his famous novel, _What Should We Do?_ which had - such a great influence on the youth of his time.—_Trans._ - -“I got sick of that cursed hole, Viluisk,” he said, “and got away with -some other tramps. We’d been a few days on the road when one stormy -night we came to a village. It was pouring in torrents, and we could -find nobody who would let us in, till at last an old man opened the door -of his hut. We begged him in God’s name to give us shelter. - -“‘Well,’ he said, ‘will you promise to leave us old folks in peace?’ - -“‘What do you take us for, grandfather?’ said we. ‘Have pity on us!’ - -“So he let us in, and the old woman gave us something to eat, and they -allowed us to lie on the stove by turns. Well, they went to sleep, and -we just _did for them_, and went off with everything that could be of -any use to us. We didn’t get far: the peasants came after us and caught -us; and then there was the usual game—trial and sentence to penal -servitude. But on the way here I made a ‘swop,’ and now I’m going into -exile as ‘of unknown antecedents.’” - - * * * * * - -On their side, however, the people of Siberia are often guilty of great -brutality towards the convict-tramps, sometimes shooting them down like -beasts of the chase simply in order to steal their clothes, boots, and -the products of their begging. I have been told, for instance, by people -whose evidence is to be trusted, that the following is a typical -instance. - -A tramp had hired himself out to a peasant for the winter. When spring -laid the road open, he received the whole sum due to him, and took his -departure. His wages amounted to the veriest trifle, for the peasants -drive hard bargains with the poor rascals; but his master grudged -parting with even this miserable pittance, and after his departure took -his gun and went on the chase. Siberians are keen huntsmen and dead -shots; they are as much at home in the forest as the wild animals. This -man soon got on the convict’s trail, caught him up, shot him down -ruthlessly, and left the body to the beasts of prey, while he went home -with the spoils. - -Throughout our journey we constantly heard tales of unrecognised corpses -found, and shocking crimes never unravelled. Siberia was then a wild, -forsaken land, untraversed by roads save for the one great Moscow -highway. The government of the country districts, entirely in the hands -of the police, was corrupt from top to bottom. What wonder if events -that chill one’s blood with horror take place there without exciting -more than a passing comment? The life of a human being is not valued -highly in itself anywhere throughout the Tsar’s dominions; but in -Siberia it counts for absolutely nothing, as my own eyes often -testified. Even now, when distinct progress has been made in many -respects, and the administration of justice greatly reformed (since -1897), this state of things is little changed. - - - - - CHAPTER XIX - THE FOREST—UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPTS AT ESCAPE—THE PEOPLE WE MET—THE - CRIMINAL WORLD—THE CONVOY OFFICERS - - -Our journey was for the most part accomplished during the Siberian -summer. The forest, through which the highway runs for thousands of -versts, is then in fullest beauty; and from the many different species -of trees is wafted an indescribably delicious perfume. Countless birds -flit among the branches, and fill the air with song. Life seems -everywhere the more ebullient for its long winter sleep, and throughout -all nature the tide of energy is at its highest. A riot of joy was -visible everywhere, and we alone seemed to strike a discordant note, as -we wandered on towards the prison that awaited us. Yet even we felt born -anew; our open-air life worked wonders, following on our long -imprisonment. Many who had left Moscow weak and ill became robust in -health during the journey. - -The Moscow high-road is, as I have said, the only means of transit, -nevertheless it is kept in an incredibly bad condition. It has never -been properly made, and during the damp weather of early spring, or -after a downpour in summer, vehicles are often axle-deep in mud. Along -the road, at intervals of fifteen to twenty versts, there are villages, -or sometimes small towns. To the north and south no traces of human -dwellings are to be found; the eternal forest extends for thousands of -versts, and only a few nomad tribes of half-savage hunters or herdsmen -roam through its depths. Whilst our party rested, or even during the -march, we “politicals” would often leave the road, and accompanied by a -guard would dive into the woods to gather flowers and berries. A strange -feeling would steal over one. A dozen steps into the thicket, and one is -absolutely alone, not a soul to be seen. One dreams of being free and -one’s own master; but the rattle of fetters, or the glitter of a bayonet -brings back grim reality, and soon we are recalled by the soldiers, for -the party must not be kept waiting. - -The officers make no difficulty about these little excursions, -although they are forbidden by the regulations. At first this -surprised me; but I soon saw it was simply because everyone was -convinced that escape was quite impracticable. For although at first -sight it may appear an easy thing to hide in the undergrowth and get -away, as a matter of fact very few “politicals” have ever even -attempted it, and only one—Dzvonkyèvitch—when actually on the march. -He had been condemned to penal servitude for life, and ran away from -his escort into the forest; but the soldiers caught and frightfully -maltreated him. If the officers had not come up he would have been -murdered out of hand. He was taken half dead to the hospital in -Krasnoyarsk, where—thanks to his strong constitution—he recovered from -his severe wounds, though he will bear traces of them for the rest of -his life. This had taken place just a year before our arrival at -Krasnoyarsk. - -Several attempts have also been made to escape from the -halting-stations, but with no greater success. It must be remembered -that Siberia is so sparsely populated that every traveller on the road -is an object of universal attention, and the authorities are therefore -soon made aware of the whereabouts of a runaway, if he be a “political” -whom they are anxious to capture. Besides, the fugitives are often -forced to come in of themselves. They do not know the paths through the -forest, so familiar to the ordinary criminals, but wander helplessly -about, and are thankful at last if they chance to hit the high-road once -more, and—half famished—seek the nearest village. In such cases the -peasants are eager to assist the authorities and thereby earn a reward; -and as soon as they discover a political runaway they unfailingly -deliver him up to the police. - -[Illustration: - - AN ATTEMPT AT ESCAPE - To face page 170 -] - -Up to the present time the Russian Government has been amply justified -in regarding Siberia as one vast prison, whose natural conditions offer -more insuperable obstacles to escape than do iron bars, high walls, or -any number of guards. But this is only to the “politicals,” to whom the -forest ways are strange. The criminals, as I have said, are quite at -home in the wild woods; and it is easily conceivable that to many of us -the thought has occurred of making common cause with these people, and -escaping in their company. Such attempts, however, have more than once -had a fatal ending. The rascals are always ready to murder for the sake -of gain; a “political’s” money, and even his clothes, are quite -sufficient bait. In this manner it is supposed that Ladislas Isbitsky -came by his death in the year 1880. He had successfully negotiated a -“swop,” had escaped as an ordinary criminal—and then disappeared for -ever, probably murdered by the tramps to whose guidance he had entrusted -himself. - -Another instance of this kind was related to me by a political exile, -who, when himself a fugitive in company with some convict-tramps, -chanced to overhear them planning to murder him in his sleep. For weeks -he was obliged to feign sleep at night while really remaining awake—a -terrible task, as may readily be imagined. - -These criminals do not, indeed, even trust one another when on the road; -and it is said that when two of them have to enter a narrow path, there -will be a sharp dispute as to who is to go first, the one in front never -feeling safe from an attack in the rear by the companion of his march. - -Other dangers also lie in wait for the wanderer. Our comrade -Vlastòpoulo, sentenced to penal servitude for life, narrowly escaped -being devoured by a bear, during his flight in company with Kòziriov -(another revolutionist condemned to penal servitude). He described to me -how the bear came so suddenly upon them that they had no time to fly, -and could only back against a tree, supposing their last hour had come. -Bruin, however, must have had a full meal, for he trotted quietly by, -apparently without noticing them! These two fugitives suffered terribly -from hunger and thirst during their wanderings through the woods. - -Although we had had no personal experience of these various dangers, -most of us were so well aware of them that no plan of escape during the -journey entered into our calculations; but two of our comrades could not -resist the temptation to weave schemes of the kind. These were Maria -Kalyùshnaya and the student Yordan—the former condemned to twenty years’ -penal servitude, and the latter “administratively” exiled to Eastern -Siberia for five years. They were both young, barely twenty, and their -longing for freedom was overpowering. None of their projects of flight -were practicable, however, and they did not attempt to carry them into -execution. Both these young creatures died in prison; Maria -Kalyùshnaya’s story, which I shall have to relate further on, being a -specially sad one. - -We had many opportunities, during our long march, of becoming acquainted -with the people whose dwellings are beside the great highway. A certain -air of comfort and well-being was often visible about them, and some of -the larger settlements had the pleasant appearance of a Russian -provincial town. Roomy, well-built houses, occasionally of more than one -story, decorated with carving and provided with tidy hedges and gates, -lined the road sometimes for several versts. Curtains and flower-pots -showed in the windows; the rooms were often carpeted and furnished -comfortably, sometimes even exhibiting the luxury of Austrian bentwood -furniture. The cattle, so far as we could see, were finer and better -kept than is usual among the Russian peasantry. - -This well-to-do appearance was only in part to be ascribed to the -productiveness of the husbandry in these regions. Trade and the conduct -of traffic were the principal resources of the inhabitants; for this -road was the only means of communication by land between Europe and the -northern parts of Asia. Caravans in lengthy processions, sometimes in -such numbers that the road was practically blocked, travelled along the -great highway; and the country people found employment in the transport -of both goods and passengers. The regular posting-stations were often -unequal to the demands made upon them, and travellers—merchants -especially—were obliged to hire private vehicles and pay dearly for -them. Besides these legitimate industries, the inhabitants had another -extremely lucrative source of gain. Many villages had won for themselves -an evil name in this connection, and were known as “thieves’ towns,” -because no caravan ever passed through them without paying toll of its -wares; sometimes a chest of tea would be stolen, sometimes a horse, and -so on. It was asserted that in some of these places the inhabitants made -raids on travellers by night, and lived by highway robbery. It is -characteristic of the country that this reputation lowered no man in -public estimation. Anyone was received in “good society” if he were -rich, no matter whether he were well known to have robberies by the -score upon his conscience; he might, indeed, even be asked to fill the -most honourable offices—such as churchwarden, mayor, or head of the -commune. Later, when I was living in a Siberian town as an exile -released from prison under police surveillance, I was frequently told by -trustworthy persons, with every detail, how such and such a citizen, -universally respected and esteemed, had made his fortune by cheating and -robbery, or even by downright murder. There were numbers of people whose -past could not bear inspection; and many of them, even after becoming -possessed of wealth in superfluity, could not quite give up their old -practices. It so fell out, for example, at the end of the eighties, that -General Barabash the military governor of Tchita (the capital of the -Transbaikalian Government), gave a banquet, to which all the -notabilities of the place were invited, and that the highly respectable -merchant and mayor Alexèiev broke off in the middle of the feasting and -went straight from table to waylay the passing night-mail. This worthy -citizen, with one of his friends, galloped after the mail-coach, -murdered the driver, seriously wounded the guard, seized the bag -containing the registered letters, and made off. The guard, however, -whom they had left for dead, was rescued; and as an unusually energetic -magistrate took the matter in hand, the whole story came out, and could -not be hushed up in the customary manner. The case was brought before a -court-martial, and the highway robbers were condemned to death. - -These colonies by the great road had had very diverse origins, and were -sharply differentiated from each other in character. There were more or -less pure Russian villages, neighboured by barbaric Buriat settlements; -and there were also villages inhabited exclusively by members of various -sects, exiled from Russia and forcibly established there as a punishment -for their daring to fall away from the Orthodox State religion. Those -that I found specially interesting were the villages of the so-called -Subòtniki (Sabbatarians). The members of this sect are Russian by -nationality, yet their religion is the Mosaic in its strictest form. - -It was curious in the extreme to find these typical representatives of -the Slav race considering themselves Jews by virtue of their religion, -and still stranger to hear them boasting of the prerogatives of their -Israelitish faith. In their manner of life and occupations they differ -in no way from ordinary Russian peasants; although in decency and -prosperity their villages are far above those of their Christian -neighbours. - -Those of our criminal contingent who had travelled this way more than -once already were well acquainted with the manners and customs of the -Siberian people; many of them were veritable mines of information, and -could relate tales of uncommon interest. In their narrations the -Siberians usually figured in an unfavourable light; for the criminals -hate them from the bottom of their hearts, and ascribe all kinds of evil -qualities to them, being, one and all, firmly persuaded that although -their own standard of conduct is by no means exalted, they are -infinitely higher in the moral scale than the Siberians. - -“Heaven knows we are rascals through and through, good-for-nothings, and -all that; but _that_ lot are far and away worse,” was their dictum. They -showered on the Siberians all sorts of contemptuous names, which were -quite incomprehensible to us, but seemed to provoke their recipients -terribly. This mutual antipathy probably arose from the fact of the -parties knowing one another only too well, and from the injuries -inflicted by each on the other during past generations. - -We came into such close contact with the world of crime during our -travels that we could soon recognise what Lombroso calls “the criminal -type.” On the whole, the criminals made a more favourable impression on -me than I had expected. Certainly there was much about them unpleasant, -and even repulsive; but this was, I think, less due to their character -as a class than to the special influence of the “Ivans”—a quite peculiar -type, who imparted their tone more or less to all the others. With the -exception of these leaders, and of a small number of the worst -criminals, who had not succeeded in “swopping,” the majority consisted -of very average men of the working class, with the good and bad -qualities of their order. Their leading characteristics were dumb -acquiescence in their lot and a shy dread of anyone who would attempt to -better it. - -They were for the most part just as good-natured and ready to help one -another as is commonly the case with workers of the lower classes. Among -the ordinary prisoners, too, were to be found many individuals who could -in no sense be ranked as criminals. Russian village communes have the -power of rejecting from their midst members whom they consider -undesirable; and these outcasts can then be sent to settle in Siberia, -without any judicial sentence, but simply by the desire of a majority in -their commune. Moreover, this verdict of the commune is often delivered -without any real majority being convinced as to the unfitness of the -offending member; the clerk to the commune and two or three of the -richer peasants and usurers (_Kulaki_) can easily manage to get rid of a -poor wretch who does not happen to please them. It would be impossible -to calculate how many crying injustices are thus perpetrated on the -destitute and helpless among the peasantry. The victims of such -barbarous and arbitrary proceedings who were among our party, had many -sad stories to tell, which only corroborated what I myself had seen -going on in country districts. With one or two exceptions, the exiles -belonging to this category were quite average specimens of the Russian -peasant. - -There were also included among these ordinary prisoners members of -various religious sects, exiled on that account, and they were very far -removed from the criminal type. These sectarians are admitted, by all -who know Siberia best, to form the steadiest and the most industrious -element of the population. The sectarians in our party of ordinary -prisoners always avoided any participation in the fights, quarrels, and -rowdyism of the others, and tried not to fall out either with the -leaders of the convict band, on the one hand, nor with the authorities -on the other. It was their custom to accept humbly all insults and -injuries inflicted on them as trials sent them by God. - -Those prisoners who had minor punishments to undergo, and who had least -on their conscience, were for the most part timid, submissive, even -broken-spirited. Among them were the unfortunate wretches whom I have -described as gambling away their food-money for whole weeks together. -They then literally starved, or sold themselves into the hands of the -“swop” organisation for a beggarly sum. They were treated with utter -contempt by the other criminals, and among them went by the name of -“biscuits,” a rather descriptive title for these pale, dried-up, -emaciated creatures. These “biscuits” were the pariahs of their society, -and all the dirtiest and most disagreeable work—cleaning out of privies, -etc.—fell to their share as a matter of course. They seemed to have lost -all power of will; and gambling—the source of all their sufferings—was -the only thing they cared for. They were always ready to steal anything -that came in their way, except from the “Ivans,” which would have had -dire results for themselves if discovered, probably a murderous -thrashing. I only knew one case of that kind, when a poor young fellow -stole a piece of bread from one of the “Ivans,” and the _artèl_ at once -decided that he should be punished exemplarily, “because he had stolen -from his own people.” - -I have spoken before of this _artèl_, an extremely interesting -institution which has existed among criminals from time immemorial. It -is based on stringent and unalterable rules, the chief of which is that -each individual must yield implicit obedience to the will of the whole -_artèl_. All members are supposed to have, _de jure_, equal rights in -the organisation; but, _de facto_, the confirmed criminals, the old -experienced rogues and vagabonds, are the preponderating element, and it -is the “Ivans” that govern the rest ruthlessly in their own proper -interest. It is _their_ will that passes for the will of the whole body. -Without the sanction of the _artèl_ no agreement between individuals has -any force; only with its consent can any “swop” be carried out, and thus -a portion of the price always goes into the common exchequer. Once the -sanction of the _artèl_ is given there is no holding back; a criminal -who refused to fulfil his “swop” when he had agreed to it and received -his pay would have the whole combined _artèl_ against him. But such a -case never occurs; and fear of the _artèl’s_ vengeance is too great for -any treachery by its members. The lawful authorities would have no power -to shield such a traitor, and could not get him out of the clutches of -the organisation; for if he were moved to another prison the _artèl_ -there would take on the feud and mete out vengeance to him, the leaders -invariably finding means to communicate with each other. In one respect -the solidarity of the _artèl_ is especially strong: it is represented in -all dealings with the authorities by its _stàrosta_ or head-man, elected -by the prisoners themselves from among their own ranks. This is a post -of honour, and is naturally always obtained by an experienced and crafty -rogue. He makes all arrangements concerning his constituents, receives -their food-money, and sees to its distribution. His authority over the -common herd is limitless; but he is directly dependent on the -leaders—the “Ivans”—who have carried through his election, and would be -powerless without their support, so that he has to keep on good terms -with them. The office of _stàrosta_ has its pecuniary advantages, and it -often happens that candidates for the post pay a considerable sum for -the votes of the powerful “Ivans.” - -A less important, but equally profitable post is that of the -storekeeper, who trades with the other prisoners in tea, sugar, tobacco, -and other things of the kind, and—secretly—in spirits and playing-cards. -This privilege is granted by the _artèl_ for a fixed time to one of the -candidates for the office, who pays for it a certain sum into the common -chest. The chief profits accrue from the illicit sale of spirits and -hiring out of playing-cards. At night, as soon as the ordinary prisoners -were shut in, and often even by day, they might be seen squatting -together in groups to indulge in a game of chance. They would gamble -away not only their meagre food-allowance, but clothes, linen, boots, -the property of the State; for which they were of course accountable, -and for the loss of which—if discovered—they were liable to severe -punishment. Half naked, save for some miserable rags, the condition of -the wretched “biscuits” in bad weather was pitiable indeed; and when the -cold days of autumn came on they could be seen shivering from head to -foot, running instead of walking when on the march, to try and keep -warm. It was hard to understand how these men could endure the hunger -and cold they brought on themselves. We attempted to relieve them, but -could do very little; as, firstly, our own means were very limited; and, -secondly, they staked everything we gave them, at the first opportunity, -despite the most solemn promises. There was always an eager crowd around -any players, following the game with as much excitement as the -principals themselves could manifest; and occasionally a lucky winner -would share some of his gains with his starving comrades. It was the -custom, too, for the storekeeper to treat the whole company when his -term of office expired; that was a feast-day for the hungry, and you -might hear them say: “To-day we’ll eat our fill; the storekeeper pays”! - -The officers of the escort on principle never interfered with the -affairs of the _artèl_, the prisoners themselves managing to keep order -so as to avoid any occasion for such interference or coercion. It was -certainly remarkable that this crowd of people, many of whom were -hardened robbers and murderers, should have been so easy to rule; for -the numbers of the escort were relatively small. No prisoner attempted -to escape, that being strictly forbidden by their rules during the -journey for fear of reprisals by the authorities against the _artèl_. -There were squabbles and scuffles, but never anything that necessitated -the interference of the soldiery; and though doubtless there was an -inordinate amount of drinking (for spirits were always to be had), no -drunkard was allowed to carry on any brawling under the eye of the -officer. The others saw to that. There was a tacit understanding between -the _artèl_ and the officer; the latter knew that if the prisoners were -allowed a free hand in certain matters he could count on them to keep -order among themselves, and never to cause him any trouble. He therefore -looked the other way when regulations were disregarded, as, for -instance, in the matter of fetters, which were always merely tied -together, not riveted; so that though worn on the march they could be -taken off at night—which was of course against rules. Among all the -different convoy officers (and there were forty stationed on the route -between Tomsk and Kara—men of very varied types), not one made any -exception to this rule. I have never observed any abuse of their power -in regard to the prisoners, nor that they were particularly rude and -rough in dealing with them; still less that they ever attempted to mulct -them of their food-money or other allowances. On the other hand, it -often happens that these officers are prosecuted for shortcomings of -this kind in connection with their subordinates, and even for direct -peculation. It must be remembered that the halting-stations are -established in the wilderness, far removed from the reach of the central -authorities, military and civil. It is easy, therefore, for a commanding -officer to abuse his position. Most of them get but a scanty education -in the lower military schools, and are then sent out into the Siberian -wilds, where many are naturally led to give the rein to their worst -qualities. The majority of them know no pleasure but debauchery, and -when drunk commit all kinds of excesses, gamble away the excise-money, -maltreat their inferiors, and so on. - -There were a few officers with a taste for economy, and they were less -inclined to excess, but the soldiers were scarcely better off under -their rule—perhaps worse—than under that of the rakes and drunkards; for -these able financiers established such a thorough control of ways and -means in their department that their unfortunate men were not only -mercilessly fleeced, but made to do all sorts of work in house and field -in order to save paying for labour. However, this class was not a large -one. - -To us “politicals” most of the officers behaved with formal correctness, -and tried to avoid any conflicts. But apart from their general attitude, -there were numerous petty details—slight enough in themselves, but of -great importance to us on such a long journey—that were sometimes -subjects of dispute; for instance, the hour of starting in the early -morning, as I have already mentioned; and we had discussions with -various officers about other things, such as keeping the wooden tub in -our room all night, which we declined to do, as it poisoned the air, and -also on account of the ladies who had to share the room with us. If the -officer were ill-tempered or obstinate, trifles like these might be the -occasion of insults and bullying on his side that would lead to revolt -and violence on ours; and then a court-martial with its cruel verdict -loomed before us. Fortunately, things never went so far as that,—thanks -partly to our having in our midst a few older and wiser heads, who -exercised a calming influence over the rest, besides three men who had -had considerable experience of intercourse with the authorities, as they -were going to Siberia for the second time, having previously been -“administratively” exiled—Malyòvany, Spandoni, and Tchuikòv. We owed -much also to the exertions and tactful counsel of our head-man, Làzarev. - -It happened sometimes that we came across officers who were ready to -show us many small kindnesses—lending us newspapers and paying attention -to our comfort in any way possible to them. On one or two occasions we -had unexpected bits of good fortune. An officer, recognising a -school-friend in one of our comrades—Snigiriòv, a veterinary surgeon—was -much moved at the meeting, and during the two days of his accompanying -us did all he could to help us. Another officer announced himself as a -sympathiser with Socialism. He had mixed in revolutionary circles, and -made no secret of his views, being in entire agreement with us. He told -us he read a good deal of forbidden literature, and we discussed many -political problems with him. Naturally it was a pleasant surprise to -find a man of kindred opinions among the instruments of despotism. - -The polite behaviour of most officers towards us may possibly have been -due to an amusingly mistaken notion, of which by chance we discovered -symptoms. On entering one of the halting-stations we found in the room -to which we were shown a plainly dressed man with handcuffs on his -wrists. He turned out to be a political exile named Stephen Agàpov,[62] -a factory hand, who was now being removed from Eastern to Western -Siberia as a mitigation of his punishment, in accordance with the -coronation manifesto of 1883. His wife, a Siberian peasant, accompanied -him. Agàpov explained to us that when our party was expected the officer -had ordered him to quit that room, because a party of “politicals” was -coming, composed entirely of counts and princes, and that these noble -personages would never put up with having a common workman in the room -with them. Agàpov and his wife thought this no reason why they should be -turned out of the room intended for political prisoners like themselves, -and they refused to obey, which led to a violent scene, and Agàpov was -put in irons. Worse still, the irate officer had another punishment in -store for him. The pair had with them all their belongings—the fruits of -hard work in Eastern Siberia—making a weight of luggage beyond what was -permitted by the regulations. The officer immediately ordered everything -above the prescribed weight to be sold by auction to the people of the -place—a pure piece of malice, as even the ordinary exiles were always -allowed excess luggage, and still more those who were benefiting by the -act of grace. - -Footnote 62: - - Agàpov was sentenced in the case of fifty Propagandists, in 1887, to - three years and eight months’ penal servitude. In 1880 he was released - from prison and interned as a “colonist” in Eastern Siberia. - -This tyrannical performance incensed us highly, and our good head-man -went at once to the officer with an appeal for the release of our -comrade from his fetters, which was granted without much ado. The comic -part of the affair was that we ourselves should figure as princes and -counts! In reality there was not one among us of such rank, but the -legend had probably arisen from the addresses of letters sent by members -of our party to Prince Volhònsky, Count Leo Tolstoi, and other -well-known people of title. The affair had further consequences for the -poor Agàpovs, as the officer reported them for disobedience, violence, -etc., and they were sent to one of those “towns” to the north of Tobolsk -that I have previously described—a far worse locality than that from -which they were being brought as an act of clemency. - - - - - CHAPTER XX -FROM KRASNOYARSK TO IRKUTSK—MISUNDERSTANDINGS AND DISPUTES—THE WOMEN IN - IRKUTSK PRISON - - -The distance from Tomsk to Krasnoyarsk is about five hundred versts, and -took us a full month to accomplish—twenty days on the march and ten days -of rest between the stages. In Krasnoyarsk we were to wait a week, the -ordinary prisoners being taken to the deportation prison and we -ourselves lodged in the town gaol. On arriving there we were struck by -the orderliness of the arrangements. The spacious new building was -freshly whitewashed, and the whole place spotlessly clean; there was -light and air in abundance, and there were no bars to the windows. We -might have imagined that we had been brought to a decent hotel; I have -certainly never seen another prison like it in either Siberia or Russia. -When we entered the corridor, however, the air of comfort was somewhat -lessened by inscriptions on the cell doors—“For murder”; “For robbery”; -“For theft,” etc. The governor, a pleasant-looking man, came up and -ordered briefly and decisively that we should be placed in separate -cells, and each according to his special class—convicts, exiles, and -“administratives”—as that was the rule of the place. This did not suit -us at all, and we explained to him the upset it would mean to our -feeding arrangements; besides which, as during our two months’ journey -we had clubbed all our luggage together, it would be very awkward to -change all that at a moment’s notice. Moreover, we told him, we did not -wish to be treated in any different way from that prescribed by the -regulations; that we were on transport, and therefore not supposed to -conform to the rules of the place, which only applied to prisoners on -remand or under sentence there. It had nothing to do with us, we said, -that we had not been taken to the deportation prison where we belonged; -and—to sum the matter up—we intended to do here as everywhere else, -_i.e._ we should divide into groups convenient to ourselves in the -different rooms, and might be locked up by night, but not by day, as set -forth in our instructions. - -The governor was much put about at receiving this answer, and declared -he could on no account permit such an infringement of his regulations; -but we refused to be lodged separately, and remained firmly planted in -the corridor, bag and baggage. The chief of police was now sent for: a -perfect Falstaff, and—as it turned out—a very ignorant fellow. He -likewise pronounced that we must conform to the regulations; to which we -made our former reply, claiming our rights. As we were reasoning with -him, one of the ladies happened to mention the word “_goumànnost_” -(humanity), and—like the postmaster in Gogol’s immortal comedy, who did -not know whether “_mauvais ton_” might not mean something worse than -“rascal”—so this good man became uneasy as to whether the unfamiliar -word might not contain some offence, and demanded an explanation, with -which—repressing our amusement—we furnished him. In the end this -functionary decided that a still higher power must be referred to—the -governor of the district; meanwhile there next successively appeared the -colonel of the gendarmerie and the public prosecutor, to whom we again -explained our position. They could find nothing to say against our -representations, and after the discussion had lasted a long time—we -camping out in the passage all the while, unable to unpack or prepare a -meal (although we had eaten nothing since early morning and were -fearfully hungry)—at last the good people agreed that, pending the -arrival of the governor’s decision, we should make our own arrangements. - -Next day as we sat at dinner the chief of police appeared in full parade -uniform, with his helmet on. - -“Gentlemen, I am to inform you of the governor’s decision,” he began -ceremoniously, when our head-man interrupted him with the request that -he would uncover his head. - -“Gentlemen, you see I am in parade uniform, and the helmet is part of -it; I cannot take it off,” he stammered, doubtful if this were not some -new form of insult. - -“We do not care what sort of uniform it is,” answered Làzarev, with -imperturbable calm, “when you come into our room you will have the -kindness to remove your head-covering.” - -“Now this is too much. I cannot, I really cannot take off my helmet,” he -declared, growing warm. - -“Do as you please; but in that case we will not listen to the decision -of the governor,” said Làzarev. - -The poor man looked from one to another, hesitated, and finally bared -his worthy head and imparted to us the formal decision: the governor -granted our desire. - -I wonder how many officials have had to learn this elementary lesson in -politeness from us. - - * * * * * - -In Krasnoyarsk our party was diminished to eleven in number. The -veterinary surgeon Snigiriòv and the student Korniènko were to remain in -the government of Yenisei, and we had to leave Spandoni behind in the -prison, as he was ill. - -We were two months on the journey from Krasnoyarsk to Irkutsk, a -thousand versts. In that whole distance there is only one town, -Nijni-Udînsk; and even this scarcely deserves the title. Here we met -comrades—a married couple named Novakòvsky—also on their way to Eastern -Siberia. I had known Novakòvsky in Kiëv; he had taken part in the 1876 -demonstration in the Kazan Square in Petersburg, and had been banished -to Siberia. After the coronation manifesto in 1883, he was moved from -Balagansk, in the government of Irkutsk, to Minuisinsk, in the -government of Yenisei; but now he and his wife were being sent out to -the East, on the following account. For some reason or other Novakòvsky -had fallen out with the _ispravnik_[63] of Minuisinsk. Another of the -political exiles had occasion to apply to the _ispravnik_ for something; -the latter, mistaking him for Novakòvsky, received him with the grossest -incivility, and when he discovered his error, apologised by explaining -the mistake he had made. The thing was talked about, and came to the -ears of Novakòvsky and of his wife, who had voluntarily followed him -into banishment. For some days the exiles consulted together what should -be done, but before they had decided to take any steps, Novakòvsky’s -wife took the matter into her own hands; she went into the office and -gave the _ispravnik_ a box on the ear, with the words—“That’s for my -husband!” She was had up for trial, and sentenced by the court to -deportation into Eastern Siberia, whither her husband was now -accompanying her by his own desire. - -Footnote 63: - - Head of the district police. - -Later I learned to know and esteem Novakòvsky’s wife. She was a clever, -courageous woman, of lively and resolute disposition. I believe that -both she and her husband died in Siberia. - - * * * * * - -Our journey now proceeded much as heretofore, only in course of time the -regulations were less and less strictly observed. We left off our -fetters altogether, without any comment being made, and were never -bothered about head-shaving. - -I looked forward with impatience to arriving at Irkutsk prison, where I -hoped to meet a friend of early days—Maria Kovalèvskaya. We had become -acquainted in 1875, belonged to the same section of the Buntari, and—as -was then customary among all the revolutionists—said “thee” and “thou” -to one another. Maria Kovalèvskaya[64] was one of the most remarkable -women in the movement; she was the daughter of a man of property named -Vorontsov, and had married Kovalèvsky, a tutor in a military gymnasium. -In the early sixties she joined the revolutionary movement, left her -husband and little daughter, and devoted herself to the work of the -party. She was small of stature and had something of the gipsy in her -looks; was lively and energetic in manner, keen of wit, ready and -logical in speech. She distinguished herself at all theoretical -discussions, always penetrating to the kernel of the question in hand, -and bringing life and point into the debate, without ever becoming -personal or hurting anyone’s feelings. She was esteemed very highly; and -people who were quite opposed to the Socialists fully appreciated her -exceptional gifts. In any other country she would have played a -distinguished part; in Russia she was condemned to fourteen years and -ten months’ penal servitude, because she was found in a house where some -revolutionists made armed resistance to the gendarmerie.[65] By her -courageous bearing during trial and in prison, as also later in Kara, -Maria Kovalèvskaya became one of the best-known characters in -revolutionary circles. In the prison, where she was witness of the -shameless unfairness and bad faith of officials at every turn, her -irrepressible energy found vent in upholding and defending the -prisoners. Whether the matter were really serious, or a comparative -trifle, whether the offence was committed by a functionary of high -position or by the meanest underling, her determination knew no -compromise; she made her protest regardless of consequence to herself, -would not rest till she had gained her end, and would rather have died -than have given in. She always stood firmly for the tactics of the -Buntari, _i.e._ to use the strongest and most radical measures for -enforcing a protest against official oppression. If there were any -discussion on this head her advice was always to annoy the staff -actively, to break windows, furniture, etc. It was only her strong sense -of comradeship that could induce her to bow to the will of the majority -and adopt more passive means, such as hunger-strikes or boycotting -officials. She had fought out a whole series of such conflicts, and one -of them—a dispute at Kara—had led to her being removed, with three -female comrades, to Irkutsk. No sooner, however, were they there than a -contest arose with the head of the police; and the four women in -consequence refused food, fasting so long (ten or eleven days, I -believe,) that the prison doctor became apprehensive of the result, and -the pressure of public opinion being brought to bear on the governor of -the district, he granted the requests of the women “politicals.” - -Footnote 64: - - See portrait, p. 266. - -Footnote 65: - - In this trial, of February, 1879, when the defendants were convicted - of resisting arrest with arms in their hands, two men—Antònov and - Brantner—were executed, the other ten condemned to long terms of penal - servitude. - - * * * * * - -At last, towards the middle of September, we arrived at Irkutsk, the -capital of Siberia, and were taken to the local prison—celebrated like -that of Kiëv for many escapes of political prisoners.[66] - -Footnote 66: - - In February, 1880, eight “politicals” condemned to penal servitude - escaped from Irkutsk prison by breaking through the walls: Berezniàk - (known also by the name of Tishtchenko), Volòshenko, Ivàntchenko, - Alexander Kalyùshny, Nicholas Posen, Popko, Fomitchòv, and Yatsèvitch. - They were all recaptured and their sentences increased, Berezniàk and - Fomitchòv being chained to the wheelbarrow. - - Another escape was that of two women, Sophia Bogomòletz and Elizabeth - Kovàlskaya, and they also were both recaptured after four weeks, but - E. Kovàlskaya again escaped and was again recaptured. There were - executed in this prison: Lyòchky, for unintentionally killing a - warder, and Nyèüstroyev, a teacher in a gymnasium, for striking the - Governor-General Anùtchin when the latter was visiting the prison. - Shtchedrin, sentenced to life-long penal servitude, was condemned to - death for striking the governor’s adjutant, but his sentence was - reduced, and he was chained to the wheelbarrow. Later Shtchedrin was - sent to Schlüsselburg, still chained to the barrow, and there he went - mad and died. - -We men were given a room in common, and the ladies were shown to -another. The moment we were shut in I flew to the window, climbed up, -and called the name of Maria Kovalèvskaya, for we had soon found out -that her cell was over ours. She answered at once, and we talked -together far into the night. In our walks we had subsequently many -opportunities of meeting during our eight days’ stay here. The long -years of separation had in no way impaired our intimacy. On the -contrary, from the first moment of meeting, our mutual sympathy found -expression without the need of many words, and we understood each other -as old friends do. The sufferings she had undergone moved me to the -deepest compassion. The hunger-strike of which I have spoken had taken -place only a short time before our advent, and she bore terrible traces -of its effect, looking as if but newly risen from the grave, though her -spirit was unbroken. It was still the same enthusiastic, untameable, -combative nature I had known so well. Even the officials could not -withstand the fascination of her personality, but yielded respect to her -strong sense of right and her inflexibility of purpose, as I soon -observed. We had each, naturally, much to relate; and I marvelled that -she could have retained such elasticity of mind, that the range of her -quick intellect should have in no wise contracted, that despite all she -had gone through she could laugh and jest as ever. Everything that was -going on in the distant lands of freedom interested her keenly; she -never wearied of questioning me about the state of public life in -Western Europe and in Russia, and she soon managed to find out in what -each of us could best instruct her. I, for instance, spent two or three -evenings in describing to her the working-men’s organisations in Western -Europe, and giving her my own impressions of life abroad. It was -characteristic of her that she was able to appreciate the peculiar -social conditions of other countries, although there was so much that -was unsympathetic to her as a Russian. She was especially indignant -about my treatment in German prisons. - -In her own views she still adhered to the policy of the Buntari, and -this could hardly have been otherwise. Her past life entirely belonged -to the period when their views and those of the Naròdniki governed the -whole revolutionary movement, and there could be no question of -criticism. The simple programme of “stirring up the people to uprisings -and rebellions against the existing régime, in accordance with varying -local circumstances,” was in consonance with her fiery temperament, -impatient of all restraint. - -Her three friends were also interesting characters, and I soon had -opportunities of talking to them and hearing the story of their -connection with the movement. First came the young Sophia -Bogomòletz;[67] her maiden name had been Prìsyetskaya, and she was the -daughter of a rich landed proprietor in the government of Poltava. She -had attended a higher grade school for girls, and later the medical -course in Petersburg; had married a physician, and then—like Maria -Kovalèvskaya—had left her husband and child to devote herself entirely -to revolutionary work. In 1880 she was arrested as a member of the South -Russian Workmen’s Union and sentenced to ten years’ penal servitude. She -attempted to escape,[68] but was recaptured, and was then given five -years more, which was again increased by a year in consequence of a -dispute with an official. Besides this she was placed in the category of -“on probation” prisoners, which means, as I shall explain later,[69] -that the term of actual confinement in prison is lengthened. She, too, -was by nature an advocate of revolt, and throughout her imprisonment -kept up a constant feud with the officials. She went even farther than -her friend Kovalèvskaya, for while the latter only fought against -injustice and tyranny, Sophia Bogomòletz looked on all prison officials -as her natural enemies, and held even the smallest compromises, such as -most prisoners are obliged more or less to give in to, as unprincipled -and inadmissible; for example, she looked upon the medical examination -of prisoners as a personal insult. She was influenced by no -considerations of health, and was always prepared to risk her own life, -if she judged there was any reason for doing so. The staff simply -trembled before her, for they knew that their only means of extorting -submission—the fear of punishment—was here of no avail. - -Footnote 67: - - See portrait, p. 266. - -Footnote 68: - - See note, p. 189. - -Footnote 69: - - See p. 236. - -The story of the third member of this little band was as follows. In the -spring of 1879 the sum of 1,500,000 roubles was stolen from the offices -of the Finance Department in Kherson, the depredators having broken in -through the wall of the adjoining house. On the same day the police -arrested a woman driving through the town in a country cart with some -suspicious-looking sacks. The woman was identified as Elena Ròssikova, -wife of a landed proprietor in the neighbourhood, and the sacks -contained a million roubles. With her another lady was also arrested; -and in consequence of the latter’s confession the rest of the money was -found, with the exception of some 10,000 roubles. It turned out that -this wild undertaking had been organised by Elena Ròssikova, who had -planned to rob the imperial purse, with the intention of applying the -money to revolutionary purposes. She and some other persons implicated -were tried before a court-martial, and she, as the ringleader, was -sentenced to penal servitude for life. She, too, waged unceasing war -against the whole staff of the prison, and was daunted by nothing when a -“protest” was in question. - -The fourth of these women “politicals” was Maria Kutitònskaya. She had -been a pupil in a girls’ school in Odessa, and while still very young -had joined the revolutionists. In 1879 she was arrested as a comrade of -Lisogùb[70] and Tchubàrov, was condemned to four years’ penal servitude, -and sent to Kara. At the expiration of her sentence she was interned in -the town of Aksha in Transbaikalia; but she was soon back in prison. The -authorities had ill-treated the male prisoners in Kara (as to which I -shall speak later); and Kutitònskaya resolved to take vengeance on the -chief offender in the matter, the governor of the province, Ilyashèvitch -by name. She fired a pistol at him, but missed. The court-martial -condemned her to death, but this was altered to lifelong penal -servitude. - -Footnote 70: - - This revolutionist was very rich; but lived in extreme poverty, that - he might devote all his fortune to the cause. He was condemned to - death in 1879 solely for that reason, as he had carefully - abstained—contrary to his own most ardent inclinations—from giving any - active help in the movement for fear of compromising himself and thus - forfeiting the wealth which was practically supporting the party. See - Stepniak’s _Underground Russia_.—_Trans._ - -Beautiful and distinguished-looking, with fair hair, and gentle, winning -manners, Maria Kutitònskaya won hearts by the score. While she was under -trial for the attempted assassination of the Siberian potentate she was -subjected to the most cruel and inhuman treatment; thrown into a damp, -gloomy dungeon, and allowed only bread and water. Help came to her from -the ordinary convicts, who had seen her in the prison, and worshipped -her; they brought her food at great risk to themselves, and did her -various other services. These criminals had changed her name a little to -suit themselves, and always called her “Cupidonskaya”; having thus -unconsciously hit on a charming pet-name for the beautiful woman. But -for their assistance she might not have survived her treatment at that -time; as it was, her long imprisonment undermined her health, and she -became a victim of lung trouble, to which she succumbed in 1887. - - - - - CHAPTER XXI -THE CHIEF OF POLICE AT IRKUTSK—MEETING WITH EXILED COMRADES—FROM IRKUTSK - TO KARA—STOLEN FETTERS—A DUBIOUS KIND OF DECABRIST—ANOTHER - CONTEST—ARRIVAL AT OUR JOURNEY’S END - - -The detailed narrative of all that these women had gone through -impressed us greatly; for their sufferings had been severe, and often -caused by the most paltry tyranny. The wonder was that they had ever -been able to hold out. Our indignation against the chief of police, -under whose auspices this sort of thing had gone on, was naturally -roused to such a pitch that we longed for an opportunity to testify our -abhorrence of his conduct. This opportunity was soon forthcoming. A -higher official from Petersburg, who was inspecting Siberian prisons, -came one day with his suite into our cells, and the chief of police was -in attendance. The moment he entered, Làzarev, our head-man, went up to -him, (in accordance with a predetermined agreement of our party,) and -said in loud and distinct tones— - -“We are astonished at your impudence in daring to appear before our -eyes, after having by your treatment forced our women comrades into a -terrible hunger-strike.” - -The whole company of our visitors hastily took their departure, to the -tune of our comments and ejaculations, which contained nothing -flattering to the evildoer! No untoward results followed our action, and -the ladies heartily rejoiced at this humiliation of their torturer. - -From these four we heard much about the conditions of life in Kara, our -appointed destination; as also from another comrade now in Irkutsk, who -could give us his personal experience of the prison there. This was -Ferdinand Lustig—formerly an artillery officer, and afterwards a student -at the Petersburg Technological Institute—who had been sentenced in -1882, in the case of Suhanov and Mihaïlov, to four years’ penal -servitude. He had now ended his term in Kara, and was going to be -interned elsewhere, under police supervision. What he told us was not -comforting: the régime was severe, and the governor of the political -prison—a captain of gendarmerie, named Nikolin—of the worst repute. - -Four of us only were to travel eastward together: Maria Kalyùshnaya, -Tchuikòv, Làzarev, and myself. The other seven were to be sent to -various places in the government of Irkutsk; and the nineteen-year-old -Rubinok, whose sad case I have already described, was to go northward to -the deserts of Yakutsk. - - * * * * * - -At the end of September we started, in company with a party of ordinary -prisoners. We had now before us a journey of some twelve hundred versts -(eight hundred miles), which would take at least two months. Winter in -Siberia begins much earlier than in other places of the same latitude, -even in European Russia, and therefore we had to expect many hardships. -In two days the last steamboat was to start for Listvinitchnaya, across -Lake Baikal, and if we missed that we should have to winter in Irkutsk. - -The tempestuous Baikal treated us kindly on the whole, though usually -the autumnal storms are a real danger to voyagers on its waters. It is -often asserted that the scenery of its shores rivals that of the Swiss -mountain lakes; and without myself instituting any comparison, I can -vouch for it that the impression those magnificent hills made on me was -unforgettable. - -We had to pass a night at the landing-station on the opposite -shore—Mysovaya; and we had been already shut into our prison, when the -grating of the lock again sounded, and the warder brought in a young -lady, who came straight towards me. - -“Sonia!” I cried, in joyful surprise, as I recognised in her Sophia -Ivànova, a dear friend whom I had not seen for six years. Like Sophia -Perovskaya, Vera Figner, and other prominent women of the terrorist -organisation, she had joined the new party of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_ in -the autumn of 1879, when the society of _Zemlyà i Vòlya_ (Land and -Liberty) was dissolved. It was just during that transition period that I -became acquainted with her and with other Terrorists; and shortly after, -in January, 1880, she was arrested in Petersburg, where she had been -assisting at the secret printing-press whence issued the organ of the -party, named like it, _Naròdnaia Vòlya_ (The People’s Will). At the time -of the arrest an armed resistance was made, in which Sophia Ivànova took -an active part, for which she was condemned to four years’ -“katorga.”[71] This sentence having been fulfilled, she was now being -sent for internment into the government of Irkutsk. - -Footnote 71: - - _i.e._ penal servitude.—_Trans._ - -We were both heartily rejoiced at seeing one another again, but our -meeting could be only a brief one; the steamboat was to start almost -directly on its return journey, and Sonia could not miss it. We -hurriedly exchanged news of ourselves and of our common friends; then -came our parting, and I have never seen her since. To the best of my -knowledge she is still living in Siberia. - - * * * * * - -Soon after this we arrived at Verkhny-Udinsk, where—as in most Siberian -towns—the prison was filled to overflowing, and no room could be found -for us “politicals.” The sergeant (in Transbaikalia the convoys of -prisoners are always commanded by a sergeant, instead of by a -commissioned officer, as on the previous part of the journey) took us on -to the police-station. As, however, it was late the place was all -deserted, and no official could be found, which disturbed the sergeant -no whit; he simply left us there by ourselves in the office, with -unbolted windows and doors, and went his way. We also were free to go or -stay as we pleased, and were rather surprised at his calm way of solving -the difficulty. But the man knew what he was about. It was true enough -that we could walk off without anyone being the wiser; but what then? It -was, indeed, always easy to escape from prison here; but it was -well-nigh impossible to get any further. Elizabeth Kovàlskaya had twice -escaped from prison in Irkutsk (once disguised as a warder), but on both -occasions she was caught before she had left the town; and if she had -found concealment impossible in a relatively big place like Irkutsk, -with all the allies and money she had at command, the case must -certainly have been hopeless for us, strangers, in a little hole like -Verkhny-Udinsk. Still, it was a curious feeling at the time, as I well -remember, to know oneself free and under no kind of observation, and yet -to be so helpless. We finished by waxing restive and miserable over the -trap we were in. - -In this place we met another comrade on his way from Kara, going off to -be interned elsewhere. This was Steblin-Kamensky,[72] whom his wife -voluntarily accompanied. They had been too late for the steamer, and -were now obliged to wait in Verkhny-Udinsk till the way again became -open—three or four months probably. During that time he was at liberty -to go about in the place as he pleased, and naturally we spent together -the two days of our sojourn here, Kamensky telling us all he could of -life in Kara. He was a brilliant talker, and described with an -inexhaustible flow of humour the doings of our comrades in every -particular. True, our laughter over his stories was mingled with much -sorrow and indignation, for what he related was often sad enough. He -told us of the bitter hardships inflicted on our comrades by an inhuman -gaoler, and he described Captain Nikolin, in command over the penal -settlement for “politicals” at Kara, as a malicious, ill-natured man, -continually devising petty humiliations for the prisoners. - -Footnote 72: - - In 1879 he had been condemned, at the same time as Maria Kovalèvskaya, - to ten years’ “katorga,” for armed resistance to the police. He - afterwards committed suicide in Irkutsk. - -These various comrades, from whose personal knowledges we had -information about Kara, all made the same impression upon us. They bore -the stamp of their long imprisonment; their voices were muffled in tone; -anxiety, deep and constant, was painted on their faces; the hair of -nearly all, despite their youth—hardly any had reached thirty—was -prematurely grey. But discouraged and broken-spirited they were _not_; -or at least with one or two exceptions only. Very few of them could -regard the future with any hopeful feelings for themselves personally. -Long years of exile lay before them, doomed as they were to vegetate in -some forsaken corner of Siberia, victims to all sorts of hardships, far -from friends and civilisation. To many it seemed questionable whether -their future lot might not be more dreary than prison life itself. Yet -even the semblance of freedom attracted them—a doubtful freedom -certainly, for the exiles, or “colonists” as they are called, are -subject to a thousand and one restrictions at every turn. - -I met one only who looked forward with a steadfast confidence in the -bright side of things, and this notwithstanding the fact that he was -bound for the worst part of Siberia—the government of Yakutsk. Ivan -Kashintsev[73] was then only twenty-five, and full of youth and high -spirits; he declared to me, on the occasion of our meeting at one of the -halting-stations (we already knew each other), that he meant to escape -at all hazards. This, in fact, he accomplished later, and he is now -living abroad. - -Footnote 73: - - He was sentenced to ten years’ “katorga” in 1881 for taking part in - the South Russian Workmen’s Union, and in consequence of the - Coronation manifesto a third of this sentence was remitted. - - * * * * * - -Before those who were released from prison, to live in exile under -police supervision, reached their appointed destinations, they had at -that time many difficulties and delays to encounter. We ourselves went -at a snail’s pace on our way to Kara, but prisoners coming thence -progressed far more slowly. They had to wait at nearly every -halting-station until some convoy on the homeward journey could pick -them up and take them on for a certain part of the way, and sometimes -they were kept in this manner nearly a week at a station. On an average -they barely made five versts a day, and when the distance they had to -travel was some hundreds or even thousands of versts, the journey might -take months to perform. - -At each meeting with comrades on the return journey from Kara, I could -not help thinking of my own future, and saying to myself, “What will you -feel like when after long years you tread this path again? Or, indeed, -will you ever tread it?” - - * * * * * - -One day I found I had sustained an odd loss: someone had made off with a -bag in which I kept some of my belongings, the chief item among them -being my fetters! I had to make the somewhat curious confession to the -commanding officer that, instead of wearing my chains, I had allowed -them to be stolen; and I was rather surprised that, while commiserating -me on account of my personal losses, he did not seem at all agitated -about the loss of the Government’s property. - -“What am I to do without my fetters?” I asked him, when I saw that the -absence of this important detail in the attire of a convict left him -unmoved. - -“Well, of course we must get some for you somehow,” opined the officer. -“Just wait a moment; there ought to be things of the kind lying about -somewhere.” And he gave the sergeant orders to look in the lumber-room, -where a new pair of fetters was discovered. - -“Take care you don’t lose these!” said the officer, as I packed them -among my luggage. - -This is a specimen of the indulgent, almost fatherly demeanour which our -guardians more and more assumed towards us as we got further east. - -We were by this time in the thick of the Siberian winter and its -severities. We had passed the Yablonovoi mountain ridges, and were -nearing Tchita, the capital of Transbaikalia. At the last station before -our arrival there we observed a great bustle going on among the ordinary -prisoners; the sergeant and the soldiers were occupied with them all -night, continually going in and out in a quite unusual manner. We racked -our brains to imagine what could be on foot; but the riddle was only -solved next day, as will be seen further. - -Although the distance from Tchita was considerable for one day’s -march,—about forty versts (twenty-six miles), I think,—we started very -late on the following morning; but after about twenty versts’ march we -came to a lonely farmhouse, standing all by itself on the high-road. We -had heard from our comrades who had been in Kara that an old man lived -here who gave himself out as a Decabrist.[74] - -Footnote 74: - - The participators in the revolt of December, 1825, on the occasion of - Nicholas I.’s accession, were so called. - -Our party halted in the courtyard, we “politicals” were shown into a -room, and the master of the house presently paid us a visit. He -introduced himself by the name of Karovàiev; and was a vivacious old -gentleman, of eminently respectable appearance. According to his account -of himself he had been an ensign in the Guards, had taken part in the -revolt of the Decabrists, and had been exiled to Siberia; he claimed to -be eighty years of age, but did not look more than sixty-five. He made -himself very agreeable, and was most anxious to show us hospitality, -declining to take any money from us. Meanwhile in the next room and the -corridor things were very lively; there seemed to be a sort of combined -market and feast going on, soldiers and convicts eating, drinking, and -hobnobbing together like boon companions. - -It was already dark when we arrived at the gates of the prison in -Tchita, where we had at once to engage in a struggle with the governor: -first, because he received the ordinary prisoners first, leaving us to -wait; and next, because he gave us a room which was absolutely unfit for -us to spend the night in. Only after we had made a great fuss, and -threatened him with complaints, did he give us proper accommodation. - -Next day, when the party was mustered for departure, it became apparent -that the ordinary prisoners had hardly any clothes! Their things had -vanished, and they were literally half naked. A light was now cast on -the events of the preceding night, when there had been such a carousal -at the house of the Decabrist. That respectable and hospitable old -gentleman was evidently in league with the escort, and had provided the -convicts with vodka and other delicacies, in exchange for their -clothing, which no doubt he had obtained at a bargain. That the -transaction might not be discovered before our arrival in Tchita, the -soldiers saw to it that it should be as late as possible before we got -in, so that the inspection should be gone through hurriedly, and the -absence of the clothes not perceived. - -In short, the respectable Karovàiev had not established himself in that -lonely spot for nothing. The jollification of the unlucky criminals had -evil consequences for themselves. In proportion as their clothing and -other State property were deficient they were treated to the soundest of -thrashings; and only when that had been administered did they receive a -fresh outfit. - -In Tchita we had to part from our good _stàrosta_ Làzarev, who was to be -interned here. We three others determined to secure for ourselves a -thorough rest in this place; for we had been six weeks on the march from -Irkutsk, and were thoroughly tired out. We felt in no hurry to go on; a -prison awaited us, while on the journey we had at least a certain amount -of freedom and variety. Moreover, we knew that there were a number of -our comrades interned at Tchita, and we should be able to see something -of them; while apparently all intercourse with the outer world would -cease for us after this stage, where we must make our last adieux before -the prison doors closed on us. We therefore reported ourselves sick, and -easily got the prison doctor’s consent to our breaking the journey here; -which meant that we should be picked up by the next convoy in about a -fortnight’s time. Our comrades paid us frequent visits; that is, they -came to the prison gate when we were in the courtyard. The most -interesting news they gave us concerned the travels of the American -writer, George Kennan, who had just arrived in Tchita on his return -journey from Kara; and our friends were full of praise for that -excellent man. - -During the last days of November we started again, this time in company -with a so-called “family party” of ordinary prisoners—women and children -as well as men going forward to prison and exile. There had not been -much snow that winter, and instead of sledges two-wheeled carts were our -means of transport, travelling in which was a positive martyrdom. The -cold became more intense every day, and tried us severely, although we -wore every warm garment we possessed, so that we moved with the greatest -difficulty. The only way to keep warm was to march beside the carts, and -one can imagine the sufferings of the unfortunate children who were -accompanying their parents into this inhospitable desert. One longed for -the next halting-station and for possibilities of warming oneself, which -even there were not always all that could be desired. The -halting-stations had sometimes not been heated for a good while, and the -ordinary prisoners had first to chop wood with their numb and frozen -hands; even then there was not always sufficient fuel. The stoves, too, -were often out of order, and smoked so badly that to stay in the room -was a misery. It happened repeatedly that we three “politicals” were -accommodated in a peasant’s hut, and sometimes the whole party had to be -quartered in like manner. We were always glad when this happened, for -the wretchedest cabin seemed comfortable in comparison with even the -best _étape_. How often we wished we could be by ourselves in a hut of -this kind during the rest of our imprisonment! - - * * * * * - -I have said that relations between prisoners and escort were now very -easy-going; strict discipline was no longer the watchword on either -side. This had its disadvantages, the soldiers being often very rough -with the ordinary prisoners. One day, as we were marching to Nertchinsk, -I saw a soldier behaving very brutally to a poor feeble old convict, -knocking him about with his rifle-butt for climbing on to one of the -carts, and apparently only because the soldier had meant to ride on it -himself. I intervened, and called to the sergeant in command that I -should report him for not keeping his men in order. Next day, as we went -through the town on our way to the prison, I stepped into a sausage shop -to buy some provisions, when the soldier whose party I had left called -after me, “Where are you going? What do you want?” I let him shout, and -concluded my purchases. I then saw that the sergeant had driven on and -disappeared, but I only thought that he had taken some short cut to the -prison and would meet us there, and I was much surprised when the -governor of the gaol received me with the information that the sergeant -had reported me for insulting the guard and leaving the ranks without -permission. I suppose he wished to forestall the complaint I had -threatened him with, about which I had quite forgotten, and I now turned -the tables on him by making it in due form. The upshot was that the -sergeant apologised to me in the presence of witnesses, and we were -respectively pleased to withdraw our complaints! - -At Nertchinsk, Tchuikòv and I were taken to the men’s prison, and Maria -Kalyùshnaya was given a separate cell. I shall never in my life forget -the picture that prison presented. From the dimly-lighted corridor one -could see into the various rooms, where the prisoners were already lying -down, as it was late. Packed closely side by side they lay not only on -the wooden bed-places (which were two wide shelves running along the -walls one above the other), but all about the floor; there was literally -not an inch of vacant space. Most of the men were clad in shirt and -trousers, but many had only trousers on, and lay uncovered on the filthy -floor. The throng was so dense, that in order to get to the “privileged” -room we had actually to step on the bodies of the sleepers. The stench -was pestilential, the wooden tubs filled with excrement were everywhere -about, and as they were leaky their contents had been trodden over the -whole floor. Although most of the men were asleep, here and there groups -of excited card-players squatted on the floor or the bed-places, and -throughout the whole place there was a deafening babel of sounds. The -general effect was most gruesome, a circle of the Dantean Inferno was -the only possible comparison. - -The “privileged” room was also full of people, and we found there some -comrades from Kara—Tchekondze and Zuckermann. They were lying close -together on the crowded floor, and we with difficulty found a vacant -spot, so that we could lie down near our friends. Zuckermann was known -to me: he was a compositor, who in the middle of the sixties had trudged -on foot from Berlin into Switzerland, where I subsequently had made his -acquaintance. He had gone to Russia later, and had worked at the secret -printing-press of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, where he was arrested at the -same time as Sophia Ivànova. I had been told by comrades how heroically -he had behaved during the trial. In order to shield the others he had -taken all blame on his own shoulders, declared that it was he who had -fired the first shot in resistance to the gendarmerie, and so on. He had -been condemned to eight years’ “katorga” and sent to Kara, where he had -become the darling of the whole prison. Always sunny-tempered, full of -wit and fun, he spread good humour everywhere; moreover, he was -unselfishness personified, ever ready to help others at his own expense, -one of those people who are called “too good for this world.” Even as we -lay on the floor in that horrible place he told stories and jested, -drawing the most glowing imaginary pictures of his future life in -Yakutsk, whither he was being sent for internment. The reality, -unhappily, turned out widely different from his sanguine prophecies. -Poor merry Zuckermann could not hold out against the hardships and -loneliness of his place of exile, and he put an end to his own life. - -Tchekondze I had not met before, but we had many common friends. He came -from Gruzia, and had graduated in the Petersburg college for artillery -officers. With other Caucasians he had then participated in the -Propagandist movement, had been arrested in 1875, and sentenced in the -“Trial of the fifty” to banishment; but he had escaped from Siberia, and -had been recaptured and condemned to three years’ penal servitude. He -was now going into exile in Yakutsk. He impressed one as a -strong-willed, careful, practical man, who would never be at a loss, but -would find a sphere of usefulness under any circumstances; and so indeed -he proved in his after life. The privations he suffered during long -years of exile undermined his health, however. When sent to Western -Siberia in the early nineties he fell seriously ill and died in Kurgan, -on the threshold of Europe, in 1897. - -At last, on the morning of December 24th, 1885, we arrived at Ust-Kara, -a little village wherein is situated the prison for ordinary convicts -and the prison for women “politicals.” Here we had to part from Maria -Kalyùshnaya, and I saw her that morning for the last time. Tchuikòv and -I had fifteen versts more to travel to Nizhnaya Kara, where was the -prison for male “politicals”; and we had to wait till next day for the -commandant, who received in charge both ourselves and the ordinary -criminals. Our luggage was put into a cart; and accompanied by a guard, -we marched off, having previously donned our fetters in due form. - -It was a frightfully cold day, and despite the chains and our heavy -clothing, we stepped out briskly as though we were in a hurry to get -under lock and key. We knew that this was our last tramp in the open, -that for many long years there would be only a trot round the -prison-yard for us, and our thoughts dwelt dismally on the prospect. - -“There is your prison,” said one of the soldiers, and pointed out, a -little way ahead, a stockade made of tall posts set side by side. - -Suddenly there appeared coming towards us a group of people—two women, a -Cossack, and a man in civilian dress. “Victor!” I cried, recognising the -latter as we approached nearer. It was my old friend Victor Kostyùrin, -whom I had not seen for nine years.[75] He was now being removed from -prison to his place of internment. - -Footnote 75: - - He had been sentenced in 1879 to ten years’ “katorga,” on account of - the assault on Gorinòvitch (see page 11). - -After hasty greetings he introduced me to the two ladies who accompanied -him—Natalia Armfeld and Raissa Prybylyèva, both “colonists” in Kara. -Kennan has given Natalia Armfeld’s story in his book,[76] and I will -only mention here that in 1879 she (with Maria Kovalèvskaya) was -implicated in armed resistance to the gendarmerie, and sentenced to -fourteen years and ten months’ penal servitude. Raissa Prybylyèva had -been a member of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, and had been sentenced in 1883 -to four years’ “katorga.” - -Footnote 76: - - _Siberia and the Exile System_, by George Kennan. - -Victor and I had, of course, much to say to each other, but our time was -short, for our guards naturally did not see the fun of remaining longer -than necessary in the freezing cold of the open field, and a few brief -sentences were all we could exchange. - -“A Frenchman would have had a lot to say about this,” I said: “we two -friends meeting on the threshold of a prison, one going in, the other -coming out.” - -Another pressure of the hand, and we parted.[77] - -Footnote 77: - - Everyone will see the dramatic element in this situation if it is - remembered that this friend had been tried and condemned on account of - that attempt to kill the spy Gorinòvitch, in which Deutsch had been - the chief actor; and that now the one had just finished his term of - imprisonment, while the other was commencing his.—_Trans._ - -“Shall we ever meet again?” I asked. - -“Ah yes!” cried one of the ladies. “We shall all meet in Petersburg at -the triumph of the Russian revolution.” - -For her, at least, that hope was vain. Natalia Armfeld died at Kara in -1887, and Raissa Prybylyèva (who married afterwards the exile Tiutchev) -is also no longer among the living. Kostyùrin still lives in Tobolsk; -but since that day our paths have never again crossed. - - * * * * * - -Tchuikòv and I were now taken to the guard-room, which was close to the -prison. Our arrival was notified; and soon there appeared, accompanied -by some of the gendarmes, the governor of the prison, an officer of -Cossacks named Bolshakov, a man who had been described to us by our -comrades as respectable and humane. - -We and our luggage were carefully searched. Of our clothes only our warm -under-garments were left in our possession; everything else was to be -taken to the wardrobe-room, except certain articles which were reserved -that Commandant Nikolin might decide whether we should be permitted to -retain possession of them. - -“You need not put the fetters on again,” said the captain of the guard, -Golubtsòv. “They are not necessary here.” - -It was evening before we were ready to be taken on by the gendarmes to -the prison—the goal of my long wanderings. Since my arrest in Freiburg -twenty-two months had elapsed; I had travelled about 12,000 versts -(nearly 8,000 miles), and I had visited more than a hundred different -prisons. - -“Guard, there!” cried our escort. A bolt flew back with a crash, and we -stepped across the threshold. - -[Illustration: MARTINOVSKY] - -[Illustration: STARINKYEVITCH] - -[Illustration: SUNDELEVITCH] - -[Illustration: ZLATOPOLSKY] - -[Illustration: PRYBYLYEV] - -[Illustration: YEMELYANOV] - -To face page 208 - - - - - CHAPTER XXII - FIRST DAYS AT KARA—FRIENDS OLD AND NEW - - -We entered a long, dimly-lighted corridor. Close to the door stood a man -in convict dress beside a mighty chest. “Good day, Martinòvsky!” said I; -for although I had never seen him before, I knew from our comrades’ -descriptions that he, being _stàrosta_, remained on duty from early -morning till late evening by this big chest, which was the prisoners’ -larder. He looked a little surprised at the greeting, but on our -announcing our names a pleasant smile lighted up his grave features, and -he shook hands with us warmly. - -“Deutsch goes to No. 2 and Tchuikòv to No. 4!” The gendarme’s -announcement interrupted us. A door was opened, and I stepped into my -room. It was a large apartment; a long table and benches stood in the -middle; round three walls ran the bed-shelves; there was a huge stove, -and three great windows admitted plenty of light. - -My new companions welcomed me warmly. There were fifteen men in the -room, two of them—Sundelèvitch and Paul Orlov—being already known to me -from of old. The first question to be settled was where my -sleeping-place should be, and it was decided that I should lie next to -Sundelèvitch, which meant that Starinkyèvitch, whose place this had -been, must find room elsewhere. I found later that it was a great -sacrifice this comrade had made for me, for Starinkyèvitch was thereby -separated from his friend Martinòvsky. In a room where so many men lived -constantly crowded together, the only possibility of close intercourse -and the sharing of intimate thoughts between two friends was when they -lay side by side on the bed-shelf, and it was only subsequently that I -found out what significance this had in our situation. - -When we arrived, supper was already over, but we were given each a glass -of tea with a tiny scrap of sugar, and a piece of black bread. I was -overwhelmed with questions, and was made to tell all about my arrest, my -adventures, and what was going on in Russia. We chattered, joked, and -laughed as only the young can, for except Berezniàk and Dzvonkyèvitch, -who were forty and forty-five respectively, we were all between the ages -of twenty-four and thirty. I had an odd feeling, as if after a long -absence I found myself once more in an intimate family circle. Time -flew, and it was late at night before I lay down to sleep, spreading on -the wooden boards of the bed-shelf a little mattress that I had brought -with me. My journey from Moscow had lasted seven months; I was sick of -moving about, and now experienced a real feeling of comfort at the idea -of having come to anchor for years. - - * * * * * - -I had been rejoicing much beforehand at the prospect of meeting in Kara -my old friend Jacob Stefanòvitch,[78] from whom I had last parted four -years ago, in Switzerland. He had then returned to Russia, had been -arrested in February, 1882, convicted in the “Case of the Seventeen,” -and sentenced to eight years’ “katorga.” He had been two years in Kara -before my arrival. As he was lodged in another room I could only pay him -a flying visit that evening, for soon after our entrance the rounds were -made and the doors all locked for the night. Next morning, as soon as -the rounds had been made and the roll-call got over, I called to the -gendarmes through the peephole in our door, and made them take me to No. -1 room, where Stefanòvitch was. During the daytime we were permitted to -go from one room to another—a privilege obtained by the “politicals” -only after a long, hard fight, although in the criminals’ prison the -doors of the rooms had never been kept locked by day. - -Footnote 78: - - See portrait, p. 112. Stefanòvitch was one of the most prominent of - the Terrorists, who, helped chiefly by Deutsch and Bohanòvsky, - succeeded in instructing and organising several thousands of peasants, - and was on the point of heading their insurrection when he was - arrested in 1877. Stefanòvitch, Deutsch, and Bohanòvsky were - imprisoned at Kiëv, and their escape thence has been related (note, p. - 98). Stepniak describes Stefanòvitch (see _Underground Russia_, _Jacob - Stefanovic_, and _Two Escapes_) as of very strong and original - character, extremely reserved, speaking rarely, and, though a man of - action, very cautious and practical. He was the son of a village - priest, and kept up constant intercourse with his old father, even - when it was most dangerous for him to do so, at a time when whole - cities would be thrown into a ferment if his presence in them were - suspected. His personal appearance Stepniak describes thus: “He was of - middle height, and somewhat slender, hollow-chested, and with narrow - shoulders. Physically, he must have been very weak. I never saw an - uglier man. He had the face of a negro, or rather of a Tartar, - prominent cheek-bones, a large mouth, and a flat nose. But it was an - attractive ugliness. Intelligence shone forth from his grey eyes. His - smile had something of the malign and of the subtly sportive, like the - character of the Ukrainian race to which he belongs. When he mentioned - some clever trick played off upon the police he laughed most heartily, - and showed his teeth, which were very fine and white as ivory. His - entire countenance, with his wrinkled forehead and his cold, firm - look, expressed a resolution and at the same time a self-command which - nothing could disturb. I observed that in speaking he did not use the - slightest gesture.” Stefanòvitch has now (1903) been over twenty years - in Siberia. It was expected that in May this year he would be - liberated so far as to be permitted to reside in some outlying - province of European Russia, but this hope has not been - realised.—_Trans._ - -In No. 1 there were also sixteen men, that being the complete number; -and now that we had arrived every room was full. After greeting the -comrades here and chatting with my friend, I visited all the other -rooms. Of course, the advent of a new-comer is a great event in the -prison, and is generally expected beforehand, for notwithstanding all -official precaution, a good deal of intelligence from without finds its -way through the walls. The arrival is awaited with the greatest -impatience, as may be imagined; and for a few days the monotony of the -life is enlivened by the new-comer’s tidings of the world in general and -of the revolutionary movement in particular. - -Not only had I much to tell, but I was much interested in learning the -views of my comrades, though all that I heard was not entirely to my -liking. I recollect a conversation I had with an old acquaintance, -Volòshenko,[79] who passed for a very intelligent man. He had been -arrested at Kiëv in 1879, and sentenced to ten years’ penal servitude, -afterwards increased by eleven years more in consequence of an attempted -escape. When I spoke of the new tendencies in the Russian revolutionary -movement, and mentioned that a Socialist group had been formed calling -itself the “League for the Emancipation of Labour,” and professing the -Marxian views held by the German Social Democrats, Volòshenko seemed -highly amused. - -Footnote 79: - - See note, p. 189. - -“Social Democrats in Russia! That’s a comical idea! Who are these -people?” - -“You see one of them before you,” I replied. - -Volòshenko and many others in the room stared in blank astonishment. Had -I announced myself a follower of the prophet Mahomet they could scarcely -have been more surprised. The ideas of Karl Marx were at that time but -little known in Russia. It was indeed thought one’s duty to read the -first volume of _Das Kapital_, which had appeared in a Russian -translation, and it was usual to find educated people in European Russia -recognising Marx’s services to the science of political economy; but in -Kara they had not progressed even so far. As to the philosophical basis -of Marx’s theory of Socialism practically nothing was known; -nevertheless it was rejected, partly owing to the influence of Eugene -Dühring, partly to that of the Russian author N. Mihailovsky, and -finally on account of a _dictum_ of so-called “sane common sense” that -Marx’s ideas were quite inapplicable to Russia. This last was -Volòshenko’s contention, fortified, however, by no personal knowledge of -Marx’s writings. - -I was in a position to give more than verbal tidings of the new -tendency. We had succeeded, despite all official scrutiny, in smuggling -various prohibited writings into the prison, and among them the first -publication of our group, Plehànov’s _Socialism and the Political -Struggle_. For a long time no forbidden literature had penetrated to -Kara; the excitement was great, and the new material for thought was -seized on with avidity. I was very anxious to discover Sundelèvitch’s -attitude towards this problem, for in the old days, when we were nearly -all Terrorists, he was considered as more or less of a Social -Democrat—at any rate, he had been known to approve of the German -development on those lines, so far as that country was concerned. We had -been acquainted in 1878, when he had in charge the transport of -forbidden literature for the _Zemlyà i Vòlya_ (Land and Liberty) group; -and he had made use of his special experience in such illegal traffic to -get Stefanòvitch and myself safely across the frontier after our flight -from Kiëv prison. At that time we had had many hot discussions with -Sundelèvitch over the methods of conducting our struggle in Russia; for -I was then a decided opponent of the Social Democrats, and as a -Terrorist and “Naròdnik” (_i.e._ member of the party whose object it was -to organise revolts among the peasants) held the peaceful tactics of -German Socialists to be utterly ineffectual—naturally, therefore, I -would have all the more scouted the idea of introducing them into -Russia. Sundelèvitch, on the contrary, did not believe in “the People,” -and thought agitation among the Russian working-classes quite futile. In -his opinion the first thing to do was to fight for political freedom; -and then, as soon as that was obtained, to resort to the constitutional -methods of the German Social-Democratic party. Consequently, he did not -join the terrorist party till it began its political activity in 1878; -and he was one of the first to enunciate the idea that its methods were -only temporarily adopted because they offered the sole possible means in -Russia of overthrowing the existing political order. He was one of the -most energetic in organising terrorist conspiracies, and the party owed -much to his help in carrying through their active work; he was -invaluable in striking out the most effective and practical suggestions. -He was arrested quite by chance in a public library in Petersburg during -the autumn of 1879, and was prosecuted in the “Case of the Sixteen,” -when Kviatkòvsky and Pressnyàkov were sentenced to death, and he himself -to lifelong penal servitude. - -I had been thinking much about our former arguments, for I had since -been converted to the views Sundelèvitch then advocated, and I now hoped -to find a kindred spirit in him. Even on purely personal grounds I -desired it; for when a man is convinced of the rightness of his own plan -of action, it must be irksome to live for years with others who, while -sharing his principles, differ entirely as to the best means of carrying -them out; and this is especially so when what one holds most sacred is -in question, no matter how tolerant one may be. I earnestly hoped I -should not be alone in my views, and I could have asked for no better -friend than Sundelèvitch, who was incomparable as a comrade—one of the -finest natures I have ever known, unselfish, trustworthy, judicious. - -As I now lay beside him during the long evenings we talked of our common -friends still in freedom and fighting for the cause, of the victims of -that fight who had died the death of heroes or were languishing in -Schlüsselburg; but instinctively I shrank at first from touching on -theoretical subjects, dreading that we might be out of sympathy, for I -soon heard that he was no longer of his old way of thinking. Like many -others during their first years of imprisonment, Sundelèvitch -experienced a reaction; he absolutely threw over the Marxian doctrine, -and would not admit the economic teaching of _Das Kapital_ to be sound. -In time we fought many a tough battle on this head, my friend declaring -that for Germans Social Democracy might do, but that such ideas would -never effect anything in Russia. - -With my other friend, Stefanòvitch, I had less opportunity for -conversation, as we inhabited different rooms; but to him also my -opinions came unexpectedly, and seemed strange and incomprehensible. -When we had parted four years back we had been quite at one, and he had -remained, as he was then, half Naròdnik, half Terrorist; while I, having -thoroughly assimilated the new ideas, had, with some other companions, -founded the Social Democratic organisation, _Tchòrny Peredyèl_ -(Redivision of the Land). He learned this now for the first time, and -could not tell off-hand how he should regard it; but being unusually -thoughtful and far-seeing, he appreciated the importance of the change -that had come over the opinions of his comrades in the struggle. He -grasped the trend of the new doctrine, and tried to comprehend it fully. -It was clear to him that through our organisation a way was being laid -in Russia for a perfectly new outlook on the world; he doubted whether -it would find favour in our country, but was far from meeting the idea -with enmity or contempt, as the shallower minds among the revolutionists -did both then and later. - -This common life of so many young people in the prison had led to the -development of a peculiar jargon. Each room had its nickname: the first -was “the Sanhedrin,” the second “the nobles’ room,” the third “Yakutsk,” -and the fourth “Volost,” _i.e._ “the commune.” These names had their -origin in the dim and distant past, and I never discovered what had -given rise to them. - -The inmates of the “nobles’ room,” in which I was located, were all -clever, well-educated young men, full of life and vigour; each in a way -represented a different type, and some had a really remarkable force of -character. Among these latter I would especially class Nicholas -Yatzèvitch, who was the son of a priest in Poltava. When a -seventeen-year-old student in the Veterinary College at Kharkov he was -arrested for attempting to rescue Alexei Medvediev[80] from prison, was -tried, and sentenced to fifteen years’ “katorga.” He had escaped (as I -have said before) from the Irkutsk prison, had been recaptured, and -condemned to another fourteen years’ penal servitude. He was barely -nineteen when brought to Kara, where he gained the goodwill of everyone -by his admirable qualities. Modest even to bashfulness, silent and -reserved, he yet exercised over his companions a quite wonderful -influence. His thirst for knowledge was without limit; he studied -various subjects with unflagging industry while in prison, especially -natural science, philosophy, and literature, besides learning several -languages. He found time, too, for manual work, at which he proved -himself very quick and adroit. He was on friendly terms with every one -of his comrades in prison without exception, always affectionate and -ready to help. No wonder he gained the esteem of all, and was willingly -looked up to as an authority, despite his youth (he was but -five-and-twenty when I first went to Kara); whether the question were -one of household affairs or an abstruse theoretical problem, his opinion -was sure to find favour with the majority. The bent of his mind was -towards metaphysics, and in philosophy as well as social science he gave -himself out as an eclectic; he shared the opinions of Dühring and the -Neo-Kantians, and in political economy was a follower of Carey, Bastian, -and similar bourgeois theorists. Of course, therefore, he counted among -the opponents of Marxism. - -Footnote 80: - - See chap. xxv. p. 262. - -Of very different character were the two bosom friends Martinòvsky and -Starinkyèvitch, usually called “the two Vanitchki,” though really only -one of them answered to the name of Ivan. Starinkyèvitch was another -favourite of our little society, invariably good-tempered and full of -fun. His jokes, _bon-mots_, and nonsense would often send us all into -fits of laughter, when his own hearty ringing laugh was sure to dominate -all the others. He too was talented, but not steady and persevering like -Yatzèvitch. He was one of those fortunate beings who are able to get the -gist of a passage with one rapid glance; but he squandered his gifts, -attempting everything, and doing nothing thoroughly. He was almost -girlishly tender, clinging, and confiding by nature; but could on -occasion become passionate and violent. Moscow was his birthplace, and -he was sent straight from the University in 1881, when a mere boyish -student, to twenty years’ imprisonment, simply because he refused to say -from whom he had received a manifesto that was found in his possession. -He was an enthusiastic member of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_. - -They say that two friends are generally of opposite temperaments, and -the two Vanitchki certainly bore out that theory. While Starinkyèvitch -was gay and lighthearted, Martinòvsky was grave, sedate, almost morose. -He seldom smiled, and I can never remember hearing him laugh. He was a -man of iron will, commanding and even despotic in character. I cannot -imagine his ever being brought to yield a hair’s-breadth on any subject; -on the contrary, he seemed always to contrive to bring others round to -the fulfilment of his wishes. He was without doubt an extremely gifted -and capable man, who might have made his mark as a leader in public -affairs if he had had the chance. He was above all things practical; yet -could immerse himself on occasion in theoretical problems, and was one -of the first in the prison to take up the study of Marxism. He too came -from Moscow, and like his friend Starinkyèvitch, had been condemned to -twenty years’ imprisonment. Martinòvsky had been sentenced, in the same -case as Sundelèvitch, Kviatkòvsky, and others, to fourteen years’ -“katorga,” and an attempted escape brought him an addition of another -six years. His having been chosen _stàrosta_ (head-man) by his comrades -proves the complete trust they placed in him, and he was in every way a -model representative of our interests. - -The following story concerns another of my fellow-prisoners at Kara. On -the 25th December, 1879, General Drenteln was driving in his carriage -through the streets of Petersburg. He had just been appointed chief of -gendarmerie, in succession to General Mezentzev, (killed by the -revolutionists; see pp. 92 and 263,) and was also the head of the -notorious “third section.”[81] Suddenly a man riding a beautiful -thorough-bred stopped the carriage and fired several shots at the -General through the window, none of the bullets hitting their mark. The -rider made off, the General cried to the coachman to follow him, and a -wild chase began. The people in the streets understood nothing about -what had occurred, and saw with amazement this strange race between the -General’s carriage and a magnificently mounted horseman. More than once -the latter seemed on the point of being brought to bay, but always -escaped down some side street, closely followed by the General’s fast -trotters. At last the rider made a dash, left his pursuers behind, and -was in hot flight, when his horse stumbled and fell. The fugitive did -not lose his presence of mind, however; beckoning to a policeman, he -said: “My good man, this horse is hurt; just look after it for me while -I go and fetch the groom.” The policeman obediently took the bridle, and -the horseman vanished round the corner, cut through a passage, called a -droschky, and was seen no more. General Drenteln foamed with rage when -he found the horse in such safe keeping, but the rider gone. The police -were set to work, and easily discovered the steed to be a racehorse -named “Lady,” which had been hired from a riding-school by a student -named Mirsky,[82] already under police observation. Mirsky was by this -time no longer to be found in Petersburg; he had escaped to South -Russia. Several months later, however, he met his fate at Taganrock, -while under the roof of a friend and comrade named Tarhov, a lieutenant -in the artillery. Another officer, having suspicions about Tarhov’s -guest, put the police on the scent, and the house was surrounded. -Mirsky, unwilling to surrender without a struggle, fired several -revolver-shots at the police, and tried to break through their cordon. -He was overpowered, however; was made prisoner, and in 1880 was brought -before a court-martial, together with Tarhov, the poet A. Olchin, and -some others. That was a time when even people not actually implicated in -terrorist attempts were condemned to death off-hand by the -courts-martial, and no one doubted that Mirsky—whose assault upon the -chief of gendarmerie was undisputed—would be executed. Only he himself -seemed to think otherwise. I remember how, shortly before the trial, -somebody who had visited him in prison came to us and said that Mirsky -wanted us to send him black clothes and a white tie, to wear when he -went before the court. We were all very much surprised, and laughed -rather mournfully over his odd whim. It was the first time it had -occurred to any revolutionist to trouble himself about what sort of coat -he should put on to face his judges. But of course we provided him with -the means of shining for the last time in public; the papers remarked -that “the chief defendant presented a very gentlemanly appearance,” and -his speech of defence was reported with approval in various foreign -journals. He was condemned to death; and although this sentence was -commuted to one of penal servitude for life, he very narrowly escaped -suffering the full rigour of the law. Had the attempt—planned for that -very day—to kill Alexander II. at the station in Alexandrovskaia been -successful, or had the trial taken place two days later, after the 19th -November, when the Tsar’s train was blown up at Moscow,—all would have -been over for Mirsky. As it was, however, he escaped with his life, and -was confined in the famous Alexei-Ravelin tower of the Fortress of Peter -and Paul, where at that time the most important “politicals” were -imprisoned. Four years later he was brought to Kara, and he was one of -my companions in the “nobles’ room.” - -Footnote 81: - - The secret police, which was then under the chief of gendarmerie, - though it has since been constituted a separate department, - controlling vast sums of money. - -Footnote 82: - - See portrait, p. 112. - -Instead of a slender, aristocratic youth, as Mirsky was described at the -time of his trial, I knew him as a robust, somewhat undersized but -well-built man, of about twenty-seven. And he had changed in more than -outward appearance; he was no longer the hot-headed boy, ready for any -rash deed, but a serious man who had been through much and had thought -deeply. Keen-witted and well educated, he had formed his own conclusions -as to social conditions in Russia and their development in the future. -The teaching of Marx was unknown to him, but he had attained a similar -standpoint by following out his own reasoning. He was particularly -sceptical concerning the views then prevalent among Russian -revolutionists, according to which a purely Russian programme should be -based on the organisation of the _artèls_ (workmen’s unions), and on the -already existing system of the joint ownership of land by the village -communes; a programme which must differ essentially from that of -Socialists in all other civilised countries. He did not believe that -anything further could be built on these remnants of patriarchal -institutions. He was of opinion that the complete overthrow of the -existing political régime was the first thing to be aimed at in Russia, -but he was convinced that terrorist tactics would never entirely bring -this about; and he expected equally little from any uprising of the -working classes, since the mass of the people were sunk in apathetic -resignation and hopelessness. Yet still the question tortured him—how -should this task be approached?—and he was of all the prisoners in Kara -the best prepared for the philosophical arguments of a Marxist. - -Mirsky had been a medical student; but during his imprisonment he took -up the study of jurisprudence, and was credited with such a thorough -knowledge of legal affairs that his judgments were more trusted than -those of some graduate lawyers who were among us. Mirsky was of Polish -extraction; but having been brought up in Russia he was in every respect -a thoroughly Russian Socialist. - - - - - CHAPTER XXIII - THE ORGANISATION OF OUR COMMON LIFE—THE “SIRIUSES”—WAGERS - - -On my arrival at the Kara prison I found in existence there an extremely -elaborate organisation regulating the prisoners’ daily life, a system -that the course of time had evolved and tested. The fundamental -principle of the arrangement was equality of rights and duties; the -inmates of the prison forming for all domestic purposes a commune or -_artèl_, although the needs and wishes of individuals were taken into -account as far as possible. It was free to anyone to enter this _artèl_ -or to remain outside, and whichever they did, material conditions—in the -way of food, etc.—were the same for all.[83] The Government provided a -certain quantity of food per day for each prisoner—about 3¼ lbs. of -bread, nearly 6 oz. of meat, a few ounces of meal, and some salt. -Friends of prisoners were permitted to furnish them with the means of -obtaining extra provisions, and some of us, though, indeed, only a few, -received such contributions regularly, this money as well as the -governmental allowances becoming the common property of the _artèl_. The -money was distributed as follows: part was set aside to supplement the -food-rations, especially for buying more meat (this was called in our -lingo “provisioning the stock-pot”); another portion was reserved for -what was called common expenses—assistance to those who were leaving the -prison and going to their appointed place of exile, subscriptions to -such newspapers as we were allowed, postage, etc.; and a third part was -divided equally among all for pocket-money. This last was spent -according to the fancy of each individual, usually on tea, tobacco, -fish, butter, and such things as were considered “secondary -necessaries,” though sometimes these were sacrificed and the money saved -up for months, or even for a year or more, in order to buy a book or -some special luxury. Our funds were very scanty; during my whole time in -Kara there was never more than three or four kopecks[84] per man per day -for the “stock-pot,” and the pocket-money for each never amounted to -more than a rouble[85] a month, often much less. In consequence of the -primitive means of transport everything imported into Siberia cost three -times as much as in Europe—a pound of sugar, for instance, cost -thirty-five to forty kopecks—and the prisoners had to deny themselves -many of the smallest comforts of material existence. Most of us used -only brick-tea, _i.e._ tea of the commonest kind, and drank it without -sugar; others thought even that a luxury, and drank hot water; while -those who used sugar had to make one lump do for the whole day—that is, -for three meals. - -Footnote 83: - - Those who did not join the _artèl_ had, of course, no votes in any - discussions or decisions of that body. - -Footnote 84: - - A kopeck is about equal to one farthing.—_Trans._ - -Footnote 85: - - A rouble is about equal to 2_s._ 1_d._—_Trans._ - -Actual money was never given us, everything was on paper only. All -remittances were received by the commandant, who kept us informed of the -amount he had in hand. Then we would order various articles, which would -be given to our _stàrosta_ to keep in the common chest, and whenever he -gave anything out he made an entry in his account-book. At the end of -each month the accounts were made up, each man being told whether he had -overdrawn his pocket-money and so must start the next month with a -_minus_ of so many kopecks, or whether he had saved and was credited -with a _plus_. The former would try to make good their deficit during -the following month; but there were some who—with the best will in the -world—could never make their expenditure and income balance, and were -always in default, thus acquiring the nickname of “minuses,” while the -thrifty were called “pluses.” No shame was attached to the being a -“minus,” though it was scarcely a title of honour, and no one cared for -the position. The “minuses” always aspired to get straight at any rate -at Christmas or Easter, when pocket-money was generally increased by an -influx of gifts, but it sometimes occurred that someone found it -impossible to get his head above water, and it was then the custom that -at one of our festivals—at Christmas, or on the commemoration of some -revolutionary red-letter day—the _stàrosta_ or someone should suggest -the “whitewashing” of the bankrupt by wiping off his debt to the -_artèl_. This proposal was always accepted by the majority, only the -“minus” himself protesting, or refusing to consent. - -Every morning the _stàrosta_ presented himself with his order-book at -the doors of the different rooms, and asked what was wanted. One would -order a “sou’s” worth[86] of sugar, another a “brick” of tea, and so on. -These orders were entered, to be later transferred to the account-book, -and soon afterwards the _stàrosta_ would bring the articles and give -them to us through the peephole. The _stàrosta_ also received from the -steward for distribution all things that were due to us in the way of -clothing, linen, and so forth, and he was our representative in all our -dealings with the commandant. The election of the _stàrosta_ was by -ballot, and for a term of six months. The person elected was, of course, -free to decline the post, and this occasionally happened, as, though an -honourable office, it was one which entailed trouble and responsibility, -and sometimes even a degree of unpleasantness. - -Footnote 86: - - This simply meant a kopeck’s worth; the expression had originated in - the wish to disguise from the gendarme who was always on guard in the - corridor the extremely small amount of such an order, but naturally in - the course of time the gendarmes had come to understand our _argot_ - thoroughly, so that there was no longer any real deception. - -Not only the _stàrosta_, but any member of the _artèl_ might make -proposals for changes in our arrangements, such proposals being written -down, considered by the inmates of the different rooms, and then voted -for or against in writing. It was the _stàrosta’s_ business to collect -the votes and to announce the results through the peepholes. Proposals -of this kind were often most excitedly discussed, parties being formed -to support or oppose them; and occasionally a subject would develop into -a “cabinet crisis,” though the moving or rejecting of votes of -confidence in the “government” (for we had a whole ministry, other -officers being necessary besides the _stàrosta_) was not customary. - -All work within the prison precincts we shared among us; but such -services as made it necessary to go outside the yard (carrying wood and -water, sanitary cleansing, etc.) were performed by ordinary criminals, -whom we tipped, although not in any way obliged to do so. Our own duties -were of two kinds: work for the community—such as cooking, cleaning the -rooms, attending to the steam baths; and private work—washing clothes, -mending, etc. Everyone except the weak or ill had to take his share in -the former. The cooking was undertaken by groups of five men, each group -serving for a week at a time. There were eight or nine such groups in -all, the choice of belonging to any particular group being left free -without regard to rooms. Each group had its head cook, his assistant, a -cook for the invalids, and two helpers. The work was not light, and was -in no way attractive; it began between six and seven in the morning, and -was not usually over before five in the evening, by which hour one would -be thoroughly tired out; and when the end of the week came it was -delightful to think of idling for a time. On the other hand, the labour -was a welcome relief to the monotony of our lives, and the kitchen was a -meeting-place for the inhabitants of different rooms, forming a sort of -clubhouse for those engaged in the cooking. Even when the work was -hardest we had merry times there, discussing news, gossiping, and -joking, the work itself often serving as a basis for fun and all sorts -of nonsense. The head cook would give a raw hand some ridiculous job; -one, for instance, would be set to pick potatoes out of the pot with a -fork; another ordered to stand by a hole in the wall with a big stick -and to knock on the head any blackbeetles that might make their -appearance. I myself was given the task of chopping up millet-seed with -a large knife, and other such absurdities would be invented. - -Our cooks had to manage with very scanty materials. Vegetables -frequently ran short, thus making it most difficult to vary the bill of -fare. At the time of my arrival there were no potatoes to be had, and at -midday, from motives of economy, only broth was provided, from which the -meat had been taken to be served up separately for supper. When I sat -down to dinner on my first day in Kara I was prepared for a frugal meal, -having heard beforehand how poor the dietary was in this prison; but -when I had spooned up the meagre soup without any accompaniment but -bread and realised that this was my whole dinner, I felt somewhat -downcast. I rose from table as hungry as I had sat down; and it was a -long while before I could accustom myself to this sort of nourishment. -Our culinary skill was chiefly displayed in the way of serving up the -soup-meat at a subsequent meal. It was generally minced and heated up -with some vegetables. The dish most favoured by the majority was meat -cut into small pieces and mixed with groats; this was called -“Everyone-likes-it,” and it was the pride of the cooks to decorate our -_menu_ with this original name at least twice a week. The greedy ones -among us used to spy around the kitchen, and never failed to spread the -joyful tidings: “They’re making ‘Everyone-likes-it’ to-day!” The cooks -generally put their best foot forward on Saturday, when their week of -office expired. For years it had been the custom to have an extra dish -on that day, a _piròg_ or sort of pie made of flour, rice, and mince. -The cooks used to save up scraps of meat for it all through the week, -and sometimes the _piròg_ would attain such dimensions that we could not -dispose of it at one sitting, and a remainder would be left over for -Sunday’s breakfast. On the whole our food was insufficient, not very -nutritious, and still less appetising. Bread only had we at discretion, -as the rations given out by the steward were so large that some was -always left over. Only those who had no stomach for a quantity of dry -bread need go hungry. But we hardly ever had our fill except on great -feast days, when not only was our pocket-money augmented, but an extra -allowance of food was given. The cooks would then indulge us with -various dainties and luxuries; roast meat would come to table, or -cutlets, and white bread. Praise must not be denied to our cooks; there -were among them _virtuosi_, whose handiwork was quite artistic—worthy, -as we expressed it, “of better houses.” - -Invalid diet was not provided specially; the cooks had to arrange for -that as best they could, and make it as varied as was compatible with -economy. During my time there was no severe illness, and special diet -was only needed for those who were delicate or who suffered from some -chronic ailment. The question who was to be given invalid fare was -decided by Prybylyev[87]—one of our number who acted as our medical -adviser, and who showed much skill in that capacity, though at home he -had only been a veterinary surgeon. His fame in the art of healing -became widespread, and afterwards when he was living out of prison he -was consulted by many people, though there were three qualified -physicians in the neighbourhood. - -Footnote 87: - - See portrait, p. 209. - -The helpers in the kitchen generally either knew nothing whatever of the -culinary art or else preferred rough work. I fulfilled both conditions, -and never made anything of actual cooking; my duties consisted in -carrying water, chopping wood, taking water and charcoal for the samovar -to the different rooms, apportioning the food in the wooden bowls out of -which we ate, washing up, attending to the stoves, and cleaning the -kitchen. Everybody working in the kitchen got rather larger portions of -food than the others: that was an ancient custom. - -Besides the head-man, who had charge of our larder, a special -“bread-dispenser” was appointed, whose office it was to cut up the -loaves and divide them among the different rooms; he had also to collect -all scraps and crumbs that were left, and send them on to our comrades -in the penal settlement,[88] where they were used to feed a horse and a -couple of cows which belonged to the _artèl_. - -Footnote 88: - - This penal settlement was at a short distance from the prison, in the - village of Kara, and here—as will be explained more fully later—the - convicts, both ordinary and political, were allowed to reside under - strict rules and surveillance after their term of actual imprisonment - was over.—_Trans._ - -The “poultry-keeper” was another of our officials. We kept in the yard a -number of fowls which we cherished most carefully, and they were a great -amusement to us, especially when a brood of chickens appeared or when -the young cockerels showed fight. - -Two other comrades were “bath-keepers”; had to see to the cleaning of -the steam-bath, etc., and—like all our “officials”—were excused from -kitchen work. - -Finally, there was the very important post of librarian, which ranked -next to that of _stàrosta_, and, like it, was decided by ballot, while -the other dignitaries generally chose their own offices. In the course -of years our library had attained quite imposing dimensions; it was -composed partly of books brought by the inmates, partly of those sent to -us as gifts. Nearly all branches of knowledge were represented in it, -but particularly history, mathematics, and natural science; there were -also books in almost every European language, including the classics. -Two enormous cupboards in the corridor contained this treasure, but the -greater part of it was usually in the hands of eager readers. The -custodian had to look after the binding and mending of the books, in -which he found many willing helpers. The tools and materials used were -of the most primitive description; we had no pasteboard, for instance, -and had to contrive some by pasting paper together. My travelling -companion, Tchuikov, proved a first-rate librarian, not only invariably -remembering what books each person had borrowed, but being always able -to tell the whereabouts of any particular article or treatise in our -files of newspapers. He was to the last always re-elected librarian. - -Housework in the rooms was likewise done by strict rule; according to -our turns we had to be on duty twice a day, seeing to the stoves, -carrying the unsavoury wooden tubs in and out at night and in the -morning, and so on. Our rooms were kept scrupulously clean and neat, and -every fortnight there was a tremendous thorough cleaning; the boards -were scrubbed with hot water, beds aired, tables and benches washed in -the yard. We were very particular about proper ventilation, and observed -all hygienic precautions most carefully; each man used the steam-bath -once a week, and each washed his own clothes—not one of our easiest -jobs. - -Remembering that most of us were students fresh from the universities, -or at any rate had hitherto had little practical acquaintance with -domestic labour, and taking into account external circumstances -generally and the scanty supply of materials, I think we might fairly -pride ourselves on the practical and efficient organisation of our -household affairs. Of course our system was liable to modification in -details if necessary, but the principles on which it was based were -fixed and unchangeable. - -That our life must have had much in it irksome in the extreme and hard -to bear is only too evident; living in such constant and close intimacy -for years with the same set of people must necessarily lead to all kinds -of petty rubs and differences; all the more because the forced -inactivity was such a strain to the nerves of many. These were evils not -in our power entirely to avert. - -In the middle of each room hung a lamp with a dark shade—lamps that we -had ourselves provided. Our table was narrow and long, so that a number -of persons necessarily sat where the light was very poor, insufficient -for work of any kind; and this, of course, was a misfortune for -everyone, as those condemned to idleness disturbed the more -advantageously placed who wanted to study. Even had there not been this -drawback, serious concentration of mind would have been difficult in a -small room wherein were congregated sixteen men of very different -temperaments and inclinations. The needful quiet could rarely be -obtained, for it would have been impossible to enforce silence during -the long winter evenings; on the contrary, when one sat down to work at -night tongues were loosened, and there began a constant hubbub of -chatter and laughter. Anyone who was really bent on earnest study had to -devise a special plan: he became what we called a “Sirius.” This meant -that as soon as it became dusk he went to bed till midnight, and then, -while the rest were asleep, got up and worked till dawn, when Sirius -rises above the horizon; after which he lay down for another two hours’ -rest. It needed an overwhelming desire for learning and considerable -powers of endurance to become a “Sirius”; it was difficult to rest when -the comrades were chattering and making a noise all around one, and when -one had at last managed to get off to sleep, it seemed immediately time -to wake up again. The dividing of the night’s rest is not an easy thing -to stand; in spite of my efforts I could never accustom myself to it; -yet there were some among us—though not many—who were numbered among the -“Siriuses” all the time I was at Kara. Yatzèvitch, and two others of -whom I shall have more to say, Kalyushny and Adrian Mihailov, kept to -this mode of life during that whole period. - - * * * * * - -I must mention one custom that had taken root in the prison, into which -I was very soon initiated. We were in the middle of a lively -conversation one morning, just after my arrival, when M., one of the -comrades, turned to me with the question— - -“What do you say, Deutsch; will the Tsar soon be made an end of?” - -“Oh no,” I replied, “I don’t think he’ll be killed. The man will -probably end his days peacefully in his bed.” - -My answer met with violent opposition, everyone assuring me that -Alexander III. must meet his father’s fate. At that time nearly all -revolutionists had still a firm belief in the indestructible power of -the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, and saw in terrorism the only practicable means -of fighting Russian absolutism. To me, on the contrary, things showed -themselves in quite a different light. I had taken part in the -revolutionary organisation when the terrorist idea was in its infancy, -had witnessed its development until finally it reigned alone and -absorbed all the fighting energy of the party, had known personally -Terrorists both great and small, and I had now come to the conclusion -that the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_ had outlived its time. The tide of feeling -that had fostered the growth of this party had reached its height in -1881; while after, and in consequence of, the assassination of Alexander -II. it had ebbed rapidly away. As I have explained before, all the -leading Terrorists were then removed from the sphere of action, and the -younger ones who tried to replace them had no chance of proving and -tempering their own powers. Both in Russia and abroad I had seen how the -earlier enthusiasm had given way to a fatal scepticism; men had lost -faith, even though many would not have allowed that it was so. It was -clear to me that a reaction had set in, to last for many years. - -When I now gave expression to these views, M. asked suddenly— - -“Will you back that opinion?” - -“What does that mean?” I asked. - -“Well, we simply mean by that, will you take a bet on it? I declare that -the Tsar will be killed; you maintain the contrary. I offer you a wager -that the Tsar will be killed by the revolutionists within a certain -time.” - -“Very well, I accept.” - -“Shall we say five years—till December 15th, 1890?” - -“All right; what is the stake?” - -This was not so easy to settle. Bets of this sort, I then learned, were -quite the fashion, and were made on every kind of occasion—sometimes as -the result of a serious argument, sometimes about a mere trifle; but -there was rarely a controversy that did not terminate with the question, -“Will you back that opinion?” If the other party tried to make excuses, -there would be a chorus from the bystanders of “He shirks it!” and the -reputation of a “shirker” was not a flattering one. The stake was -usually some small matter, perhaps a little tea or tobacco, varying -according to the importance of the subject in dispute. A “sou’s worth” -of sugar was a common offer; but if the loser undertook to brew tea for -the whole room that was considered a high stake, and the result was -awaited with interest. Although these bets were more or less of a joke, -they had also a more serious side. There are people who will dispute -about every imaginable thing, and make the wildest assertions simply for -the sake of arguing; and it must be confessed that after such heedless -talkers had lost a few wagers they were more inclined to hold their -tongues occasionally, though neither the chance of losses nor of earning -the nickname of “shirker” could quite restrain some of our number from -arguing in the air. - -My wager with M. was duly recorded, and it was agreed that the loser -should provide cakes for all the inhabitants of the “nobles’ room.” This -was a very high stake, costing several roubles, and the loser risked -being without pocket-money for “secondary necessaries” during several -months; but the question being one that might not be decided for a long -while, the stake had to be considerable to sustain interest. Time proved -me right. At the end of 1890 M. had lost his bet, and wished to pay his -debt of honour; but I refused to allow him to do so, on the ground that -circumstances had changed, and the former inmates of the “nobles’ room” -would no longer be able to partake of the feast, many having by that -time left the prison. M. would not hear of it at first, but ended by -giving in. - -[Illustration: - - PRISONERS GOLD-WASHING AT KARA - To face page 232 -] - - - - - CHAPTER XXIV - SOME DETAILS OF THE PRISON’S HISTORY—THE “TOM-CAT”—THE “SANHEDRIN’S - ROOM”—MY FIRST SIBERIAN SPRING - - -In conversation with those who had been imprisoned at Kara for some time -one often heard the expressions: “That was before the May days,” or, -“That happened after the 11th of May.” This mode of reckoning time had -become current among us; everybody knew the story of the “May days,” -which had been an epoch in the prison life of Kara, just as the -“February days” had been a turning-point in French history. All that lay -behind the “May days” was a sort of golden age, and after them came a -time of storm and stress, years of gloom and misery. I will briefly -narrate the story of these events. - -The Kara prison for political offenders dates from the year 1880. Before -that time “politicals” were not confined in a special gaol, but in one -among a great number of such prisons in this penal district, where along -the River Kara are many gold-washing settlements, the private property -of the Tsar—or “property of His Majesty’s Cabinet,” as it is officially -termed. The “politicals,” like the ordinary prisoners, had to wash gold -for the Lord of All the Russias; but the work was not hard, and they -rather enjoyed it. It was at any rate pleasanter and more wholesome to -work for a few hours in the fresh air than to vegetate in prison. At -that time the “politicals” enjoyed the same privileges as the ordinary -convicts; _e.g._ they had better rations than were subsequently given -them, they might correspond with their relations, and at the expiration -of their appointed sentences they were allowed to settle in the “free -colony” outside the prison. The “politicals” were not dissatisfied with -this state of things; but in December, 1880, the then Minister of the -Interior, Count Loris Melikov, ordered that they should no longer be -allowed in the penal colony. Shortly after this was made known one of -the prisoners, a graduate of the Petersburg University, named -Semyanovsky, took his own life, leaving a letter to his father, in which -he declared that the idea of being permanently shut up in prison had -driven him to commit suicide. - -This cruel decree came at a time when the political movement was -particularly strong, and we were believed to be on the eve of a great -upheaval; news of revolutionary doings, though much delayed, reached the -ears of the prisoners in distant Kara, and naturally made the yearning -for liberty more fervent than ever. Some of those who still had a long -term of punishment to suffer resolved on flight; but not till May, 1882, -was it found possible to execute their plans, and the work at the mines -to which they were daily led furnished them with the opportunity. It was -arranged that two men were to escape each night; and by common consent -the first to go was Myshkin,[89] a well-known revolutionist, who chose -as his companion one of the most able of his comrades, a working-man -named Nicholas Hrùstchov.[90] These two got away successfully, and to -conceal their disappearance their comrades made dummies which they laid -in their places on the bed-shelves when the roll was called. -Galkin-Vrassky, the head of the Prisons Department, was just at that -time visiting the prisons of Kara, accompanied by the Governor, -Iliashèvitch; but nothing was discovered, though the fugitives were -already well on their eastern journey, nearing the shore of the Pacific. -After a few days a second couple escaped in the same manner, and as -successfully, and then a third pair. But as the last man of a fourth -pair was making off, the sentry fired and alarmed the watch; the shot -missed, but the absence of eight prisoners was discovered. That was on -May 11th, 1882; Galkin-Vrassky and Iliashèvitch were still in Kara, and -the presence of their chiefs fired the local authorities to special -exertions in following up the fugitives; six were soon captured,[91] -only the first two remaining at large. - -Footnote 89: - - Sentenced in 1873 to ten years’ penal servitude, in the “Case of the - 193,” for armed resistance in an attempted rescue of Tchernishevsky - from Viluisk in Yakutsk. Myshkin also received a further fifteen - years, because at the burial of a comrade, Dmohovsky, he delivered a - funeral oration in the prison chapel. - -Footnote 90: - - Sentenced in the Popov trial in Kiëv to fifteen years’ penal - servitude. - -Footnote 91: - - Moses Dihovsky, fifteen years’ penal servitude; Levtchenko, fifteen; - Andreas Balamutz, twenty; Kratzenovsky, Yurhovsky, and Minyukov, all - for life. - -Reprisals were at once taken against the other political prisoners; some -were conveyed in small parties to different prisons, and treated with -terrible severity on the way; the Kara prison was rebuilt, the large -common rooms being each converted into three cells so small that one -could scarcely turn round in them; while within a special enclosure a -building was erected with narrow cells for solitary confinement, wherein -some of the revolutionists were incarcerated. All books and other -possessions were taken from the “politicals”; they were allowed no food -except that provided by the State; and were subjected to so many -hardships and privations that they unanimously resolved to put an end to -their lives by refusing to eat; and only when they were at death’s door -were some concessions made by the authorities. - -Myshkin and Hrùstchov were for some time lucky in evading detection. -They got as far as Vladivostock, and were in the act of seeking safety -on board a foreign vessel when they were recognised as the long-sought -fugitives, and captured. All sacrifices had been vain, and the prisoners -of the mighty Tsar were once more secured in the Kara prison, which had -meanwhile undergone further changes. The “politicals” were separated -from the ordinary convicts, and the male and female divisions of the -political prison placed under the control of the gendarmerie. Koros, a -staff officer of gendarmes, was sent from Petersburg and installed as -commandant; and a number of inferior officers of gendarmerie were made -warders. The whole system was at the same time completely altered; the -workshops were removed, and the prisoners forced to remain idle; they -were not allowed to leave the precincts of the gaol, and correspondence -with their friends was forbidden. Moreover, as has been said elsewhere, -thirteen of their number were despatched to the Fortress of Peter and -Paul and thence to Schlüsselburg, where now (1902) only one of them -survives. - -During the four years that had elapsed since the “May days” there had -been four changes of commandant. One of these gentlemen had been -superseded and sent to Yakutsk for appropriating to his own private uses -one thousand roubles of money sent to the prisoners. Each change of -commandant meant some modification of arrangements, and thus by degrees -various small improvements were made, among others the breaking down of -the partition walls in the rooms; while, in consequence of an appeal -made by a prisoner’s influential relations, the Loris Melikov order was -finally annulled, and “politicals” were once more allowed to reside in -the penal colony when their proportion of years in prison was past. The -legal regulations concerning the latter privilege were as follows: in -the fulfilment of all hard-labour (or “katorga”) sentences the first one -or two years—according to the length of the sentence—are called -“probation time”; the remaining years are called “time of alleviation,” -and in them every ten months count as a year. In this way, for example, -my thirteen years and four months became eleven years and five months; -and being sentenced on October 12th, 1884, I should finish my term in -February, 1896. The entire “probation time” and two or three years of -the “time of alleviation” must be spent in prison; but after that the -law provided that the prisoner should be allowed to reside in the -“colony,” under police supervision, instead of within the prison walls. -Such partially freed prisoners might take up their abode in some house -assigned to them, or built by themselves; but they were subject to the -rules and regulations laid down for the convicts residing there, -ordinary and political alike. It was a great matter to be no longer -cooped up day and night in a common room of the prison; the -“politicals”—people of culture and refinement—appreciated this -particularly, and the withdrawal of the privilege had been a terrible -deprivation. The greater, therefore, was the rejoicing when, two years -after the “May days,” the new commandant, Captain Burlei, who had -succeeded the thief Manayev, informed the captives in the political -prison of Kara that some time previously a resolution of the senate had -rescinded the adverse decree. The dishonest Manayev had suppressed the -document proclaiming this, that he might the more easily continue to -conceal his malpractices. Captain Burlei immediately proposed to the -governor of the district that steps should be taken forthwith for the -release from prison and internment in the “colony” of all those who had -become entitled to that right. Before this could be arranged, however, -the humane commandant was replaced by Nikolin, who would only allow the -new rules to come into force under certain restrictions. The senate had -made their decision; the law was there, and must be complied with; but -by “administrative methods” he continued to limit its operations. - -Captain Nikolin was a malicious, small-minded man, always on the -look-out for ways of annoying the prisoners; and now, on the pretence -that he had not a strong enough force of gendarmes to supervise the -“colony,” he asked that instead of releasing all who were entitled to -the privilege, only fifteen persons at a time should be set free. His -excuse was groundless, for under the circumstances the same force of -gendarmes could have equally well controlled the greater or smaller -number of “colonists”; but of course the wish of the commandant was -acceded to, and it thus came about that those who should have obtained -the right of living outside the prison had often to wait years until -there was a vacancy, and even then there might be a dozen candidates for -it, from among whom Nikolin arbitrarily selected a recipient of the -favour. Of course this curtailment of their rights earned Nikolin the -ardent dislike of the prisoners; and his conduct was such as continually -to aggravate that sentiment anew. - -I had an opportunity of seeing this man soon after being placed under -his charge. He often came into the prison—into the corridor, that is, -for he never entered the rooms. He might have been nearly fifty-five, -rather big, with an imposing “corporation”; his broad round face, -cunning little eyes, and bristling moustache, gave him the look of a -fat, spiteful old tom-cat, and he was always designated by that -nickname. The expression of his eyes was particularly catlike; he looked -as if just ready to pounce on a victim and stick his claws into it. He -always spoke in a low voice, this “tom-cat”; but he chattered -unceasingly, and kept smacking his lips all the time, his expression -being always peevish and discontented. When he visited the prison he -generally remained for some time standing by our _stàrosta_, who would -be busy beside his big chest; and Nikolin would talk away, quite -regardless whether his conversation were agreeable to the listener or -not. During these endless monologues he would brag and boast in the most -inflated way. Could we have accepted his own account of his exploits, he -would by this time have been at least a general. He had begun his career -during the sixties under Mouravièv, the oppressor of Vilna, and he would -recount the inestimable services he had rendered at that epoch. Yet he -was still only a captain! Possibly an excess of zeal had spoiled his -prospects; at any rate, he used to relate the following story of what -had happened to him in Kara. He had once addressed a communication to -the governor of the province, asking this highly important question: -“When the floor of a room was being scrubbed, and the prisoners were -consequently turned out into the corridor, should the warder take them -into another room or not?” - -“Imagine!” the “tom-cat” would cry. “The answer I received was this: -‘Arrange the matter for yourself according to Paragraph 13 of the -instructions.’” Now the instructions only contained twelve paragraphs, -but the irony of the rejoinder never struck Nikolin, and he continued to -fuss on every occasion over any sort of trifle. He seemed, too, to think -that his position as commandant of the political prisoners did not give -him enough scope for grumbling, but poked his nose into everything that -went on in the district of Kara. Once, indeed, he did actually succeed -in discovering a series of thefts from the coffers of the State. There -was a certain Major Pohùlov, governor of the ordinary convicts’ prison -(with whom Mr. Kennan stayed during his visit to Kara). One fine day a -storehouse under his charge, supposed to contain some thousands of poods -of grain for the prisoners’ use, was burnt down. Now grain stored in -great heaps does not burn away, but simply gets roasted; yet on this -occasion there was no trace of it to be found, the gallant major having -had a little deal with the purveyor, and then, with the help of his -subordinates, having arranged that the warehouse should be burnt down in -the nick of time. - -Probably this transaction would have remained in the dark, like many -others of the kind, had not our “tom-cat” taken the matter up and by his -denunciations forced the Government to appoint a commission of inquiry -on which he himself served. - -He then revealed the full range of his talents, and brought to the light -of day a whole system of robbery and fraud. The “hospitable gentleman,” -as Kennan described Major Pohùlov (and indeed so he was), had had more -than one device for enriching himself at the State’s expense. For -instance, hundreds of prisoners figured on his list who had long since -either been released or had escaped, and for these “ghosts” he had -regularly charged his books with clothing and food allowances, whilst he -and the purveyor had fraternally shared the money between them. This man -was dismissed from his office, but was never brought to justice, as he -had influential friends who shielded him. - - * * * * * - -Although my comrades in the “nobles’ room” were most sympathetic -companions to me, I had a great wish to be transferred to the room -inhabited by my friend Stefanòvitch, and permission for this had to be -asked of the “tom-cat.” He at first refused it, on the excuse that he -must get the governor’s sanction; but I heard in a roundabout way that -he pretended to fear lest if Stefanòvitch and I got together we might -manage to escape. This was arrant nonsense, as since the gendarmes had -had charge of the prison there had been no faintest possibility of -escaping from it; but the “tom-cat” had to find some pretext or other -for tormenting us. A few weeks later he finally gave his consent, and I -became my friend’s “chum” in the “Sanhedrin room.” - -The whole aspect of life in this apartment differed materially from that -in the “nobles’ room.” A good many of the inmates were artisans, and -some of the others had a turn for manual work, in consequence of which -the room had quite the look of a workshop. The possession of tools was -forbidden, but they had them notwithstanding, though nothing of the kind -was ever to be seen when an inspection took place. These inspections, -though minute, were “superficial,” as the gendarmerie expressed it; that -is, we were never personally searched, so we simply put our tools in our -pockets when the inspection began. - -Some of our workmen were past masters in their craft. Hrùstchov, a hero -of the “May days,” was one of these, and another proficient was the -locksmith Bubnovsky. With scraps of iron, old nails, and such-like he -made a tiny lathe that could go into his pocket. With this little lathe -he fashioned all the parts of a clock, and, though he had never been a -watchmaker, produced a most artistic timepiece, that later found place -in a Siberian museum. Almost all kinds of handiwork were carried on in -our workshop, many of them having been learned entirely from books. -Patience and endurance—lessons taught by prison life—had fruitful -results when applied to such ends; and the theoretical studies that were -undertaken, one comrade learning from another, also profited by those -qualities. Knowledge was eagerly sought after in this room, and the -_quondam_ students helped the working-men. Yatzèvitch and Zlatopòlsky -came there every day to give instruction in mathematics and natural -science; Fomitchov occupied the chair of Russian languages, and so on. -On this account our room was sometimes called “the Academy.” - -Among the workmen a certain Karl Ivanein interested me much. By birth a -Finn, but thoroughly Russified, his passion was for the finer branches -of literature, and in these he was very well read. He was an -enthusiastic adherent of Tolstoi’s teaching, and any hostile criticism -of that sage stung his proselyte to eager defence. His was a highly -gifted but eccentric character: soon after I became acquainted with him -he was released from prison and sent to live in the penal settlement, -where in a very little while he committed suicide. - -Fomin and Fomitchov were noted among the other students in our room for -their determined industry. Fomin I had known in Switzerland, where he -had lived for some time as a refugee. He had been an officer of -infantry; was arrested for making propaganda among the soldiers, and -imprisoned in Vilna, but escaped by the help of a comrade. He could not -long endure to remain abroad, and returned to Russia, where he managed -to conceal himself for a time, but was arrested in 1882 in Petersburg -and condemned to twenty years’ penal servitude. While in Kara he -occupied himself with the study of natural science, particularly -mineralogy. - -Of Fomitchov I had heard much, as a very active revolutionist, but had -never met him before. The son of a poor sacristan, he had studied in -Odessa, where in 1877 he was arrested, and charged before a -court-martial with making propaganda among soldiers; but even under -martial law it was found impossible to convict him, and he was set free -amid the applause of the onlookers, who gave both him and his counsel a -perfect ovation. Soon afterwards, however, he was again imprisoned, and -was condemned together with Lisogùb, Tchubàrov, and others, his sentence -being penal servitude for life. In consequence of his attempted escape -while on the journey, which I have already mentioned,[92] he was chained -to the wheelbarrow[93] for a year. He busied himself with historical -studies, more especially in Russian history, and had read a great deal -on that subject; but unfortunately our library was one-sided in this -branch, and only provided him with voluminous and rather out-of-date -works, such as those of Schlosser, Weber, Mommsen, Soloviev, and -Kostomarov. It may have been partly owing to the bias of these guides, -partly to some odd twist in his own mind, but anyhow our friend -Fomitchov—a clever and extremely painstaking student, an excellent -comrade, and a man of strong character generally—came to adopt most -extraordinary views for a political prisoner. He was not only an ardent -patriot and Russsophil; but also—which seemed especially -incomprehensible—an extreme monarchist, and a passionate upholder of the -Romanov dynasty! A political offender, a convict for life, yet a fanatic -for Russian absolutism: a strange combination, truly! If a man holding -such opinions had petitioned for pardon it would have seemed only -logical; not one of us would have seen anything dishonourable in his -taking such a step, but Fomitchov abstained from doing so. He persisted -in the curious view that it was his duty to abide his fate and wear out -his life in a Siberian prison, as expiation of his rebellion against the -Tsar, of whose wise policy for the government of his subjects Fomitchov -had now not the slightest doubt. It might have been confidently asserted -that among all the courtiers and dignitaries surrounding him, Alexander -III. had no more loyal and devoted adherent than this political convict -in Kara prison. The most unjust and cruel ukase of the Tsar’s Government -found in Fomitchov a defender who could always discover therein some -salutary principle intended to promote the welfare of the people. That -people he loved beyond everything, even to the sacrificing of his own -life, if need were; and therefore was he compelled to be for ever -attempting the theoretical reconciliation of governmental Tsarism with -the people’s good. Any attack on the Tsar incensed him to such a degree -that he would often break off all intercourse with anyone who made His -Majesty the object of hostile comment. Many of us seriously doubted if -the man could rightly be considered sane. - -Footnote 92: - - See note, page 189. - -Footnote 93: - - This punishment consists in fastening a wheelbarrow by chains to the - prisoner so that he is obliged to push it about with him wherever he - goes; and even when he wishes to sleep he must contrive to hoist it - into such a position as will render lying down possible.—_Trans._ - -Naturally Fomitchov stood alone in this exaggeration of royalist -enthusiasm, but as a Russophil he found many sympathisers. A certain -number among us were firmly persuaded that Russian social and domestic -conditions were far superior to those of Western Europe, and disputes -about this supposed Russian perfection were endless; they were the -occasion of many a wager, and not infrequently caused serious -estrangements between friends, or—as our double-Dutch expressed -it—“climatic disturbances.” This strange belief in the superiority of -backward Russia was a ruling craze of the time in our country. The -entire progressive press was Russophil in that sense; and the tendency -had manifested itself even in Socialist literature, in the passionate -insistence that, Russian conditions being perfectly different from those -of any other country, the revolutionary struggle must proceed on -essentially distinct lines. I must confess that I was often pained to -hear men suffering for their convictions giving vent to opinions so -strongly resembling the arguments of hardened reactionaries. - -One of the most strenuous advocates of these views in our room was a man -who—strange to say—bore the reputation of being among the ablest in the -prison. Nicholas Posen had been a village school-teacher who had taken -no specially active part in the revolutionary movement, but had chanced -to participate in armed resistance to the gendarmerie at Kiëv, and had -been brought to trial in consequence, together with Maria Kovalèvskaya -and others. He had been condemned to fourteen years and ten months’ -“katorga,” subsequently increased by another fourteen years, for an -attempt to escape from prison in Irkutsk. He was well educated and -intelligent, but he had no political convictions worth mentioning. He -had a passion for argument, and would discuss anything and everything by -the hour, always ready to prove any given proposition, and seizing any -pretext for a debate—a philosophical problem, or any everyday trifle. -Serious study was not his forte, and his everlasting chatter disturbed -others at their work; hardly had his eyes opened in the morning before -his tongue was set in motion, and it never rested all day long. - -A favourite theme with him was speculation about the day’s food: “What -do you think we shall have for supper to-night?” he would ask, -buttonholing somebody; “I am sure they are making ‘everyone-likes-it.’” -“Perhaps; but perhaps it is mince and groats,” his interlocutor might -say, just to please him by falling in with his humour. Then Posen’s -tongue would be loosened, and he would prove his important point beyond -question, giving all his reasons; he would dilate on it for half an -hour, and would wind up with, “Will you back your opinion?” - -“All right, we’ll have something on it; what shall it be?” - -“Three matches!” cries Posen; everyone laughs; and he himself seems -thoroughly pleased with his joke. He had at bottom a vain and petty -spirit, and showed later that he could come to any compromise with the -authorities in order to satisfy his own small desires. - - * * * * * - -Deficiency and poverty of nourishment soon affected my health, although -I had all my life hitherto been thoroughly robust. After a few months I -felt a weakness in the legs, and could no longer hold myself upright; -then black and blue patches made their appearance on the skin of my -legs, my gums began to suppurate, and my teeth became loose. I betook -myself to our medical adviser, Prybylyev. - -“Hullo, my friend, you have got a beautiful attack of scurvy!” said he; -“you’ve been quick about it.” He ordered me invalid diet, and I was -given a daily cutlet with plenty of garlic. I was not the only one to -suffer in this way from the insufficient feeding; next spring a number -of us were victims to the same disease, and, strangely enough, it was -always the strongest and healthiest who succumbed. Improved diet and the -skill of our good Prybylyev soon tided me over the worst; after a while -I could walk once more without crutches, my gums healed, and soon I -could dispense with invalid food. For a long time, however, I felt the -after-effects of my illness. - -I have a keen recollection of my first spring in Kara. I was overcome by -an indescribable yearning and longing that made the burden of the -aimless, senseless life within prison walls lie like a leaden weight on -my spirits, in face of the new life of nature springing up so freely all -around. Even reading, almost the sole occupation I could invent for -myself outside the daily work, was impossible. The letters danced before -my eyes; no sense of what I had read remained in my mind; memory failed -me; and my fancy alone worked untiringly. In any case mental exertion -under the conditions of prison life has but little result in proportion -to the time and energy expended; the physical state of the prisoner -reacts on his mind, dulling his faculties and weakening his resolution. -But in the spring-time, when every living thing revives and asserts -itself in action, it is hardly possible to resist distraction from -merely mental labour. - -Our prison lay in the trough of a valley between ranges of hills, and -from the yard these hills could be seen by us. There was very scanty -vegetation on those Siberian heights; yet in spring they appeared to us -like a distant Paradise that beckoned irresistibly. Close by we had only -the well-trodden courtyard, where not even a blade of grass peeped -forth, the black weather-stained wooden walls of the prison buildings, -and the tall posts of the stockade; our eyes dwelt on the farther -prospect, and we pictured to ourselves the delight of treading on soft -turf under the shade of trees. - -We petitioned our “tom-cat” for leave to plant a garden in the yard; -there was space enough, the work would have been beneficial, and then we -might have had vegetables for our table, the deficiency in which -particular had been so detrimental to our health. The “tom-cat” roundly -refused. “We should need spades,” he said, “and they might be used to -dig a hole whereby to get away.” So, again, when one of us was sent some -flower-seeds and sowed them in a wooden box, the box was taken away by -Nikolin’s orders: the earth in it might have served to conceal some -contraband article. Such needless tyrannies embittered us still more -against the detested commandant. However peaceably we might otherwise -have been inclined, our hatred of this man might well have blazed out at -any opportunity; he himself probably guessed as much, for he became more -and more mistrustful, at last never entering our prison. He felt that he -had made enemies all round him, and sat lonely in his own house, or -squabbled with his cook, afraid to show himself outside. It may be a -matter of surprise that one of his many enemies did not find a way to -put an end to him, that being a not unusual course of events in Kara; -but finally he could endure such a life no longer, and applied to be -transferred elsewhere. In the spring of 1887 his application was -granted, and he departed, accompanied by the anathemas of the entire -population of Kara. - - - - - CHAPTER XXV - HUMOURS AND PASTIMES OF PRISON LIFE—TWO NEW COMMANDANTS—THE - “HOSPITAL”—THE PARTICIPATORS IN ARMED RESISTANCE - - -Our life was one of dismal uniformity. Day after day, month after month, -went past and left no trace in remembrance. One day was exactly like -another, and all alike seemed endless. Whole years elapsed, and from -each three hundred and sixty-five days there could not be singled out -one on which any event had occurred worthy of recollection. In vain one -racks one’s brain trying to arouse a memory of that monotonous past. -When we arose in the morning we knew exactly what the day would bring; -indeed, one knew beforehand what the next day and the next week and -month would contain. One knew the manners, customs, inclinations of -every comrade in misfortune, could tell what each would be likely to say -or do on any given occasion, and sometimes one would long to run away -and hide, and never see their faces again. But there is no running away; -every minute of the year you are obliged to endure the company of those -others, and to burden them with your own; there is not a moment in which -you can be alone, not a corner in the common room to which you can -withdraw for real privacy. - -To all this is added the rigour of the prison routine: the roll-call -morning and evening, the periodical inspections, the shaving of heads -that takes place with painful regularity, the constant presence of the -gendarmes. The strain at times becomes insupportable, and the nerves are -so shattered that the creaking of the great lock in the frequent opening -and shutting of the door affects one almost to madness. Many of us -became irritable to an extent incomprehensible to a normally sound -person, and with some of us (though not with many) this would at times -lead to loss of temper and quarrelling over the veriest nothings. It -thus once happened that two friends, both intelligent and well-educated -men of mature years, fell out with one another literally about an -egg-shell, which occasioned a dispute that led to a break between them. -This can only be conceivable if one realises that even people who love -each other tenderly might find it difficult to endure such close and -uninterrupted intercourse. What, then, must have been our situation, -locked up together, forced to inflict unwillingly on each other a -companionship which there was no alternative but to accept? - -We had, however, our small joys and alleviations. The most welcome event -was the arrival of the post, which in winter came every ten days, in -summer every week. I can hardly depict the intense eagerness with which -many of us awaited the post days, counting the hours till the mail might -be expected to reach the prison. Some would stand for hours by the -stockade, watching to see the commandant start on his drive to the -post-office, which was some versts distant; then they would impatiently -await his return, not omitting to let their comrades know the result of -their observations. The post brought us letters, newspapers, books, -money, and occasionally a parcel—a present, a token of affection. All -this made indeed a break in the dull routine of daily existence, and not -one could remain an uninterested spectator. On the arrival of money -depended our common exchequer, and the amount of our private -pocket-money; newspapers and reviews brought the news for which we -thirsted passionately, especially the tidings of political events. They -were eagerly seized on, and their reading at once furnished subjects of -talk and discussion, although those years were times of thorough -reaction, not only in Russia, but in Western Europe, so that what we -read was nearly always disheartening, causing us to lay the paper down -depressed in spirits. - -Moreover, only the most conservative, uninteresting papers were -permitted us, with the sole exception of the well-known review _Vèstnik -Evropuy_ (_The European Messenger_), which for some unknown reason was -allowed to pass. Some of our newspaper readers studied the whole -publication from beginning to end, and remembered every little detail. -Many of us, however, were chiefly interested in the arrival of home -letters, the source of so much joy and of so much sorrow. Constant -anxiety about our dear ones was caused by the long interval between the -despatch and the receipt of correspondence, which was often six weeks or -two months on the way, and when the roads were impassable, as is often -the case in Siberia for months together, the posts were even longer -delayed. - -All letters received by us were first read by the commandant, and -subjected to a strict censure; they were also tested with a solution of -chlorate of iron, to see whether any entries had been made in them with -invisible chemical ink. But what was most cruel was that we were not -permitted to answer on our own account; we might only send a post card -in the name of the commandant, acknowledging the receipt of a letter or -other communication, and giving the briefest information as to health, -somewhat in this fashion: “Your son (brother, nephew) is well. The money -(or whatever it was) sent to him by you has been received, and he begs -you to send him the following—--” This is signed by the commandant, but -as the card is written by the prisoner himself, his correspondents may -be assured from his handwriting that he is alive and is in possession of -their missives, nothing further. Under such conditions correspondence is -often a torture to both parties, yet those who could have even this much -intercourse with home were envied by the lonely ones who never expected -letters at all. There was more than one such among us, and how often -when the letters were distributed would one or other of them say -sorrowfully, “If only someone would send me a line!” It is terrible to -think of being thousands of miles from home in the solitudes of Siberia, -and not to know of a single soul who may sometimes remember one’s -existence; yet, as I say, some of our comrades at Kara were in this -forlorn situation. How great was the rejoicing if one of these outcasts -unexpectedly received a letter from some relation, or some friend of -former days! The lucky one would order tea, and perhaps even cakes for -the whole room to celebrate the occasion; the letter itself would become -a much-talked-of treasure, and the most interesting portions would be -read aloud to intimate friends. - -Treating one’s room-mates was also customary if one had had any -specially good news from home. The contents of such a letter would be -immediately imparted to all the other rooms, and sometimes extracts -containing tidings of universal interest would be circulated. Certainly -the commandants, and the “tom-cat” particularly, took every means for -suppressing such tidings, blotting out in our letters everything outside -the narrow circle of personal matters; but we had always ways and means -of obtaining intelligence of political and other events that it -concerned us to know about. The inventiveness shown by some of our party -in devising this was sometimes astonishing; moreover, we occasionally -managed to get delivered to us through the commandant literature -strictly prohibited in Russia. He, of course, was enjoined to examine -most carefully every book and parcel that arrived; but we contrived to -supplement the officially prescribed channels of correspondence, either -by inducing some corruptible member of the prison staff to assist us, or -by some other device. Intercourse with the women’s prison, which was -strictly forbidden, was also effected by means of this “secret post,” -and it likewise enabled us to communicate with the exiles in different -parts of Siberia. - -Our official postal transactions were always effected through our -_stàrosta_, the commandant telling him what money had been received and -for whom, and he informing the prisoners. The librarian had charge of -all printed matter sent to us, and the order in which each new book or -newspaper should be passed round was arranged most exactly beforehand. -If anyone had a present—linen, boots, or anything of that kind—it was -open to him to keep it for himself or to hand it over to the _stàrosta_. -In the latter case everyone was made aware that such and such things -were to be had; whoever wanted them might announce the fact, and the -award was decided by lot. If the gift consisted of eatables, it was at -once given to the _stàrosta_, who divided it among the rooms. In each -room there was a “general divider”—one whose office it was to divide -with scrupulous exactitude among all the inmates every portion of food -and every tit-bit that fell to their share—a task which frequently -called for the exhibition of much talent and artistic judgment. This -post of “divider” was usually held by somebody of a mathematical turn, -and he officiated as carver at meals, serving out each person’s due -portion with careful impartiality. - -This striving after equality in every particular developed into a -passion with some of our number, till it became actually painful to them -to receive any little gift that could not be shared, and they would feel -obliged to apologise for it to all their comrades; very rarely did -anyone who received a present wish selfishly to keep it entirely to -himself. A few were so scrupulous that they did not consider it right, -in asking for new books from home, to consult merely their own -individual taste, but made the others draw up a list of books that they -wished for; and that perfect equality might govern the transaction, the -sum of money set aside for the purchase was divided among the whole -number of prisoners, so that each one could choose books to the value of -the amount allotted to him. In this way everybody would be catered -for—the lover of _belles lettres_ as well as the student of abstruse -scientific or philosophical subjects. - -Ranking next to the mails as a source of enjoyment must be reckoned the -bath-house. Especially after a week of hard and dirty kitchen work, the -vapour-bath and clean linen were a real luxury, and when one came from -the bath-room, extended one’s tired limbs on the bed-shelf, and let -one’s thoughts wander idly as one sipped hot tea, a feeling of such -physical well-being would pervade one as to cause all disagreeables to -be forgotten for the moment. Although the freshly donned under-linen was -anything but fine, and not very artistically washed and got up, being -apt to scratch a sensitive skin; although the grey prison-clothes were -neither convenient nor beautiful—still one revelled in the sensation of -comfort and relaxation, and if it happened also to be mail-day, delight -was complete. - -“Well, I hope you’re enjoying yourself, you epicurean!” someone would -cry, knowing full well himself the pleasure of such an hour. - -Chess was a favourite pastime, and we had some champion players among -us, especially Yatzèvitch and Zoubrtchitsky, who, besides having had -much practice, had studied the game scientifically. Sometimes we had -chess tournaments, with all the rigour of the game, and prizes were -given—of course, consisting of tea or some other of our small luxuries. -On such occasions the whole prison took the liveliest interest in the -combat; the final “mate” being announced in all the rooms, and the play -exhaustively criticised. - -Music was also cultivated. Our choir had an extensive repertory, in -which the melancholy moods of Little Russia were contrasted with the -dramatic Great Russian folk-songs. It included operatic choruses, and, -of course, the revolutionary songs so dear to us all—the Marseillaise -and many others. After Commandant Nikolin had departed, and we were less -harried and thwarted, one of our geniuses constructed a violin, upon -which various gifted friends practised with great assiduity: not—it must -be confessed—exactly to the edification of the rest of us who had -perforce to listen. Posen and one or two others tortured the ears of -their comrades further by truly terrible musical performances on -ordinary hair-combs. - -Another way of passing time was to invent riddles and act charades, -which was especially fashionable in our “Sanhedrin.” And when some -new-comers brought with them a few packs of cards, the game of -whist—then just coming into vogue in Russia—so carried away some of our -party that they were at it literally day and night. On the whole, -however, card-playing did not find much favour among us. - -Physical exercise would have been most welcome to many of us, but as -long as the “tom-cat” ruled the roast it was possible only in a very -restricted measure; all he would consent to was that in winter we should -make a sledge-track in a part of the yard where the ground sloped -slightly, and we there disported ourselves on little sledges made by -ourselves. - -[Illustration: YARD OF KARA PRISON FOR “POLITICALS”] - -[Illustration: - - YARD OF KARA PRISON FOR “POLITICALS” - To face page 254 -] - -One of Nikolin’s successors saw no objection to our laying out a garden, -and during the next spring we were extremely busy over this. Some of our -number, great lovers of nature, exhibited quite passionate energy in -this pursuit; they worked at their beds with most industrious care, -watered, manured, and weeded untiringly, and tended each plant as though -it were a beloved child. All sorts of different plants and flowers were -cultivated. I myself had a special affection for sunflowers, which -reminded me of my South Russian home; wherever possible I sowed their -seeds, and in summer my fosterlings shot up magnificently, their thick -stems standing erect along our “boulevard,” as we called the path by the -stockade, whence, by looking through the chinks, we could see the road -and the commandant’s house. When the tall plants hung down their heads, -it seemed as though they looked down on us poor captives and wondered at -the cruelty of man to man. “So many young men wasting their best years, -half their lives, here in prison, only because they strove for the -welfare of their country as they understood it!” And when the sunflowers -straightened themselves and held aloft their golden crowns, they might -be saying, “Do not lose courage, poor convicts! The time will come when -you too with proudly lifted heads shall return to your beloved home.” - - * * * * * - -Nikolin’s successor, Captain Yakovlov, exerted himself to mitigate the -severity of our prison régime, which the “tom-cat” had administered so -tyrannically. He seemed to be a compassionate and humane man, who—while -keeping to the prescribed regulations—was not concerned to aggravate our -hard lot by superfluous restrictions and unnecessary harshness. Perhaps -his conduct was partly influenced by the knowledge that he was only -filling the position temporarily, as a stop-gap for Colonel Masyukov of -the gendarmerie, who was shortly to be sent from Petersburg; probably -also he wanted to have as little squabbling with us as possible. He -belonged to a class of men to be found in great numbers both in Russia -and in Siberia, who have one overwhelming weakness—love of drink. His -devotion to the bottle was most assiduous, and he often had evidently -had more than was good for him; but for all that, we breathed more -freely under his rule, and regarded with anxiety the advent of the new -commandant. - -After a six months’ interval Colonel Masyukov entered upon his office, -in the winter of 1877, and made his first round of the prison, -accompanied by Yakovlov. He was a man of short stature, with grey hair -and moustache, very quick in his movements, despite his fifty years; he -spoke in an unpleasant falsetto voice, and looked rather like a plucked -chicken. His whole appearance betokened a weak and characterless -disposition, as unluckily proved to be the case, both to his own and our -misfortune. Intellectually limited, but good-tempered enough, Masyukov -was quite unlike one’s idea of a staff officer of gendarmerie; indeed, -he was in no way cut out for such a service, and knew this himself -better than anyone. He had only joined the gendarmerie as a result of -unforeseen circumstances. Son of a country gentleman, he had been for a -time an officer in the Guards, afterwards returning to his estate, where -he gave himself up to riotous living. The good dinners he gave were -probably the reason of his being elected Marshal of Nobility for his -district, and his subsequent dissipation led eventually to the ruin of -his finances. To re-establish himself in some measure, and also, it was -said, to discharge his debts of honour, he was obliged again to enter -the service of the State, and he became an officer of gendarmes, induced -by the higher pay given in that branch of the service, as compared with -others of like standing, especially for those employed in the distant -parts of Siberia. The Commandant of Kara was paid four to five thousand -roubles per annum, with house, servants, horses, fuel, etc. As a late -officer in the Guards and Marshal of Nobility, Masyukov was soon made -colonel, and appointed to the vacant post at Kara. He himself declared -afterwards that he had come with the honest intention of doing his best -to better our lot; but hell is proverbially paved with good resolutions, -and the political prisoners suffered more under this well-meaning _bon -vivant_ than under many a thorough-paced tyrant. But I will not -anticipate. - -During the early days of Masyukov’s rule we were able to rejoice in more -than one concession. Besides the granting of our petition for a garden, -the doors of our rooms were now hardly ever locked by day, and within -the stockade surrounding the prison yard we could wander about as we -pleased. In Nikolin’s time one of the rooms had always been empty, and -for some reason or other he had refused to let us use it; now we were -allowed possession of it, and also of the wing containing single cells, -during the summer months. We thus had more space, and anyone who wished -for solitude could be alone for a few hours at a time; our musicians, -too, with their instruments of torture, could be sent where they -disturbed no one. - -Another relief was that the rule against the possession of tools was -less strictly interpreted, and we were no longer obliged to conceal any -work we had in hand. A vice and some other tools were procured, and our -arts and crafts flourished exceedingly. Even an amateur photographer was -discovered among us, and with the help of our carpenters set up a -regular studio; but I cannot say that his performances were at all -remarkable. - -Masyukov did his best to meet our views, and fulfilled our requests -whenever possible. Among other things he agreed that we might settle as -we liked in what room each of us should live; so Stefanòvitch and I at -once made use of this permission. Our two and a half years’ abode in the -“Sanhedrin” had been very irksome to us both, and when the “great -migration” caused by the above-mentioned expansion of our territory took -place, we transferred ourselves into the room called the “Commune,” or -sometimes “the hospital.” It was more comfortable than the other rooms -in one or two particulars; it contained proper bedsteads, for instance, -and besides the big table there were also little tables, one between -each pair of beds. - -It was, as a rule, unusual for the inmates of a room voluntarily to -change their abode; we called the feeling about this “room-patriotism.” -Such patriots were very keen about their own room, which was, of course, -always “the best”; they never left their room-mates in the lurch, were -proud of the success of any of them, and sorrowed over their griefs. The -inmates of the “Commune” seemed the least possessed by this _esprit de -corps_, perhaps because most of them were among those nomads who had -already changed rooms more than once. Here, too, in contradistinction to -the habits of the other rooms, each man was much occupied with his own -affairs; we isolated ourselves more, and rarely held common debates or -jollifications; most of us immersed ourselves in serious study, and on -that account less noise and merriment went on among us. - -One of the most interesting of our new room-mates, and an original -altogether, was Leo Zlatopòlsky,[94] to whom I must devote a few words. -He had studied in the Petersburg Technological Institute, had been -concerned in the “Trial of the Twenty” in 1882, and sentenced to twenty -years’ penal servitude. He had never himself been an active -revolutionist, but as he was proficient in mathematical and mechanical -knowledge, he had helped the Terrorists in purely technical matters. -Even as a student he had been looked on as an inventive genius, and in -prison inventions became a mania with him. For a long time he was busy -with the project of a circular town, wherein everything was to be run by -electricity; and even plants were to be cultivated by that means, for -the light and heat of the sun were much too simple affairs to satisfy -our inventor. He had a scheme for a flying-machine that should not only -carry us all up into aërial heights, but should also be unaffected by -the velocity of our Mother Earth’s proper motion. Then he evolved his -own theory of values; and beside all these high matters he would also -occupy himself with the most prosaic and humble affairs, such as new -methods of doing the washing, boiling potatoes, or making shoes. He -elaborated a new theory of heating dwellings, invented new card games; -in short, in every department of life, he was prepared to upset the -existing condition of things and build it all up anew in some hitherto -undreamt-of fashion. His beautiful plans, however, all suffered from one -small disqualification: they were never practicable in real life. That, -of course, he would never allow, declaring his inventions to be perfect -and beyond criticism; but this did not prevent him from throwing one -after another aside to pursue some fresh idea with equal energy. Not -unnaturally he soon became the butt of everyone’s jokes, and most absurd -stories were told about him. He was really a very capable and learned -man; but there was just something wanting to make him a genius. Perhaps -we were right in setting him down, as we did, among Lombroso’s -“matoids.” - -Footnote 94: - - See portrait, p. 209. - -[Illustration: - - DULEMBA, KOHN, RECHNYEVSKY, LURI, MANKOVSKY - To face page 258 -] - - * * * * * - -During the first three years of my stay in Kara the number of prisoners -in our prison remained practically constant; a few were allowed to -settle in the penal colony, but their places were soon taken by -new-comers. Besides Spandoni—left behind at Krasnoyarsk, as I have -related—who rejoined us at Kara in the spring of 1886, five comrades -arrived in the autumn of the same year. They had been condemned in the -“Case of the Proletariat,” in Warsaw: Dulemba, a workman, to thirteen -years’ “katorga”; Kohn, a student, eight years; Luri, an officer of -engineers, condemned to death, but reprieved and sentenced to twenty -years’ penal servitude; Mankòvsky, a workman, sixteen years; -Rechnyèvsky, a graduate of the College of Jurisprudence in Petersburg, -fourteen years.[95] The year after came Pashkòvsky, who in March, 1887, -was condemned, (as a participator in the attempt upon Alexander III.,) -to ten years’ “katorga”; and the peasant Ozovsky, sentenced to six -years. In the course of 1888 arrived Peter Yakubòvitch and -Souhomlìn,[96] sentenced respectively to eighteen and fifteen years’ -penal servitude, both in the Lopàtin case. - -Footnote 95: - - See portrait-group opposite. From a photograph taken on the arrival at - Kara of these five “politicals.”—_Trans._ - -Footnote 96: - - See portrait, p. 260. - -In the course of time participators in nearly every political trial of -the period—from the famous Netshaëv case in 1871 to that of Lopàtin and -Sigida in 1887—were numbered among the “politicals” in the two Kara -prisons, that for men and that for women; and as, of course, the various -comrades talked much of the events in which they themselves had been -concerned, Kara furnished a sort of living chronicle of the -revolutionary movement, and was perhaps the only place where one could -study the history of Russian Socialism from the testimony of personal -experience. None of us, however, ever thought of committing to paper the -material that was here available; and it is much to be doubted whether -there is now anyone left in a position to do so. Much that would be -extremely interesting is probably destined to remain buried in oblivion. - -During my term of imprisonment none of those implicated in the -first-mentioned Netshaëv trial (which belonged to the “Propagandist” -phase of our movement, in 1870,) were still in Kara. They had all been -released from prison and sent into exile, and I saw nothing of them; but -of course I had known personally many of these revolutionists of earlier -days when they were still in freedom. - -I shared the captivity of several who were sentenced in the various -political trials towards the end of the seventies, these having been -mostly concerned in deeds of violence, from armed resistance to the -police to attempts on the life of the Tsar. The chief combatants in that -terrorist campaign had for the most part ended their days on the -scaffold, or were buried alive within the grim walls of Schlüsselburg or -in the Alexei-Ravelin wing of the Fortress of Peter and Paul. I had been -acquainted with most of them, both men and women, before their fate -overtook them, and I could set down much that I learned from these -comrades in the terrorist struggle; but my reminiscences already -threaten to assume formidable dimensions, and I will only briefly -mention some of the most remarkable of such incidents. - -[Illustration: - - LURI, SOUHOMLIN, AND RECHNYEVSKY, IN PRISON DRESS - To face page 260 -] - -Voynoràlsky and Kovàlik were two prominent actors in the Propagandist -movement, both of whom had been justices of the peace. In May, 1876, -when imprisoned in the examination-prison in Petersburg, assisted by -comrades outside they made an attempt to escape. They succeeded in -getting out of their cell and climbing down a rope-ladder from one of -the corridor windows; but an official who happened to be driving past -the prison, thinking they were ordinary criminals, gave the alarm, and -they were caught. They were sentenced to terms of penal servitude in the -“Trial of the 193”; but again an attempt was made to rescue them, a plan -being made to enable them to escape while being transported to the -Khàrkov prison, where the prisoners considered most dangerous were then -confined. This was in July, 1878. A number of armed men, two of them -mounted, stopped the prison-van in which Voynoràlsky and Kovàlik were -being conveyed; one of the gendarmes guarding it was shot, and the -attempt might have been successful had not the horses taken fright and -stampeded, which led to the recapture of the prisoners. Voynoràlsky and -Kovàlik spent many years of confinement in European Russia, and were -then sent, in company with many other revolutionists, to Kara, where -they finished their term of imprisonment, subsequently being exiled in -Yakutsk. Most of their companions found graves in the wilds of Siberia, -but Voynoràlsky and Kovàlik survived their hour of release; in the -winter of 1898-1899 they returned to European Russia, where Voynoràlsky -died soon afterwards in his own home. - -The attempted rescue just described had further consequences. The -evening after, one of the riders who had stopped the prison-van was -arrested at Khàrkov station; this was Alexei Medvèdiev, also called -Fomin. He managed subsequently to escape from Khàrkov gaol with a number -of ordinary criminals, by burrowing under a wall. As, however, outside -help failed them, there was nothing for it but to hide in a wood near -by, where they were soon recaptured. The comrades then resolved to try -and rescue Medvèdiev, and arranged the following plan. Two young men, -Berezniàk and Rashko, disguised themselves as gendarmes, and brought to -the prison a forged order that Medvèdiev should be handed over to them -and taken for examination to the office of the gendarmerie. But either -in consequence (as the two asserted) of treachery, or else because the -prison staff saw something suspicious about the supposed gendarmes, they -were arrested on the spot. Yatzevitch was arrested at the same time, he -being on the watch outside, ready to assist the flight of the others; -and soon afterwards Yefremov and some others involved in the affair were -also captured. In the subsequent trial Yefremov was condemned to death, -but the sentence was commuted to penal servitude for life, and Berezniàk -had a like penalty; these two and Yatzevitch were sent at once to Kara. -Medvèdiev was treated differently: he was condemned to death and the -sentence modified to lifelong penal servitude; but as attempts to rescue -him were dreaded he was kept closely guarded in first one, then another -West Siberian prison, was then taken to the Alexei-Ravelin in -Petersburg, and was only brought to Kara in 1884. He was a man of -consummate bravery, who literally despised danger, and was always ready -to embark on the most perilous adventure. He had been a postillion, and -had only received a scanty education at an elementary school; but by his -own exertions while in prison he had gained quite a respectable amount -of knowledge. He was particularly clever with his fingers, and performed -some really astonishing feats. While imprisoned in Petersburg he -secretly modelled a statuette in bread, which, when it was eventually -discovered by the gendarmes, evoked great admiration from the commandant -of the fortress and other officials, so marvellously was it executed. -Thanks partly to this achievement, he was afterwards granted a special -order modifying his sentence of lifelong “katorga” to a term of twenty -years, upon which he was sent to Kara. There he became an adept in -various handicrafts; he was an excellent tailor, shoemaker, engraver, -and sculptor; and afterwards, when he was living “free” in exile, he -became a watchmaker and goldsmith. Unfortunately soon after he left the -prison he fell a victim to alcoholism, to which he had an inherited -predisposition; all attempts at reclaiming him were vain, and in a few -years he was beyond hope. - -Just about the time of the attempted rescue at Khàrkov the -revolutionists in Petersburg were put into a state of frightful -excitement by other events. A number of those condemned in the “Case of -the 193” were awaiting, in the Peter and Paul fortress, their -transportation to Siberia; and in consequence of the vexatious and cruel -treatment to which they were subjected, they had recourse to a -hunger-strike, which, as most of them had already suffered years of -imprisonment while still on remand, might easily have proved fatal to -their enfeebled constitutions. After the strike had lasted some days, -the society _Zemlyà i Vòlya_ (Land and Liberty) became aware of what was -going on, and one of its members, Kravtchinsky,[97] a former lieutenant -in the artillery, declared at once that he would avenge his comrades by -killing General Mèzentzev, the chief of gendarmerie, the man who was -chiefly responsible for the persecution of the “politicals.” This deed -he wished to undertake single-handed and openly without troubling about -safety for himself, like Vera Zassoùlitch, who on January 24th, 1878, -had fired at General Trepòv, Governor of Petersburg.[98] Many of -Kravtchinsky’s comrades—myself among the number—opposed his resolve. -Mèzentzev was not worth such a sacrifice, and we insisted that if the -attempt were made it should be in such a manner as to make possible the -escape of the perpetrator. To this end General Mèzentzev’s doings were -carefully observed that we might ascertain his hours of coming and -going; and close to his dwelling a carriage was constantly stationed -with the famous trotter Barbar, who had already saved one life—that of -Prince Peter Kropotkin in his escape from the prison hospital in 1876. -One day in August, 1878, Mèzentzev was stabbed in one of the busiest -streets of Petersburg, and, thanks to the speed of Barbar, Kravtchinsky -and his companion Barannikov got away safely. Subsequently a great -number of persons were arrested on account of this deed, among others, -Adrian Mihaïlov, who was accused of acting as coachman. He was sentenced -to twenty years’ “katorga,” and was for some time my room-mate at Kara. - -Footnote 97: - - Better known in England as Stepniak.—_Trans._ - -Footnote 98: - - For having ordered the flogging of a political prisoner.—_Trans._ - -Adrian Mihaïlov was another very talented member of our company. He had -a thirst for knowledge, and a really remarkable memory. He had been a -medical student, knew a great deal of natural science, and had dipped -into various other branches of learning. We called him “the living -encyclopædia,” and it was popularly supposed that there was hardly a -question he could not answer. He could always give the date of any -historical event, seemed to remember everything he read, and easily made -himself at home in the most difficult subjects. He was resolute, -inflexible, and energetic; and his mental superiority gave him an -immense influence over his companions. - -Finally, I must mention Yemelyànov,[99] one of those concerned in the -assassination of Alexander II. As is well known, the Tsar was killed by -a bomb thrown under his carriage by Grỳnevitsky.[100] Besides that youth -and Russakov, who was brought to the scaffold, Yemelyànov was also -directly accessory to the deed. He was standing close by when the -explosion took place, with another bomb in readiness, but did not need -to make use of it, seeing that the Tsar had already met his fate. He was -arrested soon after, and with ten others was condemned to death in the -“Trial of the Twenty.” The death-sentence was, however, only carried out -in the case of Suhànov, an officer of marines, that of the others being -commuted to penal servitude for life. Yemelyànov and his companions were -imprisoned in the Fortress of Peter and Paul. He was to have been sent -to Schlüsselburg when the new fortress there was completed, but owing to -his being seized by serious illness this was not done, and instead he -was sent to Kara in 1884. He was the son of a sacristan of the Orthodox -Church, had attended a school of handicraft, and had later been sent at -the State’s expense to Paris, where he sang as a chorister in the chapel -of the Russian Embassy. When a youth of twenty he had returned to -Russia, and associated himself with the Terrorists. He possessed -considerable intelligence, and had gradually acquired a fair amount of -information, self-taught. When I became acquainted with him he was a -disillusioned sceptic, and spoke ironically of revolutionary ideas. Like -Fomitchov and one or two others, he had become an admirer of Russian -imperialism, and he reaped the reward of his opinions; but of that -later. - -Footnote 99: - - See portrait, p. 209. - -Footnote 100: - - Grỳnevitsky himself was killed by the explosion.—_Trans._ - - - - - CHAPTER XXVI - THE WOMEN’S PRISON - - -I come now to the most tragic time of my imprisonment and the saddest of -my recollections, a series of events in connection with our unhappy -fellow-sufferers in the women’s prison. We were always well instructed -as to how our ladies were faring, for in spite of all the measures taken -to prevent it, letters continually passed between us. Concerning the -subject of the following narrative I also learned many additional -details later from some of our women comrades. - -When I first came to Kara ten women “politicals” were imprisoned there, -one of whom—Lèbedieva—died soon after my arrival. The most remarkable -among those remaining was Sophia Löschern von Herzfeld. She was the -daughter of a general, and her relations belonged to the Court circles -in Petersburg. She joined the Propagandist movement in the early -sixties, and lived among the peasants, dressed like one of themselves, -trying to diffuse the ideas of “peaceful” Socialism, if I may so call -it. She was arrested, endured four years’ imprisonment while still under -examination, and was at last banished to Siberia in the “Case of the -193.” The efforts of one of her relatives, a lady in the Tsaritsa’s -household, procured her pardon, and in 1878 she was released from -prison, at which time I made her acquaintance in Petersburg. But she was -not allowed to enjoy her liberty for long; a year later she was arrested -in Kiëv, and resisted capture “with weapons in her hand.” She was -brought before a court-martial, together with Ossìnsky and Voloshenko; -she and Ossìnsky were condemned to death, and he paid the full penalty -of the law, but in her case “by favour” the sentence was commuted to -penal servitude for life, and she was deported to Kara in 1879. Sophia -Löschern von Herzfeld was modest and even shy in manner, giving the -impression of an extremely reserved character. She suffered a longer -term of imprisonment than any other participant in the revolutionary -movement of the early seventies. - -[Illustration: ANNA KORBA] - -[Illustration: ELIZABETH KOVALSKAYA] - -[Illustration: NADYESHDA SIGIDA] - -[Illustration: MARIA KOVALEVSKAYA] - -[Illustration: NADYESHDA SMIRNITSKAYA] - -[Illustration: SOPHIA BOGOMOLETZ] - -To face page 266 - -Her friend Anna Korba[101] I had also known in Petersburg in 1879; she -had then just returned from the seat of war in Turkey, where she had -been nursing the wounded. She belonged to a German family named -Meinhardt, naturalised in Russia, numerous members of which had filled -high official positions, and she herself married a foreigner. She had -been extremely active in philanthropic work, and was adored by the -people of the provincial town where she lived; but she learned by bitter -experience how futile, under the existing political conditions, were all -attempts to effect even the smallest reforms by merely quiet educative -means, and she joined the terrorist society _Naròdnaia Vòlya_ in the -beginning of the eighties. It was just then that the desperate struggle -of that party against the Tsar’s despotic government had reached its -height. Anna Korba saw her friends and comrades arrested by the dozen, -sent to the scaffold, or buried alive in prison. The “white terror” -raged. In 1882 the chief of the secret police, Soudyèhkin, had succeeded -in capturing most of the Terrorists who still remained at large after -the assault on Alexander II., and Anna Korba took up the task of -continuing the struggle in company with the last remnants of the -fighters. A secret laboratory for the manufacture of dynamite bombs was -set up in Petersburg; this was discovered by Soudyèhkin, and in June, -1882, Anna Korba was arrested, together with Gratchènsky, the officer -Butzèvitch, and the married couple Prybylyev. Next spring she was tried -with sixteen others, and sentenced to twenty years’ penal servitude. - -Footnote 101: - - See portrait, p. 266. - -Anna Korba was a highly educated woman, in character courageous, -even-tempered, and persevering. She holds the same views to-day as when -she first threw herself into the fight, and this unswerving faith in her -cause impresses with respect even people who cannot share her opinions. - -Before I proceed to describe the other inmates of the women’s prison, I -must digress for a moment to relate an incident which in its time caused -great excitement among the newspaper-reading public. Towards the end of -February, 1881, the police of Petersburg had their suspicions directed -to a certain cheesemonger’s shop in that city, where something illegal -was supposed to be going forward. A search-party, one member of which -was an engineer of the pioneer corps, was sent to investigate, but -discovered nothing of any consequence. The next day came the -assassination of the Tsar, and three days after that the cheese-shop was -suddenly deserted by its occupants, among whom had been a married couple -calling themselves Kòbozev—peasants from the interior of Russia, -according to their perfectly regular papers. The police now made a more -effectual search, and found that a subterranean passage had been made -from the cheese-shop to the Màlaya Sadòvaya, a street through which the -Tsar often passed. This tunnel had been meant to serve as a mine for -blowing up the Tsar’s carriage in case the bombs had failed to do their -work. It is easy to imagine what must have been the feelings of the two -revolutionists who passed under the name of Kòbozev when the police made -their first visit to the shop; the underground passage had then just -been completed, and the cases and barrels, supposed to contain cheese, -were filled with the earth that had been dug out. Had the police but -lifted the straw matting that covered them, the whole plot, like many -others before, might have been doomed to failure. - -The humble peasant-woman who had served in that shop was Anna Yakìmova. -She was the daughter of a priest, and had been a village schoolmistress. -Like so many others, she had gone “among the people,” and had been one -of the accused in the “Case of the 193”; she was acquitted, but was -nevertheless sent by administrative order to a forlorn spot in the north -of Russia, whence in 1879 she escaped and came to Petersburg, where I -made her acquaintance. Subsequently she joined the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, -and took an active part in a series of attempts against the life of the -Tsar. She had helped Zhelyàbov and others in 1879 to undermine the -station at Alexandròvskaya, through which the Tsar was expected to pass. -After many escapes she was eventually arrested, and condemned to death -in the “Trial of the Twenty”; but her sentence was commuted, she was -imprisoned in the Fortress of Peter and Paul, and sent to Kara in 1884. -I need hardly say that Anna Yakìmova was a person of strong-willed and -determined character; all the women who took part in our movement of the -seventies were of one type in that respect, and eminently so Praskòvya -Ivanòvskaya and Nadyèshda Smirnitskaya, (both sentenced in 1883,) who, -with Yakìmova, formed a little group by themselves in the Kara prison. -They had been friends of old, shared the same opinions, and were similar -in tastes and temperament. - -Besides these, Elizabeth Kovàlskaya,[102] Sophia Bogomòletz,[102] and -Elena Rossikòva,[103] all of whom were brought to Kara in 1885, and -Maria Kalyùshnaya—who, it will be remembered, had travelled thither with -Tchuikòv and myself—completed the number of our women “politicals.” - -Footnote 102: - - See note, p. 189 _et seq._ - -Footnote 103: - - See page 192. - -These inmates of the women’s prison constituted in a certain sense the -_élite_ of our band; for while in the men’s prison a great number were -mere boys whose opinions were scarcely formed, and who only languished -in Siberia because of senseless persecutions under martial law, the -women were without exception tried and convinced adherents of the -revolutionary movement, whose sentiments and ideas were fixed once and -for all. In Russia alone has the historical development of events -induced so great a number of women belonging to the upper classes of -society to leave the circles in which they were born, in order to aid in -freeing a nation from political slavery. - -Conditions of life in the women’s prison were on the whole a little -better than in ours. Above all, each had a cell to herself—small, dark, -and damp, it is true, but this spared them the most irksome of our -trials, that absence of quiet which made our existence so hard to bear. -They could enjoy companionship if they so desired, as a large common -room was also provided for them, and the doors of the cells were left -open by day; but whenever they pleased they could isolate themselves. -They were better provided with material comforts than we were, for they -received more money from their relations; and they could even -occasionally contribute to our exchequer. Then, of course, they had not -to submit to the barbarous process of head-shaving; they might wear -their ordinary clothes, and the staff generally abstained from teasing -them with petty restrictions. But the peculiar characteristics of these -women, their whole mode of thought, their inflexibility of -purpose,—which under such conditions inevitably develops into -contrariety of temper,—led to a series of conflicts between themselves -as well as with the authorities. There was no unity of principle among -them in their attitude towards the prison rules. Whilst Sophia -Bogomòletz, Maria Kovalèvskaya, and Elena Rossikova regarded it as a -part of their political programme, to which they conscientiously -adhered, that they should maintain a continual feud with the staff about -any and every possible circumstance, the others held that conflicts -should not be needlessly provoked. These differences of opinion caused -frequent friction, and personal relations between the prisoners were -occasionally somewhat strained. - -In the spring of 1887 Maria Kovalèvskaya was brought from Irkutsk to -Kara. She arrived just at a time when the disputes in the women’s prison -had become unbearable; and shortly afterwards Sophia Löschern von -Herzfeld, Anna Korba, Anna Yakimova, and Paraskova Ivanòvskaya -petitioned the commandant to separate them from the others, their -request being granted. At the same time, in consequence of some squabble -with the staff, Sophia Bogomoletz and Elena Rossikòva were removed to -another prison; there were, therefore, for some time only four women in -the prison at Ust-Kara—Kovàlskaya, Kovalèvskaya, Kalyùshnaya, and -Smirnitskaya. - -Early in 1888 the Governor-General, Baron Korf, came to visit the -prisons of Kara. When he arrived with his suite at the women’s prison -Elizabeth Kovàlskaya was sitting on a bench out in the open air, and as -the Governor-General came up to her she remained quietly seated, -vouchsafing him not a glance. He addressed her harshly, saying that in -his presence she ought to stand up, that he was the highest official in -the district. - -“I did not elect you to that position,” replied Kovàlskaya calmly, and -remained as before. - -The functionary was beside himself with rage, and informed the -commandant that he would send written instructions how to deal with this -refractory prisoner; so shortly afterwards there came an order to send -Kovàlskaya to the central prison in Verkhny-Udinsk, “because by her -unruly behaviour she had a demoralising influence on the other prisoners -in Ust-Kara.” - -Kovàlskaya’s friends asserted that she had purposely provoked the -conflict in order to effect her removal to another prison, so hateful -had the sojourn in Kara become to her. The Governor-General’s order -would therefore have been most welcome to her; but the stupid, cowardly -commandant Masyukov supposed otherwise, and took it into his head that -she and her companions would offer resistance. He thereupon came to the -idiotic and inhuman decision that the delinquent should be conveyed away -secretly. Early one morning, while the prisoners still slept, gendarmes -accompanied by ordinary convicts burst into her cell, seized on the -sleeping Kovàlskaya, and dragged her, clad only in her nightdress, to -the office, where she was ordered to dress and make ready to start for -her new place of confinement. Naturally the unfortunate lady screamed -when aroused so rudely from her sleep, and the other prisoners waking up -sprang from their beds and were witnesses of the inexplicable and -insulting treatment to which their comrade was subjected. They could -imagine nothing else but that a common assault on her honour was -meditated, and their fury against the commandant knew no bounds. - -For a long time only uncertain rumours about these events reached our -ears, for our secret post was not working regularly at the time. We were -first supplied with exact tidings through Golubtsòv, the sergeant of the -guard, in a very unusual way. This honest fellow, Golubtsòv, who could -hardly read and write, was a very important personage in our prison. He -was a remarkably sensible, clever, and tactful man; his relations with -the “politicals” during a long course of years and under different -commandants had taught him a great deal, and he thoroughly understood -our way of looking at things. He was thus enabled to avoid rubs and -disputes, and we were always on the best of terms with him; this -strengthened his position, and with his good sense and tact gave him the -upper hand over the stupid and inexperienced Masyukov. The wise -sergeant, in fact, was the presiding genius of the place, and ruled the -commandant completely. - -When the Governor-General’s order arrived, and Masyukov in his foolish -shortsightedness evolved his plan of carrying off Elizabeth Kovàlskaya, -Golubtsòv warned him what would be the consequences; but for once no -heed was paid to his advice, and it was only when the women prisoners -started a hunger-strike as a protest against their comrade’s treatment -that the commandant sought counsel from his subordinate. Golubtsòv -advised him to lay the matter before the “politicals” in the men’s -prison, and ask us to intervene. This was the more natural and -reasonable, because one of our number, Kalyùshny, had a wife and a -sister among the strikers. He had been a student in the University of -Khàrkov, was an intelligent, high-spirited young man, a charming -companion, and a great favourite among us. He was a Terrorist, had been -sentenced in 1888 to fifteen years’ “katorga,” and with him his wife, -Nadyèshda Smirnitskaya. Maria Kalyùshnaya, my companion on the journey -to Kara, was his sister, and both these ladies had witnessed the -alarming scene which had led to the desperate protest they were now -making. These facts suggested to the wise sergeant his plan, and he -advised Masyukov to appoint Kalyùshny as intermediary in the affair. -Masyukov was sensible enough to agree; he had Kalyùshny brought to his -house, and told him straightforwardly all that had taken place, ending -with the information that Kalyùshny’s wife, his sister, and Maria -Kovalèvskaya, had been refusing food for several days. He then begged -Kalyùshny to go to Ust-Kara, pacify the women, and induce them to give -up their hunger-strike, promising beforehand that he would do anything -in reason to give them satisfaction. Kalyùshny said to us afterwards -that he was sure the unlucky commandant really regretted his conduct in -the affair. - -Kalyùshny told Masyukov he must consult his comrades before undertaking -the mission, and asked that we might be allowed to take counsel -together. This was agreed to, and we all met to consider and discuss the -circumstances—a thing that had not been heard of in Kara since the -prison had been put under the gendarmerie. The tidings given us by the -unhappy husband and brother regarding the hunger-strike of the women -moved us deeply. When he ceased speaking a stillness as of death reigned -over our gathering, and then the usually silent Yatzèvitch began the -debate. Without much discussion we decided that another delegate must -accompany Kalyùshny, and that they should try to prevail on the women to -desist from their protest, assuring them that we should ourselves now -take over the arrangement of the business with Masyukov. To the -commandant we declared that he must apologise to the three ladies. - -It was arranged that our two delegates should be taken to the women’s -prison, fifteen versts (about ten miles) distant, accompanied by -gendarmes, though all this was entirely against the regulations. - -When they returned from their mission, and we had assembled to hear the -result, they told us that the famishing women absolutely refused to be -contented with an apology from the commandant. They all three declared -that they would only desist from their protest if Masyukov were -withdrawn from Kara. - -The majority of us—myself among the number—saw at once that this was an -impossible demand. The reactionary Government, with Count Dmitri Tolstoi -at its head, would never recall the commandant, even if all the -“politicals” in Siberia starved themselves to death; but we thought we -might perhaps find a way out of the difficulty if we could induce the -commandant to ask of his own accord to be transferred elsewhere on some -pretext or other. To this the commandant on his side, and the ladies on -theirs, consented; but the latter insisted positively that if Masyukov -had not taken his departure within a certain fixed period of some -months, they would again refuse food and persist in their protest to the -bitter end. - -This, as might readily be foreseen, meant merely a postponement of the -question. But I must return for the present to our own affairs in the -men’s prison. - - - - - CHAPTER XXVII - THE “COLONISTS”—FURTHER EVENTS IN THE WOMEN’S PRISON—THE - HUNGER-STRIKES—THE YAKUTSK MASSACRE - - -The summer of 1888 brought troubles also to us in the men’s prison, -though they had nothing to do with the grievances of the women. - -Among the inmates of the “hospital” room was Vlastòpoulo, formerly an -officer in the army, condemned in 1879 to fifteen years’ “katorga,” this -sentence having been subsequently increased to the life-term, in -punishment for an attempt at escape. He was a man of many gifts and well -equipped with varied information, firm in character, very proud and -ambitious; and he was held by us to be unalterably fixed in his -terrorist principles. His comrades placed great confidence in him, and -esteemed him highly, as they testified by twice electing him _stàrosta_. - -In the spring of this year (1888) Vlastòpoulo’s roommates, of whom I was -one, noticed that he was becoming short-tempered, peevish, and restless. -About this time we were visited by an official of the Imperial Police -Department—one Russìnov by name, a privy councillor. Tours of inspection -were often made by high officials from Petersburg, and had for their -real object the inciting of political prisoners to “repentance,” and the -urging them to sue for pardon. These efforts were sometimes successful. -Weak-minded people were occasionally found who would sing, “Pater, -peccavi”; but it is worthy of note that such instances never occurred -among the women “politicals.” - -On this occasion we were unaware that Councillor Russìnov had made -proposals of recantation to any repentant souls among us; but one -morning, shortly after his departure, Vlastòpoulo left the prison in the -company of gendarmes, handing to one of the comrades as he passed -through the door a note, which when read aloud, left us all perfectly -thunderstruck. Vlastòpoulo informed us that he had lost all faith in the -justice of the revolutionary struggle, and had therefore resolved to -“cast himself at the foot of the throne,” as he expressed it, _i.e._ to -petition the Tsar for pardon. - -No previous occurrence of the kind had been at all like this, and the -impression on us was overwhelming. Vlastòpoulo was, as I have said, a -most prominent person in our ranks, and his example might well be -followed by others, especially considering the frame of mind in which -many of the prisoners were known to be. - -This was, as I have explained, a time of thorough-going reaction in -Russia. Sufficient news penetrated the walls of our prison to convince -us that there was at the moment no hope whatever of any definite -immediate success in the revolutionary movement; and the fact of this -being so necessarily caused much brooding over gloomy and even desperate -thoughts, to which in prison one is but too prone. If some among us were -already troubled by feelings of disillusion and doubts of the validity -of our ideal, a further piece of news which arrived at this -juncture—totally unexpected and at first incredible—would naturally only -serve to heighten dismay. The rumour reached us that Leo Tihomìrov, one -of the best-known leaders of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, had become a -renegade. This man, whom chance alone had saved from death on the -scaffold, had fled from Russia in 1882; and it proved to be true that in -1887 he had written the pamphlet, _Why I Ceased to be a Revolutionist_, -in which he forswore his former convictions, and by which he gained the -Tsar’s pardon. He received permission to return to Russia, and -henceforth devoted his pen to the service of the existing Government, of -which he is to this day a supporter. - -This instance of apostasy—unique in the history of the Russian -revolutionary movement—made the deepest impression throughout all -Russia. “If such a man as Tihomìrov has become a monarchist, and -acknowledges the absolute power of the Tsar, why then I, poor sinner, -can be a revolutionist only through a misunderstanding,” I heard one of -the foremost among us say; and, in fact, he himself soon afterwards sent -in a petition for pardon. Our worst fears were realised. Nine men in all -followed the example of Vlastòpoulo; among the number Yemelyànov, who -had held a bomb in readiness to throw at Alexander II., and Posen, whose -monarchist infatuation I have already mentioned. Of course, all this had -a most overwhelming and depressing effect upon us. - -The authorities always took care that anyone who had petitioned for -pardon should at once be removed from our midst and interned outside the -prison until orders arrived from Petersburg. Naturally we ourselves -instantly broke off all relations with such a person, which often -occasioned very affecting scenes. The action of sending in a petition of -the kind we termed “asking to be sent to the colony”; and to this day -the word “colonist” has a sinister sound in Siberia, bearing the -implication of “renegade.” - -Meanwhile the fight in the women’s prison was not at an end, but raged -more fiercely than ever. Four other women who had been brought to -Ust-Kara joined in the protest of Elizabeth Kovàlskaya’s three friends. -The authorities did not seem inclined to move Masyukov; and the truce -having expired, the women resolved to carry out their threat, and again -began a hunger-strike. When we learned this, we decided that we too must -associate ourselves with them in their protest, and we refused to take -food, declaring that we did so to show our solidarity with our women -comrades, though in our own opinion the commandant’s apology had been a -sufficient atonement for his offence. - -Our prison now presented an unwonted appearance; all work was suspended, -the chest that served as our larder remained closed, the kitchen stood -empty, and about the yard wandered the prisoners, who for days ate -nothing, but in whom no signs of yielding could be discerned; it was -easier for us to starve than to eat, while we knew that our women -comrades were suffering the pangs of hunger. - -We made no announcement of our proceedings to the commandant, and he -also preserved silence until the third day, when he sent for our -_stárosta_ to know why we were on strike. When our reasons were given -him he asked the _stárosta_ to inform us, as well as the women, that he -really was soon to leave the place; he had just sent in an application -to be relieved of his post, and had received a favourable answer. In -proof of this he showed a telegram relating to the matter. - -We succeeded in persuading the women to give in for the time and to take -nourishment, they having now fasted for eight days; but they would not -entirely forego their protest against Masyukov, only modifying it so far -as simply to “boycott” him. Ever since the abduction of Elizabeth -Kovàlskaya the commandant had been afraid of appearing in their sight; -but now they determined to break off even indirect communication with -him. This decision cost them perhaps the heaviest sacrifice they could -have made: it meant that they refused to accept their mails, which had -always to pass through the hands of the commandant, so that they -received neither money nor letters. Consequently they were forced to -subsist on the prison rations alone, all communication with their -friends was stopped, and all tidings of the outer world that they could -have obtained from newspapers were lost to them. The natural result was -that in a very short time the poor women began to suffer greatly, both -physically and mentally, and that some of them were well-nigh driven to -despair. The commandant was obliged to send back whence they came all -letters addressed to the women prisoners. The alarm of their relations -and friends at getting no news and receiving back their own letters -unopened may well be imagined; and the knowledge of the suffering thus -caused to their dear ones was an added misery for the captives. - -She who suffered most in this terrible ordeal was Nadyèshda Sigida, one -of the latest arrivals in Ust-Kara. I never knew her personally, but -from all I heard of her from her friends she must have been a very -sensitive young creature, gentle, affectionate, and attracted by all -that is good and beautiful. She was deeply attached to her family, who -lived in Taganrock, a small town in South Russia. Before her marriage -she had been a teacher in a school, and her whole heart had been in her -profession; she had taken but little direct part in the revolutionary -movement, and had been condemned to eight years’ penal servitude because -a secret printing-press and some bombs had been found in the house -inhabited by herself and her husband. The latter had been condemned to -death, the sentence being afterwards commuted to penal servitude for -life, and he had died on his way to the island of Saghalien. Fate had -dealt hardly with the poor woman: she herself had been unjustly -sentenced, she had lost a beloved husband, and she had arrived at the -Siberian prison at a juncture when she was obliged to take part—almost -involuntarily—in the drama I am now describing. The stoppage of all -communication with home must have been especially cruel to her; her -longing for her mother, brothers, and sisters made her nearly desperate, -as she pictured their feelings on receiving back their unopened letters -to her. - -There seemed no way out of this terrible _impasse_. A year had gone by -since Kovàlskaya’s departure, and Masyukov was still commandant. The -women, in a state of desperation, declared at last that they could bear -the position of affairs no longer, and would put an end to it, cost what -it might. They consulted together, and again resolved to fast, so they -set up a hunger-strike for the third time. - -“Will it be any good?” Sigida asked herself. The authorities seemed -determined not to yield; the hunger-strike had led to nothing hitherto, -and would probably once again prove a fruitless undertaking; would it -not be better that one victim should pay for all? Better that one alone -should suffer, than that all should sacrifice themselves. Sigida -resolved to save her companions. - -One day she told the gendarme on duty that she wished for an interview -with the commandant, and asked to be taken to him. Masyukov saw nothing -out of the way in this request, and ordered Sigida to be brought to his -office. - -Some of us were witnesses that day of a strange scene, which could be -followed by looking through the crevices in the stockade surrounding our -yard. A carriage brought a young lady, attended by two gendarmes, to the -commandant’s house; she entered, and shortly after the commandant, in a -state of great excitement, jumped out of the window into the yard -bareheaded, and ran away. The young lady soon appeared in front of the -house, and spoke with evident earnestness and decision to the gendarmes; -after which she began talking quietly with a warder’s children, and -caressing them. All this seemed most enigmatical; we gathered little -save that the young lady had insisted on having a telegram despatched. -But the solution soon followed. We learned that when Sigida came face to -face with the commandant she struck him a blow, saying, “That is for you -as commandant!” and our hero, despite the presence of the gendarmes, -took to his heels and fled, leaping out of the window as we had seen. -Sigida, afraid that Masyukov would try to hush up the affair, had -thereupon demanded that the occurrence should be telegraphed at once to -the proper authorities. She was counting on the usual procedure in such -a case; an officer receiving a personal injury from one of his charges -being generally removed from the place where such a thing had happened, -and the offender sentenced to death. Her calculations as to these -probable results of her action proved false, however; the poor lady had -offered her sacrifice in vain. - -I must here pause to speak of other events, which, though not directly -bearing on these struggles at Kara, yet greatly influenced the minds of -those concerned in them. The year of which I speak, 1889, will never be -forgotten by those who were then in Siberia. The news of the sanguinary -scenes that took place in Yakutsk was told to the whole civilised world, -and everywhere aroused horror at the cruelty of the Tsar’s Government; -yet probably but few of my readers will recollect the particulars. - -There were at that time interned in Yakutsk some young men and girls who -were to be deported still further northward, “by administrative -methods,” to those wretched forlorn hamlets that figure on the map of -Siberia as Verkhny-Kolymsk, Nijni-Kolymsk, Verchoyansk, and so on. Among -these young people, who of course belonged to the student class, there -were boys and girls under age, to whose charge even Russian law could -lay no crime. - -The Vice-Governor, Ostàshkin, who was then in command of the province of -Yakutsk, had given orders that these exiles should be conveyed to their -appointed destinations in a manner that would have rendered the -hardships of the journey quite unnecessarily severe; and when the young -people learned this they made representations to the authorities, -pointing out the danger that threatened them of perishing by cold and -hunger on the way. They were told to come together to talk matters over, -and they accordingly assembled in a dwelling-house to await the arrival -of the chief of police; instead of whom, however, came an order to -betake themselves at once to the police office. They now felt convinced -that they were to be deported at once, without time for protest, and -they refused to obey; whereupon there arrived immediately a troop of -soldiers commanded by an officer, and a frightful scene began that -beggars all description. The soldiers clubbed the exiles with the butts -of their rifles, stabbed at them with bayonets, and fired on the -defenceless assembly. Six corpses were left on the spot, among them that -of a pregnant woman, and many were severely wounded. The wounded and -injured—numbering twenty-seven—were then thrust into prison; and a -court-martial was opened, wherein three persons were condemned to death -and executed in Yakutsk, and nineteen were sentenced to penal servitude -for life. That is briefly the history of the “Massacre of Yakutsk.”[104] - -Footnote 104: - - The Yakutsk massacre has lately (April, 1903) been recalled to public - memory by the arrest of the Russian revolutionist, Michael Gotz, in - Italy, and the attempt of the Russian Government—fortunately - frustrated—to obtain his extradition. Gotz was one of the youthful - exiles at Yakutsk, and was severely wounded, but survived to be - court-martialled and condemned to penal servitude in the mines for - life. He and his comrades were subsequently amnestied, chiefly in - consequence of the notoriety given to the affair by an account of it - published by the _Times_ with indignant comments, which caused such - feeling both at home and abroad that even the Russian Government was - affected.—_Trans._ - -We in Kara received the news of these horrors just when our own -situation was becoming critical. Sympathy with the innocent victims and -anger against their oppressors were mingled with apprehensions for -ourselves; for we naturally thought, “If the Government can treat so -barbarously harmless people who are not convicts, what may be done to -us, ‘deprived’ as we are ‘of all rights,’ convicts in a prison whence -tidings need never penetrate to the outer world?” - -After events justified these fears. - - - - - CHAPTER XXVIII - OUR CELEBRATION OF THE CENTENARY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION—SERGIUS - BOBOHOV—THE END OF THE TRAGEDY - - - - -Among my recollections of the year 1889, one pleasant memory remains to -me—how we commemorated the hundredth anniversary of the storming of the -Bastille. While the French nation, amid fervent rejoicings, celebrated -the centenary of their great Revolution, a handful of convicts, -imprisoned by the Russian despot in a barren wilderness of the Far East, -took their share in the festival. Ours was truly but a modest -ceremonial—no banquet, no toasts, no speeches. Tea and a cake provided -at the common expense were all that we could afford; and our banqueting -hall was the prison-yard, whither all the tables from our cells were -carried for a public feast. There we sat, and thought of the great -triumph of the Revolution, and of its heroes—the spiritual heroes of the -civilised world. - -“Will the day ever come when the people will demolish our Bastilles—the -Fortress of Peter and Paul, Schlüsselburg, the Citadel of Warsaw, and -all the other gaols in which Tsarism imprisons its foes?” we asked -ourselves; “and will any of us be still alive then?” - -“The battle for freedom will have been fought and won by the beginning -of the twentieth century,” our optimists averred. - -“Who knows if it will ever take place?” said the sceptics. - -The subject was argued over and discussed up and down. Many who then -were full of hope now rest in their graves; others languish to this day -in Siberian deserts. - -I return to the sorrowful events that were then happening in Kara. After -Sigida’s assault upon the commandant the women began their -hunger-strike, their third and most terrible. They adhered resolutely to -their decision; Masyukov must go, if it cost them their lives. For -sixteen days they abstained from food. Sigida, it was asserted, remained -fasting for twenty-two days, and when the prison doctor reported that he -could not answer for her life, the Governor sent an order that she was -to be fed artificially. Whether the doctor carried out that instruction -I do not know. A rumour came to us during those dreadful days that he -had had a scene with Maria Kovalèvskaya: he went—it was said—into her -cell one day, when she was lying on her bed, exhausted by hunger; and -she, supposing he had come to administer nourishment to her forcibly, -struck him in the face. The doctor, a rather humane kind of man, seems -to have looked on this simply as the act of an invalid not properly -responsible for her actions; he told her she was doing him an -injustice,—that he was not going to touch her,—whereupon she begged his -pardon. He said to his friends afterwards that he had never seen a woman -with such strength of character, so spirited and eloquent as she. - -When it became evident that these women, who were already at death’s -door, would never give in, the higher authorities consented to the -following compromise: Masyukov could not be removed, lest it should be -said that the prisoners had forced such a step on them, but the Governor -should arrange that Sigida, Kalyùshnaya, Kovalèvskaya, and Smirnitskaya -should no longer be under the commandant, but should be removed to the -female criminals’ prison, and treated in future as ordinary convicts. -Our comrades agreed to this, and ceased their hunger-strike. But the -martyrdom of the unhappy women was not yet accomplished, worse -sufferings still were in store for them. - -In the second half of October Masyukov, who had kept in the background -since Sigida’s encounter with him, entered our prison one day surrounded -(as had never before been the case) by a guard of armed soldiers. The -man looked thoroughly shaken and upset; he sheltered himself behind the -soldiers, and told us to come and listen to an order from the -Governor-General. When we had all assembled in the corridor he read -aloud with trembling voice a document saying that in consequence of the -disturbances among the political prisoners in Kara the Governor-General -warned us that on any repetition of such occurrences the most stringent -measures would be taken against us, and that recourse would even be had -to corporal punishment. - -Now the “politicals” had had much to bear, but had never been legally -liable to personal chastisement; the mere threat was held by many as an -insult only to be wiped out with blood, and this view was voiced by -Sergius Bobohov. I have not hitherto mentioned this excellent man; for -the part that he played, and that gives him a place in the annals of the -Russian revolutionary movement, only began with this challenge from the -Siberian satrap. - -Sergius Bobohov was born in the Volga district. He had studied in the -Petersburg veterinary college, and had been expelled towards the end of -the sixties for taking part in a riot of the students directed against -Professor Zion, an affair that made a good deal of stir at the time. He -was subsequently banished by “administrative methods” to the government -of Archangel, and in 1878 attempted unsuccessfully to escape. When he -was recaptured he fired a revolver-shot in the air, hoping that this -would cause him to be brought to trial, and that so he might have an -opportunity of denouncing the arbitrariness of the so-called -“administrative methods.” For this shot he was sentenced to twenty -years’ “katorga,” and brought to Kara in 1879. - -During the nearly thirty years of my intercourse with Russian -revolutionists I have met many remarkable men, but none that lived on a -higher moral plane than Bobohov. Genuine sincerity, seriousness of -purpose, and boundless devotion to his ideal were his leading -characteristics. He was the most modest of men, but when the honour of a -revolutionist was at stake, or if it were a question of duty, he would -undergo a transformation and become a fiery and inspired prophet. There -was never the slightest contradiction between his words and his deeds, -he was the most logical and consistent of men, and it was no wonder if -he won universal respect and esteem in Kara, even though everyone did -not share his opinions. - -Bobohov was but a youth when I entered the prison, and the ideas that he -had imbibed were the then prevalent, rather anarchistical views of the -Buntari, to which he remained faithful all his life. Imprisonment and -exile are apt to exercise a conservative influence on the mind; the -opinions with which one enters prison tend to become stereotyped. -Bobohov was well read, and interested himself keenly in all questions of -social politics; but it happened with him as with many other intelligent -men among us—he gathered from every book he read only what tended to -strengthen anew the opinions he already held. He took great interest in -the Social-Democratic theory, for instance, but his way of thinking -prevented him from properly grasping its argument, and he was -continually combating those who were attracted by it. He and I were -never room-mates, but when walking in the yard I used to have endless -discussions with him on this subject, and he always showed himself an -exemplary debater, attentive, restrained, never ill-tempered or -personal. - -Bobohov took the threat of flogging more keenly to heart than any of the -others. His idea, which he at once did his best to promulgate, was that -we should immediately send a telegram to the Minister of the Interior, -declaring that if the threat of the Governor-General were not withdrawn -we would all commit suicide; and he further demanded of us that if the -minister had not yielded within a certain time, we should each in our -turn, to be decided by lot, take measures to put an end to our lives. - -I had an opportunity one day of speaking to him about this proposal, and -I tried to convince him of its impracticability, especially arguing -against his impossible notion of casting lots, which would make suicide -cease to be a voluntary act, as those who had at first agreed might feel -in honour bound to cast away their lives, even if when the time came -they had changed their minds. Moreover, I reasoned, if we were to -announce such an intention to the authorities, they would at once take -steps to prevent its being carried out. - -Bobohov passionately disputed my arguments. “I cling to life as much as -any other man,” he said. “If I am ready to face death as a means of -protest, it would only be if I could reckon on others to follow my -example. Without casting lots—that is, without making it a duty—there -would be no sense in the undertaking; the others might draw back after I -had taken my life, and my sacrifice would have been in vain, for the -effect on the Government would be lacking.” - -The impression I gathered from the whole of this conversation with -Bobohov was that life was really dear to him, and that he would not -commit suicide, so that my worst fears were quieted. But his fate and -that of some others of our comrades was already sealed. - -Rumours reached us directly after this that, by order of the -Governor-General, Nadyèshda Sigida was to be subjected to corporal -punishment for assaulting the commandant. We took this rumour as quite -improbable. In all the history of our movement there had been no single -instance of a woman being punished in such a manner; and among the men -even, Bogolyùbov alone (sentenced to fifteen years’ “katorga” on account -of the demonstration in the Kazan Square of December, 1876) had suffered -this indignity. And since, to avenge him, Vera Zassoùlitch had fired at -and wounded Trèpov, and had been acquitted by a jury, in all the twelve -years that had elapsed no attempt had ever again been made to inflict -corporal chastisement on a political prisoner. Certainly it had been -repeatedly threatened in cases of attempted escape; but the threat had -never been carried out, only lengthened terms of imprisonment imposed. -It seemed therefore impossible to believe that such treatment of a woman -should be meditated. On the other hand, in view of the Yakutsk tragedy, -the victims in which had been mere boys and girls, we could not but fear -that the Government of the “peace-loving Tsar” would shrink from no -barbarity. - -Terrible days followed for us, but our uncertainty was not of long -duration. In the beginning of November we learned that the -Governor-General’s order had actually been executed. - -I find it hardly possible to describe our state of mind. It was not -depression that we felt, but deep agitation and gloomy resolution. -Externally we strove to preserve calm, lest the gendarmes should become -suspicious. - -We soon heard that Sigida had died immediately after the infliction of -the punishment. Some reports said that she had succumbed to a nervous -seizure; others that she had poisoned herself. And at the same time we -were informed that Kovalèvskaya, Kalyùshnaya, and Smirnitskaya had taken -poison, and had died in the prison infirmary. - -On hearing these tidings many of our number silently resolved, without -any discussion or consultation, to follow the example of the women. They -got poison from outside, and determined to take it after roll-call one -evening. No one asked now who was going to join in the act, but each man -who had made up his mind to it possessed himself of a portion of the -opium that lay on the table in every room. - -Bobohov, during these days, had appeared calm, serious, and taciturn as -ever, behaving as though nothing unusual lay before him. Kalyùshny, too, -seemed long ago to have taken an unalterable decision. This decision had -brought them together, and the two were now close friends. - -Seventeen men—seventeen out of the nine-and-thirty that made up our -number—had resolved to put an end to their lives. On the appointed day, -after the evening rounds, singing was heard in the “Yakutsk room,” where -were Bobohov and Kalyùshny and the greater number of the others who had -also determined to die, though there were some in every room—two in -ours. This singing was the signal to them all. Those who were to die -then took leave of their comrades and swallowed the poison. - -Shortly after, they began to feel ill, with headache and great -weariness, and they lay down on their beds to sleep, not expecting to -wake again. - -I had taken no poison, but when this general suicide began it seemed as -though it would be easier to kill oneself than to witness the deed. How -strong and deep was the impression made on me may be gathered from the -fact that late in the night I began to suffer from severe headache and -general uneasiness, and the doctor said afterwards that I had exhibited -all the symptoms of poisoning. - -However, our comrades had not effected their purpose. The opium was -bad—either old or adulterated—and was not deadly; the unhappy men awoke -next morning in great pain and distress. But the frustration of their -design did not in most cases weaken their resolution. Three only -abandoned the attempt; the others determined to take a more potent -drug—morphia. - -Next evening the farewell scenes were repeated. The nerves of the -survivors were still further tortured; our position was indeed cruel. -The morphia also proved bad; most of those who had swallowed it were -very ill, but eventually recovered. Bobohov and Kalyùshny, however, -having each taken a treble dose, speedily became unconscious. In the -night Bobohov awakened yet once again. He heard Kalyùshny’s throat -rattle, and tried to rouse him, embracing him, covering his face with -kisses. When he saw that his friend would never wake more, he seized a -whole handful of opium, swallowed it, and lying down beside Kalyùshny, -closed his eyes for ever. - -When the inspector and the gendarmes made their rounds the next morning, -they found the two insensible. The doctor was fetched, and pronounced -that the death-agony had already begun; Kalyùshny expired that evening, -Bobohov not until the following morning. The corpses were removed to the -mortuary, and were subsequently buried side by side with those of the -four dead women. - -[Illustration: - - GRAVEYARD OF POLITICAL PRISONERS AT KARA - To face page 290 -] - - - - - CHAPTER XXIX - DISQUIETING REPORTS—VISIT OF THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL—RELEASE FROM PRISON - - -The suicide of our two comrades brought visits from various officials to -the prison; first came the Public Prosecutor, then the Colonel of -Gendarmerie, finally the Governor of the district. We, however, -absolutely declined to enter into conversation with them, not even -answering direct questions; and they left without eliciting a syllable -from any of us. - -No special measures were taken; everything remained as of old. Only we -ourselves were as though transformed by the tragic events that had taken -place; a heavy weight seemed to oppress us, our songs were hushed, -jesting was at an end, we had forgotten how to laugh; games too were -stopped, even chess found no devotee. Most of us still suffered acutely -from shaken nerves. - -So passed the winter of 1889-1890. The silence of the higher authorities -was a bad sign, and we felt certain that in one way or another reprisals -would be taken for the past events in Kara. The order rendering us -liable to the punishment of flogging still held good, spite of the six -martyrs who had gone to their death. Some of our number were terribly -agitated about this during the early part of the year, and again two of -our comrades determined to take their own lives in order to demonstrate -to the Government that the political prisoners had not abandoned their -protest against the threat. But the rest of us persuaded them to forego -their intention until the commandant (Masyukov still held this post) -should have made some reply to our demands. This reply was to the effect -that fresh orders had been received whereby corporal punishment for -women was entirely done away with; and men were only liable to it if -they did not belong to the privileged classes, and had not been educated -in a gymnasium. The sacrifices had been in so far vain that the system -remained; but it could be reckoned on with comparative certainty that -the authorities would not again resort to such measures. So far as we -were concerned we were now aware that the rules for our treatment were -in any case about to be changed, and as a matter of fact this was soon -the case. - -For some years a report had been current that a new prison was to be -built at Akatoui—a place distant some three-hundred versts from -Kara,—and that the Kara prisoners would all be transported thither. It -was also rumoured that in this new prison a system was to be instituted -such as had never hitherto obtained in Russia. - -Meanwhile our numbers had been gradually diminishing. A good many of my -companions had in course of time been allowed to leave, and were living -in the penal settlement; and the number of those who had begged for -pardon, and who in consequence had been liberated as “colonists,” was -not small. Among others my friend Jacob Stefanòvitch should have been -released in the spring of 1890, when his term in prison ended; but he -preferred to remain with us until the question of our removal to Akatoui -was settled, and found various pretexts for getting his release -deferred. - -During the last year we had had no new arrivals from Russia; because -since the end of the eighties the Government had brought no -revolutionists to trial, so that no sentences of penal servitude had -been passed. Instead, a system had been introduced of sending political -offenders for many years of banishment to Siberia, or to the island of -Saghalien, by “administrative methods.” By the summer of 1890 most of us -who still remained in our prison were already formally entitled to leave -for the penal settlement, and were only unjustly detained because the -number of political settlers there was limited to fifteen. I myself -should have obtained release in the course of that year, but I had never -expected that this would really be. From my first arrival in Kara I had -resigned myself to the thought of spending my entire term of punishment -in the prison; in my dreams of the future I never thought about the -penal settlement, but only looked forward to the distant date when, at -the expiration of my sentence, I should be allowed to live somewhere as -a Siberian exile.[105] That life was depicted for me in anything but -rosy colours by the letters of comrades; nevertheless I awaited with -impatience the far-off day of release. Like the hero of Dostoiëvsky’s -_Memoirs from the Dead-house_, I often counted up how many years, -months, weeks, hours, I had still to spend in prison. How wearily the -time passed! The fewer grew the remaining years, the slower went the -days, and freedom seemed further off than ever. - -Footnote 105: - - English readers might suppose that, on the expiration of their - sentences, political convicts would be set free unconditionally. But - this is not the case. According to the Russian Penal Code, Art. 25, - “The results of the sentence to hard labour are: the abolition of all - family and property rights; and, at the expiration of the sentence, - settlement in Siberia _for life_.” In practice, however, “politicals” - (especially those having influential friends) are occasionally, after - the lapse of years, allowed to return to European Russia. There they - must live under police supervision; and though they may choose their - place of abode, it must be a town; but not the capital nor any of the - more important or manufacturing towns.—_Trans._ - -Prison life had affected me considerably in the course of time. My -nerves were shattered, and I felt as though borne down by a heavy -burden; my brain worked with difficulty, and my general condition was -one of apathy and lassitude. The future looked black to me; I was sick -of life. - -In August, 1890, reports assumed a more definite form, and we learned -with certainty that we were shortly to be taken to Akatoui. This news -excited us much, and plans for our arrangements in the new prison became -the chief subject of conversation. It seemed incredible to us that the -cruelty of the Government could go so far as to increase the hardships -of prisoners who for the most part had already been ten years or more in -captivity, and had suffered so much; yet we heard that the régime at -Akatoui was to be unusually severe. - -One day we learned that the Governor-General had come to Kara. We were -ordered to assemble in the yard, and Baron Korf soon made his -appearance, followed by a large suite, and guarded by gendarmes and -soldiers. He informed us that an order had been sent from Petersburg for -our removal to Akatoui. The regulations of the new prison provided that -political convicts should henceforward be in exactly the same position -as the ordinary criminals: we should share rooms with them, be fed in -the same way. “In short,” concluded the Governor-General, “in no respect -will any difference be made between the two classes of prisoners, and -these instructions will be carried out to the letter.” - -The sentences flowed smoothly from his lips, yet Baron Korf did not look -altogether pleased with his mission. Upon us his words had a crushing -effect; our fears were confirmed and worse, for no one had dreamt of our -being placed on the footing of ordinary criminals. Above all, this meant -that we should be liable to flogging, as they were. - -We stood for a time speechless; partly because we were staggered by what -we had heard, and partly because we had no desire to enter into -conversation with the man who had degraded himself by ordering the -corporal chastisement of a woman. To the repeated question whether we -had anything to say, no answer was given; but Baron Korf was apparently -very anxious to get into discussion with us, and the situation became -rather uncomfortable. At last, as the Governor-General was preparing to -leave, Mirsky suddenly broke the silence. With formal politeness he -inquired how the words “in every respect like the ordinary criminals” -were to be construed, and laid stress on the fact that ordinary convicts -were allowed to enter the penal settlement without any limitation of -their numbers. Visibly gratified that at last he was addressed, Baron -Korf hastened to explain that in this particular also there would -henceforward be no difference made between the two classes. An animated -conversation now ensued between him and Mirsky, in which Yakubòvitch -soon joined. With excited gestures the latter began declaring that they -might treat us in all other respects like criminals, but we would never -endure it if one of us were flogged. - -The Governor-General attempted to restore peace: we ought not to be -alarmed, he said; none of us had hitherto been punished in that way, and -he hoped it might never happen in the future. - -I had not intended to take part in the conversation, but when I heard -those words, involuntarily I cried out, “And Sigida? A woman!” - -This was a subject full of the most ominous possibilities. Baron Korf -began speaking eagerly; he had apparently been waiting for the chance of -such an allusion, and he seemed to feel a need of justifying himself. - -“What were we to do?” he cried. “Must we be insulted, and keep silence? -It was not we who first resorted to personal violence.” - -“You could have tried her,” I answered; “but you had no right to torture -her.” - -The Governor-General stammered out a few sentences, the drift of which -was that past events were irretrievable, and that he could not be held -responsible for what had occurred in Kara. - -It was a painful episode, and when Baron Korf had gone we returned to -our cells in deep depression, feeling insulted and humiliated by the -decision that we had just heard. - -The day was to bring yet another excitement. The head warder, a certain -Pohorukov, made the rounds as usual, accompanied by some gendarmes, and -called the roll in the various rooms. I was in the corridor, meaning to -go into my room along with the gendarmes; and Fomitchov also was in the -corridor, standing by the door of his room. As one of the gendarmes was -unlocking that door I suddenly saw something hurtle through the air, the -sound of a frightful blow followed, and the head warder fell to the -ground. The gendarmes instantly fled in panic, leaving the man lying -unconscious on the floor; but I ran after them, calling to them not to -be frightened, that they must come and help their injured companion. It -was, however, some time before they could be persuaded to return. - -I ought to mention here that Golubtsòv, the clever and tactful captain -of the guard, of whom I spoke before, no longer held that post. When our -hunger-strikes began he got himself transferred to the section for -ordinary criminals, for he saw that the dispute with Masyukov was -certain to cause trouble. The new captain of the guard was a stupid, -cowardly fellow. When he at last recovered from his fright I managed to -induce him to unlock the door of the room where Prybylyev, our -physician, was, and the latter then had the wounded man carried into our -“hospital” room, where he administered first aid. The head warder had -received a severe blow on the head from some hard object, he was still -unconscious, and it was difficult to know at first whether the wound was -dangerous or not. - -As the commandant was away in attendance on the Governor-General and -would not return till next day, and as the head warder was _hors de -combat_, we prisoners had to take command, the gendarmes, who had quite -lost their heads, obeying our orders without hesitation. The first thing -was to get the injured man conveyed to his own house, and Prybylyev had -him carried thither on the bed as he was. Then something must be done -with Fomitchov, who himself insisted on being removed from among us; so -we made the captain of the guard install him in one of the single cells -in the adjacent building. - -Fomitchov’s act seemed absolutely inexplicable, the head warder being a -quite insignificant, ordinary kind of person, about whom we had never -troubled ourselves; and the only explanation that suggested itself to us -was that, excited by the news we had just heard, Fomitchov must have -suddenly lost his reason. For, being, as I have related, an eccentric -devoted to monarchism, Fomitchov was the last person from whom such an -attack on an official could have been expected, and the theory of -madness seemed the more likely, as he had on one or two former occasions -shown a tendency to paroxysms of rage. We were mistaken, however; next -day he himself gave us the following elucidation of his motives. - -Some months before, when Fomitchov was in the prison hospital, where -Pohorukov was then steward, he had been witness of a shocking scene. -Some ordinary criminals had been cleaning out the yard, and the steward, -declaring that the work had not been done thoroughly enough, at once -ordered the men to be flogged. The punishment was instantly -administered, right under the window of Fomitchov’s cell. Indignation -and disgust had naturally been kindled in Fomitchov’s bosom, and -abhorrence of the man who could perpetrate such a barbarity; but it -would hardly have occurred to him to attack Pohorukov without further -cause. Now, however, when the Governor-General had just declared that we -were to be put on an equal footing with the ordinary criminals as -regards flogging, Fomitchov remembered how people could be subjected to -that barbarous punishment by any stupid official for the merest trifle; -he wished, therefore, he said, to avenge the deed he had witnessed, and -at the same time to show what would be our proceedings if anyone ever -attempted to apply such treatment to us. - -Naturally we feared that the Governor-General might suppose Fomitchov’s -assault to have been an act resolved on by us all, and committed with -our sanction, in which case reprisals could not fail to be made; we -lived, therefore, for several days in a state of excited expectancy. The -doctor, meanwhile, pronounced Fomitchov to be suffering from a passing -disturbance of mind, caused by learning of the new decree; fortunately, -too, the injured man’s wound proved not to be mortal, and he recovered, -only losing the hearing of one ear. The Governor-General was, I suppose, -relieved to find that no more serious consequences had followed his -announcement of the new order, and that may have made him take a lenient -view of the case. Fomitchov was eventually placed under observation in -the prison hospital, and his term of imprisonment was lengthened by two -years as the penalty of his offence. - -From the statement made by the Governor-General in response to Mirsky, -we might conclude that none of us who had become entitled to leave -prison for the penal settlement (that is, not less than twenty men) -would be taken to Akatoui, and that therefore we should escape the -severe régime there; but I personally could not believe that the hour of -my release from prison was so near. My old experience at Freiburg had -taught me how easily hopes may be falsified, and I repelled with energy -every alluring vision, preferring rather to paint gloomy pictures of a -future in prison among the criminal horde; and although the news soon -reached us that we were indeed to be liberated—that a list had already -been prepared of those persons who were entitled to leave—I could not -trust myself to credit it. One day, however, quite unexpectedly, three -of our number were released from prison—Luri, Rechnyevsky, and -Souhòmlin, whose wives had followed them to Kara. Shortly after, -Masyukov, accompanied by his newly appointed successor, Tominin, -appeared one day in our prison, and informed us that seventeen others -were to be liberated, my name figuring in the list.[106] - -We packed up our belongings and took leave of our comrades, who were to -go to Akatoui the next day; and the thought that our friends had before -them such an increase of hardships damped our pleasure in attaining the -long-desired semi-freedom. Beforehand we had pictured quite otherwise -the joy of release and the scene of farewell. Now that the hour had -struck it was hardly joy that I felt; on the contrary, I seemed almost -to be quitting a home that had become dear to me. Not with heads -uplifted, but sad and depressed, we bent our steps towards the door. The -bolt flew back, and a larger company of men than had ever been seen to -do so before on such an occasion left the prison for good. A trammelled -and partial liberty lay before us; still, liberty it was. - -Footnote 106: - - Among the others to be released with me were Martinovsky, Prybylyev, - Mirsky, Starinkièvitch, Zlatopòlsky, Mihaïlov, Fomin, and Kohn; all of - whom have figured already in my narrative. Stefanòvitch also was of - the party, but was only destined to remain with us for two months, - after which he was sent to be interned in Yakutsk. He has spent the - thirteen years since we parted in various places of Siberian exile. - - - - - CHAPTER XXX - NIZHNAYA-KARA—NEW LIFE—STOLEN GOLD - - -Nizhnaya-Kara, where the penal settlement was situated, had an -appearance quite peculiar to itself. The dwelling-houses were at some -minutes’ distance from the prison, on a hill-slope descending to the -banks of the River Kara, whose bed contains gold-dust and in summer -becomes almost completely dry. The place had nothing of the Russian -village about it, either in the style of its buildings or its -inhabitants. The latter were mostly convicts, both men and women; -besides whom there were a few peasants, descendants of former convicts, -or of the crown colonists who had been settled here as drudges in the -gold-workings. Then there was an infantry battalion of Cossacks -stationed here for the purpose of keeping guard over the prison; and -finally there were numerous prison officials and Cossack officers. - -The mixed nature of the population was evidenced by the variety of their -dwellings. Ordinary criminals who were unmarried lived in barracks, -where the Cossacks also were housed; the officers and prison officials -inhabited neat little houses belonging to the State; and the -“politicals” and married criminals lived in wretched tumbledown hovels. -Besides the classes already enumerated, there were three tradesmen in -Kara, each of whom kept a small general shop. - -[Illustration: - - THE PENAL SETTLEMENT, KARA - To face page 300 -] - -At first we had great difficulty in finding accommodation; for of course -it was not possible at once to run up habitations for twenty men, all -let out of prison at the same time, and we were obliged to put up with -lodgings where a number of persons were crowded into each single room. -In other ways too there was much inconvenience and discomfort during -those early days of freedom; but on the whole our change was distinctly -for the better. Merely to have got rid of the detested turnkeys was a -joy; we rejoiced also at being free from the barbarous head-shaving, and -we might once more wear our own clothes. We were permitted to take up -some handicraft, but the exercise of the so-called “liberal professions” -was forbidden us. The regulations as to our correspondence were also -less severe; we could write letters to our relations, and a number of -newspapers that were prohibited in prison were allowed here. But above -all, we might now go about freely at all hours, and wander in the -neighbourhood of the village to our heart’s content. - -On our exit from prison we were placed under the supervision of the -staff controlling the ordinary convicts, and shortly after the -gendarmerie disappeared from Kara for good. Every morning a prison -inspector made the rounds of the settlement with his book, which we had -to sign, so that the authorities might be satisfied that none of us were -missing. We were not allowed to go beyond ten versts from the village -without a special permission from the superintendent—that same Pohorukov -whom Fomitchov had assailed. - -Our material condition was considerably more comfortable now than it had -been in prison. Besides the means of livelihood that had hitherto been -available—rations from the State and money sent from home—many of us -could now earn something by private exertion. We still preserved our -organisation as when in prison, with certain modifications rendered -necessary by our new circumstances; we still formed an _artèl_ and -elected a _stàrosta_ to arrange the details of our common life. Of -course, our domestic economy had considerably extended its sphere; we -had now much to think of that had not entered into our consideration -before. - -Autumn brought a good deal of heavy labour for all able-bodied men. -Trees had to be felled and carted to serve as winter fuel, and then the -wood had to be chopped small for use. In the winter the hay needed for -our cattle had to be brought in, for we possessed six cows and four -horses. In the spring we looked after our gardens, and in the summer we -made hay in the meadows. Cooking was still managed in common, groups of -us carrying it out in turn. There was always plenty for all hands to do, -and the work was often very hard. I myself found the labour of the -winter season extremely severe. It meant rising at three or four o’clock -in the morning to harness the horses—a task difficult and disagreeable -enough always in the Siberian cold, and a perfect misery in the small -hours of the morning—and then driving the sledge ten or twelve versts, -loading it with hay, and finishing our job so as to return home by -nightfall. Two of us at a time had to load and fetch home four great -waggon-loads of hay. Naturally we were very clumsy over the unaccustomed -labour, and it happened often enough that ropes would break and the hay -get scattered, or that the horses would stray away. In our heavy -sheepskins and felt boots we had each as much as we could manage in -conducting two heavy waggons on the homeward journey; and despite the -extreme cold we used often to be bathed in perspiration. - -Yet the hard physical work had a charm of its own. It gave one a quite -peculiar sensation to be driving along in the dark over the smooth, -white surface of the snow, on and on into the depths of the forest. The -profoundest silence reigned everywhere, broken by the crackling of the -snow under the horses’ hoofs and the runners of the sledge, and -sometimes by the distant howling of a wolf. Myriads of stars sparkled in -the firmament, and not a trace of man’s existence was anywhere to be -seen. But the cruel cold, increasing in severity towards dawn, would -soon drive away all poetical ideas. The frost penetrated our sheepskins, -and we felt as if we were being pricked all over our bodies with sharp -needles. Often the brandy in our flasks would freeze, and although we -took all possible precautions, the glass would split and the spirit be -left in a frozen lump. - -[Illustration: - - COTTAGE SHARED BY “POLITICALS” IN THE KARA PENAL SETTLEMENT - To face page 302 -] - -These expeditions, fortunately, were not of very frequent occurrence, -the turn of each man coming only about three or four times in the course -of the winter. The fetching of wood, on the other hand, was continually -necessary; but although this, too, entailed considerable exertion, it -was not nearly so serious an undertaking. - -After a spell of hard work it used to feel luxury indeed to be back in -one’s own house. The little peasant hut in which I dwelt seemed a -perfect palace, and I thought it most comfortable; though any spoilt -child of civilisation would have seen much to be improved in it. Nearly -a third of its space was taken up by a great Russian stove, which -unfortunately often smoked; doors and windows shut very imperfectly; and -in both floor and walls there were great cracks, through which the wind -whistled everlastingly, despite my continual efforts to stop them up. -But all these were petty details that could not detract from the charm -of having a “home” of one’s own. Only those who have themselves -undergone the martyrdom of never being alone for an instant, and of -feeling always conscious that the eyes of others are upon one’s every -action, can properly realise that charm. To have the enjoyment of that -independent solitude it was worth while putting up with a number of -small inconveniences that might to a certain extent have been avoided by -a _ménage-à-deux_. It was only an occasional pair of bosom friends who -chose to live in that fashion. Most of us much preferred to undertake -singly the duties of housekeeping—stoking the stove, carrying water, -cleaning, etc. - -My hut, which, when I took possession of it, was in a state of extreme -disrepair, was the property of the State. With my own hands I mended it -up as well as I could. It stood a little apart from the other dwellings, -at the end of the village, on the slope of a hill, and close to the -little cemetery. At first I used to feel some anxiety over the -insecurity of the door; a push from without was sufficient to open it, -and this was hardly agreeable when one knew that round about dwelt all -sorts of criminals—some very queer customers among them. However, I soon -found that I had no cause to fear anything from these people; and when I -returned home late at night by lonely ways and bypaths, I felt as safe -as in the best-policed town. - -One of the most notorious criminals in the settlement was a man named -Lissenko. It was reported of him that in one of his robberies he had -killed a whole family—men, women, and children. He was about sixty when -I first knew him, and still had the strength of a giant. He struck me as -being crafty, cunning, and reckless, but not a malicious kind of fellow, -and he was extremely pious withal. No one who knew him personally could -easily believe him to have murdered innocent children. I was curious to -learn from himself how much truth there was in the reports that were -current concerning him, and I found an opportunity one day of -questioning him on the subject. - -“Yes, of course it’s true,” said he. “What about it?” - -“But how could you have the heart to kill a child?” a friend of mine -asked him. - -“Oh, I cried all the time I was doing it, but still I killed them,” was -the answer. “It was just God’s will. If He had not willed it I should -not have been able to commit the murder; I should have been struck down -myself. So it was really God who made me do it.” - -My friend (from whom Lissenko seemed to stand a good deal) then asked— - -“Well, and would you murder me, if you met me in a safe place?” - -“If I knew you had a lot of money about you I should certainly wring -your neck,” said the man, with cheerful frankness. “But there! one -doesn’t kill without some good reason!” - -Lissenko was at that time carrying on a very risky illegal trade: he was -a receiver of “stolen gold,” and smuggled spirits. I must explain that -gold could be found in considerable quantities in the neighbourhood and -worked with the greatest ease. Equipped with a shovel and a wooden -vessel for washing, men and women repaired to the River Kara and other -neighbouring streams, and could without difficulty get gold-dust to the -value of one or two roubles in a single day. Though strictly prohibited -by the Government, this private search for gold is practised almost -openly. Those who do not themselves look for gold yet traffic in it; and -practically the entire population, except the political prisoners, is -engaged in the illicit trade. Nobody—one or two really honest officials -perhaps excepted—makes any scruple about infringing the law; thousands -make their livelihood in this way, and many even grow rich. I knew whole -families, some members of which went off as regularly every day on the -quest as though it were the most lawful affair in the world. No one—not -even officials—found anything to protest against in this breaking of the -law; on the contrary, everyone in the place, except those few persons -whose interests were concerned on the other side, looked upon it as -quite natural that the gold-seekers should make the most of their -labour, and take the treasure that the soil offered. No attention was -paid to the arbitrary decree which declared that treasure to be the -Tsar’s private property—or, as it was officially expressed, “the -property of His Majesty’s Cabinet”; and notwithstanding the heavy -expense incurred by the responsible authorities to protect the -gold-fields of the district, far more gold is obtained by unlawful than -by lawful means. The receivers of the stolen treasure, and other -middlemen, can always find a way to convey their merchandise over the -border into China, where it fetches a far higher price than that given -by “the Cabinet of His Majesty.” - -Meanwhile all authorities agree that the illicit gold-finders have -conferred immeasurable benefit on the country. They are the true -pioneers, who, wandering about the “Taiga” or virgin forests in all -directions, seeking deposits of precious metals, are to be thanked for -the discovery of numberless gold-fields—among them some of the most -prolific of all. Certainly little enough profit falls to the share of -the pirates themselves; most of them remain poor and needy all their -lives, hardly earning their daily bread; and many of them become slaves -of the middlemen. It would take me too long to describe further the -lives and doings of these gold pirates; suffice it to say that they -inhabit a curiously interesting little world of their own—a state within -the state—with its own strictly administered laws and peculiar customs. - - - - - CHAPTER XXXI - THE TOUR OF THE HEIR-APPARENT THROUGH SIBERIA—OUR LIFE IN THE PENAL - SETTLEMENT—AN INCENSED OFFICIAL - - -Time passed by much faster in the settlement than in the prison. Busy -with the necessary work for establishing our little community, we -scarcely noticed the passing of autumn and winter. I can never forget -the spring of 1891—the first I enjoyed after the long years of -imprisonment; moreover, that spring brought quite unexpected hopes of -favours soon to be granted us. A report reached us that the Tsar -Alexander III. had decided to issue a manifesto to celebrate the -treading of Siberian soil by the Heir-Apparent. This manifesto, it was -said, would bring pardon to all convicts, and not even the “politicals” -were to be excluded. The official telegram about this—obscurely worded -though it was—could not fail to awaken in us hopes of at any rate -increased liberty. If the news were correct, it was to be concluded that -many of us would shortly be treated as “exiles,” and no longer as -convicts. This would improve our situation in a greater or lesser degree -according to the locality whither we should be banished. “Politicals” -are generally sent to the province of Yakutsk, where conditions of life -are in many respects no better than in the settlement at Kara. It must -be remembered that Yakutsk is a very sparsely populated province, and -lies further from the civilised world than the Transbaikalian province -in which Kara is situated. The climate is worse than that of Kara, the -winter longer; and in other ways, too, our comrades there were worse off -than we. Their post arrived less often than ours, and in many parts of -the Yakutsk government “luxuries,” such as tea, sugar, and petroleum, -are often not to be procured at all. Even stale black bread is sometimes -a rarity, costing twelve to fifteen roubles the pood,[107] and is -regarded as a delicacy only to be set before an honoured guest. The -chief, if not the exclusive, food of the natives consists of fish and -meat. The dwellings, too, are worse than the wooden huts of Kara, being -simply “yurtas,” _i.e._ tent-shaped hovels such as the natives live in, -built of rough logs, the interstices between which are filled up with -earth and turf. Yet most of us were ready to go to these inhospitable -regions, for there was always the chance, when once one was numbered in -the category of “exiles,” that in time one might be sent to a more -advantageous district. Above all, there was greater freedom; for though -a place of residence is appointed for each exile, yet they may travel -about in the surrounding country for considerable distances. There are -more opportunities, too, of seeing people; new additions are always -being made to the numbers of the “administrative” exiles in every -province, and from them one learns what is going on at home; while, on -the other hand, nobody fresh was sent to the penal settlement at Kara -during the whole time that I was there. Finally, the exiles in Yakutsk -had the prospect of yet another step in advance—they might gain -permission to enrol themselves in the peasant class, and in that way win -even greater facility of movement within the borders of Siberia. Things -do not move very fast, and even if all goes well this favour may only be -obtained after ten years’ exile; but one learns patience in Siberia, and -many a one will let his thoughts dwell on that distant future: “Ten -years! then perhaps there will be a manifesto; and in fifteen or twenty -years may come the great event—return to one’s home!” - -Footnote 107: - - About 8½_d._ to 10½_d._ the English pound, a pood being equal to - 36.1127 lbs. avoirdupois, and a rouble to about 2_s._ 1_d._—_Trans._ - -[Illustration: - - KARA PRISONERS AT WORK - To face page 308 -] - -I confess that I myself indulged in such hopes, though I knew but too -well how deceptive these “favours” of the Tsar might be. To the -Coronation manifesto there had been attached numberless limitations and -exceptions, and it was not to be expected that this time the pardon of -which we had been hearing rumours would be extended to everyone. “But -who knows? They have let me out of prison at last; perhaps now I shall -be made an exile, unlikely though it seems!” Hope and fear alternated, -and optimism gained the upper hand. - -While in the Petersburg government-offices the question had to be -settled as to carrying out the proclamation—who was to benefit by it, -and who must be excluded from its operation—the authorities in Siberia -had another care upon them: how to avert all danger from the path of the -Heir-Apparent, as he journeyed through a land where dwelt so many -embittered victims of Tsarism. The gentlemen of the official world -solved this problem eventually in a simple fashion: all along the -Prince’s route we (busy with our hopes of freedom!) were to be locked up -for the time being; and though Kara was a good fifty versts distant from -the high-road by which the journey of state was made, we were shut up in -prison the day before the Cesarèvitch[108] passed, and only set free -again a day after he had got safely through our neighbourhood. - -Footnote 108: - - A familiar form of transliteration is employed here, but more correct - would be Tsesarèvitch.—_Trans._ - -For long afterwards we awaited with the greatest excitement the advent -of the post every week or ten days, always hoping that some decision as -to the scope of the manifesto would arrive. But government departments -take their time; those who amused themselves with thoughts of the Tsar’s -grace had still to endure uncertainty as best they could. A whole year -elapsed before we received the long-expected news, and then it was -disappointing enough; nearly half the inhabitants of the Kara penal -settlement were excepted from the operation of the manifesto, the rest -had but a very short curtailment of their sentences. I was among those -who got nothing at all, and was obliged to reconcile myself to the -thought of another four years in Kara. It was bitter to have one’s hopes -thus destroyed. - -It was the more bitter that our first joy over release from prison had -soon worn off, and life in the settlement had now become almost as -irksome as the life in prison had been. Our days seemed as monotonous -and empty as ever; and while in prison one had been constrained to -accept the unalleviated barrenness of life, here in the settlement one -felt the tug of the chain at every turn, and chafed at it. There we had -known from the first that all reasonable and profitable activity was -denied us, that we were condemned to an uninteresting and aimless -existence; and under such conditions one’s mental alertness becomes -dulled—almost atrophied. In the settlement, on the contrary, it was -quite otherwise; here we were in the midst of life again, the state of -lethargy that had reigned in the prison passed away; and although the -pulse of life could hardly be said to beat high, yet we could see people -exerting themselves, undertaking enterprises, pursuing their various -interests, fighting with difficulties and dangers. We ourselves the -while were restricted to the work of our narrow household economy; work -which naturally could not satisfy our aspirations. Most of us yearned to -set our powers to work—to do something that should call forth all our -energies and capabilities, not merely to chop wood and make hay. But in -this forsaken spot, and hemmed in as we were by all manner of -restrictions, we could find no congenial outlet for our activities. To -all appearance we were now at liberty to undertake many things that had -been forbidden in prison; but this appearance was mainly illusory. It -was just this contradiction between our apparent rights and our actual -possibilities that galled us and weighed heavy on our spirits, making us -sometimes inclined to think we would almost rather return to prison, if -thereby we might escape from this torment of inactivity. We found it -irksome in the extreme to have to take enormous pains and waste much -time over mere trifles—the details of our primitive household -management—which, under the difficult conditions of our life, made -exorbitant demands upon us. Especially at first, when we were new to it -all, it often happened that for weeks at a time one could never take up -a book or a newspaper, and for educated, intellectual men that was -naturally very wearisome. The only interesting mental occupation open to -us was to observe the lives of the dwellers in this strange place; as -already mentioned, they were an oddly mixed lot, and we had plenty of -opportunity for studying them. - -[Illustration: - - FEMALE CRIMINALS AT KARA DRAWING WATER-CART - To face page 310 -] - -I have often been in the criminal prison of Kara, and witnessed there -the life of the convicts in their cells and in the workshops, as they -went about their various occupations. The employment of convict labour -in the gold-washing had been abandoned by that time, having been found -too costly; and the convicts were occupied with so-called “domestic -work.” Among other things they were used in transport, to take the place -of beasts of burden; and the spectacle of men—even of women—harnessed to -heavy carts, and moving painfully along like oxen in a yoke, was -altogether revolting. - -About a year after our establishment in the settlement, convict labour -in Kara was entirely given up; the convicts were taken away, some to -serve in the construction of the Siberian railway, (then just begun,) -some to the island of Saghalien or to other penitentiaries. With the -convicts departed their guards, the Cossacks, and other officials; our -settlement was well-nigh depopulated, and life became more monotonous -than ever. However, one advantage ensued for us: we could use the -abandoned dwellings of the officials, and so lived more comfortably -henceforward. We were on the best of terms with the few inhabitants who -were left; we taught their children, assisted them with our counsel when -we could, and gave them medical and legal advice. To these people a -“political” seemed a compendium of learning, and they applied to us on -every kind of occasion. Now it was strictly forbidden us to engage in -any work that could interfere with that of practitioners of the “liberal -professions”; by law we were not allowed to teach or to give medical -aid; yet, circumstanced as we were, the officials themselves were not -above calling for our help, notwithstanding the infringement of the law. -Of course, therefore, they could not very well bring us to account for -our dealings with civilians. Only on one occasion did this kind of thing -lead to any unpleasantness, and I will briefly relate that occurrence. - -A peasant from a neighbouring village came and laid the following case -before us. One day the newly appointed _prìstav_ (commissioner of -police) had appeared at his house with the _stàrosta_ of the village and -other officials, and without giving any reason had instituted a -domiciliary search. In the larder they had found some poods of ship’s -biscuit, tea, tobacco, candles, and other stores, all of which the -_prìstav_ had confiscated out of hand, on the pretext that the peasant -could only have such quantities of these things in his possession in -order to exchange them for “pirated gold,” and that he was therefore a -convicted receiver of stolen goods. Then when the peasant had attended -at the house of the _prìstav_ in compliance with the latter’s orders, he -was informed by the official that he must pay him fifty roubles before -he could have his property back. This claim appeared to the peasant -quite unconscionable, and on the advice of a neighbour he had come to -beg me to draw up for him a petition against his extortionate oppressor. -The peasant told me a long story: how he needed all the articles in -question for his own consumption; he procured them in winter, when the -transport was easier, and used them in the summer for his workpeople, of -whom he employed a great number. This was evidently all humbug; it was -perfectly obvious that the good man was really a receiver of “stolen -gold.” On the other hand, it was as clear as daylight that the official -had been guilty of an offence, having tried to use the peasant’s -infringement of the law as a means of extorting backsheesh for himself. -I had already heard that this newly appointed satrap was grinding the -faces of the whole population in this province—a district as large as -many a German state, over which he was irresponsible master—and was -diligently using his position to fill his own pockets. Nearly every -night he paid surprise visits to the houses of the inhabitants, took -possession of whatever fell into his hands, and then put it to ransom at -a high price. At the same time he bullied the simple people in the good -old fashion of official Russia, raging at them like a Berserker. His -favourite speech was, “You fellows shall learn that I’m your Tsar and -your God!” - -The notion of teaching this functionary a lesson rather attracted me; -but I did not want to play the hedge-lawyer, so I advised the peasant to -find someone else to undertake the affair, as I knew there were -officials whose business it was to write out appeals and complaints. He -told me that they had refused to help him, as they were afraid of the -_prìstav_. So I finally decided there was nothing for it but to do as he -asked; and that I should not appear to be denouncing the man secretly I -added at the end of the document (though I knew I had no legal right to -draw up petitions for other people)—“Written and signed for the -illiterate petitioner by the political exile Leo Deutsch.” By signing my -own name I meant to show that it was far from my desire to make -anonymous denunciations; and also I calculated that this circumstance -would oblige the authorities to attend to the matter. The peasant was -much pleased, thanked me warmly, and wanted to tip me a rouble for my -trouble, which of course I declined. - -For several months nothing was heard of the business; then one day the -_dessyàtnik_[109] came to me and called on me to go to the office, as -the _prìstav_ wished to speak to me. This order was quite irregular, as -we “politicals” were only answerable to our own superintendent, not to -the police. I therefore answered the _dessyàtnik_ very shortly— - -“Go and tell your _prìstav_ that I am not at his beck and call, and that -if he has anything to say he can come to me.” - -I made the man repeat my words till he had them correctly, and impressed -upon him that he must tell the official exactly what I had said, which -he did most conscientiously. The wrath of the “Tsar and God” may be -imagined at receiving this answer in the presence of all the officials -of the commune and a number of the peasantry. As I was subsequently -informed, he stormed and raged like one possessed, and finally ordered -that I should be put in irons and brought before him. Despite his -categorical command the people hesitated to obey, and not till some -hours later did the communal officers come to my house, and beg me, with -all manner of apologies, to accompany them. I explained to them that the -_prìstav_ had no legal rights over me, and that it would be far more in -order for him to communicate with me through the superintendent of the -penal settlement. This contented the ambassadors, who returned and -informed the _prìstav_ that he had no jurisdiction over me. The day -after I learned from our superintendent that all the _prìstav_ had -wanted was to tell me about a communication he had received in -consequence of the complaint I had drawn up—a circumstance, therefore, -that had nothing whatever to do with me. The whole affair fizzled out in -the end; but when I left Kara some years later the peasant had not yet -received back his goods, which still lay under the official seal in -charge of the _prìstav_, and for aught I know they may lie there to this -day. - -Footnote 109: - - A village constable appointed by the inhabitants of the - commune.—_Trans._ - -[Illustration: - - AGED ORDINARY PRISONERS AT KARA - To face page 314 -] - -For me personally the affair had no evil consequences. After the lapse -of some months a document was sent me by the Governor, wherein I was -warned that I was not permitted to draw up complaints for the -inhabitants. Of course, if our relations with the peasant population had -not been so cordial, the business might have led to trouble; but as it -was, the authorities did not care to risk causing an agitation among the -peasants by harsh measures towards us. - - - - - CHAPTER XXXII - THE DEATH OF THE TSAR—NEW MANIFESTOES—THE CENSUS - - -“Do you know that the Tsar is very ill? They say the doctors are -doubtful of his recovery.” A well-known official addressed me one day in -these words. - -The unexpected news surprised me very much. It had been a general belief -that Alexander III., of whose herculean strength many stories were -current, would attain a great age, and so be able to carry on his -reactionary policy for many years to come; and now suddenly there shone -a ray of hope, for even in Russia it is usual to expect much of a new -ruler. - -In November, 1894, came tidings of the Tsar’s death; and soon afterwards -two manifestoes were announced—one for the marriage of Nicholas II., and -one for his coronation. This time I was not excluded. By the provisions -of the first manifesto the entire term of my punishment was shortened by -a third, _i.e._ by four years and some months; but this “grace” came -when I had altogether only ten more months of convict life before me! By -the second manifesto the time I had to wait before I could pass from the -category of exile to that of simple peasant was altered from ten to four -years. When I was told of the first manifesto I was also informed that I -should have to go to Yakutsk as an exile: but eventually, in consequence -of various circumstances, I did not avail myself of either proclamation. -Private reasons occasioned my preferring to remain in Kara; so I did not -go into exile at all, but remained where I was as a convict, having -obtained the Governor’s permission to do so. - - * * * * * - -One cold December day in 1896 I suddenly heard the sound of -sleigh-bells, and a sledge stopped before my house. The door opened, and -a man entered wrapped in sheepskin and _dohà_.[110] - -Footnote 110: - - A kind of cloak with fur both inside and out. - -When he had emerged from his furs I recognised our _starshinà_,[111] an -important functionary known and feared far and near. His wisdom and -firmness had secured for this representative of the peasants’ -self-government a universal respect far above his social position. He -was strong-minded and independent, and was said to be a very adroit and -energetic man, but also hard, and morally not quite above reproach. He -lived about thirty versts from my abode, and had only visited me on one -former occasion. I therefore concluded that only some important reason -could have induced him to come so far in the bitter cold. According to -Siberian custom, he did not at once begin upon his business; but after -he had drunk some glasses of hot tea and eaten something, he laid the -case before me as follows:— - -The Government had issued orders that a census of the whole population -should be taken on an appointed day throughout the whole immense empire. -For this purpose there would be required a large number of capable -persons such as in Russia it was not very easy to find, and still less -so in Siberia. The local authorities were hard put to it on this -account, and the census superintendent of the district had consulted -with his subordinates how to solve the problem. When affairs at Kara and -the neighbouring villages came to be discussed, our _starshinà_ had -declared that he would only undertake the business on one condition, -namely, that I should help him. I was the only fit person; without me -the thing would be impossible. The census superintendent had nothing to -say against my participation in the work, and even the _prìstav_ -(against whom I had drawn up the complaint) could make no objection, -though he himself was to take an active part in the proceedings. He had, -in fact, to superintend the taking of the census in his own district, -and if I were to assist I should be directly responsible to him. - -Footnote 111: - - The elder or chief of the commune, as the _stàrosta_ is of the - village.—_Trans._ - -The _starshinà_ explained all this to me, and asked if I would consent. -I agreed immediately; for the work involved would be a welcome relief to -the monotony of my life, and was for a useful end. One circumstance only -made me a little anxious—association with the _prìstav_ might be -awkward. However, the _starshinà_ assured me that the man heartily -regretted that old affair, would gladly have it forgotten, and bore me -no grudge. One other obstacle—the difficulty of obtaining permission -from the superintendent of the convict settlement—the _starshinà_ -himself undertook to remove. - -The business was soon arranged, and I—the “political criminal”—was -suddenly clothed with official dignity. I was to take the census in a -village about fifteen versts away, with a large population of about a -thousand souls; and I was then to enumerate the people of another -village in conjunction with the pope.[112] - -Footnote 112: - - The village priest.—_Trans._ - -It was very interesting to look up these peculiar people in their own -homes and to make personal acquaintance with them. Of course, there were -many comical episodes and absurd misunderstandings; and on the other -hand, I had glimpses of very sad—even tragic—circumstances. - -My trouble was so far rewarded that the inhabitants expressed their -gratitude to me in various ways, and the officials seemed to be -impressed by my promptitude. I had accomplished my task some little time -previously when one day in January, 1897, the _starshinà_ paid me -another visit. The good man had again something to ask me. It was -prescribed by the instructions that the head of every census-area should -finally call together a certain number of the persons who had undertaken -the work of enumeration in his district—one from each commune—to correct -the results and draw up a general report. - -The head of our district was, as I have said, my old opponent the -_prìstav_; and I now learned that that gentleman was particularly -desirous to persuade me, through the mediation of the _starshinà_, to -represent our commune—the Shilkìnskaya Vòiost—at the committee of -census-takers for his district. - -The proposal had much to attract me. For more than eleven years I had -never left Kara, and I knew only the adjacent villages. Now I was -offered the chance of travelling a distance of some hundreds of versts, -and that in a province which, as I was aware, contained much that was of -great interest. The work of drawing up the general report likewise -interested me. The only objection was association with a man I had come -against in such an unpleasant way; but the eloquence of the _starshinà_ -again prevailed over my doubts, and I agreed to undertake the task. -Permission for me to leave my place of internment was at once given, and -I set off on my journey. - -Of course I travelled at the State’s expense. I received a pass from the -Governor, which entitled me to requisition horses for my use wherever I -went, and to lodge in the _zèmskaya kvàrtira_, or official -residences;[113] in short, I was for the time being an official -travelling on Government business. - -Footnote 113: - - In every Siberian village a house is kept up by the inhabitants, at - local expense, for the accommodation of any officials who may be - passing through. _Zèmskaya kvàrtira_ literally means “provincial - quarters,” or “communal quarters.”—_Trans._ - -A journey of the kind in a Siberian winter is no trifling matter. I was -clad in furs, a _dohà_ over all the rest, and so wrapped up in a fur rug -that I could hardly move in the sledge. The road ran for the most of the -way through a practically uninhabited part of the province, a hilly, -thickly wooded country, and the horses had hard work to get the sledge -along. Every thirty or forty versts we came to a halting-station, where -the horses were changed. When I arrived everyone was always most -subservient and polite, giving me such a reception as befitted a very -important official, which was sometimes extremely funny. At the first -station where I was to spend the night, the elder of the village -displayed a perfect fever of official zeal. I arrived late in the -evening, and had at once sought my bed, when the man came to me, much -disturbed. - -“Has your Excellency any orders for me?” - -I begged him to see that horses were ready for my start next morning; -but that did not seem to satisfy him. He said that my gracious commands -should be obeyed, and still insisted on decorating me with a title. When -I explained to him who I really was, he admitted “certainly that was -another thing”; but orders he was determined to have, notwithstanding, -and asked if he should not fetch the census-takers of the village to -wait on me. I naturally did not wish to disturb them in the middle of -the night, which he could not understand at all. The people of other -villages also astonished me by the fervour of their attentions; and I -could not quite comprehend it, until I learned that our masterful -_prìstav_ had travelled by the same route a few days before, and had -spurred up his subordinates with injunctions to receive the “Censor of -Shilkinskaya” (as I was entitled) with all honour, and to fulfil his -orders most carefully. - -As I approached the goal of my journey I met at the stations other -census-takers, also on their way to the conference. Among these people a -rumour was current that the head of our district had found the lists -submitted to him unsatisfactory, and that the whole business would have -to be done over again. Of course my colleagues were rather troubled over -this, for such an undertaking might easily cost them several days’ work, -and they had left pressing affairs behind them. Besides, the -census-takers received but very scanty remuneration for their -exertions—a few roubles only; or, if they preferred it, a medal which -the Government had had struck for the purpose. - -After two days I arrived at the Stanitsa Aigùnskaya, where the -conference was to be held. I had been wondering all this while how my -meeting with the _prìstav_ would go off, and he, too, seemed to have -had the same anxiety; for I had scarcely awakened next morning when a -Cossack came to the _zèmskaya kvàrtira_, where I and the other -census-takers had slept, and announced that the _prìstav_ wished to -speak to the Censor of Shilkinskaya. I told the man to say I would -come as soon as I could, made a leisurely toilet, and had my -breakfast. But in a short time appeared a fat man of about fifty, in -the uniform of a police official, who introduced himself as -“Head-of-the-census-district-of-so-and-so Bìbikov”—my _prìstav_, in -fact. I on my side announced myself as “Census-taker Deutsch,” and we -chatted together most peaceably, as if we had never fallen out in our -lives. The tormented man at once poured out his troubles to me. He -could not manage his task at all, and confessed that he could not make -head or tail of the divers instructions, orders, and circulars of the -various authorities; neither did he know how to proceed with the -examination of lists and drawing up of the report for his district. -And then there were thirty census-takers worrying him, some of whom -had come a whole week’s journey from their homes; naturally they -wanted to get back, and they were pressing him to release them, but he -could not accede to their wishes, as all the lists seemed to him -inadequate. His moving tale ended with a petition that I would stand -by him; he knew how well I had managed things in my division, and I -was the only man who could help him to bring this difficult task to a -satisfactory conclusion. Several of the other census-takers, too, -urged me to take the thing in hand; and as I was interested to see how -the work had been started from the beginning, and what a -superintendent like the _prìstav_ was expected to do, after some -hesitation I consented, for which my quondam enemy thanked me -effusively. - -When we entered the official building the office was full of people. -These were the census-takers, among whom were all kinds of -persons—clerks, medical men, schoolmasters, and a great many Cossacks. -Directly they saw the _prìstav_ they crowded round him, begging him to -try and finish up with them. - -“Just look at them!” said the _prìstav_; “that’s how it goes on every -day. It’s enough to drive one mad!” - -I made them give me the papers, and tried to master their contents. As I -had already guessed, the business was not really so difficult and -puzzling as it had appeared to the poor police official; but it was work -that did not come within his scope, and he had no notion how to tackle -it. At the end of a few hours I had things in train, and could show him -what he had to do. - -The presence of the census-takers proved to be unnecessary, and they -were able to go home next day, for which they were extremely grateful; -but I myself had to remain a whole fortnight in the place. There was in -fact a great deal of writing to do, and the _prìstav_ and I were hard at -it from morning to night. He was always politeness itself to me, and no -one who witnessed his charming behaviour now could have believed that he -had once given orders to put me in irons. But of course that episode was -never alluded to. - - - - - CHAPTER XXXIII - A PREHISTORIC MONUMENT—MY DEPARTURE FROM KARA—LIFE IN STRETYENSK—MY - TRANSFERENCE TO BLAGOVESTSHENSK—THE MASSACRES OF JULY, 1900 - - -During my sojourn in Kara I took part in an expedition, the object of -which was to discover the whereabouts of a curious relic of ancient -times. One of our comrades, Kuznetsov by name, who by reason of his -archæological researches was rather a noted personality in Siberia, had -written to me on this subject. According to the testimony of various -people, there was in the neighbourhood of Kara a monumental stone -covered with ancient characters inscribed in some red colouring matter. -This had been mentioned long before in the proceedings of the -Geographical Society of Irkutsk, but had never been described in detail; -and Kuznetsov—who himself lived at a considerable distance from Kara—was -anxious that I should search for it and copy the inscription. - -I gladly undertook the mission, and early one spring day I set out on -the quest, accompanied by two friends, following the meagre clue we had -been able to obtain. We only knew in a general way the direction and -distance of our object, which was supposed to be near the banks of the -River Bitshoug, about thirty-five versts away. There was no road, and we -were obliged to go on foot across a very boggy bit of country, leading -the horse which carried our provisions and other necessaries. - -We started at dawn, reached the river towards evening, and there camped -out for the night. During the next few days we explored the locality, -but in vain, and we were at last obliged to return from our fruitless -errand. I then made further inquiries about the stone among the -inhabitants of the place, many of whom were hunters, and therefore well -acquainted with the surrounding country, and I promised a reward to -anyone who could guide me to it; but it was not until nearly two years -later that I heard a report of how two peasants from a neighbouring -village had seen something of the kind. This rumour proved correct; and -a gold-digger of my acquaintance undertook to guide me to the object of -my search, making the expedition by sledge, as it was then winter. - -The monument with the red inscription turned out to be not far from the -spot where I and my friends had previously looked for it, but the dense -forest undergrowth had hidden it from us. It dates undoubtedly from a -very early period, and consists of a smooth perpendicular surface hewn -in the rock, whereon curious signs and characters are drawn. - -We made a careful sketch of the monument, and a photographer who -happened to visit Kara subsequently took separate photographs of the -whole stone and of the coloured characters. These I sent to Kuznetsov, -with a detailed description, but I have never heard whether the meaning -of the inscription has been deciphered. - - * * * * * - -When, in consequence of the imperial manifesto, I passed from the -category of convict into that of exile, the change only affected my -circumstances in that it deprived me of the right to an allowance from -the State. Henceforward I was thrown entirely on my own resources, and -the task of supporting myself was no light one. The population of Kara -diminished steadily, and among others the family whose children I had -taught for several years removed from the place. It was absolutely -impossible to find any other remunerative occupation; my relations at -home were sending me no money, and my affairs got into a very -unsatisfactory state. I had a host of debts, and could expect assistance -from no one. - -[Illustration: - - THE COSSACK VILLAGE OF STRETYENSK - To face page 324 -] - -Just then began the work in connection with the construction of the -railway in the Stanitsa of Stretyensk, some hundred versts distant from -Kara. I decided to migrate thither; and, the Governor having given me -the necessary permission, I left Kara on the 20th of May, 1897. - -The Stanitsa of Stretyensk, situated on the banks of the large and -navigable River Shilka, was at that time the scene of much activity. The -population had increased to between four and five thousand; there were -some good shops and several business firms. The ordinary inhabitants, -besides the Cossacks, were chiefly Jews; but the railway works had -brought all kinds of people to the place—officials, clerks, contractors, -etc.—so that Stretyensk had taken on more the appearance of a thriving -town than of a mere Cossack village. - -I soon found a post, and a comparatively good one, on the railway; my -duties being to draw up the various orders, advices, and circulars, and -to copy them out. But the yearning for a fuller life possessed me here -even more than at Kara, partly induced by the more bustling life of the -busy little place, partly by the total absence of any congenial society. -In Kara I had had comrades with whom I could converse on every kind of -topic; but in Stretyensk, though I knew nearly everybody at least by -name, there was no single person to whom I could talk about anything -beyond the most everyday matters. The principal, and almost the only, -subject of conversation was money. The flow of capital into the country -on account of the new railway had aroused in the inhabitants an almost -incredible greed and a feverish desire of becoming rich. There were -numbers of people who recoiled at nothing in the pursuit of this -aim—cheating, dishonesty, even downright theft, were all in the order of -the day; and the irresponsibility and arbitrariness of officials which -prevails throughout Russia, and especially in Siberia, greatly assisted -in undermining the morals of the population. Many large fortunes were -made in an extraordinarily short time. - -The only relaxations from this constant working and striving after -riches were drinking and card-playing. Not only was there no library in -the Stanitsa, but there was not even a school for the children of those -who were not Cossacks, _i.e._ a greater part of the inhabitants. When I -of necessity entered into the society of the place I felt myself in a -world entirely strange to me, and utterly uncongenial. It was hardly -possible for any, even intelligent, young man to escape being driven to -drinking or gambling in such an atmosphere. - -It is true that here I had the advantage of more freedom of movement -than in Kara, and that I could go further afield. During the two years -of my stay in Stretyensk I frequently made long excursions in different -directions; and on these expeditions I became more closely acquainted -with local conditions, and learned to understand the life of Siberia -much better than would be possible from any amount of mere reading up -the subject. - -In the spring of 1899, while travelling, I met with a comrade of my own -way of thinking, who had been exiled by “administrative methods.” It was -the first time I had met a Social Democrat newly come from Russia, and -my delight may be easily imagined. We talked nearly all through the -night, and I learned for the first time from him how great had been the -expansion of our movement among the working classes during the last ten -years, and how quickly the idea of Social Democracy had taken root in -Russia. I was especially impressed by his account of its development -among the Jewish workers in the western provinces. - -Under the influence of the feelings aroused by this intelligence, my -longing to return home sprang up with redoubled strength. This thought -had been kept in the background during the last few years; but now it -forced itself upon me with urgent insistence. What were the -possibilities of the case? This question was hard to answer with any -certainty. I had now been fourteen years in Siberia, and it was fifteen -years since my arrest in Freiburg; in accordance with the terms of the -last imperial manifesto, by which I was to benefit, I might go home -after another seven years,[114] and this term might conceivably be -further shortened by some fortunate concatenation of circumstances. Once -more to see European Russia, where I had not been as a free man for -twenty years, was the most fervent wish of my heart; yet what warrant -had I for supposing I should be still alive in another seven years? or -that, being alive, I should actually be granted the privilege of -returning to Russia? Life in Siberia became each year more irksome to -me. I found it well-nigh impossible to remain in Stretyensk, and I -determined to go further east, to the comparatively large town of -Blagovèstshensk. After exerting myself for some time to obtain -permission to do this, I at last succeeded, and in the autumn of 1899 I -quitted Stretyensk. - -Footnote 114: - - See note, p. 293.—_Trans._ - -I found myself much better off at Blagovèstshensk; I soon got employment -on one of the two local newspapers, and the work was far more -interesting than that to which I had hitherto been condemned. The -society here, also, was much more agreeable, for the town contained many -cultivated people, and also several comrades in our movement, political -exiles like myself. The town possessed schools, a public library, a -theatre, a telephone service—in short, so far as outward civilisation -went, Blagovèstshensk stood in no way behind European towns of the same -size, and was even in some ways more advanced. During the last few years -the place has attained an unenviable notoriety from the occurrences -there at the time of the war with China in 1900. I thus became an -involuntary witness of that terrible series of events of which the -Russian Government gave such a lying version to the world. In the -interests of truth I will here relate the particulars from my own -experience as an eye-witness of much that occurred.[115] - -First of all let me give some details about Blagovèstshensk. It is the -chief, and was formerly the only town in the Amur province, which covers -a considerably larger area than many a European state. Blagovèstshensk -is situated on the flat left bank of the Amur river, which for a long -distance forms the boundary between Russia and China; before the war it -contained 38,000 inhabitants. Most of the houses are of wood, and there -are no fortifications. - -Footnote 115: - - The remainder of this chapter appeared, with a few further details, in - _Die Neue Zeit_, February, 1902. Extracts from the article were quoted - at the time in many Continental and some English journals.—_Trans._ - -On the right bank of the river, exactly opposite the town, was the -Chinese village of Saghalien.[116] There was constant intercourse -between the dwellers on either bank, carried on in summer by means of -boats and junks, in winter over the ice; for the Chinese and Manchurians -were the chief purveyors of supplies to the inhabitants of -Blagovèstshensk, especially of meat and vegetables. Until the spring of -1900 relations between the two settlements had been uniformly peaceful; -but after the murder in Pekin of the German ambassador, von Ketteler, -and the decision of the Russian Government, on January 24th, to mobilise -the Siberian army, constraint and tension began to make themselves felt. -On the Chinese side of the river military exercises took place every -evening; the beating of the tattoo sounded, and the firing of cannon was -heard, which had never been known to happen before. To the inquiries of -the Russian authorities as to the meaning of all this, the Chinese -answered that a small detachment of soldiers had been quartered there -for the summer. This reply entirely satisfied the administrators of -Blagovèstshensk, but not the inhabitants; many of them opined that the -Chinese were not having gun-practice for nothing, and telescopes further -showed that earthworks were being constructed in the neighbourhood of -Saghalien. The representations of people who had observed this only -elicited from the Russian military governor of the Amur province—General -N. R. Gribsky—the assurance that these were trifles, and need disquiet -no one. - -Footnote 116: - - Not to be confused with the _island_ of Saghalien.—_Trans._ - -[Illustration: - - BLAGOVÈSTSHENSK - To face page 328 -] - -Meanwhile there were but few soldiers in Blagovèstshensk—two or three -regiments of infantry, a regiment of Cossacks, and a brigade of -artillery—and by order of the Governor-General Grodekov even these were -almost all withdrawn on July 11th and sent down the Amur to Habarovsk, -while only one company of soldiers, a hundred Cossacks, and two guns -(one of which proved later to be totally useless) were left behind in -the town. Besides these there were about two thousand reservists, who -had been called out in accordance with the mobilisation order; but in -view of the entire lack of arms and ammunition, these reservists were of -little use, and certainly could not count as any efficient protection to -the town. - -The departure of the military, for which many steamers and barges were -needed, took place with much ceremony, and was watched by an immense -crowd of people. This could not fail to be observed by the Chinese -inhabitants of Saghalien, who were thus made aware that the Russian town -was left almost defenceless. - -Further down the river, about thirty versts from Blagovèstshensk, is the -little Chinese town of Aigùn. When the Russian soldiery came to this -place on July 12th, the Chinese allowed the boats to pass without -hindrance until all but the last steamer had gone by, and then opened -fire upon this last boat, which contained the ammunition, forcing it to -return to Blagovèstshensk. The news of this attack spread through the -town on the evening of the next day, and aroused great uneasiness among -the inhabitants, even the administration at last becoming alarmed. By -order of General Gribsky, the military governor, a meeting of the Town -Council was called for the morning of the 14th, and this conference was -attended, not only by all the town councillors, but by many of the more -important residents, by various officials, directors of the bank, etc., -and I myself was present as the correspondent of a local paper. - -Colonel Orfenov spoke in the name of the military governor; and after he -had explained to the assembly how scanty were the means of defence -available to the military authorities, he proposed that he himself -should undertake the organisation of affairs. Though it had been known -that after the departure of the troops there could not be many soldiers -left in the town, nobody had supposed that their number was as small as -now appeared from Colonel Orfenov’s account. His frank statement made a -great impression on his audience, and alarmed them considerably. Many -turned pale or showed other signs of emotion, and the voices of the -councillors, whose speeches followed, trembled with excitement. After a -short discussion it was decided to call for volunteers. The town was at -once divided into military districts, and a chief with two assistants -appointed for each. Thereupon some members of the Council repaired to -the military governor to inform him of their decision and to consult -with him upon the situation. - -As I was afterwards informed by one of those who spoke then with General -Gribsky, he thanked the town’s representatives for their readiness to -undertake the duties of defence, and tried to quiet their apprehensions -of danger from the Chinese. When asked if he did not think it necessary -to take steps with regard to those Chinese who dwelt in great numbers in -Blagovèstshensk itself and its neighbourhood, he declared that in his -opinion any such special measures would be unnecessary and inadvisable, -as war had not been declared between Russia and China. The General -further informed the deputation that he had already been approached by -representatives of the Chinese in the town, with the question whether it -would not be better for Chinese subjects to withdraw betimes from -Russian territory. Whereupon (and this was his own account of the -matter) he had told the delegates to inform their compatriots that they -might remain where they were without anxiety, as they were on the soil -of the great Russian Empire, whose Government would never allow peaceful -foreigners to be molested. Finally, the governor stated to our -representatives that he himself, with the remaining detachment of -soldiers and the hundred Cossacks, would go on the following day to -Aigùn, in order to free that place from the Boxers, to occupy it, and so -to ensure free passage on the Amur for Russian vessels. This latter -plan, however, was never carried out; for the active hostility of the -Chinese towards the people of Blagovèstshensk manifested itself earlier -than anyone had expected. - -On that very same afternoon, when a great number of people of all -classes had assembled at the municipal buildings to enrol themselves as -volunteers, the noise of gunshots suddenly resounded from the Chinese -shore; and from the windows of the town-hall, where I was myself, we saw -people hurrying in crowds from the shore, crying, “The Chinese are -firing! the Chinese are attacking us!” - -The volunteers in the town-hall believed, when they heard these cries, -that the Chinese were attacking the utterly defenceless town, and an -indescribable panic ensued; some rushed into the street, others hurried -to the armoury of the hall (where, as everyone knew, some hundred old -guns were stored), crying, “Arms! give us arms!” The number of these -weapons was of course insufficient to arm all the volunteers, and many, -chiefly the poorer people, then rushed to the shops—which, as it was -Sunday, were closed—broke in, and possessed themselves by force of any -weapons they could lay their hands on. The entire community was overcome -with terror. Numbers of the inhabitants packed up their valuables and -fled from the town on foot or on horseback; or took refuge with friends -who lived at a greater distance from the river and in stone houses, -which could afford better protection from shot or shell. The idea that -the Chinese might crowd into the defenceless town, set it on fire, and -practise all manner of horrible cruelties on the inhabitants, drove many -people into a state of positive desperation. - -It would in truth have cost a disciplined army of small proportions but -little trouble to destroy Blagovèstshensk in a few hours, but luckily -for its citizens the Chinese were very bad marksmen; most of their -shells never reached the town, but fell into the Amur, or else they -failed to explode. Thanks to this there were only between fifteen and -twenty of the townspeople killed and wounded during the whole -bombardment. - -On the second day of the siege Blagovèstshensk presented a forlorn -appearance—shops closed; windows and doors fast shut; no horses and -hardly any foot-passengers in the streets, people who had ventured out -keeping close to the walls, and hurrying over the crossings for fear of -stray bullets; all business at a standstill. - -We had already organised a garrison of volunteers. All along the river -bank, for a distance of several versts, shelters were dug out hastily -and by night, in which volunteers of all ages and classes were posted to -observe the Chinese on the opposite shore and so render a surprise -almost impossible. Many people, however, saw danger in quite another -direction, namely, from the Chinese quarter of the town itself. Here -dwelt Chinese and Manchurians in considerable numbers—merchants, -tradesmen, day-labourers—whose work had been most useful to the whole -community. Industrious in the extreme, and modest in their requirements, -these Chinese subjects had never given the smallest cause for complaint; -honesty and conscientiousness were their leading attributes, and in many -shops and commercial houses, and also in private dwellings, entire trust -was reposed in them as employees. By many Russian families with whom the -young Chinese were in domestic service they were looked on as friends; -often they were taught the Russian language, which they would study with -the greatest diligence. But by the lower and less cultivated classes of -the Russian population the Chinese had never been regarded with favour; -they were looked upon as foreigners who obstinately refused to -amalgamate with the Russians, for the Chinese never, with the rarest -exceptions, alter their customs or their outlook on life. The workmen -saw in them dangerous competitors, for it is well known that before the -Chinese came to the Amur wages were higher, (though, on the other hand, -after the war, when cheap Chinese labour disappeared, many articles that -had been within the means of the poorer classes became prohibitively -dear). - -From these causes, and also from sheer brutality—for coarse and cruel -elements are to be found in every nation—it happened that even in -peaceful times the Chinese were often maltreated by Russians when they -met in the streets, hustled or knocked about, or their pigtails pulled. -Some more flagrant instances of oppression of the humble, timid Chinaman -even found their way into the columns of the local press; and there were -further instances of this sort after the mobilisation order, when -numbers of reservists, called in from their employments in the country -districts, filled the streets, and would often (especially when drunk) -fall on any Chinese they encountered, beat them unmercifully, and call -after them, “It’s your fault, you dogs, that we’re taken from our work -and our families and sent to our deaths!” In the eyes of the ordinary -European the Chinese were not human beings, but “cattle,” “beasts”; and -the state of things engendered by this feeling had caused the military -governor to issue a proclamation, threatening with punishment those who -molested peaceful Chinese subjects. - -Trusting in the assurances of the highest local authority, the Chinese -and Manchurians of Blagovèstshensk and its environs, to the number of -several thousand souls, had remained on the spot. They were soon -bitterly to rue having done so. Even on the 14th of July, when firing -from the Chinese shore was in progress, and the frightened crowd was in -panic-stricken flight, one could see how as they ran they would turn -upon and maltreat any unlucky Chinaman who happened to be in the way. -Chinese and Manchurians fled through the town in a most pitiable -condition, seeking some safe corner in which to hide; and on the evening -of the same day cases were reported of their being murdered in the open -street. Persons whose word could be trusted asserted that the police -officials themselves had advised citizens to kill any Chinese abroad in -the town that evening; for many feared that those on Russian territory -might come to the assistance of their compatriots by setting fire to the -town. It was also supposed that there might be supporters of the Boxers -in the town, and to this fear had been due the first suggestions of its -being advisable to take measures with regard to the native population. -The more temperate and reflecting thought it would be sufficient if -those Chinese for whom Russian citizens would be surety—and of these -there would be many—were left to the care of their European protectors, -and if the rest were assembled together in one place and put under -proper supervision. But it turned out that the local authorities were of -a different opinion. - -On the second day after the commencement of the bombardment Cossacks -both mounted and on foot might be seen, together with police, going -round to every house and inquiring whether there were any Chinese -inmates. If asked what was wanted with them, they replied that all -Chinese in the town were to be brought together and placed under the -charge of the police. Suspecting that nothing good was intended, many -people sought to conceal the Chinese who were with them, hiding them in -cellars and attics; but often the neighbours informed the police of -this, and then the Cossacks would insist, with threats and even with -drawn swords, on their being delivered up. This process of arresting the -Chinese lasted over several days. - -I can hardly describe the consternation of these unhappy people when -told they must go to the police office. Hastily collecting their -belongings, they followed the Cossacks with faces of unspeakable dismay; -and when taking leave of their European friends they gave them their -money and goods to take care of, in many cases begging them to discharge -some debt, or even giving them the free disposition of their -effects—perhaps houses and shops full of valuable property. Foreseeing -their tragic fate, many asked on the way, “Will they behead us?” - -They were not mistaken in their fears. Murder in cold blood awaited -them; and only during the Middle Ages, at the time of the Inquisition -and the persecution of heretics, Jews, and Moors in Spain, have such -inhuman proceedings as now followed been equalled. - -Some versts above Blagovèstshensk, on the left bank of the Amur, there -is a Cossack settlement. Thither before sunrise several thousand -Chinese, among them old men, cripples, invalids, women, and children, -were driven by the Cossacks and police. Those who for sickness or -fatigue could not get so far were stabbed on the road by the Cossacks. -One man, a representative of the great Chinese firm Li-Wa-Chan, refused -to proceed, demanding to be taken to the governor, who had promised the -Chinese delegates safety for all who remained on Russian soil; but for -answer the Cossacks killed him then and there. The deputy-_prìstav_, -Shabanov, was present, and uttered no word of protest against this -iniquitous deed. - -When the miserable Chinese had been driven down to the shore of the -Amur, they were commanded _to go into the water_. Means there were none -for reaching the opposite Chinese shore; the river at this point is more -than half a verst (about one-third of a mile) in width, and flows with a -strong current. One can picture what terror seized on the poor creatures -at the water’s edge. Falling on their knees, with hands raised to -heaven, or even crossing themselves, they implored to be spared such a -death. Many vowed to become Christians and to be naturalised as Russian -subjects. But the only response vouchsafed to their prayers by the -merciless fulfillers of official orders were bayonet-thrusts, and blows -with the butt-end of rifles or with swords, to drive them into the -river-depths; any who still continued to resist were simply murdered on -the spot. - -Persons who by chance were eye-witnesses of this wholesale drowning and -massacring, which proceeded on several successive days before the rising -of the sun, tell of frightful and heartrending scenes. One Manchurian -family that was driven into the water consisted of father, mother, and -two little children. The parents each took a child, and tried to swim -across the Amur, but all were soon sucked down by the current. In -another family there was one child; the mother besought the murderers -and the bystanders at least to take the little one and spare its life, -but no one would do so. She then left it on the bank and herself entered -the water, but after a few steps returned, seized her child, and -carrying it went back into the river, then again returned and laid down -her precious burden. Here the Cossacks intervened to end her -vacillations, stabbing both parent and child. The tortures of this -wretched mother and of all the victims thus driven to their death can be -imagined by everyone not dead to all human feeling. Even the -above-mentioned police officer, Shabanov, declared that he could not -remain to the end of this scene of horror. - -[Illustration: - - ON THE AMUR NEAR BLAGOVESTSHENSK—THE SCENE OF THE MASSACRE - To face page 336 -] - -But very few of that immense multitude, and those only the strongest -swimmers, succeeded in getting anywhere near the Chinese shore; yet even -of these but a small number survived. When the Cossacks saw that they -were likely to save themselves they sent a few well-planted shots after -them; and Chinese marksmen, too, posted in trenches on the opposite -side, fired on the swimmers—either because they took them for Russians, -or because they considered as enemies all Chinese who had remained in a -Russian province after, as was asserted, a proposal had been made to -them that they should return to their homes long before the beginning of -hostilities. - -When, on July 17th, great numbers of corpses became visible floating -down the Amur it was clear to everyone in Blagovèstshensk that these -peaceful unarmed Chinese inhabitants of the town, whom the governor -himself had advised not to return to China, but to trust in his promise -of protection, had been done to death. Scarcely two days after the -guarantee had been given, General Gribsky had faithlessly broken his -word, by giving the verbal order to “_send back the Chinese subjects to -China_.” - -Indignation and horror filled the minds of all right-thinking people -when they learned in what manner that order had been carried out. The -dreadful story was told with tears and shuddering; many longed to -protest, and express their burning wrath at the barbarous treatment of -the poor harmless Chinese workpeople, but how was that possible in -Russia? Besides, on the 17th itself, Blagovèstshensk and the entire -province of the Amur had been put under martial law; consequently anyone -who dared to protest would have been instantly dragged before a -court-martial. Some of those who compassionated the Chinese tried at -least to prevent the continuance of the reign of terror. A few instances -occurred where people who had managed to conceal Chinese servants or -guests in their houses, went to the local authorities with urgent -petitions that they might be allowed to offer personal surety for these -survivors of the massacre; and some who had exceptional influence -succeeded in saving one or two. But such cases were rare, and nearly all -who were preserved in this way had to remain in custody of the police -throughout the siege. - -The rich young merchant Yun-Tcha-San (a man with a European education, -speaking both Russian and French) succeeded in escaping in this manner, -by heavily bribing the officials; but he is reported to have said that -had he known what frightful humiliations he would be subjected to, he -would rather have perished in the river. - -A lady well known in the town, Madame Makeyeva, went to the governor, -with whom she was personally acquainted, to beg that her young Chinese -servant, who had been five years in her house, might remain with her. -This servant had been of the greatest value to the family; if anyone -were ill he nursed and tended them, watching by their bedside day and -night. But when General Gribsky found that it was for a Chinese Madame -Makeyeva was entreating, he cried, “A Chinaman!” and drawing his hand -across his throat, added, “That’s how we shall treat them all.” And when -Madame Makeyeva persisted in her entreaties, explaining further that the -man in question had long wished to become a Christian, the governor -merely answered, “I do not issue orders for either the imprisonment or -the release of these people, it has nothing to do with me”; following up -this with the declaration of his intention (which he subsequently -carried out) to lay the whole blame of the drowning and slaughtering on -the shoulders of his subordinates, Batarèvitch, prefect of police, and -Captain Volkovinsky. - -The same lady had a similar reception from the highest spiritual -authority of the place, the Bishop of the Orthodox Church. When Madame -Makeyeva begged him on her knees to baptise her Chinese servant, this -apostle of Christian love told her drily that she should not intercede -for Chinamen, that it was not right to have them about one; finally -recommending her to go to the civil authorities, whose business it was. -The worldly power sent her to the spiritual, and the latter back to the -former; but after much difficulty she actually succeeded in gaining her -end. Few were so persevering in their efforts as she; I only found a -very few instances of Chinese being successfully interceded for by their -Russian employers, although I made very careful and exhaustive inquiries -on the subject. The Chinese and Manchurians of the native quarter found -no such advocates, and they were all drowned or otherwise murdered -without exception. - -Apologists for the massacre were found even among people of culture, who -argued that even had there not been the danger that the Chinese would -set the town on fire, we were not called on to strengthen our enemies by -sending their compatriots to reinforce them, or to waste our own -provisions by keeping them under guard and so having to feed them. As to -the former excuse, the natives could have been rendered perfectly -harmless by being massed together in one place; and as for the latter, -the Chinese had ample provision for their extremely modest needs in -their own shops, which after their death were plundered by Cossacks, -police, and others. - -In the attempt to justify their brutal action a false report was spread -by the police that arms, gunpowder, and even dynamite were found in the -Chinese shops and houses; and though this was never confirmed in any -way, many persons were only too ready to believe it. As a matter of -fact, the possibilities of loot, as well as the repudiation of debts -owed to Chinese creditors, played a large part in causing both the -massacre and the justifying of it. When the Chinese were arrested the -Cossacks and police took their money and ransacked their dwellings; and -not only the lower but the higher officials enriched themselves -considerably by this means, the booty that this or that police officer -or member of the local administration had obtained for his share being -discussed quite openly. Many debtors of the Chinese profited by the -terrible end of their unfortunate creditors, as it is not customary for -Chinese business men to keep written memoranda; their methods are based -upon personal trust, and their own honesty is proverbial. If in any -instances such memoranda did exist, care was taken that they should -disappear, in case any claim should afterwards be made by heirs possibly -existing in China; while on the other hand Russian creditors of the -Chinese repaid themselves a hundredfold, with the connivance of the -police. It would take too long to relate all the examples of the -wholesale looting that was carried on by “respectable” merchants and -others; but one or two typical instances may be recorded. - -A rich landowner, proprietor of a large steam-mill, Buyanov by name, of -whom some Chinese had hired a warehouse for their goods, when the owners -of the property stored there had been drowned, put up a wooden hoarding -between the warehouse and the next house to it, in order that he might -possess himself of the dead men’s property unobserved by inquisitive -eyes. Another man of property, also named Buyanov, and a cousin of the -above, made a subterranean passage from his own dwelling to the shop of -a Chinaman who had lived with him, and conveyed the property of the -deceased to his own premises. And a tradesman named Prikastshikov simply -had the wares of a Chinaman who had hired a shop from him carried on -waggons through by-streets to his own shop in a different part of the -town, having made use of a duplicate key which was in his possession. -These two last cases came before the courts in Blagovèstshensk, and the -perpetrators of the thefts were punished; but the great majority of -these instances of plunder were never revealed, chiefly because the -police and the authorities were themselves interested in shielding the -guilty. After the drowning of the Chinese it was decided that the police -should take charge of their property till legal heirship should be -established, and this proved a source of much profit to the police -officials, as may be guessed when the character of our police is taken -into account, together with the fact that in the Chinese quarter were -some hundreds of shops and warehouses containing valuables worth many -millions. After the war the police authorities in a few cases -surrendered property (for a substantial consideration, of course, -sometimes amounting nearly to the value of the goods themselves,) to -Chinese who proved themselves to be the owners, having fortunately -survived, or their legitimate representatives; but it depended entirely -upon the ransom offered whether the police would recognise or reject -such claims, not upon any legal formalities. The calm way in which high -officials appropriated property left in their charge was exemplified by -the case of the deputy-_prìstav_ Shabanov, surprised by a gentleman, (a -justice of the peace who had been appointed guardian of a Chinese -property,) as he was in the act of removing several cartloads of the -goods in question from the place where they were stored. Although this -aroused considerable comment, and even came before the courts, the trial -was without result, and Shabanov was not even removed from his position -as deputy-_prìstav_. - - * * * * * - -During several successive days the bodies of the murdered Chinese went -floating down the Amur in such masses as made counting them difficult, -and covering a considerable expanse of the river. Yet at first no -mention was made of this in the two local newspapers, nor was there any -allusion to the fate of the Chinese inhabitants of the town. Only on the -fourth or fifth day after the holocaust did an article appear in _The -Amur Province_, expressing indignation at the cruel and gruesome affair. -This article was copied in Petersburg journals, and thus the civilised -world for the first time learned how these thousands of helpless people -had been done to death. The other organ of Blagovèstshensk, _The Amur -Gazette_, confined itself to the meagre announcement that “the Chinese -residing on Russian territory had been sent away, a suggestion having -been made to them that they should cross to the other side of the -river.” Grodekov, the governor-general of the province, informed the -authorities in Petersburg that “the Chinese throw their dead and wounded -into the river, and forty such corpses have been counted.” Thus is -history written! - -With much the same amount of veracity various officials sent reports of -the hostilities between the Russians and the Chinese. They told of -battles that had never taken place, of countless Chinese hosts, which -they pretended had been annihilated, when in reality only women and -children had been seen, and so forth. In the Amur province, for example, -much amusement was caused by the report sent from Colonel Kanonovitch -stating that in the so-called “Pyàtaia Pad” he had overcome an immense -army of Chinese, for which exploit he received a decoration. It soon -transpired that in the place mentioned Kanonovitch had only encountered -two Japanese women! - -But to return to Blagovèstshensk. There is no doubt that the drowning of -the Chinese took place not only with the foreknowledge, but by the -express order—though possibly only verbal—of General Gribsky, military -governor of the town. To avert suspicion of the fact, however, and in -order to have a justification of himself ready if need should arise, he -issued a proclamation some days after the massacre, saying that “reports -had reached” him “of the rough handling and even murder of unarmed -Chinese in and about the town.” “These crimes,” he proceeded, “have been -committed by inhabitants of the town, peasants of the villages around, -or Cossacks; and although these deeds were provoked by the treachery of -the Chinese, who had first commenced hostilities against the Russians, -any further instances of violence towards unarmed persons will be -punished severely.” But, together with this proclamation, after the -taking of Saghalien by the Russians, General Gribsky issued another, in -which—as head of the Cossack forces—he ordered the Cossacks to go across -to the Chinese shore and there “annihilate all the Chinese bands.” In -other words, he told the Cossacks to massacre the helpless Chinese who -were left in the place after the flight of the troops; for when once -Saghalien had fallen, no _armed_ bands were left on the right bank of -the Amur. - -General Gribsky carried his hypocrisy so far as to appoint a commission -to inquire into “the cases of violence towards peaceful Chinese.” But as -this commission would have had to report that the drowning and murder of -peaceful Chinese had been carried out under his own instructions, -naturally its findings could not be published. So, after the lapse of -several months, General Gribsky declared that from the report made to -him by the commission it was evident that the cause of the unfortunate -events which had occurred had been a want of unity among the officials -to whom he had entrusted the arrangement of affairs. This declaration -repeats almost word for word the pronouncement of the present Tsar, -Nicholas II., after the death of thousands on the plain of Hodinsky at -the time of his coronation; the cause of which the Tsar also found to -have been a lack of unity in the arrangements. General Gribsky evidently -wished to suggest that if on an occasion of holiday-making, wholesale -deaths had occurred in this way, nobody could really be held responsible -for the killing of Chinese during the bombardment of Blagovèstshensk. -And nobody was ever brought to book; General Gribsky and all his -subordinates remained on at Blagovèstshensk in their divers positions. - -It came to light eventually that various authorities throughout the -province had sent direct written instructions to put the Chinese to -death; and that killing the unfortunate people singly and wholesale had -been carried out in many villages by the peasants, and in Cossack -settlements by the Cossacks. Several officials won notoriety by their -instructions to their subordinates on this head—Volkovinsky (the colonel -of Cossacks), Captain Tusslukov, and the _stanovoi prìstav_ (commissary -of rural police) Volkov, among others. - -Obedient to the will of their superiors, the Russian peasants and -Cossacks armed themselves as they could, and began the work of -destruction. I cannot undertake to describe what went on in the -Manchurian territory on the Seya—a strip of land not far from -Blagovèstshensk, the inhabitants of which, though living on Russian -soil, were Chinese subjects and (by a diplomatic arrangement) paid taxes -to China. Enough to say that altogether sixty-eight villages were burnt -to the ground, that of their inhabitants, some were drowned, some -barbarously murdered, that property was looted, and cattle were driven -off by the Russians. In perpetrating these and other brutalities—either -on their own initiative or following out instructions—our peasants -thoroughly believed that they were fulfilling their duty as loyal -subjects. “That is how we ought to serve our Tsar and country,” one -stalwart hero concluded his narrative. Persons who in time of peace were -merciful even to dumb animals were changed by those days of horror into -stark barbarians. Here is an example: In one Russian village an old -Chinaman had lived for years in the service of a shepherd, and all the -peasants were most friendly with him. The report reached them that “all -Chinese must be killed.” They therefore called a village council and -consulted as to what should be done with the one Chinaman in the place; -and although everyone agreed that he was a good and honest old man, it -was decided that he must be put to death. When the people with whom he -lived broke the news to him he humbly submitted to the decree, only -begging that they would accompany him to the place where he was to die. - -“I am a lonely old man,” he said. “I have neither kith nor kin. Do you -replace my family and go with me to the grave, as is the custom of my -people.” - -The shepherd and his wife acceded to his request, and went with him to -the outskirts of the village, where the peasants then slew the -unresisting old man. - -After a fortnight or so of these massacres, when the thirst for blood -began to be appeased, and the authorities ceased to spur the people on -to deeds of violence, they began to collect together and bring into the -town the few Chinese who remained alive, half-dead with hunger and mad -with terror. These poor wretches, scarcely able to move for exhaustion, -and those of the Chinese townspeople who for one reason or another had -been allowed to survive—some few dozen persons—were all that remained of -the many thousand Chinese who had dwelt in Blagovèstshensk and the -neighbourhood. - -It was not difficult to foresee what character the war would assume when -our soldiers and Cossacks passed over into Chinese territory. Scarcely -had they crossed the Amur on August 3rd and taken possession of -Saghalien (from which place the inhabitants had fled betimes to the -interior of the country), when they set everything on fire. During the -two following nights the flames illuminated the river for a long -distance; and in place of a prosperous community which supplied -Blagovèstshenk with foodstuffs at very moderate rates, nothing was to be -seen on the Chinese bank but blackened posts and crumbling ruins. - -The entry of our army into Manchuria was not merely signalised by -flaming dwellings; nothing and nobody was spared. Women, children, and -the aged were pitilessly slaughtered, young girls violated and then -slain. Such were the deeds of our “heroes,” as General Grodekov in his -despatches called these warriors, for whose “brave deeds” he “could not -find words to express his admiration”! But even some of his officers -themselves told with a shudder of the bloodthirsty instincts developed -by these “heroes” in a war against unarmed men, women, and children on -Chinese soil. A rich and thickly-populated land was reduced in a few -months to a barren desert, where charred ruins were visible here and -there, and corpses were left to the wolves and vultures. - -When indignation is expressed at these atrocities it is customary to -meet with the excuse, “Read the accounts of the cruelties practised by -Germans, French, and English in China. If more civilised races behave -so, what can be expected from us less cultivated Russians?” It is hard -to answer this. The white races did indeed prove during that terrible -war with “barbaric China,” as they contemptuously say, the full worth of -their boasted civilisation. On the threshold of the twentieth century -average Europeans showed themselves scarcely less barbarous than the -hordes of Tamerlane and Tchengis-Khan. - -All this shocking achievement of Russian officialdom, either directly or -indirectly authorised, of course went unpunished. But no! I must let the -exact truth have its way. General Gribsky held a judicial inquiry into -the conduct of his subordinates (who had carried out his own orders), -and the Russian newspapers shortly afterwards informed their readers -that “the chief of police in Blagovèstshensk had been sentenced to three -months’ imprisonment”—for the drowning, shooting, or stabbing of from -ten to fifteen thousand helpless and inoffensive Chinese! - - - - - CHAPTER XXXIV - MY FLIGHT FROM SIBERIA—THE END OF MY JOURNEY ROUND THE WORLD—MY FRIEND - AXELROD AGAIN—CONCLUSION - - -The terrible events that had happened in the town, and the death of our -unhappy fellow-citizens, could not but leave an indelible impression on -many people’s minds, my own included. Blagovèstshensk had become so -detestable to us that many left the place as soon as things were quiet -again. Unfortunately I could not follow their example at once; but I -determined on the first opportunity to transfer myself to the Far East, -in which I had long been interested. I intended to settle in the busy -commercial town of Vladivostock, and there patiently await the time when -I might be free to return home. Before that time could arrive five or -six years had still to pass; but the nearer the time came, the more -irrepressible grew the desire to quit Siberia, and the thought of flight -recurred again and again. Nevertheless doubts also arose whether it were -worth while to jeopardise the freedom, however limited, that I had won -by my sixteen years of prison and exile. If my attempt failed, I should -have rendered myself liable to all the rigour of the law; and I was no -longer of an age to bear suffering and privations as in youth, for I was -now well past my fortieth year. - -Thus did I hesitate backward and forward until the spring of 1901, when -various personal reasons made me come to a definite decision, which -resulted in my burning the bridge behind me, as the saying goes. I -resolved to escape as soon as the Amur was open for travelling again. - -Circumstances favoured my project; a kind friend who had a large -connection throughout the country promised his aid, and the following -plan seemed the easiest of execution. I was to leave Blagovèstshensk -unobserved, going first to Habarovsk and thence to Vladivostock, where I -must take my passage on a foreign vessel bound for Japan; and this I -succeeded in carrying through, with the help of the friend above -mentioned. - -It need hardly be said that I cannot give all the details of my flight -from Siberia, where I was under strict police supervision; for I must -not compromise those who assisted me. As I went on board the steamboat -that was leaving for Habarovsk, (of course, taking no luggage with me,) -there suddenly appeared the deputy-_prìstav_ to whose district I -belonged. Of course, at the first moment I thought my plans had been -discovered, and I was not a little alarmed; but I was soon satisfied -that the official had merely come to take leave of some friends who were -travelling by the same boat. It evidently never entered his head that I -was taking my departure from Blagovèstshensk under the very nose of the -police; I suppose he thought that, like himself, I had come to say -farewell to some friend, (which was quite permissible,) and I managed -that he should lose sight of me, so that he might imagine I had gone -home. - -I found there were people of my acquaintance on board who belonged to -the place; but they apparently never once thought that I was leaving -Siberia for good; and in conversation with them I let it appear that I -was travelling on some official commission. Our boat was a tug, and -therefore went very slowly; it stopped at every village on the way, and -took five days to reach Habarovsk. Here came my most perilous moment, as -on leaving the steamer everyone had to show their passes, and of course -I had none. I avoided this difficulty by staying on the boat for the -night; and next morning I betook myself to the house of a friend, who -came on board and fetched me. I spent the day with him, and we devoted -it to seeing the town. - -I had every intention of seeing as much as possible, during my journey -eastwards, of this country—hitherto unknown to me—which was developing -with such extraordinary rapidity, especially since the construction of -the railway by the Ussur. Villages were springing up like mushrooms, and -soon became towns of a considerable size. Habarovsk itself had developed -from the insignificant hamlet of Habàrovka into an important town which -is now the residence of the Governor-General of the Amur province. It is -situated at the junction of the Amur with the Ussur, and stands in a -most picturesque position on a steep and lofty cliff around whose base -flow the two mighty rivers. But this chief town of a vast and fertile -country is itself like nothing but a great barrack; nearly all the -houses have the appearance of official buildings, and one meets soldiers -in the streets at every turn. As in most Russian towns, there is no look -of comfort; the streets are unpaved and very dusty, and are dimly -lighted at night by oil lamps standing at a respectful distance from -each other. I found the town museum, however, by no means ill-equipped. - -Faithful to my intention of learning all I could about the country, I -gladly accepted the invitation of a friend, near whose place of abode I -must pass, and went to visit him at Nikolsk-Ussurìsk. This place had -only within the year attained to the dignity of being called a town, -and, like many others in the province, it swarmed with soldiers; which -was explained by the fact that the slaughtering of Chinese was not yet -entirely at an end, and, as was supposed, preparations were also being -made for war with Japan. As the district lies in close proximity to -China, Korea, and Japan, and is the probable theatre of future warlike -operations, the Russian Government is apparently taking its measures in -good time, and by drafting in large numbers of soldiers is converting -the province into a sort of military camp. - -After a stay of four-and-twenty hours at Nikolsk-Ussurìsk I went on to -Vladivostock, a very pretty seaport of some thirty thousand inhabitants, -for which—not without good grounds—a brilliant future is prophesied. Its -situation is charming, and in its public arrangements it is already far -in advance, not only of most Siberian towns, but also of many in -European Russia. Here I stayed three days before I could arrange for my -passage on a foreign vessel, but at length all was ready, and my last -night in Siberia arrived. I slept but little. The thought that next -morning I was to bid farewell to all that time had made so familiar to -me mingled with my fears for the successful achievement of my escape. So -often in my life had some small chance cruelly frustrated all my plans -that I naturally trembled now for the result of the present adventure. I -had no desire to find myself suddenly bound for the icy regions of -Yakutsk instead of for the lands of freedom, and I prepared beforehand -for every possibility. - -All went well, however, and next morning I boarded a ship that was going -to Japan. Yet, when the boat weighed anchor and danger no longer -threatened me, a strange feeling of sadness came over me, as though I -were parting, not from the land of prison and exile, but from a dear -home. Thus can custom attach a man even to chains and bondage. But I -felt that it was not only from use and wont that I was parting; I was -not merely leaving Siberia, but Russia—and perhaps for ever. - - * * * * * - -It was a dismal day, the sky was covered with heavy clouds, and rain -flowed in torrents. Our steamer rolled violently, and many of the -passengers were seasick; but, though I had hardly ever been on the sea -before, I remained immune, and rejoiced thereat, as I had another long -voyage before me. We soon began to skirt the coast of the Korean -peninsula, and entered two harbours, those of Gensan and Fusan, -remaining four-and-twenty hours in each. I went on shore with some other -passengers to see the towns, which in many respects resemble those of -Japan—the same style of building, the same apparent superfluity of shops -and booths. The Japanese appear to be the ruling spirits there, and the -efforts of Russia to oust them do not seem likely to be crowned with -success; nor in my opinion are they justified, for Japan has every right -to exercise her civilising influence on Korea. - -I also visited a Korean village in the neighbourhood of Gensan, and was -astonished at its primitive character. It consisted of one very narrow -street bordered by straw-thatched wooden huts, which had neither windows -nor doors, the latter being replaced by loose boards. The whole -population evidently lived principally in the street, carrying on all -occupations there—cooking, eating, and so forth. - -Five days after our departure from Vladivostock the steamer dropped -anchor in the harbour of Nagasaki. As soon as the health regulations had -been complied with I got into one of the little boats that had crowded -alongside and went to an hotel close to the sea. Compared with Russian -inns it seemed to me cheap, clean, and comfortable; and the Japanese -servants spoke a little broken Russian. - -In Nagasaki I had to decide how I would pursue my journey. I might go by -the Suez Canal to one of the ports of Western Europe, and that was the -shortest and cheapest route; but I had a great wish to see something of -North America while the opportunity offered, and thus to complete the -journey round the world that had been begun so much against my will. I -inquired about the next boat for San Francisco, and found it would not -leave for nine or ten days, but I resolved to employ the interval in -seeing the neighbourhood. - -Nagasaki is a rather large town of over one hundred thousand -inhabitants, and lies scattered picturesquely over the hills that -surround a fine bay. Most of the streets, especially in the Japanese -quarter, are too narrow for horse traffic to be possible through them; -horses are, therefore, replaced by men, who with their little -two-wheeled carriages (_jinrikisha_) play the part of cab horses, and -are called _kurnei_. There are so many of them that they literally stand -before every house, and crowd in front of the hotels and big shops. They -surround any stranger in the street, bidding against each other for his -custom, and each trying to win his favour, chattering in broken Russian -or English. For the modest sum of ten _sen_ (about 2½_d._) the course, -or twenty _sen_ the hour, the _kurnei_ will take his “fare ” with -marvellous swiftness up hill and down dale; and it not seldom happens -that though the perspiration may be streaming from the brow of the -_kurnei_, the “civilised” European in his little carriage may be seen -laying a stick or an umbrella across his shoulders to urge him onward. -The poor fellow who thus turns himself into a beast of burden must give -almost half of his hardly earned day’s wage to the proprietor of the -_jinrikisha_, and must also pay something to the State for the licence -authorising him to support himself in this laborious way. His living, -however, is cheap enough, his food consisting of rice and an inferior -kind of fish. - -Most of the houses in Nagasaki are two-storied wooden buildings, the -ground-floor being used as a shop, inn, or workshop. It was a puzzle to -me where all these innumerable shops could find customers, and how they -managed to exist. In my rambles I often saw a whole row of shops without -a single purchaser, and if one entered he was instantly surrounded as -though a customer were the rarest of guests. - -The houses in the Japanese quarter are built in a wonderfully light and -airy fashion, as if just run up hastily for summer quarters. Throughout -the town there reigns the most perfect order; the streets are -excellently paved, and the portion before each house is kept clean and -watered by the occupier. There is never the least dust, and the air is -singularly mild and pure. One feels how each breath dilates and -strengthens the lungs, and it is not to be wondered at that many -Russians and English use Nagasaki as a health-resort. - -The European quarter, along the quay, is full of hotels and restaurants, -banks, and other houses of business. Here the streets are somewhat -wider, and the houses more solidly built, with the lower stories of -brick, while many of them have verandas and front gardens. Life in -Nagasaki is wonderfully cheap, but it is also a trifle monotonous, -particularly for a stranger not conversant with the language. There is -little in the way of “sights”—two or three temples of Buddha, with -gigantic pictures of Sakia-Mouni, a commercial institute with samples of -native goods, and the well-known tea-houses; that is all the visitor is -invited to inspect. But the neighbourhood is extremely beautiful, and at -every step one is forced to admire the industry of the Japanese, who -leave no inch of soil untilled; except the very tops of the rocky hills, -all is carefully cultivated. And yet, notwithstanding this heavy labour -that the Japanese expends upon his land, his existence seems to have -something of the ethereal and fairylike; and many things in his -wonderful country contribute to produce an impression of unreality, as -if they were happening not in actual life, but on the screen of a -cinematograph. - -The “progress” that Japan has made during the latter half of the -nineteenth century is doubtless very striking; but it seems to me -overestimated by many Europeans and also by the Japanese themselves. -Only a very small part of the population has been affected by Western -civilisation—a thin layer of the upper classes in the coast towns. The -rest of the people are scarcely touched by it; not only beliefs and -customs, but the whole mode of living remains the same, both in town and -country, as it has been from time immemorial. The primitive nature of -the Japanese character reveals itself in the transparent honesty -everywhere prevalent. No house or shop is shut up for the night; nobody -touches what does not belong to him; and lost property when found is -immediately restored to the owner. But in the seaports where European -culture already makes its influence felt, it may be feared that the -Japanese will soon adopt new ideas of “honour.” - -I left Nagasaki on board the huge Pacific steamer _China_, belonging to -an American company. The two days that the boat stopped at Yokohama I -spent in visiting that town and the capital Tokio, which is reached in -about twenty minutes by rail; but there is no need to give my -superficial impressions of such well-known places. - -During the first five days of the voyage I could talk with none of my -fellow-passengers, as I spoke no English, and I found this very -wearisome; but at Yokohama we were joined by a Frenchman, a German, and -a Japanese who spoke a little German, and we four formed an interesting -little international society, the members of which still keep in touch -with one another. - -On the sixteenth day we reached Honolulu, where our boat was to wait -four-and-twenty hours. I had already heard when I was in Blagovèstshensk -that a good friend of mine, Dr. N. Russel, was living on one of the -Hawaiian islands; so I determined to find out whether he was in -Honolulu, and if so to pay him a visit during the boat’s stay here. With -the help of my French travelling-companion I managed to find out, though -only towards evening, that my friend lived on the island of Hawaii, but -that he happened just then to be in Honolulu. However, as when I found -the house where he was staying he was not at home, I left a note telling -him that an old comrade of his, who was travelling from Siberia to -Western Europe, would like to see him, begging him to come on board the -_China_ next morning and to ask for “the Russian.” I purposely signed my -name very indistinctly, for I wanted to see if he would recognise me, as -it was fully twenty years since we had met. - -While I was on deck next day I saw a grey-haired gentleman in a white -coat come on board. I went towards him at once, (though he bore no -resemblance to my comrade of old days,) and when I found that he was -seeking “the Russian” I called him by his name, and asked if he knew who -I was. He looked at me for some time, but could not recognise me, so -much had I altered since we had been together; and at last I had to tell -him my name. - -“Deutsch! is it you? How did you come here?” he cried, as he embraced -me. I told him in a few words the story of my escape, and that I was on -my way to Europe. - -“And you’re going on this very day? No, we can’t allow that! You must -stay with me. We’ll stay here for a day or two, and then you must come -back to the farm with me!” - -His invitation was so cordial that I should have accepted it immediately -could I have afforded to forfeit the value of my ticket from Honolulu to -San Francisco, about fifty dollars; but when Dr. Russel understood my -difficulty he cried— - -“Nonsense! That shan’t prevent you. If you lose your money I shall pay -the difference myself.” And after some discussion I yielded to his -insistence, and went on shore with him. - -I found that Dr. Russel was not only practising as a physician in -Hawaii, but that he was a member of the Senate, and was at present in -Honolulu to attend the session of that legislative body; consequently I -remained there for several days, and had full time to admire the lovely -town. I then went back with my friend to the island of Hawaii, where his -wife awaited us, and there spent a month; during which time I learned -from the Russels and their friends, and also from books, a great deal -about both the present and past history of these wonderful islands. The -lives of the natives exhibit much that is curious, and also much that is -tragic; but I must not dilate on all that I saw. I will only mention the -fact that the Hawaiians are dying out with almost inconceivable -rapidity. Of the strong, healthy race, who when Cook discovered the -islands numbered four hundred thousand souls, after the lapse of not -quite a hundred years only about twenty thousand are left, and this -remnant afflicted with various diseases that were unknown previous to -the arrival of Europeans. - -My stay with the Russels gave me much pleasure; we made expeditions to -various parts of the island, to see the volcano Kilauea, the sugar -plantations, the native villages, and so on; and we were never tired of -congratulating ourselves on the turn of fortune that had brought us -together on this island of the Pacific. At last, towards the end of -July, after a delightful visit, I set out on my travels once more, this -time in a sailing-ship. We were twenty-six days on the journey to San -Francisco; though the weather was generally fine, I became heartily -tired of the voyage, and was very glad when on the evening of August -25th we arrived in the harbour of San Francisco. Dr. Russel had given me -introductions to friends of his, and with their help I made myself at -home in the Californian capital. After ten days’ rest there I went on to -Chicago, and so to New York. - -In Chicago I was received, through a letter of introduction, by two -Polish Socialists, immigrants who were living there. They welcomed me -very kindly, but unfortunately my ticket did not allow of my remaining -with them more than two days. President McKinley had been assassinated -on the very day before my arrival in Chicago; people had quite lost -their heads, and turned upon peaceable Socialists, accusing them of -anarchism. My friends therefore advised me to be careful in travelling, -and not to use my own name; so I selected a pseudonym and travelled -_incognito_. - -In New York another comrade, Dr. Ingermann, received me, and I stayed in -his house four weeks; after which I embarked in the English steamship -_Satrapia_ for Liverpool. I pass over my voyage, a stay of two weeks in -London, and the same in Paris, as containing nothing worthy of note. -Everywhere on the Continent I met with old comrades, many of whom had -changed much during the long years of our separation. Some could not -recognise me at all, others only with difficulty; all regarded me as one -come from another world. - -From Paris I went to Zurich. This was the final point of my six months’ -journey from Blagovèstshensk, and here dwelt my old friends the -Axelrods,[117] from whom I had parted seventeen and a half years before. -After a journey round the world of not quite the usual type, I returned -to them again on November 5th, 1901. - -Footnote 117: - - See chap. i. _et seq._—_Trans._ - -“Look! he hasn’t changed a bit,” cried Axelrod, as he pointed me out to -his wife at the station. But it was only at the first moment of meeting -that it seemed so to him. - - * * * * * - -For over a year now I have been living again in freedom, going about -from one town to another. During that time I have learned to feel at -home in more than one European country; but it may be readily believed -that what is passing in my native land interests me beyond everything -else. Eighteen years make but a brief span in the life of a nation; yet -during that period a transformation has come over Russia that must meet -the eyes of even a superficial observer. At the time of my arrest at -Freiburg, in 1884, there were but a few groups of revolutionists, and -they were recruited chiefly from the young student classes, who rebelled -against existing social and political conditions. And, as I have -explained, owing to the methods of wholesale executions and arrests -adopted by the Government, these organisations dwindled and almost -entirely disappeared; so that from the end of the eighties -thorough-going reaction was triumphant for a time. Of late years, -however, it has been quite otherwise. The publications issued by our -secret press and distributed throughout the length and breadth of the -Russian Empire, calling on the people to rise against the existing -despotism, number above one hundred thousand, and they meet with -energetic response among the population of large towns and factory -districts. Workmen collect in great crowds in the streets along with the -students, and by means of monster demonstrations they voice their demand -for political freedom and the abolition of autocratic government. The -Tsar and his ministers endeavour by the most cruel and severe measures -to quench the torch that has been kindled in the land: the greater part -of Russia has been placed under martial law; the prisons can hardly -contain the numbers of their captives; those who protest against such a -régime are sent to Siberia by the trainload. But nothing can stem the -tide of the movement; it will rise higher and higher, embracing ever -wider circles of the people, and the hour is not far off when autocracy -will be laid low, as it was in Western Europe so many generations ago. -My flight from Siberia has taken place at a moment in our history which -is full of hope for the future. - -In Western Europe also great changes have taken place during the last -two decades, though none, perhaps, so significant as in Russia. In -Germany the special laws against Social Democrats have been repealed; -and this has not only made a great difference to our party, but has -altered the internal life of the nation in a striking manner. In one -respect, however, Germany has made no advance: she is still ready to -lend her aid to Russian despotism. Just in the same manner as I was -arrested and delivered over to the Russian Government eighteen years -ago, though guilty of no offence against German law, so a compatriot of -mine has suffered a like fate even while I have been writing this -memoir. The Russian student Kalayev was arrested in Mysolowitz (1902) -without any warrant, and handed over to the Russian gendarmerie; since -which he has not been heard of. The Prussian police have in no way -altered their methods during the years that have flown; but to the -credit of the German people I must admit, that with the exception of -official journals, the entire press was most indignant over this -complaisance of the German Government towards the Russian. - - - - - THE END - - - - - INDEX - - - Administrative methods, 34, 36, 65, 293; - “politicals” exiled by, 105, 107, 285, 326; - institution of banishment by, viii - - Agàpov, Stephen, 182 - - Aigùn, 329 - - Akatoui, new prison at, 292; - order for the removal of prisoners to, 294 - - Aksha, 193 - - Alexander I., vi - - Alexander II., vii; - attempts against his life, 10, 11, 117, 219; - result of his assassination, 230; - mode of his assassination, 264 - - Alexander III., his policy, 130; - surmises as to his possible assassination, 230; - attempt on his life, 259; - manifesto pardoning convicts, 307; - his death, 316 - - Alexandrovo, 46 - - Alexandròvskaya, plot to undermine station at, 269 - - Alexei-Ravelin tower of the Fortress of Peter and Paul, 219, 260, 262 - - Alexèiev, mayor of Tchita, 174 - - “Alleviation, time of,” 236 - - Alphabetical code used in communications between prisoners, 51 n. - - _Amur Gazette, The_, 341 - - _Amur Province, The_, 341 - - Amur, Province of the, 328; - under martial law, 337 - - Amur River, 328; - massacre on banks of, 334-337 - - Antònov, his execution, 104 n., 188 n. - - Anùtchin, Governor-General, 189 n. - - Archangel, 285 - - Armfeld, Natalia, 206; - death, 207 - - _Artèl_, or union, the criminals’, 155 n., 160, 177-180; - system of, in Kara prison, 221 - - Aschenbrenner, Captain, 115 n. - - Asia and Europe, boundary post between, 147 - - Axelrod, 16, 17 n., 357 - - Axelrod, Frau, 2, 28 - - Baikal, Lake, 195 - - Balagansk, 187 - - Balamutz, Andreas, 235 n. - - Barabash, General, military governor of Tchita, 174 - - Barannikov, 264 - - Basel, 1; - University, 14 - - Bastille, anniversary of the storming of, celebrated, 283 - - Batarèvitch, 338 - - Belino-Bshezòvsky, 122 - - Berèsov, 152 - - Berezniàk, 210; - his escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, 189 n.; - attempt to rescue Medvèdiev, 261; - arrest and sentence, 262 - - Berg, Baron, 70 - - Berg, Herr von, the Public Prosecutor, 28, 33 - - Berlin, journey to, 44; - gaol at, 45 - - Beverley, his attempt to escape from Kiëv prison, 99; - shot, 100 - - “Biscuits,” meaning of the term, 177 - - Bìtshkov, Vladimir, his disappearance from Kiëv prison, 100 - - Bitshoug, River, 323 - - Blagovèstshensk, 327; - siege of, 332; - massacre near, 334-337 - - Bobohov, Sergius, his career, 285; - sentence, 286; - characteristics, 286; - on the threat of flogging, 287; - commits suicide, 290 - - Bogdanòvitch, his recognition of Deutsch, 38, 39, 40; - in Petersburg, 71; - assassination, 71 n. - - Bogolyùbov, flogged, 288 - - Bogomòletz, Sophia, her escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, 189 - n. - story of her life, 191; - in Kara prison, 269; - removed, 271 - - Bohanòvsky, his escape from Kiëv prison, 10, 15, 99 n., 210 n. - - Bolshakov, Governor, 207 - - “Bombists,” 131 - - Borisòvitch, 120 - - Bosnia, insurrection in, 85 - - Boundary post between Europe and Asia, 147 - - Brantner, his execution, 104 n., 188 n. - - Bubnovsky, the locksmith, 241 - - Bulìgin, Alexander, 3, 17 n. - - Bulìgin, Frau, her visit to Freiburg prison, 30 - - _Bunt_, meaning of the word, 9 n. - - Burlei, Captain, Commandant of Kara prison, 237 - - “Butirki,” or the Central Prison of Moscow, 110; - number of prisoners, 111 - - Butzèvitch, 268 - - Butzìnsky, 57 n. - - Buyanov, 340 - - “Carrier-pigeons,” meaning of the term, 59 - - “Case of the 193,” 86, 234 n. - - Census, orders for a, 317; - report to be drawn up, 319; - conference at Stanitsa Aigùnskaya, 321 - - Cesarèvitch, his journey through Siberia, 309 - - Cheesemonger’s shop, subterranean passage from, 268 - - Chicago, 356 - - _China_, Pacific steamer, 354 - - Chinese, their attack on the Russian boats at Aigùn, 329; - character, 332; - treatment by the Russians, 333; - massacred, 335-337; - appropriation of their property, 339-341 - - Code, alphabetical, used in communications between prisoners, 51 n. - - “Commune room” in Kara prison, inmates of, 257 - - Convict, a criminal, his appearance, 154; - of “unknown antecedents,” 163; - his views, 164; - mode of living, 165; - tramps, 165; - treatment of, 167 - - Convict labour, employment of, in Kara, 311 - - Convicts, equipment of, 95; - head-shaving, 95; - fetters, 95; - dress, 96; - appearance, 112; - loss of clothes at Tchita, 201 - - Convoy officers, their character, 180; - treatment of the prisoners, 180-182 - - Convoy-stations, 158 - - Criminals, ordinary, distinction between “politicals,” 97 n.; - regulations, 135; - the “Ivans,” 155; - passion for gambling, 159; - relations with the “politicals,” 163; - tramps, 165; - escape of, 165; - character, 166, 171, 175; - treatment, 167; - influence of the “Ivans,” 175 - - Dashkièvitch, Peter, 119; - sentence, 137; - exile, 151 - - Debagòrio—Makrièvitch, Vladìmir, 104; - his mode of escape, 155 - - Decabrists, revolt of the, vi, 200 - - Degàiev, a member of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, 43; - his treachery, 43 n.; - sentence on, 82 - - Degàiev, Mdme., 119 - - _Dessyàtnik_, or village constable, 314 - - Detention, House of, at Freiburg, 5; - Petersburg, 57; - rules, 58; - outdoor exercise, 60; - system of communication, 66 - - Deutsch, Leo, at Freiburg, 3; - arrest, 4, 10; - imprisoned, 5; - joins the “Propagandist movement,” 6; - member of the _Kiëv Buntari_, 9; - attempt on the life of Gorinòvitch, 9; - escapes from Kiëv, 10, 98; - examination, 12; - recognition of Prof. Thun, 14; - statement of his case, 17; - founds the League for the Emancipation of Labour, 17 n.; - religious opinions, 24; - his photograph, 27; - change of cell, 28; - plans of escape, 31; - interviews with the Public Prosecutor, 33-36, 37; - defence, 34; - charges against, 35; - extradition demanded, 35; - preparations for the journey to Russia, 41; - at Frankfurt-am-Main prison, 42; - Berlin prison, 45; - Granitza, 46; - Fortress of Peter and Paul, 48; - first examination, 52; - deprived of his spectacles, 55; - at the House of Detention in Petersburg, 57-72; - reasons for his confinement in the fortress, 61-63; - methods of communication between prisoners, 65, 66; - at Odessa prison, 73; - hunger-strikes, 76, 277; - method of hearing news, 81; - brief military career, 84-87; - terms of his indictment, 87; - trial, 88-91; - sentence, 91; - made to assume the dress of a convict, 95; - a “political” prisoner, 97; - at Kiëv prison, 98; - at Moscow prison, 110; - unfastens his fetters, 124; - preparations for leaving Moscow, 138; - revolt against head-shaving, 139; - on the journey by boat, 142, 151; - at Tiumen, 148; - at Tomsk, 153; - offered a “swop,” 154-157; - friendly relations with convicts, 163; - at Krasnoyarsk, 184; - at Irkutsk, 189; - at Verkhny-Udinsk, 196; - loss of his fetters, 199; - at Tchita prison, 201; - Nertchinsk, 204; - Kara, 206; - in the “nobles’ room,” 215; - in the “Sanhedrin room,” 240; - attack of scurvy, 245; - in the “Commune room,” 257; - his release, 299; - at the penal settlement, 300; - his work, 302; - hut, 303; - relations with the peasants, 312; - his treatment of the _prìstav_, 314; - assists in taking the census, 317-322; - search for a monumental stone, 323; - at Stretyensk, 325; - his longing for home, 327; - at Blagovèstshensk, 327; - flight from Siberia, 347; - at Habarovsk, 349; - Nikolsk-Ussurìsk, 349; - Vladivostock, 350; - Nagasaki, 351-353; - Yokohama, 354; - Honolulu, 354; - Hawaii, 355; - San Francisco, 356; - Chicago, 356; - New York, 357; - Zurich, 357 - - Dihovsky, Moses, 235 n. - - Dmohovsky, his burial, 234 n. - - Dnieper, 99 n., 143 - - _Doha_, or cloak, 317 - - Dorpat, 15 - - Dostoiëvsky, _Memoirs from the Dead-house_, 293 - - Drebyasghin, condemned to death, 11, 62 - - Drenteln, General, 217; - attempt on his life, 218 - - Dühring, Eugene, 212, 216 - - Dulemba, 259 - - Dzvonkyèvitch, his attempt to escape on the march to Siberia, 170; - in Kara prison, 210 - - Easter, celebration of, in Russia, 134 - - Ekaterinburg, 144 - - Elisavetgrad, _Kiëv Buntari_ at, 9 - - Erthel, 65 - - Espionage in German prison, 25 - - _Étape_, or halting-station, 147, 149, 203 - - Europe and Asia, boundary post between, 147 - - Exiles, 148, 198, 293 n., 307 - - Extradition, treaty between Germany and Russia, 6, 53; - Deutsch’s, 40, 62; - Gotz’s attempted, 282 n. - - Fetters, fastening on, 95; - loss, 199; - permission to break, 124-126 - - Fifty, trial of the, 205 - - Figner, Vera, her appearance, 80; - arrest, 80 n.; - sentence, 115 n., 118; - her character, 116, 118; - revolutionary views, 116; - impressions of the peasants, 117; - attempt on the life of Alexander II., 117; - in Schlüsselburg for life, 118 - - Flogging, punishment of, 285, 288, 291 - - Fomin, imprisoned in Kara, 241; - his industry, 241; - studies natural science, 242; - release, 299 n. - - Fomitchòv, his escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, 189 n.; - in Kara prison, 241; - sentence, 242; - chained to the wheelbarrow, 242; - his defence of the Tsar, 243; - attack on Pohorukov, 296; - his reasons for it, 297; - term of imprisonment lengthened, 298 - - Food, in Freiburg prison, 23; - in Fortress of Peter and Paul, 50; - in Moscow prison, 132; - in Kara prison, 221 - - “Fourteen, trial of the,” 112, 115 - - Frankfurt-am-Main, 42; - governor of the gaol at, 42 - - Freiburg, 1; - journey to, 2; - arrested at, 4; - imprisoned, 5; - departure from, 42 - - Freiburg prison, 21 - - Frolènko, assists prisoners to escape from Kiëv, 98, 99 n.; - his attempt on the life of Alexander II., 117; - sentence, 117 n. - - Fusan harbour, 351 - - Galitzin, Prince, Vice-Governor of Moscow, 136 - - Galkin-Vrassky, head of the Prisons Department, 136, 234; - in Kara, 235 - - Gambling, habit of, 159, 177 - - Garden, laying out a, in Kara prison, 254 - - Gèhkin, Baron, murdered, 70; - allows Luryè to escape, 86 - - Gèhlis, 57 n. - - Gendarmerie, the Russian, x, 46 - - Gensan harbour, 351 - - Germany, Social-Democratic movement, law against, 1; - methods, 213; - repealed, 358 - - Germany, conditions of prison life, 22; - the Public Prosecutor, 27 - - Gold, search for, in the River Kara, 305 - - Goldenberg, his statement, 92 - - Golubtsòv, captain of the guard, 208; - his relations with the “politicals,” 272; - advice to Masyukov, 273; - transferred to the section for ordinary criminals, 296 - - Gorinòvitch, Nicholas, his treachery, 9; - attempt against his life, 9, 35, 53; - deposition, 89 - - Gotz, Michael, attempt to obtain his extradition, 282 n. - - Granitza, the frontier station, 46 - - Gratchènsky, 268 - - Gribsky, General, N. R., military governor of the Amur province, 329; - on the massacre of the Chinese, 342; - order to annihilate Chinese, 342 - - Grodèkov, General, 91 - - Grodekov, Governor-General, 329 - - Gruzia, 205 - - Grỳnevitsky, assassinates Alexander II., 264; - death, 264 n. - - Habarovsk, 329, 348, 349 - - Halting-stations, 147, 160, 180, 203 - - Hawaii, island of, 355 - - Head-shaving, process of, 95, 120; - dispensation, 126; - revolt against, 139 - - Herzegovina, insurrection in, 85 - - Herzfeld, Sophia Löschern von, 266, 267 - - Hodinsky, plain of, 343 - - Honolulu, 354 - - Hrùstchov, Nicholas, sentence, 234 n.; - escape from Kara prison, 234; - recapture, 235; - his manual work, 241 - - Hunger-strikes, 190, 263, 273, 277, 284; - method of, 76 - - “Illegals,” meaning of the term, 9 n. - - Ilyashèvitch, Governor, 193, 235; - attempt on his life, 193 - - Ingermann, Dr., 357 - - Irkutsk prison, 189 - - Irtisch, 151 - - Isbìtsky, Ladislas, 171 - - Isbìtsky, V., his attempt to escape from Kiëv prison, 99, 155 - - _Ispravnik_, or head of the district police, 145 - - Ivanein, Karl, 241 - - Ivànov, Basil, his escape from Kiëv prison, 100 - - Ivànov, Colonel, 68 - - Ivànov, I., 57 n. - - Ivànova, Sophia, 196 - - Ivanòvskaya, Praskòvya, 269 - - Ivàntchenko, his escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, 189 n. - - Japan, progress of, 353; - character of the people, 354 - - Kalayev, his arrest, 359 - - Kalyùshnaya, Maria, her attempt on the life of Colonel Katànsky, 82; - sentenced to penal servitude, 82, 151, 157; - her longing for freedom, 172; - at Nertchinsk prison, 204; - at Ust-Kara, 206; - in Kara prison, 269; - joins in a hunger-strike, 273; - takes poison, 288 - - Kalyùshny, Alexander, his attempted escape from Irkutsk prison, 189 n.; - a “Sirius,” 229; - appointed intermediary in the women’s hunger-strike, 273; - commits suicide, 290 - - Kama, the, 142 - - Kanonovitch, Colonel, 342 - - Kara penal settlement, 227 n., 300; - legal regulations, 236; - _see_ Nizhnaya-Kara - - Kara prison, escape of prisoners, 57 n., 234; - arrival at, 209; - nicknames of rooms, 215; - the “nobles’ - room,” 215; - system regulating the prisoners’ daily life, 221; - the _artèl_, 221; - allowance of food, 221; - distribution of money, 221; - “May days” events, 233; - work of gold-washing, 233; - rebuilt, 235; - measures against the “politicals” in, 235, 236; - changes of commandants, 236; - modifications, 236; - the “Sanhedrin room,” 240; - first spring in, 245; - monotony of the life, 248; - physical exercise, 254; - garden, 254; - concessions under Colonel Masyukov, 256, 257; - the “Commune room,” 257; - number of prisoners, 259; - women “politicals,” 266-269; - conditions of life, 270; - order for the removal of prisoners to Akatoui, 294; - release of others, 298 - - Kara River, 300; - gold-washing settlements, 233; - search for, 305 - - Karanlov, 120 - - Karovàiev, the exiled Decabrist, 200 - - Kashintsev, Ivan, his term of imprisonment, 198; - escape, 199 - - “Kassiber,” or written message, 25 - - Katànsky, Colonel, attempt on his life, 82 - - “Katorga,” or penal servitude, 196; - sentences, alleviation of, 236 - - Katz, exiled to Siberia, 36 - - Kennan, George, his travels, 202; - _Siberia and the Exile System_, v, 206 n.; - his visit to Kara, 239 - - Ketteler, Baron von, his murder, 328 - - Khàrkov, 80, 92, 119, 261, 263 - - Khàrkov gaol, attempted rescue from, 261 - - Khàrkov, Governor of, assassinated, 93 - - Khàrkov, University of, 273 - - Khàrkov, Veterinary College at, 215 - - Kherson, 192 - - Kibàltchitch, his attempt on the life of Alexander II., 117; - executed, 117 n. - - _Kiëv Buntari_, 9 - - Kiëv prison, 10, 98; - escapes from, 10, 99, 100; - arrival at, 98; - independent spirit of the prisoners, 101 - - Kiëv University, riots in, 103 - - Kilauea volcano, 356 - - Knocking, communication between prisoners by means of, 51, 56, 65; - use of alphabetical code, in 51 n. - - Kobiliànsky, in the Fortress of Peter and Paul, 56; - sent to Schlüsselburg, 57 n.; - death, 57 n. - - Kòbozev, 268. - - Kohn, 259; - his release from Kara prison, 299 n. - - Kolotkèvitch, his attempt on the life of Alexander II., 117; - sentence, 117 n. - - Kopeck, value of, 142 n., 159, 222 n. - - Korba, Anna, 267, 268 - - Korean peninsula, 351 - - Korf, Baron, Governor-General, his treatment of Elizabeth Kovàlskaya, - 271; - on the new regulations at Akatoui prison, 294 - - Korniènko, 186 - - Koros, Commandant of Kara prison, 236 - - Kostyurin, Victor, sentence, 11; - his release from prison, 206; - meeting with Deutsch, 207 - - Kotliarèvsky, Deputy Public Prosecutor, 53; - his faculty for keen observation, 54; - on the reason for Deutsch’s confinement in the Fortress of Peter and - Paul, 61-63; - on the “old clothes case,” 64; - on the murder of Mèzentzev, 70; - appointed President of the Courts at Vilna, 72 - - Kovalèvskaya, Maria, details of her life, 187; - character, 188, 190; - hunger-strike, 189, 273, 284; - sufferings, 190; - views, 191; - her arrival at Kara prison, 271; - treatment of the doctor, 284; - takes poison, 288 - - Kovalèvsky, 188 - - Kovalièv, 122 - - Kovàlik, attempts to escape from prison, 260 - - Kovàlskaya, Elizabeth, her escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, - 189 n.; - attempts to escape, 197; - in Kara prison, 269; - her behaviour to the Governor-General, 271; - removal ordered, 271; - her removal at night, 272 - - Kovàlsky, Captain, 98 - - Kòziriov, 172 - - Krasnoyarsk, 170; - arrival at, 184; - prison, 184; - regulations, 185 - - Kratzenovsky, 235 n. - - Kravtchìnsky, S., his attempt on the life of General Mèzentzev, 92, 263 - - Krayev, released, 11 - - Kremutshy, 99 n. - - Kridner, Nicholas, Deutsch under name of, 14 - - Krivènko, 65 - - Kropotkin, Prince, Governor of Khàrkov, 93 - - Kropotkin, Prince Peter, 263 - - _Kulaki_, or usurers, 176 - - Kurgan, 205 - - Kùritzin, his release, 11; - turns traitor, 69 n. - - _Kurnei_, 352 - - Kutitònskaya, Maria, her arrest, 192; - sentence, 193; - attempt on the life of Ilyashèvitch, 193; - appearance, 193; - death, 193 - - Kuznetsov, 323 - - Kviatkòvsky, sentenced to death, 214 - - “Labour, League for the Emancipation of,” 17 n., 21, 212 - - Lavrov, Peter, 82 - - Làzarev, Yegor, in Moscow prison, 129; - elected chief of the commissariat, 132; - banished to Eastern Siberia, 151; - on the conduct of the Chief of Police at Irkutsk, 194; - interned at Tchita, 202 - - League for the Emancipation of Labour, 17 n., 21, 212 - - Lèbedieva, imprisoned at Kara, 266; - her death, 266 - - Leiblen, Herr, 13, 18 - - Lesnik, Colonel, Governor of the Fortress of Peter and Paul, 49 - - Lesnoye, 117 - - Letters, reception of, in Kara prison, 250, 251 - - Levtchenko, 235 n. - - Li-Wa-Chan, 335 - - Librarian, post of, in Kara prison, 227 - - Lisogùb, 192, 242; - condemned to death, 192 n. - - Lissenko, on the reason for his murders, 304; - illegal trade, 305 - - Listvinitchnaya, 195 - - Literature, socialistic, prohibition of, in Russia, 1; - printed in Switzerland, 1 - - Liverpool, 357 - - London, 357 - - Lopàtin, Hermann, 82; - his arrest, 121 - - Luri, 259; - his release from prison, 298 - - Luryè, Semen, his escape from Kiëv, 86 - - Lustig, Ferdinand, on the conditions of life in Kara, 195 - - Lyòchky, his execution in Irkutsk prison, 189 n. - - Maidànsky, condemned to death, 11, 62 - - Makeyeva, Madame, her entreaties for the life of her Chinese servant, - 338 - - Màlaya Sadòvaya Street, 268 - - Malinka, condemned to death, 11, 62 - - Maltchèvsky, Captain, 111; - his treatment of the prisoners, 113; - testimonial to, 139 - - Malyòvany, Vladimir, exiled to Siberia, 105, 151; - death, 105 n.; - vein of humour, 109 - - Manayev, 237 - - Manchuria, entry of Russian army into, 345 - - Mankòvsky, 259 - - Martinovsky, _stàrosta_ at Kara prison, 209, 217; - his character, 217; - sentence, 217; - release, 299 n. - - Marx, Karl, his doctrines, 17 n.; - _Capital_, 139, 212 - - Masyukov, Colonel, commandant of Kara prison, 255; - appearance, 255; - character, 256; - concessions, 256; - his treatment of Elizabeth Kovàlskaya, 272; - wish to be transferred, 274; - “boycotted” by the women, 278; - struck by Sigida, 280; - his successor appointed, 298 - - “May days” events, 233 - - McKinley, President, his assassination, 356 - - Medvèdiev, Alexei, his attempted rescue from prison, 215, 262; - escape from Khàrkov gaol and recapture, 261; - sentence, 262; - character, 262; - predisposition to alcoholism, 263 - - Melikov, Count Loris, Minister of the Interior, 234; - decree against the “politicals,” 234; - annulled, 236 - - Melnikova, 110 - - Mendelssohn, Stanislas, his escape from prison, 46 - - Merkúlov, 80 n. - - _Messenger, The European_, 250 - - Mèzentzev, General, murdered, 70, 92, 218, 263 - - Mihaïlov, Adrian, a “Sirius,” 229; - arrest and sentence, 264; - his remarkable memory, 264; - release from Kara prison, 299 n. - - Mihailovsky, N., 212 - - “Militarists,” 131 - - Minuisinsk, 187; - _ispravnik_ of, 187 - - “Minuses,” nickname of, 223 - - Minyukov, 235 n. - - Mirsky, his attempt on the life of General Drenteln, 218; - arrest and sentence, 219; - appearance, 220; - views on social conditions in Russia, 220; - on the new regulations at Akatoui prison, 295; - release from Kara prison, 299 n. - - Mongolia, 137 - - Moor, Karl, 14, 16 - - Morphia, poisoning by, 289 - - Moscow, journey to, 106; - arrival at, 110; - departure from, 140; - the high-road from, 169 - - Moscow prison, 110 - - Moscow railway, train blown up, 11, 219 - - Mouraviev, the Public Prosecutor, 52; - attempt on his life, 122 - - Music, cultivation of, in Kara prison, 253 - - Myshkin, his escape from Kara prison, 234; - capture, 235 - - Mysolowitz, 359 - - Mysovaya, 196 - - Nabòkov, Minister of Justice, 61; - petition to, 87; - his visit to Odessa prison, 94 - - Nagasaki, 351-353 - - Narim, 152 - - _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, 4, 13, 196; - collapse, 131; - power, 230 - - “Naròdnaia Vòlya, Red Cross League of the,” 64 - - _Neblàgonadyèshny_, or untrustworthy, 107 - - Nertchinsk prison, condition of, 204 - - Netshaëv case, 259 - - New York, 357 - - Nicholas I., vii; - revolt on his accession, 200 n. - - Nicholas II., manifestoes on his marriage and coronation, 316 - - Nijni-Kolymsk, 281 - - Nijni-Novgorod, 142 - - Nijni-Udînsk, 186 - - Nikolin, Captain, Governor of Kara prison, 195; - his character, 198, 237; - treatment of the prisoners, 237; - appearance, 238; - nickname, 238; - excess of zeal, 239; - tyrannies, 246; - departure, 247 - - Nikolsk-Ussurîsk, 349 - - Nizhnaya-Kara, 206; - penal settlement at, 300; - population, 300; - regulations, 301; - work, 302; - monotony of the life, 310; - employment of convict labour, 311 - - “Nobles’ room” in Kara prison, inmates of, 215 - - Novakòvsky, 186 - - Novìtsky, Colonel, 103 - - Nyèüstroyev, his execution in Irkutsk prison, 189 n. - - Obi, 151, 153 - - _Ochrana_, or secret police, 43 n. - - Odessa, 9; - journey to, 73 - - Odessa prison, 74 - - Olchin, A., 219 - - “Old clothes case,” 64; - work of the society, 133 - - Olshàninov, 52 - - Opium, poisoning by, 289 - - Orfenov, Colonel, on the means of defence in Blagovèstshensk, 330 - - Oriel, 109 - - Orlov, Paul, mode of escape, 55; - in Kara prison, 209 - - Ossìnsky, 99 n; - attempt on the life of Kotliarèvsky, 53 - - Ostàshkin, Vice-Governor, in command of the province of Yakutsk, 281 - - Ostiaks, 152 - - Ozovsky, 259 - - Pankràtov, 120 - - Paris, 357 - - Pashkòvsky, 259 - - Perm, 142 - - Perovskaya, Sophia, 196 - - Peter and Paul, Fortress of, 48, 52, 54, 57 n., 99, 101, 166 n., 219, - 236, 260, 263, 265, 269; - rations, 50; - outdoor exercise, 51; - knocking between prisoners, 51; - Alexei-Ravelin tower, 219, 260, 262 - - Petersburg, arrival in, 48; - departure from, 72 - - Petersburg House of Detention, 57; - rules, 58; - outdoor exercise, 60; - system of communication, 66 - - _Piròg_, or sort of pie, 226 - - Plehànov, 17 n.; - _Socialism and the Political Struggle_, 213 - - Plehve, chief of the Central Department of the State Police, 55 - - “Pluses,” nickname of, 223 - - Pohitònov, Captain, 115 n. - - Pohorukov, attack on, 296; - superintendent of Nizhnaya-Kara, settlement, 301 - - Pohùlov, Major, Governor of the ordinary convicts prison, 239; - his system of robbery, 240 - - Polish insurrection of 1863, vii, 48 - - “Politicals,” method of the Government in dealing with, 40 n.; - system of communication in prison, 51, 66; - distinction between ordinary criminals, 97 n.; - equality, 128, 131; - demeanour of the staff towards, 136; - separation, 150; - hardships of the journey to Siberia, 158; - dispute about the hour for starting, 161-163; - relations with the criminals, 163; - escapes from prison, 189 n., 234; - work of gold-washing, 233; - privileges, 234; - decree against, 234; - annulled, 236; - measures against, 235; - modifications, 236; - petitions for pardon, 277; - join in a hunger-strike, 277; - expiration of the sentence, 293 n.; - release of, 298, 299 n.; - relations with the peasants, 312; - women, 266-269; - conditions of life in prison, 270; - relations with the authorities, 270; - disputes, 271; - their hunger-strikes, 273, 277, 284; - boycott Captain Masyukov, 278; - sufferings, 279 - - Poltava, 107 - - Pood, value of, 308 n. - - Popko, his escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, 189 n. - - Popov, Michael, 57 n. - - Posen, Nicholas, his escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, 189 n; - in Kara prison, 244; - his passion for argument, 244; - petition for pardon, 277 - - Post, arrival of, in Kara prison, 249; - the “secret,” 251 - - Pressnyàkov, sentenced to death, 214 - - Prikastshikov, 340 - - Prison at Akatoui, 292; - Berlin, 45; - Frankfurt-am-Main, 42; - Freiburg, 21; - Irkutsk, 189; - Kara, 209; - Kiëv, 98; - Krasnoyarsk, 184; - Moscow, 110; - Nertchinsk, 204; - Odessa, 74; - Tomsk, 154 - - Prisoners, distinction between ordinary and “political,” 97 n.; - “children of misfortune,” 142; - institution of the _artèl_, 177-180; - ordinary, 176; - sectarians, 176; - “biscuits,” 177; - relations with the escort, 203; - “politicals,” 40; - “on probation,” meaning of the term, 191, 236; - suicide of, 288; - release, 298, 299 n.; - _see_ Prìstav“Politicals.” - - _Prìstav_, or commissioner of the police, 312; - his treatment of the peasants, 312; - of Leo Deutsch, 314; - superintends the taking of the census, 318-322 - - Prìsyetskaya, 191 - - “Probation time,” 236 - - “Proletariat, case of the,” 259 - - “Propagandist movement,” viii; - meaning of the term, 6; - its character, 7; - treachery in the, 8 - - Protopòpov, 65 - - Prybylyev, acts as medical adviser, 226; - his assistance to Pohorukov, 296; - release from Kara prison, 299 n. - - Prybylyèva, Raissa, 206, 207 - - Ptshèlkina, Anna, 105, 106 - - Pugatchev, 110 - - - Rashko, his attempt to rescue Alexei Medvèdiev, 261; - arrest, 262 - - Rasìn, Stenka, 70 - - Rechnyèvskaia, Vitolda, 102 - - Rechnyèvsky, Thaddeus, 102, 259; - release from prison, 298 - - Red Cross League of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, 64; - work of the, 133 - - “Red” terrorism, meaning of the term, 10 n. - - Rogachev, Lieutenant, 115 - - Romny, 107; - reading society at, 107; - arrest of “conspirators,” 108 - - Rosen, Dr., 77 n. - - Ròssikova, Elena, 192; - her arrest and sentence, 192; - in Kara prison, 269; - removed, 271 - - Roth, inspector, 25, 28, 37 - - Rouble, value of a, 59 n., 222 n. - - Rozòvsky, case of, 39 - - Rubìnok, his sentence, 121; - banished to Eastern Siberia, 151; - sent to Yakutsk, 195 - - Rumania, 36 - - Russakov, 264 - - Russel, Dr. N., 354; - his meeting with Deutsch, 355 - - Russia, “administrative methods,” 34, 36, 65, 293; - institution of banishment by, viii; - army, volunteer in the, 85; - census, orders for a, 317; - Christian names, use of, 104; - criminal code, 87, 293 n.; - Easter, custom at, 134; - extradition treaty, 6; - gendarmes, character of, 46; - literature, socialistic, prohibition of, 1; - “politicals,” method in dealing with, 40 n.; - prison regulations, 126; - Propagandist movement, viii, 6; - its character, 7; - reaction, 276, 357; - Social Democracy, expansion of the movement, 326; - views on, 212; - terrorists, number of, 64; - village communes, power of the, 176; - Workmen’s Union, 191, 198 n. - - Russìnov, Councillor, 275; - his proposals of recantation, 276 - - - Saghalien, island of, 91, 293, 311 - - Saghalien, Chinese village of, 328; - Russians take possession of, 345 - - Samoyedes, 152 - - San Francisco, 356 - - “Sanhedrin room,” in Kara prison, inmates of, 240 - - _Satrapia_, steamship, 357 - - Schlüsselburg fortress, 43 n., 57 n., 91, 117 n., 118, 120, 189 n., - 214, 236, 260, 265 - - Scurvy, attack of, 245 - - Sectarians in Siberia, 176 - - Semyanovsky, commits suicide, 234 - - _Sen_, value of, 352 - - Serbìnova, 110 - - Seya, 344 - - Shabanov, the deputy-_prìstav_, 335; - on the massacre at Amur, 336; - appropriation of Chinese property, 341 - - Shebalìn, 120 - - Shebalina, Paraskovya, 102, 119; - death, 121 - - Shilka River, 325 - - Shilkinskaya, Vòlost, 319 - - Shtchedrin, 57 n.; - his sentence, 189 n. - - Shtchulèpnikòva, Barbara, 119, 151, 157 - - Shtshulèpnikov, Senator, 128 - - Shturkòvsky, 57 n. - - Siberia, army, decision to mobilise, 328; - Cesarèvitch, journey of the, through, 309; - Government, corruption of the, 168; - houses, appearance of the, 172; - inhabitants, character, 173-175; - prisoners, preparations for the journey to, 138; - hardships, 158; - convoy-stations, 158; - allowance of food, 159; - halting-stations, 147, 160, 180, 203; - accommodation, 161; - escape of convict-tramps, 165; - treatment of the peasants, 166-168; - flight from, 348; - railway, construction of, 144, 311; - winter, severity of the, 200, 202 - - Sigida, Nadyèshda, her sufferings in Kara prison, 279; - assault on the commandant, 280; - length of her fast, 284; - condemned to be flogged, 287; - death, 288 - - Simàshko, Governor of Kiëv prison, 98 - - “Sirius,” meaning of the term, 229 - - “Sixteen, Case of the,” 214 - - Smirnitskaya, Nadyèshda, 269; - takes poison, 288 - - Smirnòv, inspection of Moscow prison, 123; - plan for escape, 123 - - Snigiriòv, 181, 186 - - Social-Democratic movement in Germany, 1; - in Russia, ix, 17 n.; - expansion, 326; - German law against repealed, 358 - - Social Democrats, 131; - views on, in Germany, 213; - in Russia, 212 - - Soudyèhkin, Colonel, Commander of the Petersburg _Ochrana_, 43 n.; - assassinated, 43 n.; - succeeds in capturing terrorists, 267; - discovery of a bomb laboratory, 267 - - Souhomlìn, 259; - his release from prison, 298 - - _Sozialdemokrat_, 1, 13 - - Spandoni-Bosmàndshi, Athanasius, 112; - terms of his indictment, 118; - condemned to penal servitude, 151; - his illness, 186; - at Kara prison, 259 - - Stanitsa, Aigùnskaya, 321 - - Stanyukòvitch, 65 - - Starinkyèvitch, 209; - his character, 216; - sentence, 217; - release from Kara prison, 299 n. - - _Stàrosta_, or head-man, 143, 147, 178; - advantages of the office, 178; - election, 223 - - _Starshinà_, or chief of the commune, 317 - - _Statyehny spìsok_, or “list of particulars,” 97 - - Steblin-Kamensky, 197; - on the prison life in Kara, 198 - - Stefanòvitch, Jacob, his escape from Kiëv, 10, 15, 99 n. 210 n.; - accused of attempt against the life of Gorinòvitch, 35; - extradition demanded, 35; - in Kara prison, 210; - arrest, 210 n.; - character, 210 n.; - appearance, 210 n.; - length of his imprisonment, 211 n.; - views on the Social-Democratic organisation, 215; - release deferred, 292; - interned in Yakutsk, 299 n. - - Stepniak, 92 n., 263 n.; - _Underground Russia_, v, 7 n., 10 n., 98 n., 193 n.; - on Jacob Stefanòvitch, 210 n. - - Stretyensk, 325 - - Stromberg, Baron von, 115 - - Subòtniki, sect, 174 - - Suhànov, 264 - - Suicide of prisoners, 289 - - Sundelèvitch, 209; - his views on the revolutionary movement, 213; - his character, 214; - reaction, 214 - - Surgut, 152 - - Switzerland, 1, 11, 17, 19, 21, 27, 34, 42, 46, 104, 241 - - “Swop,” meaning of a, 155 n. - - Taganrock, 218 - - _Taiga_, or primeval forest, 165, 306 - - Tarhov, 218 - - Tchekondze, 204, 205 - - Tchemodànova, Liubov, 151, 157 - - Tchernishevsky, imprisoned at Viluisk, 166; - his novel, _What Should We Do?_ 166 n.; - attempted rescue, 234 n. - - Tchigirìn case, 10, 15 - - Tchita, 174; - arrival at, 201 - - _Tchòrny Peredyèl_, or Redivision of the Land, 215 - - Tchubàrov, 192, 242 - - Tchuikòv, Vladimir, 112; - terms of his indictment, 119; - condemned to penal servitude, 151; - at Nertchinsk prison, 204; - at Kara, 207; - appointed librarian, 228 - - Terrorism, viii, ix, 8, 220, 230; - the “red” and the “white,” meaning of the terms, 10 n. - - Terrorists, 8, 10, 15, 121, 130, 196, 213, 230, 267, 273; - number of, in Russia, 64 - - Thun, Professor, _Geschichte der revolutionären Bewegung in Russland_, - 7 n., 10 n., 98 n.; - interpreter at Freiburg, 14; - his lectures, 14; - views on the terrorists, 15; - lecture on “Two Episodes in the Russian Revolutionary Movement,” 15; - his suggestions for escape from Freiburg prison, 31 - - Tihomìrov, Leo, 82; - a leader of the _Naròdnaia Vòlya_, 276; - his apostasy, 276; - _Why I ceased to be a Revolutionist_, 276 - - Tìhonov, 100 - - Tihonòvitch, Lieut. Alexander, 115 n.; - - Tishtchenko, 189 n. - - Tiumen, 120, 144; - separation of exiles at, 148 - - Tiutchev, his marriage, 207 - - Tobol, 151 - - Tobolsk, 149, 152 - - Tokio, 354 - - Tolstoi, Count Dimitri, 274; - appointed Minister of the Interior, 130 - - Tolstoi, Count Leo, his visit to Moscow prison, 129; - gift of books to the prisoners, 138 - - Tomi, 151 - - Tominin, appointed commandant of Kara prison, 298 - - Tomsk, 105 n., 151, 153; - prison at, 154 - - Tools, possession of, in Kara prison, 240, 257 - - Transbaikalia, 193 - - Treaty, extradition, between Germany and Russia, 6, 53; - Deutsch’s, 40, 62; - Gotz’s attempted, 282 n. - - Trepòv, General, Governor of Petersburg, fired at, 263 - - “Trial of the 193,” 261, 263 - - _Troikas_, or three-horsed carriages, 144; - mode of travelling by, 146 - - Tula, 109 - - Tunka, 137 - - Tura, 151 - - Tusslukov, Captain, 343 - - “Twenty, Trial of the,” in 1882, 258, 264, 269 - - Ufa, Bogdanòvitch, Governor of, 71 n. - - _Underground Russia_, 7 n., 10 n., 98 n., 193 n., 210 n.; - _see_ Stepniak - - Ural Mountains, 146 - - Ussur, 349 - - Ust-Kara, 206, 273 - - Vannòvsky, Minister of War, 86 - - Vasìliev, Makàr, 119; - exiled, 151 - - Verchoyansk, 281 - - Verkhny-Kolymsk, 281 - - Verkhny-Udinsk, prison at, 196, 271 - - _Vèstnik Evropuy_, 250 - - Vilna, 72 - - Viluisk, 166, 234 n. - - Vladivostock, 235, 347, 350 - - Vlastòpoulo, 172; - terrorist principles, 275; - recantation, 276 - - Volga, the, 142 - - Volhònsky, Prince, 128 - - Vòlkov, Captain, 106, 144, 343 - - Volkovinsky, Captain, 338, 343 - - Volòshenko, his escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, 189 n.; - his views on the Social Democrats, 212 - - Vorontsov, 188 - - Voynoràlsky, his attempts to escape from prison, 260 - - Vrassky, Galkin, _see_ Galkin-Vrassky - - Warsaw, 48 - - Wheelbarrow, chained to the, 189 n., 242 - - “White” terrorism, meaning of the term, 10 n. - - Wolkenstein, Ludmilla, 115 n. - - Yablonovoi mountain ridges, 200 - - Yablonski, 2, 12 - - Yakìmova, Anna, 269 - - Yakovlov, Captain, temporary commandant of Kara prison, 255 - - Yakubòvitch, Peter, 259; - on the new regulations at Akatoui prison, 295 - - Yakutsk, province of, 122, 307 - - _Yaliks_, or boats, 152 - - Yankovski, his sentence, 11 - - Yatzèvitch, Nicholas, 241; - his escape from Irkutsk prison and recapture, 189 n.; - imprisoned at Kara, 215, 262; - attempt to rescue Medvèdiev, 215, 262; - character, 216; - a “Sirius,” 229; - champion chess-player, 253 - - Yefremov, his arrest and sentence, 262 - - Yemelyànov, his share in the assassination of Alexander II., 264; - sentence, 265; - change of views, 265; - his petition for pardon, 277 - - Yenisei, 186 - - Yokohama, 354 - - Yordan, the student, his longing for freedom, 172 - - _Young Naròdnaia Vòlya_, members of the, 131 - - Yun-Tcha-San, 338 - - Yurhovsky, 235 n. - - “Yurtas,” or tent-shaped hovels, 308 - - Yuvatchov, Ensign Ivan, 115 n. - - Zassoùlitch, Vera, 17 n.; - her attempt on the life of General Trepòv, 263 - - _Zeit, Die Neue_, extract from, 328 n. - - _Zemlyà i Vòlya_, or Land and Freedom, 116; - society dissolved, 196 - - _Zèmskaya kvàrtira_, or official residences, 319 - - Zhelyàbov, 269 - - Zion, Professor, 285 - - Zlatopòlsky, Leo, his attempt on the life of Alexander II., 117; - sentence, 117 n.; - in Kara prison, 241, 258; - release, 299 n. - - Zlatoust, strike at, 71 n. - - Zoubrtchitsky, 253 - - Zuckermann, in Nertchinsk prison, 204; - his character, 205; - commits suicide, 205 - - Zurich, 1, 357 - - - - - - - - - PLYMOUTH - WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON - PRINTERS - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - Transcriber’s Note - -Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and -are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original. -A three number reference refers to the line within a note on that page, -or, if the page is prefixed with ‘i’, refers to the column and line in -the index pages. - -The translator employed accented vowels on Russian words and names to -assist with pronunciation, but occasionally omitted them. They have been -made consistent here, erring on the side of including them, to aid in -searches. - -Where names as given in the Index disagree with those in the text -itself, the text is assumed to be correct. The use of a grave accent, to -indicate emphasis, is imperfectly followed. The name ‘Kravtchinsky’ -appears on pp. 263-264, as well as in the Index. But ‘Kravtchìnsky’ -appears elsewhere and is assumed to be intended by the translator. - -Minor punctuation lapses in the Index, especially, have been corrected -with no further notice. - - 43.21.6 Pangs o[f] conscience, or fear of the Added. - vengeance - - 47.6 they looked on me quite as an old Added. - acquaintance[.] - - 71.32.1 comes the news (May, 1903) o[f] Bogdanòvitch’s Added. - assassination - - 117.32 in the guer[r]illa warfare against Napoleon’s Added. - invasion - - 245.24 Improved diet and the skil[l] of our good Restored. - Prybylyev - - .ta l:10 l:46 l:12 w=100% - 293.15 nevertheless[s] I awaited with impatience Removed. - - 317.11 a[n] universal respect Removed. - - 342.20 not only with the foreknowle[d]ge Added. - - i365.1.32 Katz, exiled to Siber[i]a>, 36 Added. - - i365.1.36 Kett[e]ler, Baron von, his murder, 328 Added. - - i366.1.5 Kremuts[k/h]y, 99 n. Replaced. - - i371.1.17 Trepòv, General, Governor of Petersbur[y/g], Replaced. - fired at, 263 - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Sixteen years in Siberia, by Leo Deutsch - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SIXTEEN YEARS IN SIBERIA *** - -***** This file should be named 54129-0.txt or 54129-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/1/2/54129/ - -Produced by KD Weeks, MFR and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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