diff options
| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 05:25:29 -0700 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 05:25:29 -0700 |
| commit | e8929ba3f2109f58555d3fcc9bcb46df90af8901 (patch) | |
| tree | d01d0353b64290180224cdfaf64e34f105186d8a | |
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 3 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 5399-0.txt | 2025 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 5399-0.zip | bin | 0 -> 45950 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 5399-h.zip | bin | 0 -> 48110 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | 5399-h/5399-h.htm | 2184 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 5399.txt | 2025 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | 5399.zip | bin | 0 -> 45811 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/wc62w10.txt | 1984 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/wc62w10.zip | bin | 0 -> 46065 bytes |
11 files changed, 8234 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/5399-0.txt b/5399-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..0f932bb --- /dev/null +++ b/5399-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2025 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay On The American Contribution And +The Democratic Idea, by Winston Churchill +[The Author is the American Winston Churchill not the British] + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: An Essay On The American Contribution And The Democratic Idea + +Author: Winston Churchill + +Release Date: October 6, 2006 [EBook #5399] +Last Updated: August 24, 2016 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION *** + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +AN ESSAY ON THE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION AND THE DEMOCRATIC IDEA + +By Winston Churchill + + + + +I. + +Failure to recognize that the American, is at heart an idealist is +to lack understanding of our national character. Two of our greatest +interpreters proclaimed it, Emerson and William James. In a recent +address at the Paris Sorbonne on “American Idealism,” M. Firmin Roz +observed that a people is rarely justly estimated by its contemporaries. +The French, he says, have been celebrated chiefly for the skill of their +chefs and their vaudeville actors, while in the disturbed ‘speculum +mundi’ Americans have appeared as a collection of money grabbers whose +philosophy is the dollar. It remained for the war to reveal the true +nature of both peoples. The American colonists, M. Roz continues, unlike +other colonists, were animated not by material motives, but by the +desire to safeguard and realize an ideal; our inherent characteristic +today is a belief in the virtue and power of ideas, of a national, +indeed, of a universal, mission. In the Eighteenth Century we proposed +a Philosophy and adopted a Constitution far in advance of the political +practice of the day, and set up a government of which Europe predicted +the early downfall. Nevertheless, thanks partly to good fortune, and +to the farseeing wisdom of our early statesmen who perceived that the +success of our experiment depended upon the maintenance of an isolation +from European affairs, we established democracy as a practical form of +government. + +We have not always lived up to our beliefs in ideas. In our dealings +with other nations, we yielded often to imperialistic ambitions and +thus, to a certain extent, justified the cynicism of Europe. We took +what we wanted--and more. From Spain we seized western Florida; the +annexation of Texas and the subsequent war with Mexico are acts upon +which we cannot look back with unmixed democratic pride; while more than +once we professed a naive willingness to fight England in order to +push our boundaries further north. We regarded the Monroe Doctrine as +altruistic, while others smiled. But it suited England, and her sea +power gave it force. + +Our war with Spain in 1898, however, was fought for an idea, and, +despite the imperialistic impulse that followed it, marks a transition, +an advance, in international ethics. Imperialistic cynics were not +lacking to scoff at our protestation that we were fighting Spain in +order to liberate Cuba; and yet this, for the American people at large, +was undoubtedly the inspiration of the war. We kept our promise, we did +not annex Cuba, we introduced into international affairs what is known +as the Big Brother idea. Then came the Platt Amendment. Cuba was free, +but she must not wallow near our shores in an unhygienic state, or +borrow money without our consent. We acquired valuable naval bases. +Moreover, the sudden and unexpected acquisition of Porto Rico and the +Philippines made us imperialists in spite of ourselves. + +Nations as well as individuals, however, must be judged by their +intentions. The sound public opinion of our people has undoubtedly +remained in favour of ultimate self-government for the Philippines, and +the greatest measure of self-determination for little Porto Rico; it has +been unquestionably opposed to commercial exploitation of the islands, +desirous of yielding to these peoples the fruits of their labour in +developing the resources of their own lands. An intention, by the +way, diametrically different from that of Germany. In regard to our +protectorate in the island of San Domingo, our “semi-protectorate” in +Nicaragua, the same argument of intention may fairly be urged. Germany, +who desired them, would have exploited them. To a certain extent, no +doubt, as a result of the momentum of commercial imperialism, we are +still exploiting them. But the attitude of the majority of Americans +toward more backward peoples is not cynical; hence there is hope that a +democratic solution of the Caribbean and Central American problem may +be found. And we are not ready, as yet, to accept without further +experiment the dogma that tropical and sub-tropical people will not +ultimately be able to govern themselves. If this eventually, prove to be +the case at least some such experiment as the new British Labour Party +has proposed for the Empire may be tried. Our general theory that the +exploitation of foreign peoples reacts unfavourably on the exploiters is +undoubtedly sound. + +Nor are the ethics of the manner of our acquisition of a part of Panama +and the Canal wholly defensible from the point of view of international +democracy. Yet it must be remembered that President Roosevelt was +dealing with a corrupt, irresponsible, and hostile government, and that +the Canal had become a necessity not only for our own development, but +for that of the civilization of the world. + +The Spanish War, as has been said, marked a transition, a development +of the American Idea. In obedience to a growing perception that dominion +and exploitation are incompatible with and detrimental to our system of +government, we fought in good faith to gain self-determination for an +alien people. The only real peril confronting democracy is the arrest +of growth. Its true conquests are in the realms of ideas, and hence it +calls for a statesmanship which, while not breaking with the past, while +taking into account the inherent nature of a people, is able to deal +creatively with new situations--always under the guidance of current +social science. + +Woodrow Wilson’s Mexican policy, being a projection of the American Idea +to foreign affairs, a step toward international democracy, marks the +beginning of a new era. Though not wholly understood, though opposed by +a powerful minority of our citizens, it stirred the consciousness of a +national mission to which our people are invariably ready to respond. +Since it was essentially experimental, and therefore not lacking in +mistakes, there was ample opportunity for a criticism that seemed at +times extremely plausible. The old and tried method of dealing with such +anarchy as existed across our southern border was made to seem the safe +one; while the new, because it was untried, was presented as disastrous. +In reality, the reverse was the case. + +Mr. Wilson’s opponents were, generally speaking, the commercial classes +in the community, whose environment and training led them to demand +a foreign policy similar to that of other great powers, a financial +imperialism which is the logical counterpart in foreign affairs of the +commercial exploitation of domestic national resources and domestic +labour. These were the classes which combated the growth of democracy at +home, in national and state politics. From their point of view--not +that of the larger vision--they were consistent. On the other hand, the +nation grasped the fact that to have one brand of democracy at home and +another for dealing with foreign nations was not only illogical but, in +the long run, would be suicidal to the Republic. And the people at large +were committed to democratic progress at home. They were struggling for +it. + +One of the most important issues of the American liberal movement early +in this century had been that for the conservation of what remains +of our natural resources of coal and metals and oil and timber and +waterpower for the benefit of all the people, on the theory that these +are the property of the people. But if the natural resources of this +country belong to the people of the United States, those of Mexico +belong to the people of Mexico. It makes no difference how “lazy,” + ignorant, and indifferent to their own interests the Mexicans at present +may be. And even more important in these liberal campaigns was the issue +of the conservation of human resources--men and women and children who +are forced by necessity to labour. These must be protected in health, +given economic freedom and a just reward for their toil. The American +democracy, committed to the principle of the conservation of domestic +natural and human resources, could not without detriment to itself +persist in a foreign policy that ignored them. For many years our +own government had permitted the squandering of these resources by +adventurous capitalists; and gradually, as we became a rich industrial +nation, these capitalists sought profitable investments for their +increasing surplus in foreign lands. Their manner of acquiring +“concessions” in Mexico was quite similar to that by which they had +seized because of the indifference and ignorance of our own people--our +own mines and timber lands which our government held in trust. Sometimes +these American “concessions” have been valid in law though the law +itself violated a democratic principle; more often corrupt officials +winked at violations of the law, enabling capitalists to absorb bogus +claims. + +The various rulers of Mexico sold to American and other foreign +capitalists the resources belonging to the people of their country, and +pocketed, with their followers, the proceeds of the sale. Their control +of the country rested upon force; the stability of the Diaz rule, +for instance, depended upon the “President’s” ability to maintain his +dictatorship--a precarious guarantee to the titles he had given. Hence +the premium on revolutions. There was always the incentive to the +upstart political and military buccaneer to overthrow the dictator and +gain possession of the spoils, to sell new doubtful concessions and levy +new tribute on the capitalists holding claims from a former tyrant. + +The foreign capitalists appealed to their governments; commercial +imperialism responded by dispatching military forces to protect the +lives and “property” of its citizens, in some instances going so far as +to take possession of the country. A classic case, as cited by Hobson, +is Britain’s South African War, in which the blood and treasure of the +people of the United Kingdom were expended because British capitalists +had found the Boers recalcitrant, bent on retaining their own country +for themselves. To be sure, South Africa, like Mexico is rich in +resources for which advancing civilization continually makes demands. +And, in the case of Mexico, the products of the tropics, such as rubber, +are increasingly necessary to the industrial powers of the temperate +zone. On the other hand, if the exploiting nation aspire to +self-government, the imperialistic method of obtaining these products +by the selfish exploitation of the natural and human resources of the +backward countries reacts so powerfully on the growth of democracy at +home--and hence on the growth of democracy throughout the world--as to +threaten the very future of civilization. The British Liberals, when +they came into power, perceived this, and at once did their best to +make amends to South Africa by granting her autonomy and virtual +independence, linking her to Britain by the silken thread of Anglo-Saxon +democratic culture. How strong this thread has proved is shown by the +action of those of Dutch blood in the Dominion during the present war. + +Eventually, if democracy is not to perish from the face of the earth, +some other than the crude imperialistic method of dealing with backward +peoples, of obtaining for civilization the needed resources of their +lands, must be inaugurated--a democratic method. And this is perhaps +the supreme problem of democracy today. It demands for its solution a +complete reversal of the established policy of imperialism, a new theory +of international relationships, a mutual helpfulness and partnership +between nations, even as democracy implies cooperation between +individual citizens. Therefore President Wilson laid down the doctrine +that American citizens enter Mexico at their own risk; that they must +not expect that American blood will be shed or the nation’s money be +expended to protect their lives or the “property” they have acquired +from Mexican dictators. This applies also to the small capitalists, +the owners of the coffee plantations, as well as to those Americans in +Mexico who are not capitalists but wage earners. The people of Mexico +are entitled to try the experiment of self-determination. It is an +experiment, we frankly acknowledge that fact, a democratic experiment +dependent on physical science, social science, and scientific education. +The other horn of the dilemma, our persistence in imperialism, is even +worse--since by such persistence we destroy ourselves. + +A subjective judgment, in accordance with our own democratic standards, +by the American Government as to the methods employed by a Huerta, for +instance, is indeed demanded; not on the ground, however, that such +methods are “good” or “bad”; but whether they are detrimental to Mexican +self-determination, and hence to the progress of our own democracy. + + + + +II. + +If America had started to prepare when Belgium was invaded, had entered +the war when the Lusitania was sunk, Germany might by now have been +defeated, hundreds of thousands of lives might have been spared. All +this may be admitted. Yet, looking backward, it is easy to read the +reason for our hesitancy in our national character and traditions. +We were pacifists, yes, but pacifists of a peculiar kind. One of our +greatest American prophets, William James, knew that there was an issue +for which we were ready to fight, for which we were willing to make the +extreme sacrifice,--and that issue he defined as “war against war.” It +remained for America to make the issue. + +Peoples do not rush to arms unless their national existence is +threatened. It is what may be called the environmental cause that drives +nations quickly into war. It drove the Entente nations into war, though +incidentally they were struggling for certain democratic institutions, +for international justice. But in the case of America, the environmental +cause was absent. Whether or not our national existence was or is +actually threatened, the average American does not believe that it is. +He was called upon to abandon his tradition, to mingle in a European +conflict, to fight for an idea alone. Ideas require time to develop, to +seize the imagination of masses. And it must be remembered that in 1914 +the great issue had not been defined. Curiously enough, now that it +is defined, it proves to be an American issue--a logical and positive +projection of our Washingtonian tradition and Monroe doctrine. These +had for their object the preservation and development of democracy, +the banishment from the Western Hemisphere of European imperialistic +conflict and war. We are now, with the help of our allies, striving to +banish these things from the face of the earth. It is undoubtedly +the greatest idea for which man has been summoned to make the supreme +sacrifice. + +Its evolution has been traced. Democracy was the issue in the Spanish +War, when we fought a weak nation. We have followed its broader +application to Mexico, when we were willing to ignore the taunts and +insults of another weak nation, even the loss of “prestige,” for the +sake of the larger good. And we have now the clue to the President’s +interpretation of the nation’s mind during the first three years of the +present war. We were willing to bear the taunts and insults of Germany +so long as it appeared that a future world peace night best be brought +about by the preservation of neutrality, by turning the weight of the +impartial public opinion of our democracy and that of other neutrals +against militarism and imperialism. Our national aim was ever consistent +with the ideal of William James, to advance democracy and put an end to +the evil of war. + +The only sufficient reason for the abandonment of the Washingtonian +policy is the furtherance of the object for which it was inaugurated, +the advance of democracy. And we had established the precedent, +with Spain and Mexico, that the Republic shall engage in no war of +imperialistic conquest. We war only in behalf of, or in defence of, +democracy. + +Before the entrance of America, however, the issues of the European +War were by no means clear cut along democratic lines. What kind of +democracy were the allies fighting for? Nowhere and at no time had it +been defined by any of their statesmen. On the contrary, the various +allied governments had entered into compacts for the transference +of territory in the event of victory; and had even, by the offer of +rewards, sought to play one small nation against another. This secret +diplomacy of bargains, of course, was a European heritage, the result of +an imperialistic environment which the American did not understand, +and from which he was happily free. Its effect on France is peculiarly +enlightening. The hostility of European governments, due to their fear +of her republican institutions, retarded her democratic growth, and +her history during the reign of Napoleon III is one of intrigue for +aggrandizement differing from Bismarck’s only in the fact that it was +unsuccessful. Britain, because she was separated from the continent and +protected by her fleet, virtually withdrew from European affairs in +the latter part of the nineteenth century, and, as a result, made great +strides in democracy. The aggressions of Germany forced Britain in +self-defence into coalitions. Because of her power and wealth she became +the Entente leader, yet her liberal government was compelled to enter +into secret agreements with certain allied governments in order to +satisfy what they deemed to be their needs and just ambitions. She had +honestly sought, before the war, to come to terms with Germany, and had +even proposed gradual disarmament. But, despite the best intentions, +circumstances and environment, as well as the precarious situation of +her empire, prevented her from liberalizing her foreign relations to +conform with the growth of democracy within the United Kingdom and the +Dominions. Americans felt a profound pity for Belgium. But she was +not, as Cuba had been, our affair. The great majority of our citizens +sympathized with the Entente, regarded with amazement and disgust the +sudden disclosure of the true character of the German militaristic +government. Yet for the average American the war wore the complexion +of other European conflicts, was one involving a Balance of Power, +mysterious and inexplicable. To him the underlying issue was not +democratic, but imperialistic; and this was partly because he was unable +to make a mental connection between a European war and the brand of +democracy he recognized. Preaching and propaganda fail unless it can be +brought home to a people that something dear to their innermost nature +is at stake, that the fate of the thing they most desire, and are +willing to make sacrifices for, hangs in the balance. + +During a decade the old political parties, between which there was +now little more than an artificial alignment, had been breaking up. +Americans were absorbed in the great liberal movement begun under the +leadership of President Roosevelt, the result of which was to transform +democracy from a static to a pragmatic and evolutionary conception,--in +order to meet and correct new and unforeseen evils. Political freedom +was seen to be of little worth unless also accompanied by the economic +freedom the nation had enjoyed before the advent of industrialism. +Clerks and farmers, professional men and shopkeepers and artisans were +ready to follow the liberal leaders in states and nation; intellectual +elements from colleges and universities were enlisted. Paralleling +the movement, at times mingling with it, was the revolt of labour, +manifested not only in political action, but in strikes and violence. +Readily accessible books and magazines together with club and forum +lectures in cities, towns, and villages were rapidly educating the +population in social science, and the result was a growing independent +vote to make politicians despair. + +Here was an instance of a democratic culture growing in +isolation, resentful of all external interference. To millions of +Americans--especially in our middle western and western states--bent +upon social reforms, the European War appeared as an arresting +influence. American participation meant the triumph of the forces +of reaction. Colour was lent to this belief because the conservative +element which had opposed social reforms was loudest in its demand for +intervention. The wealthy and travelled classes organized preparedness +parades and distributed propaganda. In short, those who had apparently +done their utmost to oppose democracy at home were most insistent that +we should embark upon a war for democracy across the seas. Again, what +kind of democracy? Obviously a status quo, commercially imperialistic +democracy, which the awakening liberal was bent upon abolishing. + +There is undoubtedly in such an office as the American presidency +some virtue which, in times of crisis, inspires in capable men an +intellectual and moral growth proportional to developing events. +Lincoln, our most striking example, grew more between 1861 and 1865 +than during all the earlier years of his life. Nor is the growth of +democratic leaders, when seen through the distorted passions of +their day, apparently a consistent thing. Greatness, near at hand, is +startlingly like inconsistency; it seems at moments to vacillate, to +turn back upon and deny itself, and thus lays itself open to seemingly +plausible criticism by politicians and time servers and all who cry out +for precedent. Yet it is an interesting and encouraging fact that the +faith of democratic peoples goes out, and goes out alone, to leaders +who--whatever their minor faults and failings--do not fear to reverse +themselves when occasion demands; to enunciate new doctrines, seemingly +in contradiction to former assertions, to meet new crises. When a +democratic leader who has given evidence of greatness ceases to develop +new ideas, he loses the public confidence. He flops back into the ranks +of the conservative he formerly opposed, who catch up with him only when +he ceases to grow. + +In 1916 the majority of the American people elected Mr. Wilson in the +belief that he would keep them out of war. In 1917 he entered the war +with the nation behind him. A recalcitrant Middle West was the first +to fill its quota of volunteers, and we witnessed the extraordinary +spectacle of the endorsement of conscription: What had happened? A very +simple, but a very great thing Mr. Wilson had made the issue of the +war a democratic issue, an American issue, in harmony with our national +hopes and traditions. But why could not this issue have been announced +in 1914 or 1915? The answer seems to be that peoples, as well as their +leaders and interpreters, must grow to meet critical situations. In 1861 +the moral idea of the Civil War was obscured and hidden by economic and +material interests. The Abraham Lincoln who entered the White House in +1861 was indeed the same man who signed the Emancipation Proclamation +in 1863; and yet, in a sense, he was not the same man; events and +responsibilities had effected a profound but logical growth in his +personality. And the people of the Union were not ready to endorse +Emancipation in 1861. In 1863, in the darkest hour of the war, the +spirit of the North responded to the call, and, despite the vilification +of the President, was true to him to victory. More significant still, +in view of the events of today, is what then occurred in England. The +British Government was unfriendly; the British people as a whole had +looked upon our Civil War very much in the same light as the American +people regarded the present war at its inception--which is to say that +the economic and materialistic issue seemed to overshadow the moral one. +When Abraham Lincoln proclaimed it to be a war for human freedom, +the sentiment of the British people changed--of the British people as +distinct from the governing classes; and the textile workers of the +northern counties, whose mills could not get cotton on account of the +blockade, declared their willingness to suffer and starve if the slaves +in America might be freed. + +Abraham Lincoln at that time represented the American people as +the British Government did not represent the British people. We are +concerned today with peoples rather than governments. + +It remained for an American President to announce the moral issue of the +present war, and thus to solidify behind him, not only the liberal mind +of America, but the liberal elements within the nations of Europe. He +became the democratic leader of the world. The issue, simply stated, is +the advancement of democracy and peace. They are inseparable. Democracy, +for progress, demands peace. It had reached a stage, when, in a +contracting world, it could no longer advance through isolation: +its very existence in every country was threatened, not only by the +partisans of reaction from within, but by the menace from without of a +militaristic and imperialistic nation determined to crush it, restore +superimposed authority, and dominate the globe. Democracy, divided +against itself, cannot stand. A league of democratic nations, of +democratic peoples, has become imperative. Hereafter, if democracy wins, +self-determination, and not imperialistic exploitation, is to be the +universal rule. It is the extension, on a world scale, of Mr. +Wilson’s Mexican policy, the application of democratic principles to +international relationships, and marks the inauguration of a new era. We +resort to force against force, not for dominion, but to make the +world safe for the idea on which we believe the future of civilization +depends, the sacred right of self-government. We stand prepared to treat +with the German people when they are ready to cast off autocracy and +militarism. Our attitude toward them is precisely our attitude toward +the Mexican People. We believe, and with good reason, that the German +system of education is authoritative and false, and was more or less +deliberately conceived in order to warp the nature and produce +complexes in the mind of the German people for the end of preserving and +perpetuating the power of the Junkers. We have no quarrel with the +duped and oppressed, but we war against the agents of oppression. To the +conservative mind such an aspiration appears chimerical. But America, +youngest of the nations, was born when modern science was gathering +the momentum which since has enabled it to overcome, with a bewildering +rapidity, many evils previously held by superstition to be ineradicable. +As a corollary to our democratic creed, we accepted the dictum that to +human intelligence all things are possible. The virtue of this dictum +lies not in dogma, but in an indomitable attitude of mind to which the +world owes its every advance in civilization; quixotic, perhaps, but +necessary to great accomplishment. In searching for a present-day +protagonist, no happier example could be found than Mr. Henry Ford, who +exhibits the characteristic American mixture of the practical and the +ideal. He introduces into industry humanitarian practices that even +tend to increase the vast fortune which by his own efforts he has +accumulated. He sees that democratic peoples do not desire to go to +war, he does not believe that war is necessary and inevitable, he lays +himself open to ridicule by financing a Peace Mission. Circumstances +force him to abandon his project, but he is not for one moment +discouraged. His intention remains. He throws all his energy and wealth +into a war to end war, and the value of his contribution is inestimable. + +A study of Mr. Ford’s mental processes and acts illustrates the true +mind of America. In the autumn of 1916 Mr. Wilson declared that “the +people of the United States want to be sure what they are fighting +about, and they want to be sure that they are fighting for the things +that will bring the world justice and peace. Define the elements; let +us know that we are not fighting for the prevalence of this nation over +that, for the ambitions of this group of nations as compared with the +ambitions of that group of nations, let us once be convinced that we are +called in to a great combination for the rights of mankind, and America +will unite her force and spill her blood for the great things she has +always believed in and followed.” + +“America is always ready to fight for the things which are American.” + Even in these sombre days that mark the anniversary of our entrance into +the war. But let it be remembered that it was in the darkest days of the +Civil War Abraham Lincoln boldly proclaimed the democratic, idealistic +issue of that struggle. The Russian Revolution, which we must seek +to understand and not condemn, the Allied defeats that are its +consequences, can only make our purpose the firmer to put forth all our +strength for the building up of a better world. The President’s masterly +series of state papers, distributed in all parts of the globe, have +indeed been so many Proclamations of Emancipation for the world’s +oppressed. Not only powerful nations shall cease to exploit little +nations, but powerful individuals shall cease to exploit their fellow +men. Henceforth no wars for dominion shall be waged, and to this +end secret treaties shall be abolished. Peoples through their +representatives shall make their own treaties. And just as democracy +insures to the individual the greatest amount of self-determination, +nations also shall have self-determination, in order that each shall be +free to make its world contribution. All citizens have duties to +perform toward their fellow citizens; all democratic nations must be +interdependent. + +With this purpose America has entered the war. But it implies that our +own household must be swept and cleaned. The injustices and inequalities +existing in our own country, the false standards of worth, the +materialism, the luxury and waste must be purged from our midst. + + + + +III. + +In fighting Germany we are indeed fighting an evil Will--evil because it +seeks to crush the growth of individual and national freedom. Its object +is to put the world back under the thrall of self-constituted authority. +So long as this Will can compel the bodies of soldiers to do its +bidding, these bodies must be destroyed. Until the Will behind them is +broken, the world cannot be free. Junkerism is the final expression +of reaction, organized to the highest efficiency. The war against the +Junkers marks the consummation of a long struggle for human liberty in +all lands, symbolizes the real cleavage dividing the world. As in the +French Revolution and the wars that followed it, the true significance +of this war is social. But today the Russian Revolution sounds the +keynote. Revolutions tend to express the extremes of the philosophies +of their times--human desires, discontents, and passions that cannot be +organized. The French Revolution was a struggle for political freedom; +the underlying issue of the present war is economic freedom--without +which political freedom is of no account. It will not, therefore, +suffice merely to crush the Junkers, and with them militarism and +autocracy. Unless, as the fruit of this appalling bloodshed and +suffering, the democracies achieve economic freedom, the war will +have been fought in vain. More revolutions, wastage and bloodshed will +follow, the world will be reduced to absolute chaos unless, in the more +advanced democracies, an intelligent social order tending to remove +the causes of injustice and discontent can be devised and ready for +inauguration. This new social order depends, in turn, upon a world order +of mutually helpful, free peoples, a league of Nations.--If the world +is to be made safe for democracy, this democratic plan must be ready for +the day when the German Junker is beaten and peace is declared. + +The real issue of our time is industrial democracy we must face that +fact. And those in America and the Entente nations who continue to +oppose it will do so at their peril. Fortunately, as will be shown, that +element of our population which may be designated as domestic Junkers +is capable of being influenced by contemporary currents of thought, +is awakening to the realization of social conditions deplorable and +dangerous. Prosperity and power had made them blind and arrogant. Their +enthusiasm for the war was, however, genuine; the sacrifices they are +making are changing and softening them; but as yet they can scarcely be +expected, as a class, to rejoice over the revelation--just beginning +to dawn upon their minds--that victory for the Allies spells the end of +privilege. Their conception of democracy remains archaic, while wealth +is inherently conservative. Those who possess it in America have as a +rule received an education in terms of an obsolete economics, of the +thought of an age gone by. It is only within the past few years that our +colleges and universities have begun to teach modern economics, +social science and psychology--and this in the face of opposition from +trustees. Successful business men, as a rule, have had neither the time +nor the inclination to read books which they regard as visionary, +as subversive to an order by which they have profited. And that some +Americans are fools, and have been dazzled in Europe by the glamour of a +privilege not attainable at home, is a deplorable yet indubitable fact. +These have little sympathy with democracy; they have even been heard +to declare that we have no right to dictate to another nation, even an +enemy nation, what form of government it shall assume. We have no right +to demand, when peace comes, that the negotiations must be with the +representatives of the German people. These are they who deplore the +absence among us of a tradition of monarchy, since the American people +“should have something to look up to.” But this state of mind, which +needs no comment, is comparatively rare, and represents an extreme. We +are not lacking, however, in the type of conservative who, innocent of a +knowledge of psychology, insists that “human nature cannot be changed,” + and that the “survival of the fittest” is the law of life, yet these +would deny Darwin if he were a contemporary. They reject the idea that +society can be organized by intelligence, and war ended by eliminating +its causes from the social order. On the contrary they cling to the +orthodox contention that war is a necessary and salutary thing, and +proclaim that the American fibre was growing weak and flabby from luxury +and peace, curiously ignoring the fact that their own economic class, +the small percentage of our population owning sixty per cent. of the +wealth of the country, and which therefore should be most debilitated by +luxury, was most eager for war, and since war has been declared has most +amply proved its courage and fighting quality. This, however, and other +evidences of the patriotic sacrifices of those of our countrymen who +possess wealth, prove that they are still Americans, and encourages the +hope and belief that as Americans they ultimately will do their share +toward a democratic solution of the problem of society. Many of them are +capable of vision, and are beginning to see the light today. + +In America we succeeded in eliminating hereditary power, in obtaining a +large measure of political liberty, only to see the rise of an economic +power, and the consequent loss of economic liberty. The industrial +development of the United States was of course a necessary and desirable +thing, but the economic doctrine which formed the basis of American +institutions proved to be unsuited to industrialism, and introduced +unforeseen evils that were a serious menace to the Republic. An +individualistic economic philosophy worked admirably while there was +ample land for the pioneer, equality of opportunity to satisfy the +individual initiative of the enterprising. But what is known as +industrialism brought in its train fear and favour, privilege and +poverty, slums, disease, and municipal vice, fostered a too rapid +immigration, established in America a tenant system alien to our +traditions. The conditions which existed before the advent of +industrialism are admirably pictured, for instance, in the autobiography +of Mr. Charles Francis Adams, when he describes his native town of +Quincy in the first half of the Nineteenth Century. In those early +communities, poverty was negligible, there was no great contrast between +rich and poor; the artisan, the farmer, the well-to-do merchant met +on terms of mutual self-respect, as man to man; economic class +consciousness was non-existent; education was so widespread that +European travellers wonderingly commented on the fact that we had no +“peasantry”; and with few exceptions every citizen owned a piece of land +and a home. Property, a refuge a man may call his own, and on which +he may express his individuality, is essential to happiness and +self-respect. Today, less than two thirds of our farmers own their land, +while vast numbers of our working men and women possess nothing but the +labour of their hands. The designation of labour as “property” by our +courts only served to tighten the bonds, by obstructing for a time the +movement to decrease the tedious and debilitating hours of contact of +the human organism with the machine,--a menace to the future of the +race, especially in the case of women and children. If labour is +“property,” wretches driven by economic necessity have indeed only the +choice of a change of masters. In addition to the manual workers, an +army of clerical workers of both sexes likewise became tenants, and +dependents who knew not the satisfaction of a real home. + +Such conditions gradually brought about a profound discontent, a +grouping of classes. Among the comparatively prosperous there was set +up a social competition in luxury that was the bane of large and +small communities. Skilled labour banded itself into unions, employers +organized to oppose them, and the result was a class conflict never +contemplated by the founders of the Republic, repugnant to democracy +which by its very nature depends for its existence on the elimination of +classes. In addition to this, owing to the unprecedented immigration of +ignorant Europeans to supply the labour demand, we acquired a sinister +proletariat of unskilled economic slaves. Before the war labour +discovered its strength; since the war began, especially in the allied +nations with quasi-democratic institutions, it is aware of its power to +exert a leverage capable of paralyzing industry for a period sufficient +to destroy the chances of victory. The probability of the occurrence +of such a calamity depends wholly on whether or not the workman can +be convinced that it is his war, for he will not exert himself to +perpetuate a social order in which he has lost faith, even though he now +obtains a considerable increase in wages. Agreements entered into with +the government by union leaders will not hold him if at any time he +fails to be satisfied that the present world conflict will not result +in a greater social justice. This fact has been demonstrated by what +is known as the “shop steward” movement in England, where the workers +repudiated the leaders’ agreements and everywhere organized local +strikes. And in America, the unskilled workers are largely outside of +the unions. + +The workman has a natural and laudable desire to share more fully in +the good things of life. And it is coming to be recognized that material +prosperity, up to a certain point, is the foundation of mental and +spiritual welfare: clean and comfortable surroundings, beauty, rational +amusements, opportunity for a rational satisfaction of the human +instincts are essential to contentment and progress. The individual, of +course, must be enlightened; and local labour unions, recognizing +this, are spending considerable sums all over the country on schools +to educate their members. If a workman is a profiteer, he is more to be +excused than the business profiteer, against whom his anger is directed; +if he is a spendthrift, prodigality is a natural consequence of rapid +acquisition. We have been a nation of spendthrifts. + +A failure to grasp the psychology of the worker involves disastrous +consequences. A discussion as to whether or not his attitude is +unpatriotic and selfish is futile. No more profound mistake could be +made than to attribute to any element of the population motives wholly +base. Human nature is neither all black nor all white, yet is capable +of supreme sacrifices when adequately appealed to. What we must get into +our minds is the fact that a social order that insured a large measure +of democracy in the early days of the Republic is inadequate to meet +modern industrial conditions. Higher wages, material prosperity alone +will not suffice to satisfy aspirations for a fuller self-realization, +once the method by which these aspirations can be gained is glimpsed. +For it cannot be too often repeated that the unquenchable conflicts are +those waged for ideas and not dollars. These are tinged with religious +emotion. + + + + +IV. + +Mr. Wilson’s messages to the American people and to the world have +proclaimed a new international order, a League of Democracies. And in a +recent letter to New Jersey Democrats we find him warning his party, +or more properly the nation, of the domestic social changes necessarily +flowing from his international program. While rightly resolved to +prosecute the war on the battle lines to the utmost limit of American +resources, he points out that the true significance of the conflict lies +in “revolutionary change.” “Economic and social forces,” he says, “are +being released upon the world, whose effect no political seer dare to +conjecture.” And we “must search our hearts through and through and +make them ready for the birth of a new day--a day we hope and believe +of greater opportunity and greater prosperity for the average mass of +struggling men and women.” He recognizes that the next great step in +the development of democracy which the war must bring about--is the +emancipation of labour; to use his own phrase, the redemption of masses +of men and women from “economic serfdom.” “The old party slogans,” he +declares, “will mean nothing to the future.” + +Judging from this announcement, the President seems prepared to condemn +boldly all the rotten timbers of the social structure that have outlived +their usefulness--a position that hitherto no responsible politician has +dared to take. Politicians, on the contrary, have revered the dead wood, +have sought to shore the old timbers for their own purposes. But so +far as any party is concerned, Mr. Wilson stands alone. Both of the two +great parties, the Republican and the Democratic, in order to make +a show of keeping abreast of the times, have merely patched their +platforms with the new ideas. The Socialist Party in the United States +is relatively small, is divided against itself, and has given no +evidence of a leadership of broad sanity and vision. It is fortunate +we have been spared in this country the formation of a political labour +party, because such a party would have been composed of manual workers +alone, and hence would have tended further to develop economic class +consciousness, to crystallize class antagonisms. Today, however, neither +the Republican nor the Democratic party represents the great issue of +the times; the cleavage between them is wholly artificial. The formation +of a Liberal Party, with a platform avowedly based on modern social +science, has become essential. Such a party, to be in harmony with our +traditions and our creed, to arrest in our democracy the process of +class stratification which threatens to destroy it, must not draw its +members from the ranks of manual labour alone, but from all elements +of our population. It should contain all the liberal professions, and +clerks and shopkeepers, as well as manual workers; administrators, and +even those employers who have become convinced that our present +economic system does not suffice to meet the needs of the day. In short, +membership in such a party, as far as possible, should not be based upon +occupation or economic status, but on an honest difference of view from +that of the conservative opposition. This would be a distinctly American +solution. In order to form such a party a campaign of education will +be necessary. For today Mr. Wilson’s strength is derived from the +independent vote representing the faith of the people as a whole; but +the majority of those who support the President, while they ardently +desire the abolition in the world of absolute monarchy, of militarism +and commercial imperialism, while they are anxious that this war shall +expedite and not retard the social reforms in which they are interested, +have as yet but a vague conception of the social order which these +reforms imply. + +It marks a signal advance in democracy when liberal opinion in any +nation turns for guidance and support to a statesman of another nation. +No clearer sign of the times could be desired than the fact that our +American President has suddenly become the liberal leader of the world. +The traveller in France, and especially in Britain, meets on all sides +striking evidence of this. In these countries, until America’s entrance +into the war, liberals had grown more and more dissatisfied with the +failure of their governments to define in democratic terms the issue of +the conflict, had resented the secret inter-allied compacts, savouring +of imperialism and containing the germs of future war. They are now +looking across the Atlantic for leadership. In France M. Albert Thomas +declared that Woodrow Wilson had given voice to the aspirations of his +party, while a prominent Liberal in England announced in a speech that +it had remained for the American President to express the will and +purpose of the British people. The new British Labour Party and the +Inter-Allied Labour and Socialist Conferences have adopted Mr. Wilson’s +program and have made use of his striking phrases. But we have between +America and Britain this difference: in America the President stands +virtually alone, without a party behind him representing his views; +in Britain the general democratic will of the nation is now being +organized, but has obtained as yet no spokesman in the government. + +Extraordinary symptomatic phenomena have occurred in Russia as well as +in Britain. In Russia the rebellion of an awakening people against an +age-long tyranny has almost at once leaped to the issue of the day, +taken on the complexion of a struggle for industrial democracy. Whether +the Germans shall be able to exploit the country, bring about a reaction +and restore for a time monarchical institutions depends largely upon +the fortunes of the war. In Russia there is revolution, with concomitant +chaos; but in Britain there is evolution, an orderly attempt of a people +long accustomed to progress in self-government to establish a new +social order, peacefully and scientifically, and in accordance with a +traditional political procedure. + +The recent development of the British Labour Party, although of deep +significance to Americans, has taken place almost without comment in +this country. It was formally established in 1900, and was then composed +of manual workers alone. In 1906, out of 50 candidates at the polls, 39 +were elected to Parliament; in 1910, 42 were elected. The Parliamentary +Labour Party, so called, has now been amalgamated with four and a half +millions of Trade Unionists, and with the three and a half millions +of members of the Co-operative Wholesale Society and the Co-operative +Union. Allowing for duplication of membership, these three +organizations--according to Mr. Sidney Webb--probably include two fifths +of the population of the United Kingdom. “So great an aggregation of +working class organizations,” he says, “has never come shoulder to +shoulder in any country.” Other smaller societies and organizations are +likewise embraced, including the Socialists. And now that the suffrage +has been extended, provision is made for the inclusion of women. The new +party is organizing in from three to four hundred constituencies, and +at the next general election is not unlikely to gain control of the +political balance of power. + +With the majority of Americans, however, the word “labour” as +designating a party arouses suspicion and distrust. By nature and +tradition we are inclined to deplore and oppose any tendency toward +the stratification of class antagonisms--the result of industrial +discontent--into political groups. The British tradition is likewise +hostile to such a tendency. But in Britain the industrial ferment has +gone much further than with us, and such a result was inevitable. By +taking advantage of the British experience, of the closer ties now being +knit between the two democracies, we may in America be spared a stage +which in Britain was necessary. Indeed, the program of the new British +Labour Party seems to point to a distinctly American solution, one in +harmony with the steady growth of Anglo-Saxon democracy. For it is now +announced that the word “labour,” as applied to the new party, does not +mean manual labour alone, but also mental labour. The British unions +have gradually developed and placed in power leaders educated in social +science, who have now come into touch with the intellectual leaders +of the United Kingdom, with the sociologists, economists, and social +scientists. The surprising and encouraging result of such association is +the announcement that the new Labour Party is today publicly thrown open +to all workers, both by hand and by brain, with the object of securing +for these the full fruits of their industry. This means the inclusion of +physicians, professors, writers, architects, engineers, and inventors, +of lawyers who no longer regard their profession as a bulwark of the +status quo; of clerks, of administrators of the type evolved by the war, +who indeed have gained their skill under the old order but who now in a +social spirit are dedicating their gifts to the common weal, organizing +and directing vast enterprises for their governments. In short, all +useful citizens who make worthy contributions--as distinguished from +parasites, profiteers, and drones, are invited to be members; there is +no class distinction here. The fortunes of such a party are, of course, +dependent upon the military success of the allied armies and navies. But +it has defined the kind of democracy the Allies are fighting for, and +thus has brought about an unqualified endorsement of the war by those +elements of the population which hitherto have felt the issue to be +imperialistic and vague rather than democratic and clear cut. President +Wilson’s international program is approved of and elaborated. + +The Report on Reconstruction of the new British Labour Party is perhaps +the most important political document presented to the world since the +Declaration of Independence. And like the Declaration, it is written +in the pure English that alone gives the high emotional quality of +sincerity. The phrases in which it tersely describes its objects are +admirable. “What is to be reconstructed after the war is over is +not this or that government department, this or that piece of social +machinery, but Society itself.” There is to be a systematic approach +towards a “healthy equality of material circumstance for every person +born into the world, and not an enforced dominion over subject nations, +subject colonies, subject classes, or a subject sex.” In industry as +well as in government the social order is to be based “on that equal +freedom, that general consciousness of consent, and that widest +participation in power, both economic and political, which is +characteristic of democracy.” But all this, it should be noted, is not +to be achieved in a year or two of “feverish reconstruction”; “each +brick that the Labour Party helps to lay shall go to erect the structure +it intends and no other.” + +In considering the main features of this program, one must have in +mind whether these are a logical projection and continuation of the +Anglo-Saxon democratic tradition, or whether they constitute an absolute +break with that tradition. The only valid reason for the adoption of +such a program in America would be, of course, the restoration of some +such equality of opportunity and economic freedom as existed in our +Republic before we became an industrial nation. “The first condition +of democracy,”--to quote again from the program, “is effective personal +freedom.” + +What is called the “Universal Enforcement of the National Minimum” + contemplates the extension of laws already on the statute books in order +to prevent the extreme degradation of the standard of life brought about +by the old economic system under industrialism. A living minimum wage is +to be established. The British Labour Party intends “to secure to +every member of the community, in good times and bad alike... all the +requisites of healthy life and worthy citizenship.” + +After the war there is to be no cheap labour market, nor are the +millions of workers and soldiers to fall into the clutches of charity; +but it shall be a national obligation to provide each of these with work +according to his capacity. In order to maintain the demand for labour +at a uniform level, the government is to provide public works. The +population is to be rehoused in suitable dwellings, both in rural +districts and town slums; new and more adequate schools and training +colleges are to be inaugurated; land is to be reclaimed and afforested, +and gradually brought under common ownership; railways and canals are to +be reorganized and nationalized, mines and electric power systems. One +of the significant proposals under this head is that which demands the +retention of the centralization of the purchase of raw materials brought +about by the war. + +In order to accomplish these objects there must be a “Revolution in +National Finance.” The present method of raising funds is denounced; and +it is pointed out that only one quarter of the colossal expenditure made +necessary by the war has been raised by taxation, and that the three +quarters borrowed at onerous rates is sure to be a burden on the +nation’s future. The capital needed, when peace comes, to ensure a happy +and contented democracy must be procured without encroaching on the +minimum standard of life, and without hampering production. Indirect +taxation must therefore be concentrated on those luxuries of which it +is desirable that the consumption be discouraged. The steadily rising +unearned increment of urban and mineral land ought, by appropriate +direct taxation, to be brought into the public exchequer; “the definite +teachings of economic science are no longer to be disregarded.” Hence +incomes are to be taxed above the necessary cost of family maintenance, +private fortunes during life and at death; while a special capital levy +must be made to pay off a substantial portion of the national debt. + +“The Democratic Control of Industry” contemplates the progressive +elimination of the private capitalist and the setting free of all who +work by hand and brain for the welfare of all. + +The Surplus Wealth is to be expended for the Common Good. That which +Carlyle designates as the “inward spiritual,” in contrast to the +“outward economical,” is also to be provided for. “Society,” says the +document, “like the individual, does not live by bread alone, does not +exist only for perpetual wealth production.” First of all, there is to +be education according to the highest modern standard; and along with +education, the protection and advancement of the public health, ‘mens +sana in corpore sano’. While large sums must be set aside, not only for +original research in every branch of knowledge, but for the promotion +of music, literature, and fine art, upon which “any real development of +civilization fundamentally depends.” + +In regard to the British Empire, the Labour Party urges self-government +for any people, whatever its colour, proving itself capable, and the +right of that people to the proceeds of its own toil upon the resources +of its territory. An unequivocal stand is taken for the establishment, +as a part of the treaty of peace, of a Universal Society of Nations; +and recognizing that the future progress of democracy depends upon +co-operation and fellowship between liberals of all countries, the +maintenance of intimate relationships is advocated with liberals +oversea. + +Finally, a scientific investigation of each succeeding problem in +government is insisted upon, and a much more rapid dissemination among +the people of the science that exists. “A plutocratic party may choose +to ignore science, but no labour party can hope to maintain its position +unless its proposals are, in fact, the outcome of the best political +science of its time.” + + + + +V. + +There are, it will be seen, some elements in the program of the new +British Labour Party apparently at variance with American and English +institutions, traditions, and ideas. We are left in doubt, for instance, +in regard to its attitude toward private property. The instinct for +property is probably innate in humanity, and American conservatism in +this regard is, according to certain modern economists, undoubtedly +sound. A man should be permitted to acquire at least as much property +as is required for the expression of his personality; such a wise +limitation, also, would abolish the evil known as absentee ownership. +Again, there will arise in many minds the question whether the funds +for the plan of National finance outlined in the program may be obtained +without seriously deranging the economic system of the nation and of the +world. The older school denounces the program as Utopian. On the other +hand, economists of the modern school who have been consulted have +declared it practical. It is certain that before the war began it would +not have been thought possible to raise the billions which in four +years have been expended on sheer destruction; and one of our saddest +reflections today must be of regret that a small portion of these +billions which have gone to waste could not have been expended for the +very purposes outlined--education, public health, the advancement of +science and art, public buildings, roads and parks, and the proper +housing of populations! It is also dawning upon us, as a result of new +practices brought about by the war, that our organization of industry +was happy-go-lucky, inefficient and wasteful, and that a more scientific +and economical organization is imperative. Under such a new system it +may well be, as modern economists claim, that, we shall have an ample +surplus for the Common Good. + +The chief objection to a National or Democratic Control of Industry has +been that it would tend to create vast political machines and thus give +the politicians in office a nefarious power. It is not intended here to +attempt a refutation of this contention. The remedy lies in a changed +attitude of the employee and the citizen toward government, and the +fact that such an attitude is now developing is not subject to absolute +proof. It may be said, however, that no greater menace to democracy +could have arisen than the one we seem barely to have escaped--the +control of politics and government by the capitalistic interests of the +nation. What seems very clear is that an evolutionary drift toward the +national control of industry has for many years been going on, and that +the war has tremendously speeded up the tendency. Government has stepped +in to protect the consumer of necessities from the profiteer, and +is beginning to set a limit upon profits; has regulated exports and +imports; established a national shipping corporation and merchant +marine, and entered into other industries; it has taken over the +railroads at least for the duration of the war, and may take over coal +mines, and metal resources, as well as the forests and water power; it +now contemplates the regulation of wages. + +The exigency caused by the war, moreover, has transformed the former +practice of international intercourse. Co-operation has replaced +competition. We are reorganizing and regulating our industries, our +business, making sacrifices and preparing to make more sacrifices in +order to meet the needs of our Allies, now that they are sore beset. For +a considerable period after the war is ended, they will require our aid. +We shall be better off than any other of the belligerent nations, and +we shall therefore be called upon to practice, during the years of +reconstruction, a continuation of the same policy of helpfulness. +Indeed, for the nations of the world to spring, commercially speaking, +at one another’s throats would be suicidal even if it were possible. Mr. +Sidney Webb has thrown a flood of light upon the conditions likely to +prevail. For example, speculative export trade is being replaced by +collective importing, bringing business more directly under the control +of the consumer. This has been done by co-operative societies, by +municipalities and states, in Switzerland, France, the United Kingdom, +and in Germany. The Co-operative Wholesale Society of Great Britain, +acting on behalf of three and a half million families, buys two and a +half million dollars of purchases annually. And the Entente nations, in +order to avoid competitive bidding, are buying collectively from us, not +only munitions of war, but other supplies, while the British Government +has made itself the sole importer of such necessities as wheat, sugar, +tea, refrigerated meat, wool, and various metals. The French and Italian +governments, and also certain neutral states, have done likewise. A +purchasing commission for all the Allies and America is now proposed. +After the war, as an inevitable result, for one thing, of transforming +some thirty million citizens into soldiers, of engaging a like number of +men and women at enhanced wages on the manufacture of the requisites of +war, Mr. Webb predicts a world shortage not only in wheat and foodstuffs +but in nearly all important raw materials. These will be required for +the resumption of manufacture. In brief, international co-operation +will be the only means of salvation. The policy of international trade +implied by world shortage is not founded upon a law of “supply and +demand.” The necessities cannot be permitted to go to those who can +afford to pay the highest prices, but to those who need them most. For +the “free play of economic forces” would mean famine on a large scale, +because the richer nations and the richer classes within the nations +might be fully supplied; but to the detriment and ruin of the world +the poorer nations and the poorer classes would be starved. Therefore +governments are already beginning to give consideration to a new +organization of international trade for at least three years after +the war. Now if this organization produce, as it may produce, a more +desirable civilization and a happier world order, we are not likely +entirely to go back--especially in regard to commodities which are +necessities--to a competitive system. The principle of “priority +of need” will supersede the law of “supply and demand.” And the +organizations built up during the war, if they prove efficient, will not +be abolished. Hours of labour and wages in the co-operative League of +Nations will gradually be equalized, and tariffs will become things +of the past. “The axiom will be established,” says Mr. Webb, “that the +resources of every country must, be held for the benefit not only of its +own people but of the world.... The world shortage will, for years to +come, make import duties look both oppressive and ridiculous.” + +So much may be said for the principle of Democratic Control. In spite of +all theoretical opposition, circumstances and evolution apparently point +to its establishment. A system that puts a premium on commercial greed +seems no longer possible. + +The above comments, based on the drift of political practice during +the past decade and a half, may be taken for what they are worth. +Predictions are precarious. The average American will be inclined to +regard the program of the new British Labour Party as the embodiment of +what he vaguely calls Socialism, and to him the very word is repugnant. +Although he may never have heard of Marx, it is the Marxian conception +that comes to his mind, and this implies coercion, a government that +constantly interferes with his personal liberty, that compels him +to tasks for which he has no relish. But your American, and your +Englishman, for that matter, is inherently an individualist he wants as +little government as is compatible with any government at all. And the +descendants of the continental Europeans who flock to our shores +are Anglo-Saxonized, also become by environment and education +individualists. The great importance of preserving this individualism, +this spirit in our citizens of self-reliance, this suspicion against too +much interference with personal liberty, must at once be admitted. And +any scheme for a social order that tends to eliminate and destroy it +should by Americans be summarily rejected. + +The question of supreme interest to us, therefore, is whether the +social order implied in the British program is mainly in the nature of +a development of, or a break with, the Anglo-Saxon democratic tradition. +The program is derived from an English source. It is based on what is +known as modern social science, which has as its ultimate sanction the +nature of the human mind as revealed by psychology. A consideration of +the principles underlying this proposed social order may prove that it +is essentially--if perhaps paradoxically--individualistic, a logical +evolution of institutions which had their origin in the Magna Charta. +Our Declaration of Independence proclaimed that every citizen had the +right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” which means +the opportunity to achieve the greatest self-development and +self-realization. The theory is that each citizen shall find his place, +according to his gifts and abilities, and be satisfied therewith. We may +discover that this is precisely what social science, in an industrial +age, and by spiritualizing human effort, aims to achieve. We may find +that the appearance of such a program as that of the British Labour +Party, supported as it is by an imposing proportion of the population +of the United Kingdom, marks a further step, not only in the advance of +social science and democracy, but also of Christianity. + +I mention Christianity, not for controversial or apologetic reasons, but +because it has been the leaven of our western civilization ever since +the fall of the Roman Empire. Its constant influence has been to soften +and spiritualize individual and national relationships. The bitter +controversies, wars, and persecutions which have raged in its name are +utterly alien to its being. And that the present war is now being fought +by the Allies in the hope of putting an end to war, and is thus in the +true spirit of Christianity, marks an incomparable advance. + +Almost up to the present day, both in our conception and practice of +Christianity, we have largely neglected its most important elements. +Christian orthodoxy, as Auguste Sabatier points out, is largely derived +from the older supernatural religions. The preservative shell of dogma +and superstition has been cracking, and is now ready to burst, and the +social teaching of Jesus would seem to be the kernel from which has +sprung modern democracy, modern science, and modern religion--a trinity +and unity. + +For nearly two thousand years orthodoxy has insisted that the social +principles of Christianity are impractical. And indeed, until the +present day, they have been so. Physical science, by enormously +accelerating the means of transportation and communication, has so +contracted the world as to bring into communion peoples and races +hitherto far apart; has made possible an intelligent organization of +industry which, for the first time in history, can create a surplus +ample to maintain in comfort the world’s population. But this demands +the will to co-operation, which is a Christian principle--a recognition +of the brotherhood of man. Furthermore, physical science has increased +the need for world peace and international co-operation because the +territories of all nations are now subject to swift and terrible +invasion by modern instruments of destruction, while the future +submarine may sweep commerce from the seas. + +Again, orthodoxy declares that human nature is inherently “bad,” while +true Christianity, endorsed by psychology, proclaims it inherently +“good,” which means that, properly guided, properly educated, it is +creative and contributive rather than destructive. No more striking +proof of this fact can be cited than the modern experiment in prison +reform in which hardened convicts, when “given a chance,” frequently +become useful citizens. Unjust and unintelligent social conditions are +the chief factors in making criminals. + +Our most modern system of education, of which Professor John Dewey is +the chief protagonist, is based upon the assertions of psychology that +human nature is essentially “good” creative. Every normal child is +supposed to have a special “distinction” or gift, which it is the task +of the educator to discover. This distinction found, the child achieves +happiness in creation and contribution. Self-realization demands +knowledge and training: the doing of right is not a negative but a +positive act; it is not without significance that the Greek word for sin +is literally “missing the mark.” Christianity emphasizes above all else +the worth of the individual, yet recognizes that the individual can +develop only in society. And if the individual be of great worth, this +worth must be by society developed to its utmost. Universal suffrage is +a logical corollary. + +Universal suffrage, however, implies individual judgment, which means +that the orthodox principle of external authority is out of place both +in Christianity and democracy. The Christian theory is that none shall +intervene between a man’s Maker and himself; democracy presupposes that +no citizen shall accept his beliefs and convictions from others, but +shall make up his own mind and act accordingly. Open-mindedness is the +first requisite of science and democracy. + +What has been deemed, however, in Christianity the most unrealizable +ideal is that which may be called pacifism--to resist not evil, to turn +the other cheek, to agree with your adversary while you are in the +way with him. “I come not,” said Jesus, in one of those paradoxical +statements hitherto so difficult to understand, “I come not to bring +peace, but a sword.” It is indeed what we are fighting for--peace. But +we believe today, more strongly than ever before, as democracy advances, +as peoples tend to gain more and more control over their governments, +that even this may not be an unrealizable ideal. Democracies, intent on +self-realization and self-development, do not desire war. + +The problem of social science, then, appears to be to organize human +society on the principles and ideals of Christianity. But in view of +the fact that the trend of evolution is towards the elimination of +commercial competition, the question which must seriously concern us +today is--What in the future shall be the spur of individual initiative? +Orthodoxy and even democratic practice have hitherto taken it for +granted--in spite of the examples of highly socialized men, benefactors +of society--that the average citizen will bestir himself only for +material gain. And it must be admitted that competition of some sort is +necessary for self-realization, that human nature demands a prize. There +can be no self-sacrifice without a corresponding self-satisfaction. +The answer is that in the theory of democracy, as well as in that of +Christianity, individualism and co-operation are paradoxically blended. +For competition, Christianity substitutes emulation. And with democracy, +it declares that mankind itself can gradually be rained towards the +level of the choice individual who does not labour for gain, but in +behalf of society. For the process of democracy is not degrading, but +lifting. Like Christianity, democracy demands faith, and has as its +inspiring interpretation of civilization evolution towards a spiritual +goal. Yet the kind of faith required is no longer a blind faith, but one +founded on sane and carefully evolved theories. Democracy has become a +scientific experiment. + +In this connection, as one notably inspired by emulation, by the joy of +creative work and service, the medical profession comes first to +mind. The finer element in this profession is constantly increasing in +numbers, growing more and more influential, making life less easy for +the quack, the vendor of nostrums, the commercial proprietor of the +bogus medical college. The doctor who uses his talents for gain is +frowned upon by those of his fellow practitioners whose opinion really +counts. Respected physicians in our cities give much of their time to +teaching, animating students with their own spirit; and labour long +hours, for no material return, in the clinics of the poor. And how +often, in reading our newspapers, do we learn that some medical +scientist, by patient work, and often at the risk of life and health, +has triumphed over a scourge which has played havoc with humanity +throughout the ages! Typhoid has been conquered, and infant paralysis; +gangrene and tetanus, which have taken such toll of the wounded in +Flanders and France; yellow fever has been stamped out in the tropics; +hideous lesions are now healed by a system of drainage. The very list of +these achievements is bewildering, and latterly we are given hope of +the prolongation of life itself. Here in truth are Christian deeds +multiplied by science, made possible by a growing knowledge of and +mastery over Nature. + +Such men by virtue of their high mission are above the vicious social +and commercial competition poisoning the lives of so many of their +fellow citizens. In our democracy they have found their work, and the +work is its own reward. They give striking testimony to the theory that +absorption in a creative or contributive task is the only source of +self-realization. And he has little faith in mankind who shall +declare that the medical profession is the only group capable of being +socialized, or, rather, of socializing themselves--for such is the +true process of democracy. Public opinion should be the leaven. What +is possible for the doctor is also possible for the lawyer, for the +teacher. In a democracy, teaching should be the most honoured of the +professions, and indeed once was,--before the advent of industrialism, +when it gradually fell into neglect,--occasionally into deplorable +submission to the possessors of wealth. Yet a wage disgracefully +low, hardship, and even poverty have not hindered men of ability from +entering it in increasing numbers, renouncing ease and luxuries. The +worth of the contributions of our professors to civilization has been +inestimable; and fortunately signs are not lacking that we are coming +to an appreciation of the value of the expert in government, who is +replacing the panderer and the politician. A new solidarity of teaching +professional opinion, together with a growing realization by our public +of the primary importance of the calling, is tending to emancipate it, +to establish it in its rightful place. + +Nor are our engineers without their ideal. A Goethals did not cut an +isthmus in two for gain. + +Industrialism, with its concomitant “corporation” practice, has +undoubtedly been detrimental to the legal profession, since it has +resulted in large fees; in the accumulation of vast fortunes, frequently +by methods ethically questionable. Grave social injustices have been +done, though often in good faith, since the lawyer, by training and +experience, has hitherto been least open to the teachings of the new +social science, has been an honest advocate of the system of ‘laissez +faire’. But to say that the American legal profession is without ideals +and lacking in the emulative spirit would be to do it a grave injustice. +The increasing influence of national and state bar associations +evidences a professional opinion discouraging to the unscrupulous; +while a new evolutionary and more humanitarian conception of law is now +beginning to be taught, and young men are entering the ranks imbued +with this. Legal clinics, like medical clinics, are established for the +benefit of those who cannot afford to pay fees, for the protection +of the duped from the predatory quack. And, it must be said of this +profession, which hitherto has held a foremost place in America, +that its leaders have never hesitated to respond to a public call, to +sacrifice their practices to serve the nation. Their highest ambition +has even been to attain the Supreme Court, where the salary is a mere +pittance compared to what they may earn as private citizens. + +Thus we may review all the groups in the nation, but the most +significant transformation of all is taking place within the business +group,--where indeed it might be least expected. Even before the war +there were many evidences that the emulative spirit in business had +begun to modify the merely competitive, and we had the spectacle of +large employers of labour awakening to the evils of industrialism, and +themselves attempting to inaugurate reforms. As in the case of labour, +it would be obviously unfair to claim that the employer element was +actuated by motives of self-interest alone; nor were their concessions +due only to fear. Instances could be cited, if there were space, of +voluntary shortening of hours of labour, of raising of wages, when +no coercion was exerted either by the labour unions or the state; +and--perhaps to their surprise employers discovered that such acts were +not only humane but profitable! Among these employers, in fact, may be +observed individuals in various stages of enlightenment, from the few +who have educated themselves in social science, who are convinced that +the time has come when it is not only practicable but right, who realize +that a new era has dawned; to others who still believe in the old +system, who are trying to bolster it up by granting concessions, by +establishing committees of conference, by giving a voice and often a +financial interest, but not a vote, in the conduct of the corporation +concerned. These are the counterpart, in industry, of sovereigns whose +away has been absolute, whose intentions are good, but who hesitate, +often from conviction, to grant constitutions. Yet even these are +responding in some degree to social currents, though the aggressive +struggles of labour may have influenced them, and partially opened +their eyes. They are far better than their associates who still seek to +control the supplies of food and other necessities, whose efficiency is +still solely directed, not toward a social end, but toward the amassing +of large fortunes, and is therefore wasted so far as society is +concerned. They do not perceive that by seeking to control prices they +merely hasten the tendency of government control, for it is better to +have government regulation for the benefit of the many than proprietary +control, however efficient, for the benefit of the few. + +That a significant change of heart and mind has begun to take place +amongst capitalists, that the nucleus of a “public opinion” has been +formed within an element which, by the use and wont of business and +habits of thought might be regarded as least subject to the influence of +social ideas, is a most hopeful augury. This nascent opinion has begun +to operate by shaming unscrupulous and recalcitrant employers into +better practices. It would indeed fare ill with democracy if, in such +an era, men of large business proved to be lacking in democratic +initiative, wholly unreceptive and hostile to the gradual introduction +of democracy into industry, which means the perpetuation of the +American Idea. Fortunately, with us, this capitalistic element is of +comparatively recent growth, the majority of its members are essentially +Americans; they have risen from small beginnings, and are responsive +to a democratic appeal--if that appeal be properly presented. And, as a +matter of fact, for many years a leaven had been at work among them; the +truth has been brought home to them that the mere acquisition of wealth +brings neither happiness nor self-realization; they have lavished their +money on hospitals and universities, clinics, foundations for scientific +research, and other gifts of inestimable benefit to the nation and +mankind. Although the munificence was on a Medicean scale, this private +charity was in accord with the older conception of democracy, and paved +the way for a new order. + +The patriotic and humanitarian motive aroused by the war greatly +accelerated the socializing transformation of the business man and the +capitalist. We have, indeed, our profiteers seeking short cuts to luxury +and wealth; but those happily most representative of American affairs, +including the creative administrators, hastened to Washington with a +willingness to accept any position in which they might be useful, and +in numerous instances placed at the disposal of the government the +manufacturing establishments which, by industry and ability, they +themselves had built up. That in thus surrendering the properties for +which they were largely responsible they hoped at the conclusion of +peace to see restored the ‘status quo ante’ should not be held against +them. Some are now beginning to surmise that a complete restoration is +impossible; and as a result of their socializing experience, are even +wondering whether it is desirable. These are beginning to perceive +that the national and international organizations in the course of +construction to meet the demands of the world conflict must form the +model for a future social structure; that the unprecedented pressure +caused by the cataclysm is compelling a recrystallization of society in +which there must be fewer misfits, in which many more individuals than +formerly shall find public or semi-public tasks in accordance with their +gifts and abilities. + +It may be argued that war compels socialization, that after the war +the world will perforce return to materialistic individualism. But this +calamity, terrible above all others, has warned us of the imperative +need of an order that shall be socializing, if we are not to witness the +destruction of our civilization itself. Confidence that such an order, +thanks to the advancement of science, is now within our grasp should not +be difficult for Americans, once they have rightly conceived it. We, who +have always pinned our faith to ideas, who entered the conflict for an +Idea, must be the last to shirk the task, however Herculean, of world +reconstruction along the lines of our own professed faith. We cannot be +renegades to Democracy. + +Above all things, then, it is essential for us as a people not to +abandon our faith in man, our belief that not only the exceptional +individual but the majority of mankind can be socialized. What is true +of our physicians, our scientists and professional men, our manual +workers, is also true of our capitalists and business men. In a more +just and intelligent organization of society these will be found willing +to administer and improve for the common weal the national resources +which formerly they exploited for the benefit of themselves and their +associates. The social response, granted the conditions, is innate in +humanity, and individual initiative can best be satisfied in social +realization. + +Universal education is the cornerstone of democracy. And the recognition +of this fact may be called the great American contribution. But in +our society the fullest self-realization depends upon a well balanced +knowledge of scientific facts, upon a rounded culture. Thus education, +properly conceived, is a preparation for intelligent, ethical, and +contented citizenship. Upon the welfare of the individual depends the +welfare of all. Without education, free institutions and universal +suffrage are mockeries; semi-learned masses of the population are at the +mercy of scheming politicians, controversialists, and pseudo-scientific +religionists, and their votes are swayed by prejudice. + +In a materialistic competitive order, success in life depends upon the +knack--innate or acquired, and not to be highly rated--of outwitting +one’s neighbour under the rules of the game--the law; education is +merely a cultural leaven within the reach of the comparatively few +who can afford to attend a university. The business college is a more +logical institution. In an emulative civilization, however, the problem +is to discover and develop in childhood and youth the personal aptitude +or gift of as many citizens as possible, in order that they may find +self-realization by making their peculiar contribution towards the +advancement of society. + +The prevailing system of education, which we have inherited from the +past, largely fails to accomplish this. In the first place, it has been +authoritative rather than scientific, which is to say that students have +been induced to accept the statements of teachers and text books, and +have not been trained to weigh for themselves their reasonableness and +worth; a principle essentially unscientific and undemocratic, since it +inculcates in the future citizen convictions rather than encourages the +habit of open-mindedness so necessary for democratic citizenship. +For democracy--it cannot be too often repeated--is a dynamic thing, +experimental, creative in its very essence. No static set of opinions +can apply to the constantly changing aspect of affairs. New discoveries, +which come upon us with such bewildering rapidity, are apt abruptly to +alter social and industrial conditions, while morals and conventions are +no longer absolute. Sudden crises threaten the stability of nations +and civilizations. Safety lies alone in the ability to go forward, +to progress. Psychology teaches us that if authoritative opinions, +convictions, or “complexes” are stamped upon the plastic brain of +the youth they tend to harden, and he is apt to become a Democrat or +Republican, an Episcopalian or a Baptist, a free trader or a tariff +advocate or a Manchester economist without asking why. Such “complexes” + were probably referred to by the celebrated physician who emphasized +the hopelessness of most individuals over forty. And every reformer and +forum lecturer knows how difficult it is to convert the average audience +of seasoned adults to a new idea: he finds the most responsive groups +in the universities and colleges. It is significant that the “educated” + adult audiences in clubs and prosperous churches are the least open to +conversion, because, in the scientific sense, the “educated” classes +retain complexes, and hence are the least prepared to cope with the +world as it is today. The German system, which has been bent upon +installing authoritative conviction instead of encouraging freedom of +thought, should be a warning to us. + +Again, outside of the realm of physical science, our text books have +been controversial rather than impartial, especially in economics and +history; resulting in erroneous and distorted and prejudiced ideas of +events, such for instance, as our American Revolution. The day of the +controversialist is happily coming to an end, and of the writer who +twists the facts of science to suit a world of his own making, or of +that of a group with which he is associated. Theory can now be labelled +theory, and fact, fact. Impartial and painstaking investigation is the +sole method of obtaining truth. + +The old system of education benefited only the comparatively few to +whose nature and inclination it was adapted. We have need, indeed, of +classical scholars, but the majority of men and women are meant for +other work; many, by their very construction of mind, are unfitted to +become such. And only in the most exceptional cases are the ancient +languages really mastered; a smattering of these, imposed upon the +unwilling scholar by a principle opposed to psychology,--a smattering +from which is derived no use and joy in after life, and which has no +connection with individual inclination--is worse than nothing. Precious +time is wasted during the years when the mind is most receptive. While +the argument of the old school that discipline can only be inculcated +by the imposition of a distasteful task is unsound. As Professor Dewey +points out, unless the interest is in some way involved there can be +no useful discipline. And how many of our university and high school +graduates today are in any sense disciplined? Stimulated interest +alone can overcome the resistance imposed by a difficult task, as any +scientist, artist, organizer or administrator knows. Men will discipline +themselves to gain a desired end. Under the old system of education a +few children succeed either because they are desirous of doing well, +interested in the game of mental competition; or else because they +contrive to clothe with flesh and blood some subject presented as a +skeleton. It is not uncommon, indeed, to recognize in later years with +astonishment a useful citizen or genius whom at school or college we +recall as a dunce or laggard. In our present society, because of archaic +methods of education, the development of such is largely left to chance. +Those who might have been developed in time, who might have found their +task, often become wasters, drudges, and even criminals. + +The old system tends to make types, to stamp every scholar in the same +mould, whether he fits it or not. More and more the parents of today +are looking about for new schools, insisting that a son or daughter +possesses some special gift which, under teachers of genius, might be +developed before it is too late. And in most cases, strange to say, the +parents are right. They themselves have been victims of a standardized +system. + +A new and distinctly American system of education, designed to meet the +demands of modern conditions, has been put in practice in parts of the +United States. In spite of opposition from school boards, from all +those who cling to the conviction that education must of necessity be an +unpalatable and “disciplinary” process, the number of these schools is +growing. The objection, put forth by many, that they are still in the +experimental stage, is met by the reply that experiment is the very +essence of the system. Democracy is experimental, and henceforth +education will remain experimental for all time. But, as in any other +branch of science, the element of ascertained fact will gradually +increase: the latent possibilities in the mind of the healthy child will +be discovered by knowledge gained through impartial investigation. The +old system, like all other institutions handed down to us from the ages, +proceeds on no intelligent theory, has no basis on psychology, and is +accepted merely because it exists. + +The new education is selective. The mind of each child is patiently +studied with the view of discovering the peculiar bent, and this bent +is guided and encouraged. The child is allowed to forge ahead in those +subjects for which he shows an aptitude, and not compelled to wait on a +class. Such supervision, of course, demands more teachers, teachers of +an ability hitherto deplorably rare, and thoroughly trained in their +subjects, with a sympathetic knowledge of the human mind. Theirs will be +the highest and most responsible function in the state, and they must be +rewarded in proportion to their services. + +A superficial criticism declares that in the new schools children will +study only “what they like.” On the contrary, all subjects requisite for +a wide culture, as well as for the ability to cope with existence in +a highly complex civilization, are insisted upon. It is true, however, +that the trained and gifted teacher is able to discover a method of so +presenting a subject as to seize the imagination and arouse the interest +and industry of a majority of pupils. In the modern schools French, for +example, is really taught; pupils do not acquire a mere smattering +of the language. And, what is more important, the course of study is +directly related to life, and to practical experience, instead of being +set forth abstractly, as something which at the time the pupil perceives +no possibility of putting into use. At one of the new schools in the +south, the ignorant child of the mountains at once acquires a knowledge +of measurement and elementary arithmetic by laying out a garden, +of letters by inscribing his name on a little signboard in order to +identify his patch--for the moment private property. And this principle +is carried through all the grades. In the Gary Schools and elsewhere +the making of things in the shops, the modelling of a Panama Canal, the +inspection of industries and governmental establishments, the +designing, building, and decoration of houses, the discussion and even +dramatization of the books read,--all are a logical and inevitable +continuation of the abstract knowledge of the schoolroom. The success of +the direct application of learning to industrial and professional +life may also be observed in such colleges as those at Cincinnati and +Schenectady, where young men spend half the time of the course in the +shops of manufacturing, corporations, often earning more than enough to +pay their tuition. + +Children are not only prepared for democratic citizenship by being +encouraged to think for themselves, but also to govern and discipline +themselves. On the moral side, under the authoritative system of lay +and religious training, character was acquired at the expense of mental +flexibility--the Puritan method; our problem today, which the new system +undertakes, is to produce character with open-mindedness--the kind +of character possessed by many great scientists. Absorption in an +appropriate task creates a moral will, while science, knowledge, informs +the mind why a thing is “bad” or “good,” disintegrating or upbuilding. +Moreover, these children are trained for democratic government by the +granting of autonomy. They have their own elected officials, their +own courts; their decisions are, of course, subject to reversal by the +principal, but in practice this seldom occurs. + +The Gary Schools and many of the new schools are public schools. And the +principle of the new education that the state is primarily responsible +for the health of pupils--because an unsound body is apt to make an +unsound citizen of backward intelligence--is now being generally adopted +by public schools all over the country. This idea is essentially an +element of the democratic contention that all citizens must be given +an equality of opportunity--though all may not be created equal--now +becoming a positive rather than a negative right, guaranteed by the +state itself. An earnest attempt is thus made by the state to give +every citizen a fair start that in later years he may have no ground +for discontent or complaint. He stands on his own feet, he rises in +proportion to his ability and industry. Hence the program of the British +Labour Party rightly lays stress on education, on “freedom of mental +opportunity.” The vast sums it proposes to spend for this purpose are +justified. + +If such a system of education as that briefly outlined above is +carefully and impartially considered, the objection that democratic +government founded on modern social science is coercive must disappear. +So far as the intention and effort of the state is able to confer it, +every citizen will have his choice of the task he is to perform for +society, his opportunity for self-realization. For freedom without +education is a myth. By degrees men and women are making ready to take +their places in an emulative rather than a materialistically competitive +order. But the experimental aspect of this system should always be borne +in mind, with the fact that its introduction and progress, like that of +other elements in the democratic program, must be gradual, though always +proceeding along sound lines. For we have arrived at that stage of +enlightenment when we realize that the only mundane perfection lies in +progress rather than achievement. The millennium is always a lap ahead. +There would be no satisfaction in overtaking it, for then we should have +nothing more to do, nothing more to work for. + +The German Junkers have prostituted science by employing it for the +destruction of humanity. In the name of Christianity they have waged +the most barbaric war in history. Yet if they shall have demonstrated +to mankind the futility of efficiency achieved merely for material ends; +if, by throwing them on a world screen, they shall have revealed +the evils of power upheld alone by ruthlessness and force, they will +unwittingly have performed a world service. Privilege and dominion, +powers and principalities acquired by force must be sustained by force. +To fail will be fatal. Even a duped people, trained in servility, will +not consent to be governed by an unsuccessful autocracy. Arrogantly +Germany has staked her all on world domination. Hence a victory for the +Allies must mean a democratic Germany. + +Nothing short of victory. There can be no arrangement, no +agreement, no parley with or confidence in these modern scions of +darkness--Hohenzollerns, Hindenburgs, Zudendorffs and their tools. +Propaganda must not cease; the eyes of Germans still capable of sight +must be opened. But, as the President says, force must be used to the +limit--force for a social end as opposed to force for an evil end. There +are those among us who advocate a boycott of Germany after peace is +declared. These would seem to take it for granted that we shall fall +short of victory, and hence that selfish retaliative or vindictive +practices between nations, sanctioned by imperialism, will continue to +flourish after the war. But should Germany win she will see to it that +there is no boycott against her. A compromised peace would indeed mean +the perpetuation of both imperialism and militarism. + +It is characteristic of those who put their faith in might alone that +they are not only blind to the finer relationships between individuals +and nations, but take no account of the moral forces in human affairs +which in the long run are decisive,--a lack of sensitiveness which +explains Germany’s colossal blunders. The first had to do with Britain. +The German militarists persisted in the belief that the United Kingdom +was degenerated by democracy, intent upon the acquisition of wealth, +distracted by strife at home, uncertain of the Empire, and thus would +selfishly remain aloof while the Kaiser’s armies overran and enslaved +the continent. What happened, to Germany’s detriment, was the instant +socialization of Britain, and the binding together of the British +Empire. Germany’s second great blunder was an arrogant underestimation +of a self-reliant people of English culture and traditions. She believed +that we, too, had been made flabby by democracy, were wholly intent upon +the pursuit of the dollar--only to learn that America would lavish +her vast resources and shed her blood for a cause which was American. +Germany herself provided that cause, shaped the issues so that there +was no avoiding them. She provided the occasion for the socializing +of America also; and thus brought about, within a year, a national +transformation which in times of peace might scarce in half a century +have been accomplished. + +Above all, as a consequence of these two blunders, Germany has been +compelled to witness the consummation of that which of all things she +had most to fear, the cementing of a lasting fellowship between the +English speaking Republic and the English speaking Empire. For we had +been severed since the 18th Century by misunderstandings which of late +Germany herself had been more or less successful in fostering. She has +furnished a bond not only between our governments, but--what is vastly +more important for democracy--a bond between our peoples. Our soldiers +are now side by side with those of the Empire on the Frontier of +Freedom; the blood of all is shed and mingled for a great cause embodied +in the Anglo-Saxon tradition of democracy; and our peoples, through the +realization of common ideas and common ends, are learning the supreme +lesson of co-operation between nations with a common past, are being +cemented into a union which is the symbol and forerunner of the +democratic league of Nations to come. Henceforth, we believe, because +of this union, so natural yet so long delayed, by virtue of the ultimate +victory it forecasts, the sun will never set on the Empire of the free, +for the drum beats of democracy have been heard around the world. To +this Empire will be added the precious culture of France, which the +courage of her sons will have preserved, the contributions of Italy, and +of Russia, yes, and of Japan. + +Our philosophy and our religion are changing; hence it is more and more +difficult to use the old terms to describe moral conduct. We say, +for instance, that America’s action in entering the war has been +“unselfish.” But this merely means that we have our own convictions +concerning the ultimate comfort of the world, the manner of +self-realization of individuals and nations. We are attempting to +turn calamity into good. If this terrible conflict shall result in +the inauguration of an emulative society, if it shall bring us to the +recognition that intelligence and science may be used for the upbuilding +of such an order, and for an eventual achievement of world peace, every +sacrifice shall have been justified. + +Such is the American Issue. Our statesmen and thinkers have helped to +evolve it, our people with their blood and treasure are consecrating it. +And these statesmen and thinkers, of whom our American President is +not the least, are of democracy the pioneers. From the mountain tops on +which they stand they behold the features of the new world, the dawn of +the new day hidden as yet from their brothers in the valley. Let us have +faith always that it is coming, and struggle on, highly resolving that +those who gave their lives in the hour of darkness shall not have died +in vain. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay On The American Contribution +And The Democratic Idea, by Winston Churchill + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION *** + +***** This file should be named 5399-0.txt or 5399-0.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/9/5399/ + +Produced by David Widger + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project +Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” + or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project +Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.” + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +“Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right +of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’ WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm’s +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws. + +The Foundation’s principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation’s web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/5399-0.zip b/5399-0.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..eecc40b --- /dev/null +++ b/5399-0.zip diff --git a/5399-h.zip b/5399-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..696619e --- /dev/null +++ b/5399-h.zip diff --git a/5399-h/5399-h.htm b/5399-h/5399-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..93260be --- /dev/null +++ b/5399-h/5399-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,2184 @@ +<?xml version="1.0" encoding="utf-8"?> + +<!DOCTYPE html + PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> + <head> + <title> + An Essay on the American Contribution and The Democratic Idea, by Winston + Churchill + </title> + <style type="text/css" xml:space="preserve"> + + body { margin:5%; background:#faebd7; text-align:justify} + P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } + H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } + hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} + .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } + blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} + .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} + .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} + div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } + .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} + .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} + pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} + +</style> + </head> + <body> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> +The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay On The American Contribution And +The Democratic Idea, by Winston Churchill +[The Author is the American Winston Churchill not the British] + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: An Essay On The American Contribution And The Democratic Idea + +Author: Winston Churchill + +Release Date: October 6, 2006 [EBook #5399] +Last Updated: August 24, 2016 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION *** + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + +</pre> + + <h1> + AN ESSAY ON THE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION AND THE DEMOCRATIC IDEA + </h1> + <p> + <br /><br /> + </p> + <h2> + By Winston Churchill + </h2> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <blockquote> + <p class="toc"> + <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> + </p> + <p> + <br /> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0001"> I. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0002"> II. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0003"> III. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0004"> IV. </a> + </p> + <p class="toc"> + <a href="#link2H_4_0005"> V. </a> + </p> + </blockquote> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> <a name="link2H_4_0001" id="link2H_4_0001"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <h2> + I. + </h2> + <p> + Failure to recognize that the American, is at heart an idealist is to lack + understanding of our national character. Two of our greatest interpreters + proclaimed it, Emerson and William James. In a recent address at the Paris + Sorbonne on “American Idealism,” M. Firmin Roz observed that a people is + rarely justly estimated by its contemporaries. The French, he says, have + been celebrated chiefly for the skill of their chefs and their vaudeville + actors, while in the disturbed ‘speculum mundi’ Americans have appeared as + a collection of money grabbers whose philosophy is the dollar. It remained + for the war to reveal the true nature of both peoples. The American + colonists, M. Roz continues, unlike other colonists, were animated not by + material motives, but by the desire to safeguard and realize an ideal; our + inherent characteristic today is a belief in the virtue and power of + ideas, of a national, indeed, of a universal, mission. In the Eighteenth + Century we proposed a Philosophy and adopted a Constitution far in advance + of the political practice of the day, and set up a government of which + Europe predicted the early downfall. Nevertheless, thanks partly to good + fortune, and to the farseeing wisdom of our early statesmen who perceived + that the success of our experiment depended upon the maintenance of an + isolation from European affairs, we established democracy as a practical + form of government. + </p> + <p> + We have not always lived up to our beliefs in ideas. In our dealings with + other nations, we yielded often to imperialistic ambitions and thus, to a + certain extent, justified the cynicism of Europe. We took what we wanted—and + more. From Spain we seized western Florida; the annexation of Texas and + the subsequent war with Mexico are acts upon which we cannot look back + with unmixed democratic pride; while more than once we professed a naive + willingness to fight England in order to push our boundaries further + north. We regarded the Monroe Doctrine as altruistic, while others smiled. + But it suited England, and her sea power gave it force. + </p> + <p> + Our war with Spain in 1898, however, was fought for an idea, and, despite + the imperialistic impulse that followed it, marks a transition, an + advance, in international ethics. Imperialistic cynics were not lacking to + scoff at our protestation that we were fighting Spain in order to liberate + Cuba; and yet this, for the American people at large, was undoubtedly the + inspiration of the war. We kept our promise, we did not annex Cuba, we + introduced into international affairs what is known as the Big Brother + idea. Then came the Platt Amendment. Cuba was free, but she must not + wallow near our shores in an unhygienic state, or borrow money without our + consent. We acquired valuable naval bases. Moreover, the sudden and + unexpected acquisition of Porto Rico and the Philippines made us + imperialists in spite of ourselves. + </p> + <p> + Nations as well as individuals, however, must be judged by their + intentions. The sound public opinion of our people has undoubtedly + remained in favour of ultimate self-government for the Philippines, and + the greatest measure of self-determination for little Porto Rico; it has + been unquestionably opposed to commercial exploitation of the islands, + desirous of yielding to these peoples the fruits of their labour in + developing the resources of their own lands. An intention, by the way, + diametrically different from that of Germany. In regard to our + protectorate in the island of San Domingo, our “semi-protectorate” in + Nicaragua, the same argument of intention may fairly be urged. Germany, + who desired them, would have exploited them. To a certain extent, no + doubt, as a result of the momentum of commercial imperialism, we are still + exploiting them. But the attitude of the majority of Americans toward more + backward peoples is not cynical; hence there is hope that a democratic + solution of the Caribbean and Central American problem may be found. And + we are not ready, as yet, to accept without further experiment the dogma + that tropical and sub-tropical people will not ultimately be able to + govern themselves. If this eventually, prove to be the case at least some + such experiment as the new British Labour Party has proposed for the + Empire may be tried. Our general theory that the exploitation of foreign + peoples reacts unfavourably on the exploiters is undoubtedly sound. + </p> + <p> + Nor are the ethics of the manner of our acquisition of a part of Panama + and the Canal wholly defensible from the point of view of international + democracy. Yet it must be remembered that President Roosevelt was dealing + with a corrupt, irresponsible, and hostile government, and that the Canal + had become a necessity not only for our own development, but for that of + the civilization of the world. + </p> + <p> + The Spanish War, as has been said, marked a transition, a development of + the American Idea. In obedience to a growing perception that dominion and + exploitation are incompatible with and detrimental to our system of + government, we fought in good faith to gain self-determination for an + alien people. The only real peril confronting democracy is the arrest of + growth. Its true conquests are in the realms of ideas, and hence it calls + for a statesmanship which, while not breaking with the past, while taking + into account the inherent nature of a people, is able to deal creatively + with new situations—always under the guidance of current social + science. + </p> + <p> + Woodrow Wilson’s Mexican policy, being a projection of the American Idea + to foreign affairs, a step toward international democracy, marks the + beginning of a new era. Though not wholly understood, though opposed by a + powerful minority of our citizens, it stirred the consciousness of a + national mission to which our people are invariably ready to respond. + Since it was essentially experimental, and therefore not lacking in + mistakes, there was ample opportunity for a criticism that seemed at times + extremely plausible. The old and tried method of dealing with such anarchy + as existed across our southern border was made to seem the safe one; while + the new, because it was untried, was presented as disastrous. In reality, + the reverse was the case. + </p> + <p> + Mr. Wilson’s opponents were, generally speaking, the commercial classes in + the community, whose environment and training led them to demand a foreign + policy similar to that of other great powers, a financial imperialism + which is the logical counterpart in foreign affairs of the commercial + exploitation of domestic national resources and domestic labour. These + were the classes which combated the growth of democracy at home, in + national and state politics. From their point of view—not that of + the larger vision—they were consistent. On the other hand, the + nation grasped the fact that to have one brand of democracy at home and + another for dealing with foreign nations was not only illogical but, in + the long run, would be suicidal to the Republic. And the people at large + were committed to democratic progress at home. They were struggling for + it. + </p> + <p> + One of the most important issues of the American liberal movement early in + this century had been that for the conservation of what remains of our + natural resources of coal and metals and oil and timber and waterpower for + the benefit of all the people, on the theory that these are the property + of the people. But if the natural resources of this country belong to the + people of the United States, those of Mexico belong to the people of + Mexico. It makes no difference how “lazy,” ignorant, and indifferent to + their own interests the Mexicans at present may be. And even more + important in these liberal campaigns was the issue of the conservation of + human resources—men and women and children who are forced by + necessity to labour. These must be protected in health, given economic + freedom and a just reward for their toil. The American democracy, + committed to the principle of the conservation of domestic natural and + human resources, could not without detriment to itself persist in a + foreign policy that ignored them. For many years our own government had + permitted the squandering of these resources by adventurous capitalists; + and gradually, as we became a rich industrial nation, these capitalists + sought profitable investments for their increasing surplus in foreign + lands. Their manner of acquiring “concessions” in Mexico was quite similar + to that by which they had seized because of the indifference and ignorance + of our own people—our own mines and timber lands which our + government held in trust. Sometimes these American “concessions” have been + valid in law though the law itself violated a democratic principle; more + often corrupt officials winked at violations of the law, enabling + capitalists to absorb bogus claims. + </p> + <p> + The various rulers of Mexico sold to American and other foreign + capitalists the resources belonging to the people of their country, and + pocketed, with their followers, the proceeds of the sale. Their control of + the country rested upon force; the stability of the Diaz rule, for + instance, depended upon the “President’s” ability to maintain his + dictatorship—a precarious guarantee to the titles he had given. + Hence the premium on revolutions. There was always the incentive to the + upstart political and military buccaneer to overthrow the dictator and + gain possession of the spoils, to sell new doubtful concessions and levy + new tribute on the capitalists holding claims from a former tyrant. + </p> + <p> + The foreign capitalists appealed to their governments; commercial + imperialism responded by dispatching military forces to protect the lives + and “property” of its citizens, in some instances going so far as to take + possession of the country. A classic case, as cited by Hobson, is + Britain’s South African War, in which the blood and treasure of the people + of the United Kingdom were expended because British capitalists had found + the Boers recalcitrant, bent on retaining their own country for + themselves. To be sure, South Africa, like Mexico is rich in resources for + which advancing civilization continually makes demands. And, in the case + of Mexico, the products of the tropics, such as rubber, are increasingly + necessary to the industrial powers of the temperate zone. On the other + hand, if the exploiting nation aspire to self-government, the + imperialistic method of obtaining these products by the selfish + exploitation of the natural and human resources of the backward countries + reacts so powerfully on the growth of democracy at home—and hence on + the growth of democracy throughout the world—as to threaten the very + future of civilization. The British Liberals, when they came into power, + perceived this, and at once did their best to make amends to South Africa + by granting her autonomy and virtual independence, linking her to Britain + by the silken thread of Anglo-Saxon democratic culture. How strong this + thread has proved is shown by the action of those of Dutch blood in the + Dominion during the present war. + </p> + <p> + Eventually, if democracy is not to perish from the face of the earth, some + other than the crude imperialistic method of dealing with backward + peoples, of obtaining for civilization the needed resources of their + lands, must be inaugurated—a democratic method. And this is perhaps + the supreme problem of democracy today. It demands for its solution a + complete reversal of the established policy of imperialism, a new theory + of international relationships, a mutual helpfulness and partnership + between nations, even as democracy implies cooperation between individual + citizens. Therefore President Wilson laid down the doctrine that American + citizens enter Mexico at their own risk; that they must not expect that + American blood will be shed or the nation’s money be expended to protect + their lives or the “property” they have acquired from Mexican dictators. + This applies also to the small capitalists, the owners of the coffee + plantations, as well as to those Americans in Mexico who are not + capitalists but wage earners. The people of Mexico are entitled to try the + experiment of self-determination. It is an experiment, we frankly + acknowledge that fact, a democratic experiment dependent on physical + science, social science, and scientific education. The other horn of the + dilemma, our persistence in imperialism, is even worse—since by such + persistence we destroy ourselves. + </p> + <p> + A subjective judgment, in accordance with our own democratic standards, by + the American Government as to the methods employed by a Huerta, for + instance, is indeed demanded; not on the ground, however, that such + methods are “good” or “bad”; but whether they are detrimental to Mexican + self-determination, and hence to the progress of our own democracy. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0002" id="link2H_4_0002"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + II. + </h2> + <p> + If America had started to prepare when Belgium was invaded, had entered + the war when the Lusitania was sunk, Germany might by now have been + defeated, hundreds of thousands of lives might have been spared. All this + may be admitted. Yet, looking backward, it is easy to read the reason for + our hesitancy in our national character and traditions. We were pacifists, + yes, but pacifists of a peculiar kind. One of our greatest American + prophets, William James, knew that there was an issue for which we were + ready to fight, for which we were willing to make the extreme sacrifice,—and + that issue he defined as “war against war.” It remained for America to + make the issue. + </p> + <p> + Peoples do not rush to arms unless their national existence is threatened. + It is what may be called the environmental cause that drives nations + quickly into war. It drove the Entente nations into war, though + incidentally they were struggling for certain democratic institutions, for + international justice. But in the case of America, the environmental cause + was absent. Whether or not our national existence was or is actually + threatened, the average American does not believe that it is. He was + called upon to abandon his tradition, to mingle in a European conflict, to + fight for an idea alone. Ideas require time to develop, to seize the + imagination of masses. And it must be remembered that in 1914 the great + issue had not been defined. Curiously enough, now that it is defined, it + proves to be an American issue—a logical and positive projection of + our Washingtonian tradition and Monroe doctrine. These had for their + object the preservation and development of democracy, the banishment from + the Western Hemisphere of European imperialistic conflict and war. We are + now, with the help of our allies, striving to banish these things from the + face of the earth. It is undoubtedly the greatest idea for which man has + been summoned to make the supreme sacrifice. + </p> + <p> + Its evolution has been traced. Democracy was the issue in the Spanish War, + when we fought a weak nation. We have followed its broader application to + Mexico, when we were willing to ignore the taunts and insults of another + weak nation, even the loss of “prestige,” for the sake of the larger good. + And we have now the clue to the President’s interpretation of the nation’s + mind during the first three years of the present war. We were willing to + bear the taunts and insults of Germany so long as it appeared that a + future world peace night best be brought about by the preservation of + neutrality, by turning the weight of the impartial public opinion of our + democracy and that of other neutrals against militarism and imperialism. + Our national aim was ever consistent with the ideal of William James, to + advance democracy and put an end to the evil of war. + </p> + <p> + The only sufficient reason for the abandonment of the Washingtonian policy + is the furtherance of the object for which it was inaugurated, the advance + of democracy. And we had established the precedent, with Spain and Mexico, + that the Republic shall engage in no war of imperialistic conquest. We war + only in behalf of, or in defence of, democracy. + </p> + <p> + Before the entrance of America, however, the issues of the European War + were by no means clear cut along democratic lines. What kind of democracy + were the allies fighting for? Nowhere and at no time had it been defined + by any of their statesmen. On the contrary, the various allied governments + had entered into compacts for the transference of territory in the event + of victory; and had even, by the offer of rewards, sought to play one + small nation against another. This secret diplomacy of bargains, of + course, was a European heritage, the result of an imperialistic + environment which the American did not understand, and from which he was + happily free. Its effect on France is peculiarly enlightening. The + hostility of European governments, due to their fear of her republican + institutions, retarded her democratic growth, and her history during the + reign of Napoleon III is one of intrigue for aggrandizement differing from + Bismarck’s only in the fact that it was unsuccessful. Britain, because she + was separated from the continent and protected by her fleet, virtually + withdrew from European affairs in the latter part of the nineteenth + century, and, as a result, made great strides in democracy. The + aggressions of Germany forced Britain in self-defence into coalitions. + Because of her power and wealth she became the Entente leader, yet her + liberal government was compelled to enter into secret agreements with + certain allied governments in order to satisfy what they deemed to be + their needs and just ambitions. She had honestly sought, before the war, + to come to terms with Germany, and had even proposed gradual disarmament. + But, despite the best intentions, circumstances and environment, as well + as the precarious situation of her empire, prevented her from liberalizing + her foreign relations to conform with the growth of democracy within the + United Kingdom and the Dominions. Americans felt a profound pity for + Belgium. But she was not, as Cuba had been, our affair. The great majority + of our citizens sympathized with the Entente, regarded with amazement and + disgust the sudden disclosure of the true character of the German + militaristic government. Yet for the average American the war wore the + complexion of other European conflicts, was one involving a Balance of + Power, mysterious and inexplicable. To him the underlying issue was not + democratic, but imperialistic; and this was partly because he was unable + to make a mental connection between a European war and the brand of + democracy he recognized. Preaching and propaganda fail unless it can be + brought home to a people that something dear to their innermost nature is + at stake, that the fate of the thing they most desire, and are willing to + make sacrifices for, hangs in the balance. + </p> + <p> + During a decade the old political parties, between which there was now + little more than an artificial alignment, had been breaking up. Americans + were absorbed in the great liberal movement begun under the leadership of + President Roosevelt, the result of which was to transform democracy from a + static to a pragmatic and evolutionary conception,—in order to meet + and correct new and unforeseen evils. Political freedom was seen to be of + little worth unless also accompanied by the economic freedom the nation + had enjoyed before the advent of industrialism. Clerks and farmers, + professional men and shopkeepers and artisans were ready to follow the + liberal leaders in states and nation; intellectual elements from colleges + and universities were enlisted. Paralleling the movement, at times + mingling with it, was the revolt of labour, manifested not only in + political action, but in strikes and violence. Readily accessible books + and magazines together with club and forum lectures in cities, towns, and + villages were rapidly educating the population in social science, and the + result was a growing independent vote to make politicians despair. + </p> + <p> + Here was an instance of a democratic culture growing in isolation, + resentful of all external interference. To millions of Americans—especially + in our middle western and western states—bent upon social reforms, + the European War appeared as an arresting influence. American + participation meant the triumph of the forces of reaction. Colour was lent + to this belief because the conservative element which had opposed social + reforms was loudest in its demand for intervention. The wealthy and + travelled classes organized preparedness parades and distributed + propaganda. In short, those who had apparently done their utmost to oppose + democracy at home were most insistent that we should embark upon a war for + democracy across the seas. Again, what kind of democracy? Obviously a + status quo, commercially imperialistic democracy, which the awakening + liberal was bent upon abolishing. + </p> + <p> + There is undoubtedly in such an office as the American presidency some + virtue which, in times of crisis, inspires in capable men an intellectual + and moral growth proportional to developing events. Lincoln, our most + striking example, grew more between 1861 and 1865 than during all the + earlier years of his life. Nor is the growth of democratic leaders, when + seen through the distorted passions of their day, apparently a consistent + thing. Greatness, near at hand, is startlingly like inconsistency; it + seems at moments to vacillate, to turn back upon and deny itself, and thus + lays itself open to seemingly plausible criticism by politicians and time + servers and all who cry out for precedent. Yet it is an interesting and + encouraging fact that the faith of democratic peoples goes out, and goes + out alone, to leaders who—whatever their minor faults and failings—do + not fear to reverse themselves when occasion demands; to enunciate new + doctrines, seemingly in contradiction to former assertions, to meet new + crises. When a democratic leader who has given evidence of greatness + ceases to develop new ideas, he loses the public confidence. He flops back + into the ranks of the conservative he formerly opposed, who catch up with + him only when he ceases to grow. + </p> + <p> + In 1916 the majority of the American people elected Mr. Wilson in the + belief that he would keep them out of war. In 1917 he entered the war with + the nation behind him. A recalcitrant Middle West was the first to fill + its quota of volunteers, and we witnessed the extraordinary spectacle of + the endorsement of conscription: What had happened? A very simple, but a + very great thing Mr. Wilson had made the issue of the war a democratic + issue, an American issue, in harmony with our national hopes and + traditions. But why could not this issue have been announced in 1914 or + 1915? The answer seems to be that peoples, as well as their leaders and + interpreters, must grow to meet critical situations. In 1861 the moral + idea of the Civil War was obscured and hidden by economic and material + interests. The Abraham Lincoln who entered the White House in 1861 was + indeed the same man who signed the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863; and + yet, in a sense, he was not the same man; events and responsibilities had + effected a profound but logical growth in his personality. And the people + of the Union were not ready to endorse Emancipation in 1861. In 1863, in + the darkest hour of the war, the spirit of the North responded to the + call, and, despite the vilification of the President, was true to him to + victory. More significant still, in view of the events of today, is what + then occurred in England. The British Government was unfriendly; the + British people as a whole had looked upon our Civil War very much in the + same light as the American people regarded the present war at its + inception—which is to say that the economic and materialistic issue + seemed to overshadow the moral one. When Abraham Lincoln proclaimed it to + be a war for human freedom, the sentiment of the British people changed—of + the British people as distinct from the governing classes; and the textile + workers of the northern counties, whose mills could not get cotton on + account of the blockade, declared their willingness to suffer and starve + if the slaves in America might be freed. + </p> + <p> + Abraham Lincoln at that time represented the American people as the + British Government did not represent the British people. We are concerned + today with peoples rather than governments. + </p> + <p> + It remained for an American President to announce the moral issue of the + present war, and thus to solidify behind him, not only the liberal mind of + America, but the liberal elements within the nations of Europe. He became + the democratic leader of the world. The issue, simply stated, is the + advancement of democracy and peace. They are inseparable. Democracy, for + progress, demands peace. It had reached a stage, when, in a contracting + world, it could no longer advance through isolation: its very existence in + every country was threatened, not only by the partisans of reaction from + within, but by the menace from without of a militaristic and imperialistic + nation determined to crush it, restore superimposed authority, and + dominate the globe. Democracy, divided against itself, cannot stand. A + league of democratic nations, of democratic peoples, has become + imperative. Hereafter, if democracy wins, self-determination, and not + imperialistic exploitation, is to be the universal rule. It is the + extension, on a world scale, of Mr. Wilson’s Mexican policy, the + application of democratic principles to international relationships, and + marks the inauguration of a new era. We resort to force against force, not + for dominion, but to make the world safe for the idea on which we believe + the future of civilization depends, the sacred right of self-government. + We stand prepared to treat with the German people when they are ready to + cast off autocracy and militarism. Our attitude toward them is precisely + our attitude toward the Mexican People. We believe, and with good reason, + that the German system of education is authoritative and false, and was + more or less deliberately conceived in order to warp the nature and + produce complexes in the mind of the German people for the end of + preserving and perpetuating the power of the Junkers. We have no quarrel + with the duped and oppressed, but we war against the agents of oppression. + To the conservative mind such an aspiration appears chimerical. But + America, youngest of the nations, was born when modern science was + gathering the momentum which since has enabled it to overcome, with a + bewildering rapidity, many evils previously held by superstition to be + ineradicable. As a corollary to our democratic creed, we accepted the + dictum that to human intelligence all things are possible. The virtue of + this dictum lies not in dogma, but in an indomitable attitude of mind to + which the world owes its every advance in civilization; quixotic, perhaps, + but necessary to great accomplishment. In searching for a present-day + protagonist, no happier example could be found than Mr. Henry Ford, who + exhibits the characteristic American mixture of the practical and the + ideal. He introduces into industry humanitarian practices that even tend + to increase the vast fortune which by his own efforts he has accumulated. + He sees that democratic peoples do not desire to go to war, he does not + believe that war is necessary and inevitable, he lays himself open to + ridicule by financing a Peace Mission. Circumstances force him to abandon + his project, but he is not for one moment discouraged. His intention + remains. He throws all his energy and wealth into a war to end war, and + the value of his contribution is inestimable. + </p> + <p> + A study of Mr. Ford’s mental processes and acts illustrates the true mind + of America. In the autumn of 1916 Mr. Wilson declared that “the people of + the United States want to be sure what they are fighting about, and they + want to be sure that they are fighting for the things that will bring the + world justice and peace. Define the elements; let us know that we are not + fighting for the prevalence of this nation over that, for the ambitions of + this group of nations as compared with the ambitions of that group of + nations, let us once be convinced that we are called in to a great + combination for the rights of mankind, and America will unite her force + and spill her blood for the great things she has always believed in and + followed.” + </p> + <p> + “America is always ready to fight for the things which are American.” Even + in these sombre days that mark the anniversary of our entrance into the + war. But let it be remembered that it was in the darkest days of the Civil + War Abraham Lincoln boldly proclaimed the democratic, idealistic issue of + that struggle. The Russian Revolution, which we must seek to understand + and not condemn, the Allied defeats that are its consequences, can only + make our purpose the firmer to put forth all our strength for the building + up of a better world. The President’s masterly series of state papers, + distributed in all parts of the globe, have indeed been so many + Proclamations of Emancipation for the world’s oppressed. Not only powerful + nations shall cease to exploit little nations, but powerful individuals + shall cease to exploit their fellow men. Henceforth no wars for dominion + shall be waged, and to this end secret treaties shall be abolished. + Peoples through their representatives shall make their own treaties. And + just as democracy insures to the individual the greatest amount of + self-determination, nations also shall have self-determination, in order + that each shall be free to make its world contribution. All citizens have + duties to perform toward their fellow citizens; all democratic nations + must be interdependent. + </p> + <p> + With this purpose America has entered the war. But it implies that our own + household must be swept and cleaned. The injustices and inequalities + existing in our own country, the false standards of worth, the + materialism, the luxury and waste must be purged from our midst. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0003" id="link2H_4_0003"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + III. + </h2> + <p> + In fighting Germany we are indeed fighting an evil Will—evil because + it seeks to crush the growth of individual and national freedom. Its + object is to put the world back under the thrall of self-constituted + authority. So long as this Will can compel the bodies of soldiers to do + its bidding, these bodies must be destroyed. Until the Will behind them is + broken, the world cannot be free. Junkerism is the final expression of + reaction, organized to the highest efficiency. The war against the Junkers + marks the consummation of a long struggle for human liberty in all lands, + symbolizes the real cleavage dividing the world. As in the French + Revolution and the wars that followed it, the true significance of this + war is social. But today the Russian Revolution sounds the keynote. + Revolutions tend to express the extremes of the philosophies of their + times—human desires, discontents, and passions that cannot be + organized. The French Revolution was a struggle for political freedom; the + underlying issue of the present war is economic freedom—without + which political freedom is of no account. It will not, therefore, suffice + merely to crush the Junkers, and with them militarism and autocracy. + Unless, as the fruit of this appalling bloodshed and suffering, the + democracies achieve economic freedom, the war will have been fought in + vain. More revolutions, wastage and bloodshed will follow, the world will + be reduced to absolute chaos unless, in the more advanced democracies, an + intelligent social order tending to remove the causes of injustice and + discontent can be devised and ready for inauguration. This new social + order depends, in turn, upon a world order of mutually helpful, free + peoples, a league of Nations.—If the world is to be made safe for + democracy, this democratic plan must be ready for the day when the German + Junker is beaten and peace is declared. + </p> + <p> + The real issue of our time is industrial democracy we must face that fact. + And those in America and the Entente nations who continue to oppose it + will do so at their peril. Fortunately, as will be shown, that element of + our population which may be designated as domestic Junkers is capable of + being influenced by contemporary currents of thought, is awakening to the + realization of social conditions deplorable and dangerous. Prosperity and + power had made them blind and arrogant. Their enthusiasm for the war was, + however, genuine; the sacrifices they are making are changing and + softening them; but as yet they can scarcely be expected, as a class, to + rejoice over the revelation—just beginning to dawn upon their minds—that + victory for the Allies spells the end of privilege. Their conception of + democracy remains archaic, while wealth is inherently conservative. Those + who possess it in America have as a rule received an education in terms of + an obsolete economics, of the thought of an age gone by. It is only within + the past few years that our colleges and universities have begun to teach + modern economics, social science and psychology—and this in the face + of opposition from trustees. Successful business men, as a rule, have had + neither the time nor the inclination to read books which they regard as + visionary, as subversive to an order by which they have profited. And that + some Americans are fools, and have been dazzled in Europe by the glamour + of a privilege not attainable at home, is a deplorable yet indubitable + fact. These have little sympathy with democracy; they have even been heard + to declare that we have no right to dictate to another nation, even an + enemy nation, what form of government it shall assume. We have no right to + demand, when peace comes, that the negotiations must be with the + representatives of the German people. These are they who deplore the + absence among us of a tradition of monarchy, since the American people + “should have something to look up to.” But this state of mind, which needs + no comment, is comparatively rare, and represents an extreme. We are not + lacking, however, in the type of conservative who, innocent of a knowledge + of psychology, insists that “human nature cannot be changed,” and that the + “survival of the fittest” is the law of life, yet these would deny Darwin + if he were a contemporary. They reject the idea that society can be + organized by intelligence, and war ended by eliminating its causes from + the social order. On the contrary they cling to the orthodox contention + that war is a necessary and salutary thing, and proclaim that the American + fibre was growing weak and flabby from luxury and peace, curiously + ignoring the fact that their own economic class, the small percentage of + our population owning sixty per cent. of the wealth of the country, and + which therefore should be most debilitated by luxury, was most eager for + war, and since war has been declared has most amply proved its courage and + fighting quality. This, however, and other evidences of the patriotic + sacrifices of those of our countrymen who possess wealth, prove that they + are still Americans, and encourages the hope and belief that as Americans + they ultimately will do their share toward a democratic solution of the + problem of society. Many of them are capable of vision, and are beginning + to see the light today. + </p> + <p> + In America we succeeded in eliminating hereditary power, in obtaining a + large measure of political liberty, only to see the rise of an economic + power, and the consequent loss of economic liberty. The industrial + development of the United States was of course a necessary and desirable + thing, but the economic doctrine which formed the basis of American + institutions proved to be unsuited to industrialism, and introduced + unforeseen evils that were a serious menace to the Republic. An + individualistic economic philosophy worked admirably while there was ample + land for the pioneer, equality of opportunity to satisfy the individual + initiative of the enterprising. But what is known as industrialism brought + in its train fear and favour, privilege and poverty, slums, disease, and + municipal vice, fostered a too rapid immigration, established in America a + tenant system alien to our traditions. The conditions which existed before + the advent of industrialism are admirably pictured, for instance, in the + autobiography of Mr. Charles Francis Adams, when he describes his native + town of Quincy in the first half of the Nineteenth Century. In those early + communities, poverty was negligible, there was no great contrast between + rich and poor; the artisan, the farmer, the well-to-do merchant met on + terms of mutual self-respect, as man to man; economic class consciousness + was non-existent; education was so widespread that European travellers + wonderingly commented on the fact that we had no “peasantry”; and with few + exceptions every citizen owned a piece of land and a home. Property, a + refuge a man may call his own, and on which he may express his + individuality, is essential to happiness and self-respect. Today, less + than two thirds of our farmers own their land, while vast numbers of our + working men and women possess nothing but the labour of their hands. The + designation of labour as “property” by our courts only served to tighten + the bonds, by obstructing for a time the movement to decrease the tedious + and debilitating hours of contact of the human organism with the machine,—a + menace to the future of the race, especially in the case of women and + children. If labour is “property,” wretches driven by economic necessity + have indeed only the choice of a change of masters. In addition to the + manual workers, an army of clerical workers of both sexes likewise became + tenants, and dependents who knew not the satisfaction of a real home. + </p> + <p> + Such conditions gradually brought about a profound discontent, a grouping + of classes. Among the comparatively prosperous there was set up a social + competition in luxury that was the bane of large and small communities. + Skilled labour banded itself into unions, employers organized to oppose + them, and the result was a class conflict never contemplated by the + founders of the Republic, repugnant to democracy which by its very nature + depends for its existence on the elimination of classes. In addition to + this, owing to the unprecedented immigration of ignorant Europeans to + supply the labour demand, we acquired a sinister proletariat of unskilled + economic slaves. Before the war labour discovered its strength; since the + war began, especially in the allied nations with quasi-democratic + institutions, it is aware of its power to exert a leverage capable of + paralyzing industry for a period sufficient to destroy the chances of + victory. The probability of the occurrence of such a calamity depends + wholly on whether or not the workman can be convinced that it is his war, + for he will not exert himself to perpetuate a social order in which he has + lost faith, even though he now obtains a considerable increase in wages. + Agreements entered into with the government by union leaders will not hold + him if at any time he fails to be satisfied that the present world + conflict will not result in a greater social justice. This fact has been + demonstrated by what is known as the “shop steward” movement in England, + where the workers repudiated the leaders’ agreements and everywhere + organized local strikes. And in America, the unskilled workers are largely + outside of the unions. + </p> + <p> + The workman has a natural and laudable desire to share more fully in the + good things of life. And it is coming to be recognized that material + prosperity, up to a certain point, is the foundation of mental and + spiritual welfare: clean and comfortable surroundings, beauty, rational + amusements, opportunity for a rational satisfaction of the human + instincts are essential to contentment and progress. The individual, of + course, must be enlightened; and local labour unions, recognizing this, + are spending considerable sums all over the country on schools to educate + their members. If a workman is a profiteer, he is more to be excused than + the business profiteer, against whom his anger is directed; if he is a + spendthrift, prodigality is a natural consequence of rapid acquisition. We + have been a nation of spendthrifts. + </p> + <p> + A failure to grasp the psychology of the worker involves disastrous + consequences. A discussion as to whether or not his attitude is + unpatriotic and selfish is futile. No more profound mistake could be made + than to attribute to any element of the population motives wholly base. + Human nature is neither all black nor all white, yet is capable of supreme + sacrifices when adequately appealed to. What we must get into our minds is + the fact that a social order that insured a large measure of democracy in + the early days of the Republic is inadequate to meet modern industrial + conditions. Higher wages, material prosperity alone will not suffice to + satisfy aspirations for a fuller self-realization, once the method by + which these aspirations can be gained is glimpsed. For it cannot be too + often repeated that the unquenchable conflicts are those waged for ideas + and not dollars. These are tinged with religious emotion. + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0004" id="link2H_4_0004"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + IV. + </h2> + <p> + Mr. Wilson’s messages to the American people and to the world have + proclaimed a new international order, a League of Democracies. And in a + recent letter to New Jersey Democrats we find him warning his party, or + more properly the nation, of the domestic social changes necessarily + flowing from his international program. While rightly resolved to + prosecute the war on the battle lines to the utmost limit of American + resources, he points out that the true significance of the conflict lies + in “revolutionary change.” “Economic and social forces,” he says, “are + being released upon the world, whose effect no political seer dare to + conjecture.” And we “must search our hearts through and through and make + them ready for the birth of a new day—a day we hope and believe of + greater opportunity and greater prosperity for the average mass of + struggling men and women.” He recognizes that the next great step in the + development of democracy which the war must bring about—is the + emancipation of labour; to use his own phrase, the redemption of masses of + men and women from “economic serfdom.” “The old party slogans,” he + declares, “will mean nothing to the future.” + </p> + <p> + Judging from this announcement, the President seems prepared to condemn + boldly all the rotten timbers of the social structure that have outlived + their usefulness—a position that hitherto no responsible politician + has dared to take. Politicians, on the contrary, have revered the dead + wood, have sought to shore the old timbers for their own purposes. But so + far as any party is concerned, Mr. Wilson stands alone. Both of the two + great parties, the Republican and the Democratic, in order to make a show + of keeping abreast of the times, have merely patched their platforms with + the new ideas. The Socialist Party in the United States is relatively + small, is divided against itself, and has given no evidence of a + leadership of broad sanity and vision. It is fortunate we have been spared + in this country the formation of a political labour party, because such a + party would have been composed of manual workers alone, and hence would + have tended further to develop economic class consciousness, to + crystallize class antagonisms. Today, however, neither the Republican nor + the Democratic party represents the great issue of the times; the cleavage + between them is wholly artificial. The formation of a Liberal Party, with + a platform avowedly based on modern social science, has become essential. + Such a party, to be in harmony with our traditions and our creed, to + arrest in our democracy the process of class stratification which + threatens to destroy it, must not draw its members from the ranks of + manual labour alone, but from all elements of our population. It should + contain all the liberal professions, and clerks and shopkeepers, as well + as manual workers; administrators, and even those employers who have + become convinced that our present economic system does not suffice to meet + the needs of the day. In short, membership in such a party, as far as + possible, should not be based upon occupation or economic status, but on + an honest difference of view from that of the conservative opposition. + This would be a distinctly American solution. In order to form such a + party a campaign of education will be necessary. For today Mr. Wilson’s + strength is derived from the independent vote representing the faith of + the people as a whole; but the majority of those who support the + President, while they ardently desire the abolition in the world of + absolute monarchy, of militarism and commercial imperialism, while they + are anxious that this war shall expedite and not retard the social reforms + in which they are interested, have as yet but a vague conception of the + social order which these reforms imply. + </p> + <p> + It marks a signal advance in democracy when liberal opinion in any nation + turns for guidance and support to a statesman of another nation. No + clearer sign of the times could be desired than the fact that our American + President has suddenly become the liberal leader of the world. The + traveller in France, and especially in Britain, meets on all sides + striking evidence of this. In these countries, until America’s entrance + into the war, liberals had grown more and more dissatisfied with the + failure of their governments to define in democratic terms the issue of + the conflict, had resented the secret inter-allied compacts, savouring of + imperialism and containing the germs of future war. They are now looking + across the Atlantic for leadership. In France M. Albert Thomas declared + that Woodrow Wilson had given voice to the aspirations of his party, while + a prominent Liberal in England announced in a speech that it had remained + for the American President to express the will and purpose of the British + people. The new British Labour Party and the Inter-Allied Labour and + Socialist Conferences have adopted Mr. Wilson’s program and have made use + of his striking phrases. But we have between America and Britain this + difference: in America the President stands virtually alone, without a + party behind him representing his views; in Britain the general democratic + will of the nation is now being organized, but has obtained as yet no + spokesman in the government. + </p> + <p> + Extraordinary symptomatic phenomena have occurred in Russia as well as in + Britain. In Russia the rebellion of an awakening people against an + age-long tyranny has almost at once leaped to the issue of the day, taken + on the complexion of a struggle for industrial democracy. Whether the + Germans shall be able to exploit the country, bring about a reaction and + restore for a time monarchical institutions depends largely upon the + fortunes of the war. In Russia there is revolution, with concomitant + chaos; but in Britain there is evolution, an orderly attempt of a people + long accustomed to progress in self-government to establish a new social + order, peacefully and scientifically, and in accordance with a traditional + political procedure. + </p> + <p> + The recent development of the British Labour Party, although of deep + significance to Americans, has taken place almost without comment in this + country. It was formally established in 1900, and was then composed of + manual workers alone. In 1906, out of 50 candidates at the polls, 39 were + elected to Parliament; in 1910, 42 were elected. The Parliamentary Labour + Party, so called, has now been amalgamated with four and a half millions + of Trade Unionists, and with the three and a half millions of members of + the Co-operative Wholesale Society and the Co-operative Union. Allowing + for duplication of membership, these three organizations—according + to Mr. Sidney Webb—probably include two fifths of the population of + the United Kingdom. “So great an aggregation of working class + organizations,” he says, “has never come shoulder to shoulder in any + country.” Other smaller societies and organizations are likewise embraced, + including the Socialists. And now that the suffrage has been extended, + provision is made for the inclusion of women. The new party is organizing + in from three to four hundred constituencies, and at the next general + election is not unlikely to gain control of the political balance of + power. + </p> + <p> + With the majority of Americans, however, the word “labour” as designating + a party arouses suspicion and distrust. By nature and tradition we are + inclined to deplore and oppose any tendency toward the stratification of + class antagonisms—the result of industrial discontent—into + political groups. The British tradition is likewise hostile to such a + tendency. But in Britain the industrial ferment has gone much further than + with us, and such a result was inevitable. By taking advantage of the + British experience, of the closer ties now being knit between the two + democracies, we may in America be spared a stage which in Britain was + necessary. Indeed, the program of the new British Labour Party seems to + point to a distinctly American solution, one in harmony with the steady + growth of Anglo-Saxon democracy. For it is now announced that the word + “labour,” as applied to the new party, does not mean manual labour alone, + but also mental labour. The British unions have gradually developed and + placed in power leaders educated in social science, who have now come into + touch with the intellectual leaders of the United Kingdom, with the + sociologists, economists, and social scientists. The surprising and + encouraging result of such association is the announcement that the new + Labour Party is today publicly thrown open to all workers, both by hand + and by brain, with the object of securing for these the full fruits of + their industry. This means the inclusion of physicians, professors, + writers, architects, engineers, and inventors, of lawyers who no longer + regard their profession as a bulwark of the status quo; of clerks, of + administrators of the type evolved by the war, who indeed have gained + their skill under the old order but who now in a social spirit are + dedicating their gifts to the common weal, organizing and directing vast + enterprises for their governments. In short, all useful citizens who make + worthy contributions—as distinguished from parasites, profiteers, + and drones, are invited to be members; there is no class distinction here. + The fortunes of such a party are, of course, dependent upon the military + success of the allied armies and navies. But it has defined the kind of + democracy the Allies are fighting for, and thus has brought about an + unqualified endorsement of the war by those elements of the population + which hitherto have felt the issue to be imperialistic and vague rather + than democratic and clear cut. President Wilson’s international program is + approved of and elaborated. + </p> + <p> + The Report on Reconstruction of the new British Labour Party is perhaps + the most important political document presented to the world since the + Declaration of Independence. And like the Declaration, it is written in + the pure English that alone gives the high emotional quality of sincerity. + The phrases in which it tersely describes its objects are admirable. “What + is to be reconstructed after the war is over is not this or that + government department, this or that piece of social machinery, but Society + itself.” There is to be a systematic approach towards a “healthy equality + of material circumstance for every person born into the world, and not an + enforced dominion over subject nations, subject colonies, subject classes, + or a subject sex.” In industry as well as in government the social order + is to be based “on that equal freedom, that general consciousness of + consent, and that widest participation in power, both economic and + political, which is characteristic of democracy.” But all this, it should + be noted, is not to be achieved in a year or two of “feverish + reconstruction”; “each brick that the Labour Party helps to lay shall go + to erect the structure it intends and no other.” + </p> + <p> + In considering the main features of this program, one must have in mind + whether these are a logical projection and continuation of the Anglo-Saxon + democratic tradition, or whether they constitute an absolute break with + that tradition. The only valid reason for the adoption of such a program + in America would be, of course, the restoration of some such equality of + opportunity and economic freedom as existed in our Republic before we + became an industrial nation. “The first condition of democracy,”—to + quote again from the program, “is effective personal freedom.” + </p> + <p> + What is called the “Universal Enforcement of the National Minimum” + contemplates the extension of laws already on the statute books in order + to prevent the extreme degradation of the standard of life brought about + by the old economic system under industrialism. A living minimum wage is + to be established. The British Labour Party intends “to secure to every + member of the community, in good times and bad alike... all the requisites + of healthy life and worthy citizenship.” + </p> + <p> + After the war there is to be no cheap labour market, nor are the millions + of workers and soldiers to fall into the clutches of charity; but it shall + be a national obligation to provide each of these with work according to + his capacity. In order to maintain the demand for labour at a uniform + level, the government is to provide public works. The population is to be + rehoused in suitable dwellings, both in rural districts and town slums; + new and more adequate schools and training colleges are to be inaugurated; + land is to be reclaimed and afforested, and gradually brought under common + ownership; railways and canals are to be reorganized and nationalized, + mines and electric power systems. One of the significant proposals under + this head is that which demands the retention of the centralization of the + purchase of raw materials brought about by the war. + </p> + <p> + In order to accomplish these objects there must be a “Revolution in + National Finance.” The present method of raising funds is denounced; and + it is pointed out that only one quarter of the colossal expenditure made + necessary by the war has been raised by taxation, and that the three + quarters borrowed at onerous rates is sure to be a burden on the nation’s + future. The capital needed, when peace comes, to ensure a happy and + contented democracy must be procured without encroaching on the minimum + standard of life, and without hampering production. Indirect taxation must + therefore be concentrated on those luxuries of which it is desirable that + the consumption be discouraged. The steadily rising unearned increment of + urban and mineral land ought, by appropriate direct taxation, to be + brought into the public exchequer; “the definite teachings of economic + science are no longer to be disregarded.” Hence incomes are to be taxed + above the necessary cost of family maintenance, private fortunes during + life and at death; while a special capital levy must be made to pay off a + substantial portion of the national debt. + </p> + <p> + “The Democratic Control of Industry” contemplates the progressive + elimination of the private capitalist and the setting free of all who work + by hand and brain for the welfare of all. + </p> + <p> + The Surplus Wealth is to be expended for the Common Good. That which + Carlyle designates as the “inward spiritual,” in contrast to the “outward + economical,” is also to be provided for. “Society,” says the document, + “like the individual, does not live by bread alone, does not exist only + for perpetual wealth production.” First of all, there is to be education + according to the highest modern standard; and along with education, the + protection and advancement of the public health, ‘mens sana in corpore + sano’. While large sums must be set aside, not only for original research + in every branch of knowledge, but for the promotion of music, literature, + and fine art, upon which “any real development of civilization + fundamentally depends.” + </p> + <p> + In regard to the British Empire, the Labour Party urges self-government + for any people, whatever its colour, proving itself capable, and the right + of that people to the proceeds of its own toil upon the resources of its + territory. An unequivocal stand is taken for the establishment, as a part + of the treaty of peace, of a Universal Society of Nations; and recognizing + that the future progress of democracy depends upon co-operation and + fellowship between liberals of all countries, the maintenance of intimate + relationships is advocated with liberals oversea. + </p> + <p> + Finally, a scientific investigation of each succeeding problem in + government is insisted upon, and a much more rapid dissemination among the + people of the science that exists. “A plutocratic party may choose to + ignore science, but no labour party can hope to maintain its position + unless its proposals are, in fact, the outcome of the best political + science of its time.” + </p> + <p> + <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> + <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> + </p> + <div style="height: 4em;"> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </div> + <h2> + V. + </h2> + <p> + There are, it will be seen, some elements in the program of the new + British Labour Party apparently at variance with American and English + institutions, traditions, and ideas. We are left in doubt, for instance, + in regard to its attitude toward private property. The instinct for + property is probably innate in humanity, and American conservatism in this + regard is, according to certain modern economists, undoubtedly sound. A + man should be permitted to acquire at least as much property as is + required for the expression of his personality; such a wise limitation, + also, would abolish the evil known as absentee ownership. Again, there + will arise in many minds the question whether the funds for the plan of + National finance outlined in the program may be obtained without seriously + deranging the economic system of the nation and of the world. The older + school denounces the program as Utopian. On the other hand, economists of + the modern school who have been consulted have declared it practical. It + is certain that before the war began it would not have been thought + possible to raise the billions which in four years have been expended on + sheer destruction; and one of our saddest reflections today must be of + regret that a small portion of these billions which have gone to waste + could not have been expended for the very purposes outlined—education, + public health, the advancement of science and art, public buildings, roads + and parks, and the proper housing of populations! It is also dawning upon + us, as a result of new practices brought about by the war, that our + organization of industry was happy-go-lucky, inefficient and wasteful, and + that a more scientific and economical organization is imperative. Under + such a new system it may well be, as modern economists claim, that, we + shall have an ample surplus for the Common Good. + </p> + <p> + The chief objection to a National or Democratic Control of Industry has + been that it would tend to create vast political machines and thus give + the politicians in office a nefarious power. It is not intended here to + attempt a refutation of this contention. The remedy lies in a changed + attitude of the employee and the citizen toward government, and the fact + that such an attitude is now developing is not subject to absolute proof. + It may be said, however, that no greater menace to democracy could have + arisen than the one we seem barely to have escaped—the control of + politics and government by the capitalistic interests of the nation. What + seems very clear is that an evolutionary drift toward the national control + of industry has for many years been going on, and that the war has + tremendously speeded up the tendency. Government has stepped in to protect + the consumer of necessities from the profiteer, and is beginning to set a + limit upon profits; has regulated exports and imports; established a + national shipping corporation and merchant marine, and entered into other + industries; it has taken over the railroads at least for the duration of + the war, and may take over coal mines, and metal resources, as well as the + forests and water power; it now contemplates the regulation of wages. + </p> + <p> + The exigency caused by the war, moreover, has transformed the former + practice of international intercourse. Co-operation has replaced + competition. We are reorganizing and regulating our industries, our + business, making sacrifices and preparing to make more sacrifices in order + to meet the needs of our Allies, now that they are sore beset. For a + considerable period after the war is ended, they will require our aid. We + shall be better off than any other of the belligerent nations, and we + shall therefore be called upon to practice, during the years of + reconstruction, a continuation of the same policy of helpfulness. Indeed, + for the nations of the world to spring, commercially speaking, at one + another’s throats would be suicidal even if it were possible. Mr. Sidney + Webb has thrown a flood of light upon the conditions likely to prevail. + For example, speculative export trade is being replaced by collective + importing, bringing business more directly under the control of the + consumer. This has been done by co-operative societies, by municipalities + and states, in Switzerland, France, the United Kingdom, and in Germany. + The Co-operative Wholesale Society of Great Britain, acting on behalf of + three and a half million families, buys two and a half million dollars of + purchases annually. And the Entente nations, in order to avoid competitive + bidding, are buying collectively from us, not only munitions of war, but + other supplies, while the British Government has made itself the sole + importer of such necessities as wheat, sugar, tea, refrigerated meat, + wool, and various metals. The French and Italian governments, and also + certain neutral states, have done likewise. A purchasing commission for + all the Allies and America is now proposed. After the war, as an + inevitable result, for one thing, of transforming some thirty million + citizens into soldiers, of engaging a like number of men and women at + enhanced wages on the manufacture of the requisites of war, Mr. Webb + predicts a world shortage not only in wheat and foodstuffs but in nearly + all important raw materials. These will be required for the resumption of + manufacture. In brief, international co-operation will be the only means + of salvation. The policy of international trade implied by world shortage + is not founded upon a law of “supply and demand.” The necessities cannot + be permitted to go to those who can afford to pay the highest prices, but + to those who need them most. For the “free play of economic forces” would + mean famine on a large scale, because the richer nations and the richer + classes within the nations might be fully supplied; but to the detriment + and ruin of the world the poorer nations and the poorer classes would be + starved. Therefore governments are already beginning to give consideration + to a new organization of international trade for at least three years + after the war. Now if this organization produce, as it may produce, a more + desirable civilization and a happier world order, we are not likely + entirely to go back—especially in regard to commodities which are + necessities—to a competitive system. The principle of “priority of + need” will supersede the law of “supply and demand.” And the organizations + built up during the war, if they prove efficient, will not be abolished. + Hours of labour and wages in the co-operative League of Nations will + gradually be equalized, and tariffs will become things of the past. “The + axiom will be established,” says Mr. Webb, “that the resources of every + country must, be held for the benefit not only of its own people but of + the world.... The world shortage will, for years to come, make import + duties look both oppressive and ridiculous.” + </p> + <p> + So much may be said for the principle of Democratic Control. In spite of + all theoretical opposition, circumstances and evolution apparently point + to its establishment. A system that puts a premium on commercial greed + seems no longer possible. + </p> + <p> + The above comments, based on the drift of political practice during the + past decade and a half, may be taken for what they are worth. Predictions + are precarious. The average American will be inclined to regard the + program of the new British Labour Party as the embodiment of what he + vaguely calls Socialism, and to him the very word is repugnant. Although + he may never have heard of Marx, it is the Marxian conception that comes + to his mind, and this implies coercion, a government that constantly + interferes with his personal liberty, that compels him to tasks for which + he has no relish. But your American, and your Englishman, for that matter, + is inherently an individualist he wants as little government as is + compatible with any government at all. And the descendants of the + continental Europeans who flock to our shores are Anglo-Saxonized, also + become by environment and education individualists. The great importance + of preserving this individualism, this spirit in our citizens of + self-reliance, this suspicion against too much interference with personal + liberty, must at once be admitted. And any scheme for a social order that + tends to eliminate and destroy it should by Americans be summarily + rejected. + </p> + <p> + The question of supreme interest to us, therefore, is whether the social + order implied in the British program is mainly in the nature of a + development of, or a break with, the Anglo-Saxon democratic tradition. The + program is derived from an English source. It is based on what is known as + modern social science, which has as its ultimate sanction the nature of + the human mind as revealed by psychology. A consideration of the + principles underlying this proposed social order may prove that it is + essentially—if perhaps paradoxically—individualistic, a + logical evolution of institutions which had their origin in the Magna + Charta. Our Declaration of Independence proclaimed that every citizen had + the right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” which means + the opportunity to achieve the greatest self-development and + self-realization. The theory is that each citizen shall find his place, + according to his gifts and abilities, and be satisfied therewith. We may + discover that this is precisely what social science, in an industrial age, + and by spiritualizing human effort, aims to achieve. We may find that the + appearance of such a program as that of the British Labour Party, + supported as it is by an imposing proportion of the population of the + United Kingdom, marks a further step, not only in the advance of social + science and democracy, but also of Christianity. + </p> + <p> + I mention Christianity, not for controversial or apologetic reasons, but + because it has been the leaven of our western civilization ever since the + fall of the Roman Empire. Its constant influence has been to soften and + spiritualize individual and national relationships. The bitter + controversies, wars, and persecutions which have raged in its name are + utterly alien to its being. And that the present war is now being fought + by the Allies in the hope of putting an end to war, and is thus in the + true spirit of Christianity, marks an incomparable advance. + </p> + <p> + Almost up to the present day, both in our conception and practice of + Christianity, we have largely neglected its most important elements. + Christian orthodoxy, as Auguste Sabatier points out, is largely derived + from the older supernatural religions. The preservative shell of dogma and + superstition has been cracking, and is now ready to burst, and the social + teaching of Jesus would seem to be the kernel from which has sprung modern + democracy, modern science, and modern religion—a trinity and unity. + </p> + <p> + For nearly two thousand years orthodoxy has insisted that the social + principles of Christianity are impractical. And indeed, until the present + day, they have been so. Physical science, by enormously accelerating the + means of transportation and communication, has so contracted the world as + to bring into communion peoples and races hitherto far apart; has made + possible an intelligent organization of industry which, for the first time + in history, can create a surplus ample to maintain in comfort the world’s + population. But this demands the will to co-operation, which is a + Christian principle—a recognition of the brotherhood of man. + Furthermore, physical science has increased the need for world peace and + international co-operation because the territories of all nations are now + subject to swift and terrible invasion by modern instruments of + destruction, while the future submarine may sweep commerce from the seas. + </p> + <p> + Again, orthodoxy declares that human nature is inherently “bad,” while + true Christianity, endorsed by psychology, proclaims it inherently “good,” + which means that, properly guided, properly educated, it is creative and + contributive rather than destructive. No more striking proof of this fact + can be cited than the modern experiment in prison reform in which hardened + convicts, when “given a chance,” frequently become useful citizens. Unjust + and unintelligent social conditions are the chief factors in making + criminals. + </p> + <p> + Our most modern system of education, of which Professor John Dewey is the + chief protagonist, is based upon the assertions of psychology that human + nature is essentially “good” creative. Every normal child is supposed to + have a special “distinction” or gift, which it is the task of the educator + to discover. This distinction found, the child achieves happiness in + creation and contribution. Self-realization demands knowledge and + training: the doing of right is not a negative but a positive act; it is + not without significance that the Greek word for sin is literally “missing + the mark.” Christianity emphasizes above all else the worth of the + individual, yet recognizes that the individual can develop only in + society. And if the individual be of great worth, this worth must be by + society developed to its utmost. Universal suffrage is a logical + corollary. + </p> + <p> + Universal suffrage, however, implies individual judgment, which means that + the orthodox principle of external authority is out of place both in + Christianity and democracy. The Christian theory is that none shall + intervene between a man’s Maker and himself; democracy presupposes that no + citizen shall accept his beliefs and convictions from others, but shall + make up his own mind and act accordingly. Open-mindedness is the first + requisite of science and democracy. + </p> + <p> + What has been deemed, however, in Christianity the most unrealizable ideal + is that which may be called pacifism—to resist not evil, to turn the + other cheek, to agree with your adversary while you are in the way with + him. “I come not,” said Jesus, in one of those paradoxical statements + hitherto so difficult to understand, “I come not to bring peace, but a + sword.” It is indeed what we are fighting for—peace. But we believe + today, more strongly than ever before, as democracy advances, as peoples + tend to gain more and more control over their governments, that even this + may not be an unrealizable ideal. Democracies, intent on self-realization + and self-development, do not desire war. + </p> + <p> + The problem of social science, then, appears to be to organize human + society on the principles and ideals of Christianity. But in view of the + fact that the trend of evolution is towards the elimination of commercial + competition, the question which must seriously concern us today is—What + in the future shall be the spur of individual initiative? Orthodoxy and + even democratic practice have hitherto taken it for granted—in spite + of the examples of highly socialized men, benefactors of society—that + the average citizen will bestir himself only for material gain. And it + must be admitted that competition of some sort is necessary for + self-realization, that human nature demands a prize. There can be no + self-sacrifice without a corresponding self-satisfaction. The answer is + that in the theory of democracy, as well as in that of Christianity, + individualism and co-operation are paradoxically blended. For competition, + Christianity substitutes emulation. And with democracy, it declares that + mankind itself can gradually be rained towards the level of the choice + individual who does not labour for gain, but in behalf of society. For the + process of democracy is not degrading, but lifting. Like Christianity, + democracy demands faith, and has as its inspiring interpretation of + civilization evolution towards a spiritual goal. Yet the kind of faith + required is no longer a blind faith, but one founded on sane and carefully + evolved theories. Democracy has become a scientific experiment. + </p> + <p> + In this connection, as one notably inspired by emulation, by the joy of + creative work and service, the medical profession comes first to mind. The + finer element in this profession is constantly increasing in numbers, + growing more and more influential, making life less easy for the quack, + the vendor of nostrums, the commercial proprietor of the bogus medical + college. The doctor who uses his talents for gain is frowned upon by those + of his fellow practitioners whose opinion really counts. Respected + physicians in our cities give much of their time to teaching, animating + students with their own spirit; and labour long hours, for no material + return, in the clinics of the poor. And how often, in reading our + newspapers, do we learn that some medical scientist, by patient work, and + often at the risk of life and health, has triumphed over a scourge which + has played havoc with humanity throughout the ages! Typhoid has been + conquered, and infant paralysis; gangrene and tetanus, which have taken + such toll of the wounded in Flanders and France; yellow fever has been + stamped out in the tropics; hideous lesions are now healed by a system of + drainage. The very list of these achievements is bewildering, and latterly + we are given hope of the prolongation of life itself. Here in truth are + Christian deeds multiplied by science, made possible by a growing + knowledge of and mastery over Nature. + </p> + <p> + Such men by virtue of their high mission are above the vicious social and + commercial competition poisoning the lives of so many of their fellow + citizens. In our democracy they have found their work, and the work is its + own reward. They give striking testimony to the theory that absorption in + a creative or contributive task is the only source of self-realization. + And he has little faith in mankind who shall declare that the medical + profession is the only group capable of being socialized, or, rather, of + socializing themselves—for such is the true process of democracy. + Public opinion should be the leaven. What is possible for the doctor is + also possible for the lawyer, for the teacher. In a democracy, teaching + should be the most honoured of the professions, and indeed once was,—before + the advent of industrialism, when it gradually fell into neglect,—occasionally + into deplorable submission to the possessors of wealth. Yet a wage + disgracefully low, hardship, and even poverty have not hindered men of + ability from entering it in increasing numbers, renouncing ease and + luxuries. The worth of the contributions of our professors to civilization + has been inestimable; and fortunately signs are not lacking that we are + coming to an appreciation of the value of the expert in government, who is + replacing the panderer and the politician. A new solidarity of teaching + professional opinion, together with a growing realization by our public of + the primary importance of the calling, is tending to emancipate it, to + establish it in its rightful place. + </p> + <p> + Nor are our engineers without their ideal. A Goethals did not cut an + isthmus in two for gain. + </p> + <p> + Industrialism, with its concomitant “corporation” practice, has + undoubtedly been detrimental to the legal profession, since it has + resulted in large fees; in the accumulation of vast fortunes, frequently + by methods ethically questionable. Grave social injustices have been done, + though often in good faith, since the lawyer, by training and experience, + has hitherto been least open to the teachings of the new social science, + has been an honest advocate of the system of ‘laissez faire’. But to say + that the American legal profession is without ideals and lacking in the + emulative spirit would be to do it a grave injustice. The increasing + influence of national and state bar associations evidences a professional + opinion discouraging to the unscrupulous; while a new evolutionary and + more humanitarian conception of law is now beginning to be taught, and + young men are entering the ranks imbued with this. Legal clinics, like + medical clinics, are established for the benefit of those who cannot + afford to pay fees, for the protection of the duped from the predatory + quack. And, it must be said of this profession, which hitherto has held a + foremost place in America, that its leaders have never hesitated to + respond to a public call, to sacrifice their practices to serve the + nation. Their highest ambition has even been to attain the Supreme Court, + where the salary is a mere pittance compared to what they may earn as + private citizens. + </p> + <p> + Thus we may review all the groups in the nation, but the most significant + transformation of all is taking place within the business group,—where + indeed it might be least expected. Even before the war there were many + evidences that the emulative spirit in business had begun to modify the + merely competitive, and we had the spectacle of large employers of labour + awakening to the evils of industrialism, and themselves attempting to + inaugurate reforms. As in the case of labour, it would be obviously unfair + to claim that the employer element was actuated by motives of + self-interest alone; nor were their concessions due only to fear. + Instances could be cited, if there were space, of voluntary shortening of + hours of labour, of raising of wages, when no coercion was exerted either + by the labour unions or the state; and—perhaps to their surprise + employers discovered that such acts were not only humane but profitable! + Among these employers, in fact, may be observed individuals in various + stages of enlightenment, from the few who have educated themselves in + social science, who are convinced that the time has come when it is not + only practicable but right, who realize that a new era has dawned; to + others who still believe in the old system, who are trying to bolster it + up by granting concessions, by establishing committees of conference, by + giving a voice and often a financial interest, but not a vote, in the + conduct of the corporation concerned. These are the counterpart, in + industry, of sovereigns whose away has been absolute, whose intentions are + good, but who hesitate, often from conviction, to grant constitutions. Yet + even these are responding in some degree to social currents, though the + aggressive struggles of labour may have influenced them, and partially + opened their eyes. They are far better than their associates who still + seek to control the supplies of food and other necessities, whose + efficiency is still solely directed, not toward a social end, but toward + the amassing of large fortunes, and is therefore wasted so far as society + is concerned. They do not perceive that by seeking to control prices they + merely hasten the tendency of government control, for it is better to have + government regulation for the benefit of the many than proprietary + control, however efficient, for the benefit of the few. + </p> + <p> + That a significant change of heart and mind has begun to take place + amongst capitalists, that the nucleus of a “public opinion” has been + formed within an element which, by the use and wont of business and habits + of thought might be regarded as least subject to the influence of social + ideas, is a most hopeful augury. This nascent opinion has begun to operate + by shaming unscrupulous and recalcitrant employers into better practices. + It would indeed fare ill with democracy if, in such an era, men of large + business proved to be lacking in democratic initiative, wholly unreceptive + and hostile to the gradual introduction of democracy into industry, which + means the perpetuation of the American Idea. Fortunately, with us, this + capitalistic element is of comparatively recent growth, the majority of + its members are essentially Americans; they have risen from small + beginnings, and are responsive to a democratic appeal—if that appeal + be properly presented. And, as a matter of fact, for many years a leaven + had been at work among them; the truth has been brought home to them that + the mere acquisition of wealth brings neither happiness nor + self-realization; they have lavished their money on hospitals and + universities, clinics, foundations for scientific research, and other + gifts of inestimable benefit to the nation and mankind. Although the + munificence was on a Medicean scale, this private charity was in accord + with the older conception of democracy, and paved the way for a new order. + </p> + <p> + The patriotic and humanitarian motive aroused by the war greatly + accelerated the socializing transformation of the business man and the + capitalist. We have, indeed, our profiteers seeking short cuts to luxury + and wealth; but those happily most representative of American affairs, + including the creative administrators, hastened to Washington with a + willingness to accept any position in which they might be useful, and in + numerous instances placed at the disposal of the government the + manufacturing establishments which, by industry and ability, they + themselves had built up. That in thus surrendering the properties for + which they were largely responsible they hoped at the conclusion of peace + to see restored the ‘status quo ante’ should not be held against them. + Some are now beginning to surmise that a complete restoration is + impossible; and as a result of their socializing experience, are even + wondering whether it is desirable. These are beginning to perceive that + the national and international organizations in the course of construction + to meet the demands of the world conflict must form the model for a future + social structure; that the unprecedented pressure caused by the cataclysm + is compelling a recrystallization of society in which there must be fewer + misfits, in which many more individuals than formerly shall find public or + semi-public tasks in accordance with their gifts and abilities. + </p> + <p> + It may be argued that war compels socialization, that after the war the + world will perforce return to materialistic individualism. But this + calamity, terrible above all others, has warned us of the imperative need + of an order that shall be socializing, if we are not to witness the + destruction of our civilization itself. Confidence that such an order, + thanks to the advancement of science, is now within our grasp should not + be difficult for Americans, once they have rightly conceived it. We, who + have always pinned our faith to ideas, who entered the conflict for an + Idea, must be the last to shirk the task, however Herculean, of world + reconstruction along the lines of our own professed faith. We cannot be + renegades to Democracy. + </p> + <p> + Above all things, then, it is essential for us as a people not to abandon + our faith in man, our belief that not only the exceptional individual but + the majority of mankind can be socialized. What is true of our physicians, + our scientists and professional men, our manual workers, is also true of + our capitalists and business men. In a more just and intelligent + organization of society these will be found willing to administer and + improve for the common weal the national resources which formerly they + exploited for the benefit of themselves and their associates. The social + response, granted the conditions, is innate in humanity, and individual + initiative can best be satisfied in social realization. + </p> + <p> + Universal education is the cornerstone of democracy. And the recognition + of this fact may be called the great American contribution. But in our + society the fullest self-realization depends upon a well balanced + knowledge of scientific facts, upon a rounded culture. Thus education, + properly conceived, is a preparation for intelligent, ethical, and + contented citizenship. Upon the welfare of the individual depends the + welfare of all. Without education, free institutions and universal + suffrage are mockeries; semi-learned masses of the population are at the + mercy of scheming politicians, controversialists, and pseudo-scientific + religionists, and their votes are swayed by prejudice. + </p> + <p> + In a materialistic competitive order, success in life depends upon the + knack—innate or acquired, and not to be highly rated—of + outwitting one’s neighbour under the rules of the game—the law; + education is merely a cultural leaven within the reach of the + comparatively few who can afford to attend a university. The business + college is a more logical institution. In an emulative civilization, + however, the problem is to discover and develop in childhood and youth the + personal aptitude or gift of as many citizens as possible, in order that + they may find self-realization by making their peculiar contribution + towards the advancement of society. + </p> + <p> + The prevailing system of education, which we have inherited from the past, + largely fails to accomplish this. In the first place, it has been + authoritative rather than scientific, which is to say that students have + been induced to accept the statements of teachers and text books, and have + not been trained to weigh for themselves their reasonableness and worth; a + principle essentially unscientific and undemocratic, since it inculcates + in the future citizen convictions rather than encourages the habit of + open-mindedness so necessary for democratic citizenship. For democracy—it + cannot be too often repeated—is a dynamic thing, experimental, + creative in its very essence. No static set of opinions can apply to the + constantly changing aspect of affairs. New discoveries, which come upon us + with such bewildering rapidity, are apt abruptly to alter social and + industrial conditions, while morals and conventions are no longer + absolute. Sudden crises threaten the stability of nations and + civilizations. Safety lies alone in the ability to go forward, to + progress. Psychology teaches us that if authoritative opinions, + convictions, or “complexes” are stamped upon the plastic brain of the + youth they tend to harden, and he is apt to become a Democrat or + Republican, an Episcopalian or a Baptist, a free trader or a tariff + advocate or a Manchester economist without asking why. Such “complexes” + were probably referred to by the celebrated physician who emphasized the + hopelessness of most individuals over forty. And every reformer and forum + lecturer knows how difficult it is to convert the average audience of + seasoned adults to a new idea: he finds the most responsive groups in the + universities and colleges. It is significant that the “educated” adult + audiences in clubs and prosperous churches are the least open to + conversion, because, in the scientific sense, the “educated” classes + retain complexes, and hence are the least prepared to cope with the world + as it is today. The German system, which has been bent upon installing + authoritative conviction instead of encouraging freedom of thought, should + be a warning to us. + </p> + <p> + Again, outside of the realm of physical science, our text books have been + controversial rather than impartial, especially in economics and history; + resulting in erroneous and distorted and prejudiced ideas of events, such + for instance, as our American Revolution. The day of the controversialist + is happily coming to an end, and of the writer who twists the facts of + science to suit a world of his own making, or of that of a group with + which he is associated. Theory can now be labelled theory, and fact, fact. + Impartial and painstaking investigation is the sole method of obtaining + truth. + </p> + <p> + The old system of education benefited only the comparatively few to whose + nature and inclination it was adapted. We have need, indeed, of classical + scholars, but the majority of men and women are meant for other work; + many, by their very construction of mind, are unfitted to become such. And + only in the most exceptional cases are the ancient languages really + mastered; a smattering of these, imposed upon the unwilling scholar by a + principle opposed to psychology,—a smattering from which is derived + no use and joy in after life, and which has no connection with individual + inclination—is worse than nothing. Precious time is wasted during + the years when the mind is most receptive. While the argument of the old + school that discipline can only be inculcated by the imposition of a + distasteful task is unsound. As Professor Dewey points out, unless the + interest is in some way involved there can be no useful discipline. And + how many of our university and high school graduates today are in any + sense disciplined? Stimulated interest alone can overcome the resistance + imposed by a difficult task, as any scientist, artist, organizer or + administrator knows. Men will discipline themselves to gain a desired end. + Under the old system of education a few children succeed either because + they are desirous of doing well, interested in the game of mental + competition; or else because they contrive to clothe with flesh and blood + some subject presented as a skeleton. It is not uncommon, indeed, to + recognize in later years with astonishment a useful citizen or genius whom + at school or college we recall as a dunce or laggard. In our present + society, because of archaic methods of education, the development of such + is largely left to chance. Those who might have been developed in time, + who might have found their task, often become wasters, drudges, and even + criminals. + </p> + <p> + The old system tends to make types, to stamp every scholar in the same + mould, whether he fits it or not. More and more the parents of today are + looking about for new schools, insisting that a son or daughter possesses + some special gift which, under teachers of genius, might be developed + before it is too late. And in most cases, strange to say, the parents are + right. They themselves have been victims of a standardized system. + </p> + <p> + A new and distinctly American system of education, designed to meet the + demands of modern conditions, has been put in practice in parts of the + United States. In spite of opposition from school boards, from all those + who cling to the conviction that education must of necessity be an + unpalatable and “disciplinary” process, the number of these schools is + growing. The objection, put forth by many, that they are still in the + experimental stage, is met by the reply that experiment is the very + essence of the system. Democracy is experimental, and henceforth education + will remain experimental for all time. But, as in any other branch of + science, the element of ascertained fact will gradually increase: the + latent possibilities in the mind of the healthy child will be discovered + by knowledge gained through impartial investigation. The old system, like + all other institutions handed down to us from the ages, proceeds on no + intelligent theory, has no basis on psychology, and is accepted merely + because it exists. + </p> + <p> + The new education is selective. The mind of each child is patiently + studied with the view of discovering the peculiar bent, and this bent is + guided and encouraged. The child is allowed to forge ahead in those + subjects for which he shows an aptitude, and not compelled to wait on a + class. Such supervision, of course, demands more teachers, teachers of an + ability hitherto deplorably rare, and thoroughly trained in their + subjects, with a sympathetic knowledge of the human mind. Theirs will be + the highest and most responsible function in the state, and they must be + rewarded in proportion to their services. + </p> + <p> + A superficial criticism declares that in the new schools children will + study only “what they like.” On the contrary, all subjects requisite for a + wide culture, as well as for the ability to cope with existence in a + highly complex civilization, are insisted upon. It is true, however, that + the trained and gifted teacher is able to discover a method of so + presenting a subject as to seize the imagination and arouse the interest + and industry of a majority of pupils. In the modern schools French, for + example, is really taught; pupils do not acquire a mere smattering of the + language. And, what is more important, the course of study is directly + related to life, and to practical experience, instead of being set forth + abstractly, as something which at the time the pupil perceives no + possibility of putting into use. At one of the new schools in the south, + the ignorant child of the mountains at once acquires a knowledge of + measurement and elementary arithmetic by laying out a garden, of letters + by inscribing his name on a little signboard in order to identify his + patch—for the moment private property. And this principle is carried + through all the grades. In the Gary Schools and elsewhere the making of + things in the shops, the modelling of a Panama Canal, the inspection of + industries and governmental establishments, the designing, building, and + decoration of houses, the discussion and even dramatization of the books + read,—all are a logical and inevitable continuation of the abstract + knowledge of the schoolroom. The success of the direct application of + learning to industrial and professional life may also be observed in such + colleges as those at Cincinnati and Schenectady, where young men spend + half the time of the course in the shops of manufacturing, corporations, + often earning more than enough to pay their tuition. + </p> + <p> + Children are not only prepared for democratic citizenship by being + encouraged to think for themselves, but also to govern and discipline + themselves. On the moral side, under the authoritative system of lay and + religious training, character was acquired at the expense of mental + flexibility—the Puritan method; our problem today, which the new + system undertakes, is to produce character with open-mindedness—the + kind of character possessed by many great scientists. Absorption in an + appropriate task creates a moral will, while science, knowledge, informs + the mind why a thing is “bad” or “good,” disintegrating or upbuilding. + Moreover, these children are trained for democratic government by the + granting of autonomy. They have their own elected officials, their own + courts; their decisions are, of course, subject to reversal by the + principal, but in practice this seldom occurs. + </p> + <p> + The Gary Schools and many of the new schools are public schools. And the + principle of the new education that the state is primarily responsible for + the health of pupils—because an unsound body is apt to make an + unsound citizen of backward intelligence—is now being generally + adopted by public schools all over the country. This idea is essentially + an element of the democratic contention that all citizens must be given an + equality of opportunity—though all may not be created equal—now + becoming a positive rather than a negative right, guaranteed by the state + itself. An earnest attempt is thus made by the state to give every citizen + a fair start that in later years he may have no ground for discontent or + complaint. He stands on his own feet, he rises in proportion to his + ability and industry. Hence the program of the British Labour Party + rightly lays stress on education, on “freedom of mental opportunity.” The + vast sums it proposes to spend for this purpose are justified. + </p> + <p> + If such a system of education as that briefly outlined above is carefully + and impartially considered, the objection that democratic government + founded on modern social science is coercive must disappear. So far as the + intention and effort of the state is able to confer it, every citizen will + have his choice of the task he is to perform for society, his opportunity + for self-realization. For freedom without education is a myth. By degrees + men and women are making ready to take their places in an emulative rather + than a materialistically competitive order. But the experimental aspect of + this system should always be borne in mind, with the fact that its + introduction and progress, like that of other elements in the democratic + program, must be gradual, though always proceeding along sound lines. For + we have arrived at that stage of enlightenment when we realize that the + only mundane perfection lies in progress rather than achievement. The + millennium is always a lap ahead. There would be no satisfaction in + overtaking it, for then we should have nothing more to do, nothing more to + work for. + </p> + <p> + The German Junkers have prostituted science by employing it for the + destruction of humanity. In the name of Christianity they have waged the + most barbaric war in history. Yet if they shall have demonstrated to + mankind the futility of efficiency achieved merely for material ends; if, + by throwing them on a world screen, they shall have revealed the evils of + power upheld alone by ruthlessness and force, they will unwittingly have + performed a world service. Privilege and dominion, powers and + principalities acquired by force must be sustained by force. To fail will + be fatal. Even a duped people, trained in servility, will not consent to + be governed by an unsuccessful autocracy. Arrogantly Germany has staked + her all on world domination. Hence a victory for the Allies must mean a + democratic Germany. + </p> + <p> + Nothing short of victory. There can be no arrangement, no agreement, no + parley with or confidence in these modern scions of darkness—Hohenzollerns, + Hindenburgs, Zudendorffs and their tools. Propaganda must not cease; the + eyes of Germans still capable of sight must be opened. But, as the + President says, force must be used to the limit—force for a social + end as opposed to force for an evil end. There are those among us who + advocate a boycott of Germany after peace is declared. These would seem to + take it for granted that we shall fall short of victory, and hence that + selfish retaliative or vindictive practices between nations, sanctioned by + imperialism, will continue to flourish after the war. But should Germany + win she will see to it that there is no boycott against her. A compromised + peace would indeed mean the perpetuation of both imperialism and + militarism. + </p> + <p> + It is characteristic of those who put their faith in might alone that they + are not only blind to the finer relationships between individuals and + nations, but take no account of the moral forces in human affairs which in + the long run are decisive,—a lack of sensitiveness which explains + Germany’s colossal blunders. The first had to do with Britain. The German + militarists persisted in the belief that the United Kingdom was + degenerated by democracy, intent upon the acquisition of wealth, + distracted by strife at home, uncertain of the Empire, and thus would + selfishly remain aloof while the Kaiser’s armies overran and enslaved the + continent. What happened, to Germany’s detriment, was the instant + socialization of Britain, and the binding together of the British Empire. + Germany’s second great blunder was an arrogant underestimation of a + self-reliant people of English culture and traditions. She believed that + we, too, had been made flabby by democracy, were wholly intent upon the + pursuit of the dollar—only to learn that America would lavish her + vast resources and shed her blood for a cause which was American. Germany + herself provided that cause, shaped the issues so that there was no + avoiding them. She provided the occasion for the socializing of America + also; and thus brought about, within a year, a national transformation + which in times of peace might scarce in half a century have been + accomplished. + </p> + <p> + Above all, as a consequence of these two blunders, Germany has been + compelled to witness the consummation of that which of all things she had + most to fear, the cementing of a lasting fellowship between the English + speaking Republic and the English speaking Empire. For we had been severed + since the 18th Century by misunderstandings which of late Germany herself + had been more or less successful in fostering. She has furnished a bond + not only between our governments, but—what is vastly more important + for democracy—a bond between our peoples. Our soldiers are now side + by side with those of the Empire on the Frontier of Freedom; the blood of + all is shed and mingled for a great cause embodied in the Anglo-Saxon + tradition of democracy; and our peoples, through the realization of common + ideas and common ends, are learning the supreme lesson of co-operation + between nations with a common past, are being cemented into a union which + is the symbol and forerunner of the democratic league of Nations to come. + Henceforth, we believe, because of this union, so natural yet so long + delayed, by virtue of the ultimate victory it forecasts, the sun will + never set on the Empire of the free, for the drum beats of democracy have + been heard around the world. To this Empire will be added the precious + culture of France, which the courage of her sons will have preserved, the + contributions of Italy, and of Russia, yes, and of Japan. + </p> + <p> + Our philosophy and our religion are changing; hence it is more and more + difficult to use the old terms to describe moral conduct. We say, for + instance, that America’s action in entering the war has been “unselfish.” + But this merely means that we have our own convictions concerning the + ultimate comfort of the world, the manner of self-realization of + individuals and nations. We are attempting to turn calamity into good. If + this terrible conflict shall result in the inauguration of an emulative + society, if it shall bring us to the recognition that intelligence and + science may be used for the upbuilding of such an order, and for an + eventual achievement of world peace, every sacrifice shall have been + justified. + </p> + <p> + Such is the American Issue. Our statesmen and thinkers have helped to + evolve it, our people with their blood and treasure are consecrating it. + And these statesmen and thinkers, of whom our American President is not + the least, are of democracy the pioneers. From the mountain tops on which + they stand they behold the features of the new world, the dawn of the new + day hidden as yet from their brothers in the valley. Let us have faith + always that it is coming, and struggle on, highly resolving that those who + gave their lives in the hour of darkness shall not have died in vain. + </p> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> + <hr /> + <p> + <br /> <br /> + </p> +<pre xml:space="preserve"> + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay On The American Contribution +And The Democratic Idea, by Winston Churchill + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION *** + +***** This file should be named 5399-h.htm or 5399-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/9/5399/ + +Produced by David Widger + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project +Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the Foundation” + or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the phrase “Project +Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase “Project Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +“Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, “Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.” + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +“Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right +of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’ WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm’s +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws. + +The Foundation’s principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation’s web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. + +</pre> + <p> + <br /><br /><br /><br /> + </p> + </body> +</html> diff --git a/5399.txt b/5399.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..ce344df --- /dev/null +++ b/5399.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2025 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay On The American Contribution And +The Democratic Idea, by Winston Churchill +[The Author is the American Winston Churchill not the British] + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: An Essay On The American Contribution And The Democratic Idea + +Author: Winston Churchill + +Last Updated: March 6, 2009 +Release Date: October 6, 2006 [EBook #5399] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION *** + + + +Produced by David Widger + + + + + +AN ESSAY ON THE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION AND THE DEMOCRATIC IDEA + +By Winston Churchill + + + + +I. + +Failure to recognize that the American, is at heart an idealist is +to lack understanding of our national character. Two of our greatest +interpreters proclaimed it, Emerson and William James. In a recent +address at the Paris Sorbonne on "American Idealism," M. Firmin Roz +observed that a people is rarely justly estimated by its contemporaries. +The French, he says, have been celebrated chiefly for the skill of their +chefs and their vaudeville actors, while in the disturbed 'speculum +mundi' Americans have appeared as a collection of money grabbers whose +philosophy is the dollar. It remained for the war to reveal the true +nature of both peoples. The American colonists, M. Roz continues, unlike +other colonists, were animated not by material motives, but by the +desire to safeguard and realize an ideal; our inherent characteristic +today is a belief in the virtue and power of ideas, of a national, +indeed, of a universal, mission. In the Eighteenth Century we proposed +a Philosophy and adopted a Constitution far in advance of the political +practice of the day, and set up a government of which Europe predicted +the early downfall. Nevertheless, thanks partly to good fortune, and +to the farseeing wisdom of our early statesmen who perceived that the +success of our experiment depended upon the maintenance of an isolation +from European affairs, we established democracy as a practical form of +government. + +We have not always lived up to our beliefs in ideas. In our dealings +with other nations, we yielded often to imperialistic ambitions and +thus, to a certain extent, justified the cynicism of Europe. We took +what we wanted--and more. From Spain we seized western Florida; the +annexation of Texas and the subsequent war with Mexico are acts upon +which we cannot look back with unmixed democratic pride; while more than +once we professed a naive willingness to fight England in order to +push our boundaries further north. We regarded the Monroe Doctrine as +altruistic, while others smiled. But it suited England, and her sea +power gave it force. + +Our war with Spain in 1898, however, was fought for an idea, and, +despite the imperialistic impulse that followed it, marks a transition, +an advance, in international ethics. Imperialistic cynics were not +lacking to scoff at our protestation that we were fighting Spain in +order to liberate Cuba; and yet this, for the American people at large, +was undoubtedly the inspiration of the war. We kept our promise, we did +not annex Cuba, we introduced into international affairs what is known +as the Big Brother idea. Then came the Platt Amendment. Cuba was free, +but she must not wallow near our shores in an unhygienic state, or +borrow money without our consent. We acquired valuable naval bases. +Moreover, the sudden and unexpected acquisition of Porto Rico and the +Philippines made us imperialists in spite of ourselves. + +Nations as well as individuals, however, must be judged by their +intentions. The sound public opinion of our people has undoubtedly +remained in favour of ultimate self-government for the Philippines, and +the greatest measure of self-determination for little Porto Rico; it has +been unquestionably opposed to commercial exploitation of the islands, +desirous of yielding to these peoples the fruits of their labour in +developing the resources of their own lands. An intention, by the +way, diametrically different from that of Germany. In regard to our +protectorate in the island of San Domingo, our "semi-protectorate" in +Nicaragua, the same argument of intention may fairly be urged. Germany, +who desired them, would have exploited them. To a certain extent, no +doubt, as a result of the momentum of commercial imperialism, we are +still exploiting them. But the attitude of the majority of Americans +toward more backward peoples is not cynical; hence there is hope that a +democratic solution of the Caribbean and Central American problem may +be found. And we are not ready, as yet, to accept without further +experiment the dogma that tropical and sub-tropical people will not +ultimately be able to govern themselves. If this eventually, prove to be +the case at least some such experiment as the new British Labour Party +has proposed for the Empire may be tried. Our general theory that the +exploitation of foreign peoples reacts unfavourably on the exploiters is +undoubtedly sound. + +Nor are the ethics of the manner of our acquisition of a part of Panama +and the Canal wholly defensible from the point of view of international +democracy. Yet it must be remembered that President Roosevelt was +dealing with a corrupt, irresponsible, and hostile government, and that +the Canal had become a necessity not only for our own development, but +for that of the civilization of the world. + +The Spanish War, as has been said, marked a transition, a development +of the American Idea. In obedience to a growing perception that dominion +and exploitation are incompatible with and detrimental to our system of +government, we fought in good faith to gain self-determination for an +alien people. The only real peril confronting democracy is the arrest +of growth. Its true conquests are in the realms of ideas, and hence it +calls for a statesmanship which, while not breaking with the past, while +taking into account the inherent nature of a people, is able to deal +creatively with new situations--always under the guidance of current +social science. + +Woodrow Wilson's Mexican policy, being a projection of the American Idea +to foreign affairs, a step toward international democracy, marks the +beginning of a new era. Though not wholly understood, though opposed by +a powerful minority of our citizens, it stirred the consciousness of a +national mission to which our people are invariably ready to respond. +Since it was essentially experimental, and therefore not lacking in +mistakes, there was ample opportunity for a criticism that seemed at +times extremely plausible. The old and tried method of dealing with such +anarchy as existed across our southern border was made to seem the safe +one; while the new, because it was untried, was presented as disastrous. +In reality, the reverse was the case. + +Mr. Wilson's opponents were, generally speaking, the commercial classes +in the community, whose environment and training led them to demand +a foreign policy similar to that of other great powers, a financial +imperialism which is the logical counterpart in foreign affairs of the +commercial exploitation of domestic national resources and domestic +labour. These were the classes which combated the growth of democracy at +home, in national and state politics. From their point of view--not +that of the larger vision--they were consistent. On the other hand, the +nation grasped the fact that to have one brand of democracy at home and +another for dealing with foreign nations was not only illogical but, in +the long run, would be suicidal to the Republic. And the people at large +were committed to democratic progress at home. They were struggling for +it. + +One of the most important issues of the American liberal movement early +in this century had been that for the conservation of what remains +of our natural resources of coal and metals and oil and timber and +waterpower for the benefit of all the people, on the theory that these +are the property of the people. But if the natural resources of this +country belong to the people of the United States, those of Mexico +belong to the people of Mexico. It makes no difference how "lazy," +ignorant, and indifferent to their own interests the Mexicans at present +may be. And even more important in these liberal campaigns was the issue +of the conservation of human resources--men and women and children who +are forced by necessity to labour. These must be protected in health, +given economic freedom and a just reward for their toil. The American +democracy, committed to the principle of the conservation of domestic +natural and human resources, could not without detriment to itself +persist in a foreign policy that ignored them. For many years our +own government had permitted the squandering of these resources by +adventurous capitalists; and gradually, as we became a rich industrial +nation, these capitalists sought profitable investments for their +increasing surplus in foreign lands. Their manner of acquiring +"concessions" in Mexico was quite similar to that by which they had +seized because of the indifference and ignorance of our own people--our +own mines and timber lands which our government held in trust. Sometimes +these American "concessions" have been valid in law though the law +itself violated a democratic principle; more often corrupt officials +winked at violations of the law, enabling capitalists to absorb bogus +claims. + +The various rulers of Mexico sold to American and other foreign +capitalists the resources belonging to the people of their country, and +pocketed, with their followers, the proceeds of the sale. Their control +of the country rested upon force; the stability of the Diaz rule, +for instance, depended upon the "President's" ability to maintain his +dictatorship--a precarious guarantee to the titles he had given. Hence +the premium on revolutions. There was always the incentive to the +upstart political and military buccaneer to overthrow the dictator and +gain possession of the spoils, to sell new doubtful concessions and levy +new tribute on the capitalists holding claims from a former tyrant. + +The foreign capitalists appealed to their governments; commercial +imperialism responded by dispatching military forces to protect the +lives and "property" of its citizens, in some instances going so far as +to take possession of the country. A classic case, as cited by Hobson, +is Britain's South African War, in which the blood and treasure of the +people of the United Kingdom were expended because British capitalists +had found the Boers recalcitrant, bent on retaining their own country +for themselves. To be sure, South Africa, like Mexico is rich in +resources for which advancing civilization continually makes demands. +And, in the case of Mexico, the products of the tropics, such as rubber, +are increasingly necessary to the industrial powers of the temperate +zone. On the other hand, if the exploiting nation aspire to +self-government, the imperialistic method of obtaining these products +by the selfish exploitation of the natural and human resources of the +backward countries reacts so powerfully on the growth of democracy at +home--and hence on the growth of democracy throughout the world--as to +threaten the very future of civilization. The British Liberals, when +they came into power, perceived this, and at once did their best to +make amends to South Africa by granting her autonomy and virtual +independence, linking her to Britain by the silken thread of Anglo-Saxon +democratic culture. How strong this thread has proved is shown by the +action of those of Dutch blood in the Dominion during the present war. + +Eventually, if democracy is not to perish from the face of the earth, +some other than the crude imperialistic method of dealing with backward +peoples, of obtaining for civilization the needed resources of their +lands, must be inaugurated--a democratic method. And this is perhaps +the supreme problem of democracy today. It demands for its solution a +complete reversal of the established policy of imperialism, a new theory +of international relationships, a mutual helpfulness and partnership +between nations, even as democracy implies cooperation between +individual citizens. Therefore President Wilson laid down the doctrine +that American citizens enter Mexico at their own risk; that they must +not expect that American blood will be shed or the nation's money be +expended to protect their lives or the "property" they have acquired +from Mexican dictators. This applies also to the small capitalists, +the owners of the coffee plantations, as well as to those Americans in +Mexico who are not capitalists but wage earners. The people of Mexico +are entitled to try the experiment of self-determination. It is an +experiment, we frankly acknowledge that fact, a democratic experiment +dependent on physical science, social science, and scientific education. +The other horn of the dilemma, our persistence in imperialism, is even +worse--since by such persistence we destroy ourselves. + +A subjective judgment, in accordance with our own democratic standards, +by the American Government as to the methods employed by a Huerta, for +instance, is indeed demanded; not on the ground, however, that such +methods are "good" or "bad"; but whether they are detrimental to Mexican +self-determination, and hence to the progress of our own democracy. + + + + +II. + +If America had started to prepare when Belgium was invaded, had entered +the war when the Lusitania was sunk, Germany might by now have been +defeated, hundreds of thousands of lives might have been spared. All +this may be admitted. Yet, looking backward, it is easy to read the +reason for our hesitancy in our national character and traditions. +We were pacifists, yes, but pacifists of a peculiar kind. One of our +greatest American prophets, William James, knew that there was an issue +for which we were ready to fight, for which we were willing to make the +extreme sacrifice,--and that issue he defined as "war against war." It +remained for America to make the issue. + +Peoples do not rush to arms unless their national existence is +threatened. It is what may be called the environmental cause that drives +nations quickly into war. It drove the Entente nations into war, though +incidentally they were struggling for certain democratic institutions, +for international justice. But in the case of America, the environmental +cause was absent. Whether or not our national existence was or is +actually threatened, the average American does not believe that it is. +He was called upon to abandon his tradition, to mingle in a European +conflict, to fight for an idea alone. Ideas require time to develop, to +seize the imagination of masses. And it must be remembered that in 1914 +the great issue had not been defined. Curiously enough, now that it +is defined, it proves to be an American issue--a logical and positive +projection of our Washingtonian tradition and Monroe doctrine. These +had for their object the preservation and development of democracy, +the banishment from the Western Hemisphere of European imperialistic +conflict and war. We are now, with the help of our allies, striving to +banish these things from the face of the earth. It is undoubtedly +the greatest idea for which man has been summoned to make the supreme +sacrifice. + +Its evolution has been traced. Democracy was the issue in the Spanish +War, when we fought a weak nation. We have followed its broader +application to Mexico, when we were willing to ignore the taunts and +insults of another weak nation, even the loss of "prestige," for the +sake of the larger good. And we have now the clue to the President's +interpretation of the nation's mind during the first three years of the +present war. We were willing to bear the taunts and insults of Germany +so long as it appeared that a future world peace night best be brought +about by the preservation of neutrality, by turning the weight of the +impartial public opinion of our democracy and that of other neutrals +against militarism and imperialism. Our national aim was ever consistent +with the ideal of William James, to advance democracy and put an end to +the evil of war. + +The only sufficient reason for the abandonment of the Washingtonian +policy is the furtherance of the object for which it was inaugurated, +the advance of democracy. And we had established the precedent, +with Spain and Mexico, that the Republic shall engage in no war of +imperialistic conquest. We war only in behalf of, or in defence of, +democracy. + +Before the entrance of America, however, the issues of the European +War were by no means clear cut along democratic lines. What kind of +democracy were the allies fighting for? Nowhere and at no time had it +been defined by any of their statesmen. On the contrary, the various +allied governments had entered into compacts for the transference +of territory in the event of victory; and had even, by the offer of +rewards, sought to play one small nation against another. This secret +diplomacy of bargains, of course, was a European heritage, the result of +an imperialistic environment which the American did not understand, +and from which he was happily free. Its effect on France is peculiarly +enlightening. The hostility of European governments, due to their fear +of her republican institutions, retarded her democratic growth, and +her history during the reign of Napoleon III is one of intrigue for +aggrandizement differing from Bismarck's only in the fact that it was +unsuccessful. Britain, because she was separated from the continent and +protected by her fleet, virtually withdrew from European affairs in +the latter part of the nineteenth century, and, as a result, made great +strides in democracy. The aggressions of Germany forced Britain in +self-defence into coalitions. Because of her power and wealth she became +the Entente leader, yet her liberal government was compelled to enter +into secret agreements with certain allied governments in order to +satisfy what they deemed to be their needs and just ambitions. She had +honestly sought, before the war, to come to terms with Germany, and had +even proposed gradual disarmament. But, despite the best intentions, +circumstances and environment, as well as the precarious situation of +her empire, prevented her from liberalizing her foreign relations to +conform with the growth of democracy within the United Kingdom and the +Dominions. Americans felt a profound pity for Belgium. But she was +not, as Cuba had been, our affair. The great majority of our citizens +sympathized with the Entente, regarded with amazement and disgust the +sudden disclosure of the true character of the German militaristic +government. Yet for the average American the war wore the complexion +of other European conflicts, was one involving a Balance of Power, +mysterious and inexplicable. To him the underlying issue was not +democratic, but imperialistic; and this was partly because he was unable +to make a mental connection between a European war and the brand of +democracy he recognized. Preaching and propaganda fail unless it can be +brought home to a people that something dear to their innermost nature +is at stake, that the fate of the thing they most desire, and are +willing to make sacrifices for, hangs in the balance. + +During a decade the old political parties, between which there was +now little more than an artificial alignment, had been breaking up. +Americans were absorbed in the great liberal movement begun under the +leadership of President Roosevelt, the result of which was to transform +democracy from a static to a pragmatic and evolutionary conception,--in +order to meet and correct new and unforeseen evils. Political freedom +was seen to be of little worth unless also accompanied by the economic +freedom the nation had enjoyed before the advent of industrialism. +Clerks and farmers, professional men and shopkeepers and artisans were +ready to follow the liberal leaders in states and nation; intellectual +elements from colleges and universities were enlisted. Paralleling +the movement, at times mingling with it, was the revolt of labour, +manifested not only in political action, but in strikes and violence. +Readily accessible books and magazines together with club and forum +lectures in cities, towns, and villages were rapidly educating the +population in social science, and the result was a growing independent +vote to make politicians despair. + +Here was an instance of a democratic culture growing in +isolation, resentful of all external interference. To millions of +Americans--especially in our middle western and western states--bent +upon social reforms, the European War appeared as an arresting +influence. American participation meant the triumph of the forces +of reaction. Colour was lent to this belief because the conservative +element which had opposed social reforms was loudest in its demand for +intervention. The wealthy and travelled classes organized preparedness +parades and distributed propaganda. In short, those who had apparently +done their utmost to oppose democracy at home were most insistent that +we should embark upon a war for democracy across the seas. Again, what +kind of democracy? Obviously a status quo, commercially imperialistic +democracy, which the awakening liberal was bent upon abolishing. + +There is undoubtedly in such an office as the American presidency +some virtue which, in times of crisis, inspires in capable men an +intellectual and moral growth proportional to developing events. +Lincoln, our most striking example, grew more between 1861 and 1865 +than during all the earlier years of his life. Nor is the growth of +democratic leaders, when seen through the distorted passions of +their day, apparently a consistent thing. Greatness, near at hand, is +startlingly like inconsistency; it seems at moments to vacillate, to +turn back upon and deny itself, and thus lays itself open to seemingly +plausible criticism by politicians and time servers and all who cry out +for precedent. Yet it is an interesting and encouraging fact that the +faith of democratic peoples goes out, and goes out alone, to leaders +who--whatever their minor faults and failings--do not fear to reverse +themselves when occasion demands; to enunciate new doctrines, seemingly +in contradiction to former assertions, to meet new crises. When a +democratic leader who has given evidence of greatness ceases to develop +new ideas, he loses the public confidence. He flops back into the ranks +of the conservative he formerly opposed, who catch up with him only when +he ceases to grow. + +In 1916 the majority of the American people elected Mr. Wilson in the +belief that he would keep them out of war. In 1917 he entered the war +with the nation behind him. A recalcitrant Middle West was the first +to fill its quota of volunteers, and we witnessed the extraordinary +spectacle of the endorsement of conscription: What had happened? A very +simple, but a very great thing Mr. Wilson had made the issue of the +war a democratic issue, an American issue, in harmony with our national +hopes and traditions. But why could not this issue have been announced +in 1914 or 1915? The answer seems to be that peoples, as well as their +leaders and interpreters, must grow to meet critical situations. In 1861 +the moral idea of the Civil War was obscured and hidden by economic and +material interests. The Abraham Lincoln who entered the White House in +1861 was indeed the same man who signed the Emancipation Proclamation +in 1863; and yet, in a sense, he was not the same man; events and +responsibilities had effected a profound but logical growth in his +personality. And the people of the Union were not ready to endorse +Emancipation in 1861. In 1863, in the darkest hour of the war, the +spirit of the North responded to the call, and, despite the vilification +of the President, was true to him to victory. More significant still, +in view of the events of today, is what then occurred in England. The +British Government was unfriendly; the British people as a whole had +looked upon our Civil War very much in the same light as the American +people regarded the present war at its inception--which is to say that +the economic and materialistic issue seemed to overshadow the moral one. +When Abraham Lincoln proclaimed it to be a war for human freedom, +the sentiment of the British people changed--of the British people as +distinct from the governing classes; and the textile workers of the +northern counties, whose mills could not get cotton on account of the +blockade, declared their willingness to suffer and starve if the slaves +in America might be freed. + +Abraham Lincoln at that time represented the American people as +the British Government did not represent the British people. We are +concerned today with peoples rather than governments. + +It remained for an American President to announce the moral issue of the +present war, and thus to solidify behind him, not only the liberal mind +of America, but the liberal elements within the nations of Europe. He +became the democratic leader of the world. The issue, simply stated, is +the advancement of democracy and peace. They are inseparable. Democracy, +for progress, demands peace. It had reached a stage, when, in a +contracting world, it could no longer advance through isolation: +its very existence in every country was threatened, not only by the +partisans of reaction from within, but by the menace from without of a +militaristic and imperialistic nation determined to crush it, restore +superimposed authority, and dominate the globe. Democracy, divided +against itself, cannot stand. A league of democratic nations, of +democratic peoples, has become imperative. Hereafter, if democracy wins, +self-determination, and not imperialistic exploitation, is to be the +universal rule. It is the extension, on a world scale, of Mr. +Wilson's Mexican policy, the application of democratic principles to +international relationships, and marks the inauguration of a new era. We +resort to force against force, not for dominion, but to make the +world safe for the idea on which we believe the future of civilization +depends, the sacred right of self-government. We stand prepared to treat +with the German people when they are ready to cast off autocracy and +militarism. Our attitude toward them is precisely our attitude toward +the Mexican People. We believe, and with good reason, that the German +system of education is authoritative and false, and was more or less +deliberately conceived in order to warp the nature and produce +complexes in the mind of the German people for the end of preserving and +perpetuating the power of the Junkers. We have no quarrel with the +duped and oppressed, but we war against the agents of oppression. To the +conservative mind such an aspiration appears chimerical. But America, +youngest of the nations, was born when modern science was gathering +the momentum which since has enabled it to overcome, with a bewildering +rapidity, many evils previously held by superstition to be ineradicable. +As a corollary to our democratic creed, we accepted the dictum that to +human intelligence all things are possible. The virtue of this dictum +lies not in dogma, but in an indomitable attitude of mind to which the +world owes its every advance in civilization; quixotic, perhaps, but +necessary to great accomplishment. In searching for a present-day +protagonist, no happier example could be found than Mr. Henry Ford, who +exhibits the characteristic American mixture of the practical and the +ideal. He introduces into industry humanitarian practices that even +tend to increase the vast fortune which by his own efforts he has +accumulated. He sees that democratic peoples do not desire to go to +war, he does not believe that war is necessary and inevitable, he lays +himself open to ridicule by financing a Peace Mission. Circumstances +force him to abandon his project, but he is not for one moment +discouraged. His intention remains. He throws all his energy and wealth +into a war to end war, and the value of his contribution is inestimable. + +A study of Mr. Ford's mental processes and acts illustrates the true +mind of America. In the autumn of 1916 Mr. Wilson declared that "the +people of the United States want to be sure what they are fighting +about, and they want to be sure that they are fighting for the things +that will bring the world justice and peace. Define the elements; let +us know that we are not fighting for the prevalence of this nation over +that, for the ambitions of this group of nations as compared with the +ambitions of that group of nations, let us once be convinced that we are +called in to a great combination for the rights of mankind, and America +will unite her force and spill her blood for the great things she has +always believed in and followed." + +"America is always ready to fight for the things which are American." +Even in these sombre days that mark the anniversary of our entrance into +the war. But let it be remembered that it was in the darkest days of the +Civil War Abraham Lincoln boldly proclaimed the democratic, idealistic +issue of that struggle. The Russian Revolution, which we must seek +to understand and not condemn, the Allied defeats that are its +consequences, can only make our purpose the firmer to put forth all our +strength for the building up of a better world. The President's masterly +series of state papers, distributed in all parts of the globe, have +indeed been so many Proclamations of Emancipation for the world's +oppressed. Not only powerful nations shall cease to exploit little +nations, but powerful individuals shall cease to exploit their fellow +men. Henceforth no wars for dominion shall be waged, and to this +end secret treaties shall be abolished. Peoples through their +representatives shall make their own treaties. And just as democracy +insures to the individual the greatest amount of self-determination, +nations also shall have self-determination, in order that each shall be +free to make its world contribution. All citizens have duties to +perform toward their fellow citizens; all democratic nations must be +interdependent. + +With this purpose America has entered the war. But it implies that our +own household must be swept and cleaned. The injustices and inequalities +existing in our own country, the false standards of worth, the +materialism, the luxury and waste must be purged from our midst. + + + + +III. + +In fighting Germany we are indeed fighting an evil Will--evil because it +seeks to crush the growth of individual and national freedom. Its object +is to put the world back under the thrall of self-constituted authority. +So long as this Will can compel the bodies of soldiers to do its +bidding, these bodies must be destroyed. Until the Will behind them is +broken, the world cannot be free. Junkerism is the final expression +of reaction, organized to the highest efficiency. The war against the +Junkers marks the consummation of a long struggle for human liberty in +all lands, symbolizes the real cleavage dividing the world. As in the +French Revolution and the wars that followed it, the true significance +of this war is social. But today the Russian Revolution sounds the +keynote. Revolutions tend to express the extremes of the philosophies +of their times--human desires, discontents, and passions that cannot be +organized. The French Revolution was a struggle for political freedom; +the underlying issue of the present war is economic freedom--without +which political freedom is of no account. It will not, therefore, +suffice merely to crush the Junkers, and with them militarism and +autocracy. Unless, as the fruit of this appalling bloodshed and +suffering, the democracies achieve economic freedom, the war will +have been fought in vain. More revolutions, wastage and bloodshed will +follow, the world will be reduced to absolute chaos unless, in the more +advanced democracies, an intelligent social order tending to remove +the causes of injustice and discontent can be devised and ready for +inauguration. This new social order depends, in turn, upon a world order +of mutually helpful, free peoples, a league of Nations.--If the world +is to be made safe for democracy, this democratic plan must be ready for +the day when the German Junker is beaten and peace is declared. + +The real issue of our time is industrial democracy we must face that +fact. And those in America and the Entente nations who continue to +oppose it will do so at their peril. Fortunately, as will be shown, that +element of our population which may be designated as domestic Junkers +is capable of being influenced by contemporary currents of thought, +is awakening to the realization of social conditions deplorable and +dangerous. Prosperity and power had made them blind and arrogant. Their +enthusiasm for the war was, however, genuine; the sacrifices they are +making are changing and softening them; but as yet they can scarcely be +expected, as a class, to rejoice over the revelation--just beginning +to dawn upon their minds--that victory for the Allies spells the end of +privilege. Their conception of democracy remains archaic, while wealth +is inherently conservative. Those who possess it in America have as a +rule received an education in terms of an obsolete economics, of the +thought of an age gone by. It is only within the past few years that our +colleges and universities have begun to teach modern economics, +social science and psychology--and this in the face of opposition from +trustees. Successful business men, as a rule, have had neither the time +nor the inclination to read books which they regard as visionary, +as subversive to an order by which they have profited. And that some +Americans are fools, and have been dazzled in Europe by the glamour of a +privilege not attainable at home, is a deplorable yet indubitable fact. +These have little sympathy with democracy; they have even been heard +to declare that we have no right to dictate to another nation, even an +enemy nation, what form of government it shall assume. We have no right +to demand, when peace comes, that the negotiations must be with the +representatives of the German people. These are they who deplore the +absence among us of a tradition of monarchy, since the American people +"should have something to look up to." But this state of mind, which +needs no comment, is comparatively rare, and represents an extreme. We +are not lacking, however, in the type of conservative who, innocent of a +knowledge of psychology, insists that "human nature cannot be changed," +and that the "survival of the fittest" is the law of life, yet these +would deny Darwin if he were a contemporary. They reject the idea that +society can be organized by intelligence, and war ended by eliminating +its causes from the social order. On the contrary they cling to the +orthodox contention that war is a necessary and salutary thing, and +proclaim that the American fibre was growing weak and flabby from luxury +and peace, curiously ignoring the fact that their own economic class, +the small percentage of our population owning sixty per cent. of the +wealth of the country, and which therefore should be most debilitated by +luxury, was most eager for war, and since war has been declared has most +amply proved its courage and fighting quality. This, however, and other +evidences of the patriotic sacrifices of those of our countrymen who +possess wealth, prove that they are still Americans, and encourages the +hope and belief that as Americans they ultimately will do their share +toward a democratic solution of the problem of society. Many of them are +capable of vision, and are beginning to see the light today. + +In America we succeeded in eliminating hereditary power, in obtaining a +large measure of political liberty, only to see the rise of an economic +power, and the consequent loss of economic liberty. The industrial +development of the United States was of course a necessary and desirable +thing, but the economic doctrine which formed the basis of American +institutions proved to be unsuited to industrialism, and introduced +unforeseen evils that were a serious menace to the Republic. An +individualistic economic philosophy worked admirably while there was +ample land for the pioneer, equality of opportunity to satisfy the +individual initiative of the enterprising. But what is known as +industrialism brought in its train fear and favour, privilege and +poverty, slums, disease, and municipal vice, fostered a too rapid +immigration, established in America a tenant system alien to our +traditions. The conditions which existed before the advent of +industrialism are admirably pictured, for instance, in the autobiography +of Mr. Charles Francis Adams, when he describes his native town of +Quincy in the first half of the Nineteenth Century. In those early +communities, poverty was negligible, there was no great contrast between +rich and poor; the artisan, the farmer, the well-to-do merchant met +on terms of mutual self-respect, as man to man; economic class +consciousness was non-existent; education was so widespread that +European travellers wonderingly commented on the fact that we had no +"peasantry"; and with few exceptions every citizen owned a piece of land +and a home. Property, a refuge a man may call his own, and on which +he may express his individuality, is essential to happiness and +self-respect. Today, less than two thirds of our farmers own their land, +while vast numbers of our working men and women possess nothing but the +labour of their hands. The designation of labour as "property" by our +courts only served to tighten the bonds, by obstructing for a time the +movement to decrease the tedious and debilitating hours of contact of +the human organism with the machine,--a menace to the future of the +race, especially in the case of women and children. If labour is +"property," wretches driven by economic necessity have indeed only the +choice of a change of masters. In addition to the manual workers, an +army of clerical workers of both sexes likewise became tenants, and +dependents who knew not the satisfaction of a real home. + +Such conditions gradually brought about a profound discontent, a +grouping of classes. Among the comparatively prosperous there was set +up a social competition in luxury that was the bane of large and +small communities. Skilled labour banded itself into unions, employers +organized to oppose them, and the result was a class conflict never +contemplated by the founders of the Republic, repugnant to democracy +which by its very nature depends for its existence on the elimination of +classes. In addition to this, owing to the unprecedented immigration of +ignorant Europeans to supply the labour demand, we acquired a sinister +proletariat of unskilled economic slaves. Before the war labour +discovered its strength; since the war began, especially in the allied +nations with quasi-democratic institutions, it is aware of its power to +exert a leverage capable of paralyzing industry for a period sufficient +to destroy the chances of victory. The probability of the occurrence +of such a calamity depends wholly on whether or not the workman can +be convinced that it is his war, for he will not exert himself to +perpetuate a social order in which he has lost faith, even though he now +obtains a considerable increase in wages. Agreements entered into with +the government by union leaders will not hold him if at any time he +fails to be satisfied that the present world conflict will not result +in a greater social justice. This fact has been demonstrated by what +is known as the "shop steward" movement in England, where the workers +repudiated the leaders' agreements and everywhere organized local +strikes. And in America, the unskilled workers are largely outside of +the unions. + +The workman has a natural and laudable desire to share more fully in +the good things of life. And it is coming to be recognized that material +prosperity, up to a certain point, is the foundation of mental and +spiritual welfare: clean and comfortable surroundings, beauty, rational +amusements, opportunity for a rational satisfaction of the human +instincts are essential to contentment and progress. The individual, of +course, must be enlightened; and local labour unions, recognizing +this, are spending considerable sums all over the country on schools +to educate their members. If a workman is a profiteer, he is more to be +excused than the business profiteer, against whom his anger is directed; +if he is a spendthrift, prodigality is a natural consequence of rapid +acquisition. We have been a nation of spendthrifts. + +A failure to grasp the psychology of the worker involves disastrous +consequences. A discussion as to whether or not his attitude is +unpatriotic and selfish is futile. No more profound mistake could be +made than to attribute to any element of the population motives wholly +base. Human nature is neither all black nor all white, yet is capable +of supreme sacrifices when adequately appealed to. What we must get into +our minds is the fact that a social order that insured a large measure +of democracy in the early days of the Republic is inadequate to meet +modern industrial conditions. Higher wages, material prosperity alone +will not suffice to satisfy aspirations for a fuller self-realization, +once the method by which these aspirations can be gained is glimpsed. +For it cannot be too often repeated that the unquenchable conflicts are +those waged for ideas and not dollars. These are tinged with religious +emotion. + + + + +IV. + +Mr. Wilson's messages to the American people and to the world have +proclaimed a new international order, a League of Democracies. And in a +recent letter to New Jersey Democrats we find him warning his party, +or more properly the nation, of the domestic social changes necessarily +flowing from his international program. While rightly resolved to +prosecute the war on the battle lines to the utmost limit of American +resources, he points out that the true significance of the conflict lies +in "revolutionary change." "Economic and social forces," he says, "are +being released upon the world, whose effect no political seer dare to +conjecture." And we "must search our hearts through and through and +make them ready for the birth of a new day--a day we hope and believe +of greater opportunity and greater prosperity for the average mass of +struggling men and women." He recognizes that the next great step in +the development of democracy which the war must bring about--is the +emancipation of labour; to use his own phrase, the redemption of masses +of men and women from "economic serfdom." "The old party slogans," he +declares, "will mean nothing to the future." + +Judging from this announcement, the President seems prepared to condemn +boldly all the rotten timbers of the social structure that have outlived +their usefulness--a position that hitherto no responsible politician has +dared to take. Politicians, on the contrary, have revered the dead wood, +have sought to shore the old timbers for their own purposes. But so +far as any party is concerned, Mr. Wilson stands alone. Both of the two +great parties, the Republican and the Democratic, in order to make +a show of keeping abreast of the times, have merely patched their +platforms with the new ideas. The Socialist Party in the United States +is relatively small, is divided against itself, and has given no +evidence of a leadership of broad sanity and vision. It is fortunate +we have been spared in this country the formation of a political labour +party, because such a party would have been composed of manual workers +alone, and hence would have tended further to develop economic class +consciousness, to crystallize class antagonisms. Today, however, neither +the Republican nor the Democratic party represents the great issue of +the times; the cleavage between them is wholly artificial. The formation +of a Liberal Party, with a platform avowedly based on modern social +science, has become essential. Such a party, to be in harmony with our +traditions and our creed, to arrest in our democracy the process of +class stratification which threatens to destroy it, must not draw its +members from the ranks of manual labour alone, but from all elements +of our population. It should contain all the liberal professions, and +clerks and shopkeepers, as well as manual workers; administrators, and +even those employers who have become convinced that our present +economic system does not suffice to meet the needs of the day. In short, +membership in such a party, as far as possible, should not be based upon +occupation or economic status, but on an honest difference of view from +that of the conservative opposition. This would be a distinctly American +solution. In order to form such a party a campaign of education will +be necessary. For today Mr. Wilson's strength is derived from the +independent vote representing the faith of the people as a whole; but +the majority of those who support the President, while they ardently +desire the abolition in the world of absolute monarchy, of militarism +and commercial imperialism, while they are anxious that this war shall +expedite and not retard the social reforms in which they are interested, +have as yet but a vague conception of the social order which these +reforms imply. + +It marks a signal advance in democracy when liberal opinion in any +nation turns for guidance and support to a statesman of another nation. +No clearer sign of the times could be desired than the fact that our +American President has suddenly become the liberal leader of the world. +The traveller in France, and especially in Britain, meets on all sides +striking evidence of this. In these countries, until America's entrance +into the war, liberals had grown more and more dissatisfied with the +failure of their governments to define in democratic terms the issue of +the conflict, had resented the secret inter-allied compacts, savouring +of imperialism and containing the germs of future war. They are now +looking across the Atlantic for leadership. In France M. Albert Thomas +declared that Woodrow Wilson had given voice to the aspirations of his +party, while a prominent Liberal in England announced in a speech that +it had remained for the American President to express the will and +purpose of the British people. The new British Labour Party and the +Inter-Allied Labour and Socialist Conferences have adopted Mr. Wilson's +program and have made use of his striking phrases. But we have between +America and Britain this difference: in America the President stands +virtually alone, without a party behind him representing his views; +in Britain the general democratic will of the nation is now being +organized, but has obtained as yet no spokesman in the government. + +Extraordinary symptomatic phenomena have occurred in Russia as well as +in Britain. In Russia the rebellion of an awakening people against an +age-long tyranny has almost at once leaped to the issue of the day, +taken on the complexion of a struggle for industrial democracy. Whether +the Germans shall be able to exploit the country, bring about a reaction +and restore for a time monarchical institutions depends largely upon +the fortunes of the war. In Russia there is revolution, with concomitant +chaos; but in Britain there is evolution, an orderly attempt of a people +long accustomed to progress in self-government to establish a new +social order, peacefully and scientifically, and in accordance with a +traditional political procedure. + +The recent development of the British Labour Party, although of deep +significance to Americans, has taken place almost without comment in +this country. It was formally established in 1900, and was then composed +of manual workers alone. In 1906, out of 50 candidates at the polls, 39 +were elected to Parliament; in 1910, 42 were elected. The Parliamentary +Labour Party, so called, has now been amalgamated with four and a half +millions of Trade Unionists, and with the three and a half millions +of members of the Co-operative Wholesale Society and the Co-operative +Union. Allowing for duplication of membership, these three +organizations--according to Mr. Sidney Webb--probably include two fifths +of the population of the United Kingdom. "So great an aggregation of +working class organizations," he says, "has never come shoulder to +shoulder in any country." Other smaller societies and organizations are +likewise embraced, including the Socialists. And now that the suffrage +has been extended, provision is made for the inclusion of women. The new +party is organizing in from three to four hundred constituencies, and +at the next general election is not unlikely to gain control of the +political balance of power. + +With the majority of Americans, however, the word "labour" as +designating a party arouses suspicion and distrust. By nature and +tradition we are inclined to deplore and oppose any tendency toward +the stratification of class antagonisms--the result of industrial +discontent--into political groups. The British tradition is likewise +hostile to such a tendency. But in Britain the industrial ferment has +gone much further than with us, and such a result was inevitable. By +taking advantage of the British experience, of the closer ties now being +knit between the two democracies, we may in America be spared a stage +which in Britain was necessary. Indeed, the program of the new British +Labour Party seems to point to a distinctly American solution, one in +harmony with the steady growth of Anglo-Saxon democracy. For it is now +announced that the word "labour," as applied to the new party, does not +mean manual labour alone, but also mental labour. The British unions +have gradually developed and placed in power leaders educated in social +science, who have now come into touch with the intellectual leaders +of the United Kingdom, with the sociologists, economists, and social +scientists. The surprising and encouraging result of such association is +the announcement that the new Labour Party is today publicly thrown open +to all workers, both by hand and by brain, with the object of securing +for these the full fruits of their industry. This means the inclusion of +physicians, professors, writers, architects, engineers, and inventors, +of lawyers who no longer regard their profession as a bulwark of the +status quo; of clerks, of administrators of the type evolved by the war, +who indeed have gained their skill under the old order but who now in a +social spirit are dedicating their gifts to the common weal, organizing +and directing vast enterprises for their governments. In short, all +useful citizens who make worthy contributions--as distinguished from +parasites, profiteers, and drones, are invited to be members; there is +no class distinction here. The fortunes of such a party are, of course, +dependent upon the military success of the allied armies and navies. But +it has defined the kind of democracy the Allies are fighting for, and +thus has brought about an unqualified endorsement of the war by those +elements of the population which hitherto have felt the issue to be +imperialistic and vague rather than democratic and clear cut. President +Wilson's international program is approved of and elaborated. + +The Report on Reconstruction of the new British Labour Party is perhaps +the most important political document presented to the world since the +Declaration of Independence. And like the Declaration, it is written +in the pure English that alone gives the high emotional quality of +sincerity. The phrases in which it tersely describes its objects are +admirable. "What is to be reconstructed after the war is over is +not this or that government department, this or that piece of social +machinery, but Society itself." There is to be a systematic approach +towards a "healthy equality of material circumstance for every person +born into the world, and not an enforced dominion over subject nations, +subject colonies, subject classes, or a subject sex." In industry as +well as in government the social order is to be based "on that equal +freedom, that general consciousness of consent, and that widest +participation in power, both economic and political, which is +characteristic of democracy." But all this, it should be noted, is not +to be achieved in a year or two of "feverish reconstruction"; "each +brick that the Labour Party helps to lay shall go to erect the structure +it intends and no other." + +In considering the main features of this program, one must have in +mind whether these are a logical projection and continuation of the +Anglo-Saxon democratic tradition, or whether they constitute an absolute +break with that tradition. The only valid reason for the adoption of +such a program in America would be, of course, the restoration of some +such equality of opportunity and economic freedom as existed in our +Republic before we became an industrial nation. "The first condition +of democracy,"--to quote again from the program, "is effective personal +freedom." + +What is called the "Universal Enforcement of the National Minimum" +contemplates the extension of laws already on the statute books in order +to prevent the extreme degradation of the standard of life brought about +by the old economic system under industrialism. A living minimum wage is +to be established. The British Labour Party intends "to secure to +every member of the community, in good times and bad alike... all the +requisites of healthy life and worthy citizenship." + +After the war there is to be no cheap labour market, nor are the +millions of workers and soldiers to fall into the clutches of charity; +but it shall be a national obligation to provide each of these with work +according to his capacity. In order to maintain the demand for labour +at a uniform level, the government is to provide public works. The +population is to be rehoused in suitable dwellings, both in rural +districts and town slums; new and more adequate schools and training +colleges are to be inaugurated; land is to be reclaimed and afforested, +and gradually brought under common ownership; railways and canals are to +be reorganized and nationalized, mines and electric power systems. One +of the significant proposals under this head is that which demands the +retention of the centralization of the purchase of raw materials brought +about by the war. + +In order to accomplish these objects there must be a "Revolution in +National Finance." The present method of raising funds is denounced; and +it is pointed out that only one quarter of the colossal expenditure made +necessary by the war has been raised by taxation, and that the three +quarters borrowed at onerous rates is sure to be a burden on the +nation's future. The capital needed, when peace comes, to ensure a happy +and contented democracy must be procured without encroaching on the +minimum standard of life, and without hampering production. Indirect +taxation must therefore be concentrated on those luxuries of which it +is desirable that the consumption be discouraged. The steadily rising +unearned increment of urban and mineral land ought, by appropriate +direct taxation, to be brought into the public exchequer; "the definite +teachings of economic science are no longer to be disregarded." Hence +incomes are to be taxed above the necessary cost of family maintenance, +private fortunes during life and at death; while a special capital levy +must be made to pay off a substantial portion of the national debt. + +"The Democratic Control of Industry" contemplates the progressive +elimination of the private capitalist and the setting free of all who +work by hand and brain for the welfare of all. + +The Surplus Wealth is to be expended for the Common Good. That which +Carlyle designates as the "inward spiritual," in contrast to the +"outward economical," is also to be provided for. "Society," says the +document, "like the individual, does not live by bread alone, does not +exist only for perpetual wealth production." First of all, there is to +be education according to the highest modern standard; and along with +education, the protection and advancement of the public health, 'mens +sana in corpore sano'. While large sums must be set aside, not only for +original research in every branch of knowledge, but for the promotion +of music, literature, and fine art, upon which "any real development of +civilization fundamentally depends." + +In regard to the British Empire, the Labour Party urges self-government +for any people, whatever its colour, proving itself capable, and the +right of that people to the proceeds of its own toil upon the resources +of its territory. An unequivocal stand is taken for the establishment, +as a part of the treaty of peace, of a Universal Society of Nations; +and recognizing that the future progress of democracy depends upon +co-operation and fellowship between liberals of all countries, the +maintenance of intimate relationships is advocated with liberals +oversea. + +Finally, a scientific investigation of each succeeding problem in +government is insisted upon, and a much more rapid dissemination among +the people of the science that exists. "A plutocratic party may choose +to ignore science, but no labour party can hope to maintain its position +unless its proposals are, in fact, the outcome of the best political +science of its time." + + + + +V. + +There are, it will be seen, some elements in the program of the new +British Labour Party apparently at variance with American and English +institutions, traditions, and ideas. We are left in doubt, for instance, +in regard to its attitude toward private property. The instinct for +property is probably innate in humanity, and American conservatism in +this regard is, according to certain modern economists, undoubtedly +sound. A man should be permitted to acquire at least as much property +as is required for the expression of his personality; such a wise +limitation, also, would abolish the evil known as absentee ownership. +Again, there will arise in many minds the question whether the funds +for the plan of National finance outlined in the program may be obtained +without seriously deranging the economic system of the nation and of the +world. The older school denounces the program as Utopian. On the other +hand, economists of the modern school who have been consulted have +declared it practical. It is certain that before the war began it would +not have been thought possible to raise the billions which in four +years have been expended on sheer destruction; and one of our saddest +reflections today must be of regret that a small portion of these +billions which have gone to waste could not have been expended for the +very purposes outlined--education, public health, the advancement of +science and art, public buildings, roads and parks, and the proper +housing of populations! It is also dawning upon us, as a result of new +practices brought about by the war, that our organization of industry +was happy-go-lucky, inefficient and wasteful, and that a more scientific +and economical organization is imperative. Under such a new system it +may well be, as modern economists claim, that, we shall have an ample +surplus for the Common Good. + +The chief objection to a National or Democratic Control of Industry has +been that it would tend to create vast political machines and thus give +the politicians in office a nefarious power. It is not intended here to +attempt a refutation of this contention. The remedy lies in a changed +attitude of the employee and the citizen toward government, and the +fact that such an attitude is now developing is not subject to absolute +proof. It may be said, however, that no greater menace to democracy +could have arisen than the one we seem barely to have escaped--the +control of politics and government by the capitalistic interests of the +nation. What seems very clear is that an evolutionary drift toward the +national control of industry has for many years been going on, and that +the war has tremendously speeded up the tendency. Government has stepped +in to protect the consumer of necessities from the profiteer, and +is beginning to set a limit upon profits; has regulated exports and +imports; established a national shipping corporation and merchant +marine, and entered into other industries; it has taken over the +railroads at least for the duration of the war, and may take over coal +mines, and metal resources, as well as the forests and water power; it +now contemplates the regulation of wages. + +The exigency caused by the war, moreover, has transformed the former +practice of international intercourse. Co-operation has replaced +competition. We are reorganizing and regulating our industries, our +business, making sacrifices and preparing to make more sacrifices in +order to meet the needs of our Allies, now that they are sore beset. For +a considerable period after the war is ended, they will require our aid. +We shall be better off than any other of the belligerent nations, and +we shall therefore be called upon to practice, during the years of +reconstruction, a continuation of the same policy of helpfulness. +Indeed, for the nations of the world to spring, commercially speaking, +at one another's throats would be suicidal even if it were possible. Mr. +Sidney Webb has thrown a flood of light upon the conditions likely to +prevail. For example, speculative export trade is being replaced by +collective importing, bringing business more directly under the control +of the consumer. This has been done by co-operative societies, by +municipalities and states, in Switzerland, France, the United Kingdom, +and in Germany. The Co-operative Wholesale Society of Great Britain, +acting on behalf of three and a half million families, buys two and a +half million dollars of purchases annually. And the Entente nations, in +order to avoid competitive bidding, are buying collectively from us, not +only munitions of war, but other supplies, while the British Government +has made itself the sole importer of such necessities as wheat, sugar, +tea, refrigerated meat, wool, and various metals. The French and Italian +governments, and also certain neutral states, have done likewise. A +purchasing commission for all the Allies and America is now proposed. +After the war, as an inevitable result, for one thing, of transforming +some thirty million citizens into soldiers, of engaging a like number of +men and women at enhanced wages on the manufacture of the requisites of +war, Mr. Webb predicts a world shortage not only in wheat and foodstuffs +but in nearly all important raw materials. These will be required for +the resumption of manufacture. In brief, international co-operation +will be the only means of salvation. The policy of international trade +implied by world shortage is not founded upon a law of "supply and +demand." The necessities cannot be permitted to go to those who can +afford to pay the highest prices, but to those who need them most. For +the "free play of economic forces" would mean famine on a large scale, +because the richer nations and the richer classes within the nations +might be fully supplied; but to the detriment and ruin of the world +the poorer nations and the poorer classes would be starved. Therefore +governments are already beginning to give consideration to a new +organization of international trade for at least three years after +the war. Now if this organization produce, as it may produce, a more +desirable civilization and a happier world order, we are not likely +entirely to go back--especially in regard to commodities which are +necessities--to a competitive system. The principle of "priority +of need" will supersede the law of "supply and demand." And the +organizations built up during the war, if they prove efficient, will not +be abolished. Hours of labour and wages in the co-operative League of +Nations will gradually be equalized, and tariffs will become things +of the past. "The axiom will be established," says Mr. Webb, "that the +resources of every country must, be held for the benefit not only of its +own people but of the world.... The world shortage will, for years to +come, make import duties look both oppressive and ridiculous." + +So much may be said for the principle of Democratic Control. In spite of +all theoretical opposition, circumstances and evolution apparently point +to its establishment. A system that puts a premium on commercial greed +seems no longer possible. + +The above comments, based on the drift of political practice during +the past decade and a half, may be taken for what they are worth. +Predictions are precarious. The average American will be inclined to +regard the program of the new British Labour Party as the embodiment of +what he vaguely calls Socialism, and to him the very word is repugnant. +Although he may never have heard of Marx, it is the Marxian conception +that comes to his mind, and this implies coercion, a government that +constantly interferes with his personal liberty, that compels him +to tasks for which he has no relish. But your American, and your +Englishman, for that matter, is inherently an individualist he wants as +little government as is compatible with any government at all. And the +descendants of the continental Europeans who flock to our shores +are Anglo-Saxonized, also become by environment and education +individualists. The great importance of preserving this individualism, +this spirit in our citizens of self-reliance, this suspicion against too +much interference with personal liberty, must at once be admitted. And +any scheme for a social order that tends to eliminate and destroy it +should by Americans be summarily rejected. + +The question of supreme interest to us, therefore, is whether the +social order implied in the British program is mainly in the nature of +a development of, or a break with, the Anglo-Saxon democratic tradition. +The program is derived from an English source. It is based on what is +known as modern social science, which has as its ultimate sanction the +nature of the human mind as revealed by psychology. A consideration of +the principles underlying this proposed social order may prove that it +is essentially--if perhaps paradoxically--individualistic, a logical +evolution of institutions which had their origin in the Magna Charta. +Our Declaration of Independence proclaimed that every citizen had the +right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," which means +the opportunity to achieve the greatest self-development and +self-realization. The theory is that each citizen shall find his place, +according to his gifts and abilities, and be satisfied therewith. We may +discover that this is precisely what social science, in an industrial +age, and by spiritualizing human effort, aims to achieve. We may find +that the appearance of such a program as that of the British Labour +Party, supported as it is by an imposing proportion of the population +of the United Kingdom, marks a further step, not only in the advance of +social science and democracy, but also of Christianity. + +I mention Christianity, not for controversial or apologetic reasons, but +because it has been the leaven of our western civilization ever since +the fall of the Roman Empire. Its constant influence has been to soften +and spiritualize individual and national relationships. The bitter +controversies, wars, and persecutions which have raged in its name are +utterly alien to its being. And that the present war is now being fought +by the Allies in the hope of putting an end to war, and is thus in the +true spirit of Christianity, marks an incomparable advance. + +Almost up to the present day, both in our conception and practice of +Christianity, we have largely neglected its most important elements. +Christian orthodoxy, as Auguste Sabatier points out, is largely derived +from the older supernatural religions. The preservative shell of dogma +and superstition has been cracking, and is now ready to burst, and the +social teaching of Jesus would seem to be the kernel from which has +sprung modern democracy, modern science, and modern religion--a trinity +and unity. + +For nearly two thousand years orthodoxy has insisted that the social +principles of Christianity are impractical. And indeed, until the +present day, they have been so. Physical science, by enormously +accelerating the means of transportation and communication, has so +contracted the world as to bring into communion peoples and races +hitherto far apart; has made possible an intelligent organization of +industry which, for the first time in history, can create a surplus +ample to maintain in comfort the world's population. But this demands +the will to co-operation, which is a Christian principle--a recognition +of the brotherhood of man. Furthermore, physical science has increased +the need for world peace and international co-operation because the +territories of all nations are now subject to swift and terrible +invasion by modern instruments of destruction, while the future +submarine may sweep commerce from the seas. + +Again, orthodoxy declares that human nature is inherently "bad," while +true Christianity, endorsed by psychology, proclaims it inherently +"good," which means that, properly guided, properly educated, it is +creative and contributive rather than destructive. No more striking +proof of this fact can be cited than the modern experiment in prison +reform in which hardened convicts, when "given a chance," frequently +become useful citizens. Unjust and unintelligent social conditions are +the chief factors in making criminals. + +Our most modern system of education, of which Professor John Dewey is +the chief protagonist, is based upon the assertions of psychology that +human nature is essentially "good" creative. Every normal child is +supposed to have a special "distinction" or gift, which it is the task +of the educator to discover. This distinction found, the child achieves +happiness in creation and contribution. Self-realization demands +knowledge and training: the doing of right is not a negative but a +positive act; it is not without significance that the Greek word for sin +is literally "missing the mark." Christianity emphasizes above all else +the worth of the individual, yet recognizes that the individual can +develop only in society. And if the individual be of great worth, this +worth must be by society developed to its utmost. Universal suffrage is +a logical corollary. + +Universal suffrage, however, implies individual judgment, which means +that the orthodox principle of external authority is out of place both +in Christianity and democracy. The Christian theory is that none shall +intervene between a man's Maker and himself; democracy presupposes that +no citizen shall accept his beliefs and convictions from others, but +shall make up his own mind and act accordingly. Open-mindedness is the +first requisite of science and democracy. + +What has been deemed, however, in Christianity the most unrealizable +ideal is that which may be called pacifism--to resist not evil, to turn +the other cheek, to agree with your adversary while you are in the +way with him. "I come not," said Jesus, in one of those paradoxical +statements hitherto so difficult to understand, "I come not to bring +peace, but a sword." It is indeed what we are fighting for--peace. But +we believe today, more strongly than ever before, as democracy advances, +as peoples tend to gain more and more control over their governments, +that even this may not be an unrealizable ideal. Democracies, intent on +self-realization and self-development, do not desire war. + +The problem of social science, then, appears to be to organize human +society on the principles and ideals of Christianity. But in view of +the fact that the trend of evolution is towards the elimination of +commercial competition, the question which must seriously concern us +today is--What in the future shall be the spur of individual initiative? +Orthodoxy and even democratic practice have hitherto taken it for +granted--in spite of the examples of highly socialized men, benefactors +of society--that the average citizen will bestir himself only for +material gain. And it must be admitted that competition of some sort is +necessary for self-realization, that human nature demands a prize. There +can be no self-sacrifice without a corresponding self-satisfaction. +The answer is that in the theory of democracy, as well as in that of +Christianity, individualism and co-operation are paradoxically blended. +For competition, Christianity substitutes emulation. And with democracy, +it declares that mankind itself can gradually be rained towards the +level of the choice individual who does not labour for gain, but in +behalf of society. For the process of democracy is not degrading, but +lifting. Like Christianity, democracy demands faith, and has as its +inspiring interpretation of civilization evolution towards a spiritual +goal. Yet the kind of faith required is no longer a blind faith, but one +founded on sane and carefully evolved theories. Democracy has become a +scientific experiment. + +In this connection, as one notably inspired by emulation, by the joy of +creative work and service, the medical profession comes first to +mind. The finer element in this profession is constantly increasing in +numbers, growing more and more influential, making life less easy for +the quack, the vendor of nostrums, the commercial proprietor of the +bogus medical college. The doctor who uses his talents for gain is +frowned upon by those of his fellow practitioners whose opinion really +counts. Respected physicians in our cities give much of their time to +teaching, animating students with their own spirit; and labour long +hours, for no material return, in the clinics of the poor. And how +often, in reading our newspapers, do we learn that some medical +scientist, by patient work, and often at the risk of life and health, +has triumphed over a scourge which has played havoc with humanity +throughout the ages! Typhoid has been conquered, and infant paralysis; +gangrene and tetanus, which have taken such toll of the wounded in +Flanders and France; yellow fever has been stamped out in the tropics; +hideous lesions are now healed by a system of drainage. The very list of +these achievements is bewildering, and latterly we are given hope of +the prolongation of life itself. Here in truth are Christian deeds +multiplied by science, made possible by a growing knowledge of and +mastery over Nature. + +Such men by virtue of their high mission are above the vicious social +and commercial competition poisoning the lives of so many of their +fellow citizens. In our democracy they have found their work, and the +work is its own reward. They give striking testimony to the theory that +absorption in a creative or contributive task is the only source of +self-realization. And he has little faith in mankind who shall +declare that the medical profession is the only group capable of being +socialized, or, rather, of socializing themselves--for such is the +true process of democracy. Public opinion should be the leaven. What +is possible for the doctor is also possible for the lawyer, for the +teacher. In a democracy, teaching should be the most honoured of the +professions, and indeed once was,--before the advent of industrialism, +when it gradually fell into neglect,--occasionally into deplorable +submission to the possessors of wealth. Yet a wage disgracefully +low, hardship, and even poverty have not hindered men of ability from +entering it in increasing numbers, renouncing ease and luxuries. The +worth of the contributions of our professors to civilization has been +inestimable; and fortunately signs are not lacking that we are coming +to an appreciation of the value of the expert in government, who is +replacing the panderer and the politician. A new solidarity of teaching +professional opinion, together with a growing realization by our public +of the primary importance of the calling, is tending to emancipate it, +to establish it in its rightful place. + +Nor are our engineers without their ideal. A Goethals did not cut an +isthmus in two for gain. + +Industrialism, with its concomitant "corporation" practice, has +undoubtedly been detrimental to the legal profession, since it has +resulted in large fees; in the accumulation of vast fortunes, frequently +by methods ethically questionable. Grave social injustices have been +done, though often in good faith, since the lawyer, by training and +experience, has hitherto been least open to the teachings of the new +social science, has been an honest advocate of the system of 'laissez +faire'. But to say that the American legal profession is without ideals +and lacking in the emulative spirit would be to do it a grave injustice. +The increasing influence of national and state bar associations +evidences a professional opinion discouraging to the unscrupulous; +while a new evolutionary and more humanitarian conception of law is now +beginning to be taught, and young men are entering the ranks imbued +with this. Legal clinics, like medical clinics, are established for the +benefit of those who cannot afford to pay fees, for the protection +of the duped from the predatory quack. And, it must be said of this +profession, which hitherto has held a foremost place in America, +that its leaders have never hesitated to respond to a public call, to +sacrifice their practices to serve the nation. Their highest ambition +has even been to attain the Supreme Court, where the salary is a mere +pittance compared to what they may earn as private citizens. + +Thus we may review all the groups in the nation, but the most +significant transformation of all is taking place within the business +group,--where indeed it might be least expected. Even before the war +there were many evidences that the emulative spirit in business had +begun to modify the merely competitive, and we had the spectacle of +large employers of labour awakening to the evils of industrialism, and +themselves attempting to inaugurate reforms. As in the case of labour, +it would be obviously unfair to claim that the employer element was +actuated by motives of self-interest alone; nor were their concessions +due only to fear. Instances could be cited, if there were space, of +voluntary shortening of hours of labour, of raising of wages, when +no coercion was exerted either by the labour unions or the state; +and--perhaps to their surprise employers discovered that such acts were +not only humane but profitable! Among these employers, in fact, may be +observed individuals in various stages of enlightenment, from the few +who have educated themselves in social science, who are convinced that +the time has come when it is not only practicable but right, who realize +that a new era has dawned; to others who still believe in the old +system, who are trying to bolster it up by granting concessions, by +establishing committees of conference, by giving a voice and often a +financial interest, but not a vote, in the conduct of the corporation +concerned. These are the counterpart, in industry, of sovereigns whose +away has been absolute, whose intentions are good, but who hesitate, +often from conviction, to grant constitutions. Yet even these are +responding in some degree to social currents, though the aggressive +struggles of labour may have influenced them, and partially opened +their eyes. They are far better than their associates who still seek to +control the supplies of food and other necessities, whose efficiency is +still solely directed, not toward a social end, but toward the amassing +of large fortunes, and is therefore wasted so far as society is +concerned. They do not perceive that by seeking to control prices they +merely hasten the tendency of government control, for it is better to +have government regulation for the benefit of the many than proprietary +control, however efficient, for the benefit of the few. + +That a significant change of heart and mind has begun to take place +amongst capitalists, that the nucleus of a "public opinion" has been +formed within an element which, by the use and wont of business and +habits of thought might be regarded as least subject to the influence of +social ideas, is a most hopeful augury. This nascent opinion has begun +to operate by shaming unscrupulous and recalcitrant employers into +better practices. It would indeed fare ill with democracy if, in such +an era, men of large business proved to be lacking in democratic +initiative, wholly unreceptive and hostile to the gradual introduction +of democracy into industry, which means the perpetuation of the +American Idea. Fortunately, with us, this capitalistic element is of +comparatively recent growth, the majority of its members are essentially +Americans; they have risen from small beginnings, and are responsive +to a democratic appeal--if that appeal be properly presented. And, as a +matter of fact, for many years a leaven had been at work among them; the +truth has been brought home to them that the mere acquisition of wealth +brings neither happiness nor self-realization; they have lavished their +money on hospitals and universities, clinics, foundations for scientific +research, and other gifts of inestimable benefit to the nation and +mankind. Although the munificence was on a Medicean scale, this private +charity was in accord with the older conception of democracy, and paved +the way for a new order. + +The patriotic and humanitarian motive aroused by the war greatly +accelerated the socializing transformation of the business man and the +capitalist. We have, indeed, our profiteers seeking short cuts to luxury +and wealth; but those happily most representative of American affairs, +including the creative administrators, hastened to Washington with a +willingness to accept any position in which they might be useful, and +in numerous instances placed at the disposal of the government the +manufacturing establishments which, by industry and ability, they +themselves had built up. That in thus surrendering the properties for +which they were largely responsible they hoped at the conclusion of +peace to see restored the 'status quo ante' should not be held against +them. Some are now beginning to surmise that a complete restoration is +impossible; and as a result of their socializing experience, are even +wondering whether it is desirable. These are beginning to perceive +that the national and international organizations in the course of +construction to meet the demands of the world conflict must form the +model for a future social structure; that the unprecedented pressure +caused by the cataclysm is compelling a recrystallization of society in +which there must be fewer misfits, in which many more individuals than +formerly shall find public or semi-public tasks in accordance with their +gifts and abilities. + +It may be argued that war compels socialization, that after the war +the world will perforce return to materialistic individualism. But this +calamity, terrible above all others, has warned us of the imperative +need of an order that shall be socializing, if we are not to witness the +destruction of our civilization itself. Confidence that such an order, +thanks to the advancement of science, is now within our grasp should not +be difficult for Americans, once they have rightly conceived it. We, who +have always pinned our faith to ideas, who entered the conflict for an +Idea, must be the last to shirk the task, however Herculean, of world +reconstruction along the lines of our own professed faith. We cannot be +renegades to Democracy. + +Above all things, then, it is essential for us as a people not to +abandon our faith in man, our belief that not only the exceptional +individual but the majority of mankind can be socialized. What is true +of our physicians, our scientists and professional men, our manual +workers, is also true of our capitalists and business men. In a more +just and intelligent organization of society these will be found willing +to administer and improve for the common weal the national resources +which formerly they exploited for the benefit of themselves and their +associates. The social response, granted the conditions, is innate in +humanity, and individual initiative can best be satisfied in social +realization. + +Universal education is the cornerstone of democracy. And the recognition +of this fact may be called the great American contribution. But in +our society the fullest self-realization depends upon a well balanced +knowledge of scientific facts, upon a rounded culture. Thus education, +properly conceived, is a preparation for intelligent, ethical, and +contented citizenship. Upon the welfare of the individual depends the +welfare of all. Without education, free institutions and universal +suffrage are mockeries; semi-learned masses of the population are at the +mercy of scheming politicians, controversialists, and pseudo-scientific +religionists, and their votes are swayed by prejudice. + +In a materialistic competitive order, success in life depends upon the +knack--innate or acquired, and not to be highly rated--of outwitting +one's neighbour under the rules of the game--the law; education is +merely a cultural leaven within the reach of the comparatively few +who can afford to attend a university. The business college is a more +logical institution. In an emulative civilization, however, the problem +is to discover and develop in childhood and youth the personal aptitude +or gift of as many citizens as possible, in order that they may find +self-realization by making their peculiar contribution towards the +advancement of society. + +The prevailing system of education, which we have inherited from the +past, largely fails to accomplish this. In the first place, it has been +authoritative rather than scientific, which is to say that students have +been induced to accept the statements of teachers and text books, and +have not been trained to weigh for themselves their reasonableness and +worth; a principle essentially unscientific and undemocratic, since it +inculcates in the future citizen convictions rather than encourages the +habit of open-mindedness so necessary for democratic citizenship. +For democracy--it cannot be too often repeated--is a dynamic thing, +experimental, creative in its very essence. No static set of opinions +can apply to the constantly changing aspect of affairs. New discoveries, +which come upon us with such bewildering rapidity, are apt abruptly to +alter social and industrial conditions, while morals and conventions are +no longer absolute. Sudden crises threaten the stability of nations +and civilizations. Safety lies alone in the ability to go forward, +to progress. Psychology teaches us that if authoritative opinions, +convictions, or "complexes" are stamped upon the plastic brain of +the youth they tend to harden, and he is apt to become a Democrat or +Republican, an Episcopalian or a Baptist, a free trader or a tariff +advocate or a Manchester economist without asking why. Such "complexes" +were probably referred to by the celebrated physician who emphasized +the hopelessness of most individuals over forty. And every reformer and +forum lecturer knows how difficult it is to convert the average audience +of seasoned adults to a new idea: he finds the most responsive groups +in the universities and colleges. It is significant that the "educated" +adult audiences in clubs and prosperous churches are the least open to +conversion, because, in the scientific sense, the "educated" classes +retain complexes, and hence are the least prepared to cope with the +world as it is today. The German system, which has been bent upon +installing authoritative conviction instead of encouraging freedom of +thought, should be a warning to us. + +Again, outside of the realm of physical science, our text books have +been controversial rather than impartial, especially in economics and +history; resulting in erroneous and distorted and prejudiced ideas of +events, such for instance, as our American Revolution. The day of the +controversialist is happily coming to an end, and of the writer who +twists the facts of science to suit a world of his own making, or of +that of a group with which he is associated. Theory can now be labelled +theory, and fact, fact. Impartial and painstaking investigation is the +sole method of obtaining truth. + +The old system of education benefited only the comparatively few to +whose nature and inclination it was adapted. We have need, indeed, of +classical scholars, but the majority of men and women are meant for +other work; many, by their very construction of mind, are unfitted to +become such. And only in the most exceptional cases are the ancient +languages really mastered; a smattering of these, imposed upon the +unwilling scholar by a principle opposed to psychology,--a smattering +from which is derived no use and joy in after life, and which has no +connection with individual inclination--is worse than nothing. Precious +time is wasted during the years when the mind is most receptive. While +the argument of the old school that discipline can only be inculcated +by the imposition of a distasteful task is unsound. As Professor Dewey +points out, unless the interest is in some way involved there can be +no useful discipline. And how many of our university and high school +graduates today are in any sense disciplined? Stimulated interest +alone can overcome the resistance imposed by a difficult task, as any +scientist, artist, organizer or administrator knows. Men will discipline +themselves to gain a desired end. Under the old system of education a +few children succeed either because they are desirous of doing well, +interested in the game of mental competition; or else because they +contrive to clothe with flesh and blood some subject presented as a +skeleton. It is not uncommon, indeed, to recognize in later years with +astonishment a useful citizen or genius whom at school or college we +recall as a dunce or laggard. In our present society, because of archaic +methods of education, the development of such is largely left to chance. +Those who might have been developed in time, who might have found their +task, often become wasters, drudges, and even criminals. + +The old system tends to make types, to stamp every scholar in the same +mould, whether he fits it or not. More and more the parents of today +are looking about for new schools, insisting that a son or daughter +possesses some special gift which, under teachers of genius, might be +developed before it is too late. And in most cases, strange to say, the +parents are right. They themselves have been victims of a standardized +system. + +A new and distinctly American system of education, designed to meet the +demands of modern conditions, has been put in practice in parts of the +United States. In spite of opposition from school boards, from all +those who cling to the conviction that education must of necessity be an +unpalatable and "disciplinary" process, the number of these schools is +growing. The objection, put forth by many, that they are still in the +experimental stage, is met by the reply that experiment is the very +essence of the system. Democracy is experimental, and henceforth +education will remain experimental for all time. But, as in any other +branch of science, the element of ascertained fact will gradually +increase: the latent possibilities in the mind of the healthy child will +be discovered by knowledge gained through impartial investigation. The +old system, like all other institutions handed down to us from the ages, +proceeds on no intelligent theory, has no basis on psychology, and is +accepted merely because it exists. + +The new education is selective. The mind of each child is patiently +studied with the view of discovering the peculiar bent, and this bent +is guided and encouraged. The child is allowed to forge ahead in those +subjects for which he shows an aptitude, and not compelled to wait on a +class. Such supervision, of course, demands more teachers, teachers of +an ability hitherto deplorably rare, and thoroughly trained in their +subjects, with a sympathetic knowledge of the human mind. Theirs will be +the highest and most responsible function in the state, and they must be +rewarded in proportion to their services. + +A superficial criticism declares that in the new schools children will +study only "what they like." On the contrary, all subjects requisite for +a wide culture, as well as for the ability to cope with existence in +a highly complex civilization, are insisted upon. It is true, however, +that the trained and gifted teacher is able to discover a method of so +presenting a subject as to seize the imagination and arouse the interest +and industry of a majority of pupils. In the modern schools French, for +example, is really taught; pupils do not acquire a mere smattering +of the language. And, what is more important, the course of study is +directly related to life, and to practical experience, instead of being +set forth abstractly, as something which at the time the pupil perceives +no possibility of putting into use. At one of the new schools in the +south, the ignorant child of the mountains at once acquires a knowledge +of measurement and elementary arithmetic by laying out a garden, +of letters by inscribing his name on a little signboard in order to +identify his patch--for the moment private property. And this principle +is carried through all the grades. In the Gary Schools and elsewhere +the making of things in the shops, the modelling of a Panama Canal, the +inspection of industries and governmental establishments, the +designing, building, and decoration of houses, the discussion and even +dramatization of the books read,--all are a logical and inevitable +continuation of the abstract knowledge of the schoolroom. The success of +the direct application of learning to industrial and professional +life may also be observed in such colleges as those at Cincinnati and +Schenectady, where young men spend half the time of the course in the +shops of manufacturing, corporations, often earning more than enough to +pay their tuition. + +Children are not only prepared for democratic citizenship by being +encouraged to think for themselves, but also to govern and discipline +themselves. On the moral side, under the authoritative system of lay +and religious training, character was acquired at the expense of mental +flexibility--the Puritan method; our problem today, which the new system +undertakes, is to produce character with open-mindedness--the kind +of character possessed by many great scientists. Absorption in an +appropriate task creates a moral will, while science, knowledge, informs +the mind why a thing is "bad" or "good," disintegrating or upbuilding. +Moreover, these children are trained for democratic government by the +granting of autonomy. They have their own elected officials, their +own courts; their decisions are, of course, subject to reversal by the +principal, but in practice this seldom occurs. + +The Gary Schools and many of the new schools are public schools. And the +principle of the new education that the state is primarily responsible +for the health of pupils--because an unsound body is apt to make an +unsound citizen of backward intelligence--is now being generally adopted +by public schools all over the country. This idea is essentially an +element of the democratic contention that all citizens must be given +an equality of opportunity--though all may not be created equal--now +becoming a positive rather than a negative right, guaranteed by the +state itself. An earnest attempt is thus made by the state to give +every citizen a fair start that in later years he may have no ground +for discontent or complaint. He stands on his own feet, he rises in +proportion to his ability and industry. Hence the program of the British +Labour Party rightly lays stress on education, on "freedom of mental +opportunity." The vast sums it proposes to spend for this purpose are +justified. + +If such a system of education as that briefly outlined above is +carefully and impartially considered, the objection that democratic +government founded on modern social science is coercive must disappear. +So far as the intention and effort of the state is able to confer it, +every citizen will have his choice of the task he is to perform for +society, his opportunity for self-realization. For freedom without +education is a myth. By degrees men and women are making ready to take +their places in an emulative rather than a materialistically competitive +order. But the experimental aspect of this system should always be borne +in mind, with the fact that its introduction and progress, like that of +other elements in the democratic program, must be gradual, though always +proceeding along sound lines. For we have arrived at that stage of +enlightenment when we realize that the only mundane perfection lies in +progress rather than achievement. The millennium is always a lap ahead. +There would be no satisfaction in overtaking it, for then we should have +nothing more to do, nothing more to work for. + +The German Junkers have prostituted science by employing it for the +destruction of humanity. In the name of Christianity they have waged +the most barbaric war in history. Yet if they shall have demonstrated +to mankind the futility of efficiency achieved merely for material ends; +if, by throwing them on a world screen, they shall have revealed +the evils of power upheld alone by ruthlessness and force, they will +unwittingly have performed a world service. Privilege and dominion, +powers and principalities acquired by force must be sustained by force. +To fail will be fatal. Even a duped people, trained in servility, will +not consent to be governed by an unsuccessful autocracy. Arrogantly +Germany has staked her all on world domination. Hence a victory for the +Allies must mean a democratic Germany. + +Nothing short of victory. There can be no arrangement, no +agreement, no parley with or confidence in these modern scions of +darkness--Hohenzollerns, Hindenburgs, Zudendorffs and their tools. +Propaganda must not cease; the eyes of Germans still capable of sight +must be opened. But, as the President says, force must be used to the +limit--force for a social end as opposed to force for an evil end. There +are those among us who advocate a boycott of Germany after peace is +declared. These would seem to take it for granted that we shall fall +short of victory, and hence that selfish retaliative or vindictive +practices between nations, sanctioned by imperialism, will continue to +flourish after the war. But should Germany win she will see to it that +there is no boycott against her. A compromised peace would indeed mean +the perpetuation of both imperialism and militarism. + +It is characteristic of those who put their faith in might alone that +they are not only blind to the finer relationships between individuals +and nations, but take no account of the moral forces in human affairs +which in the long run are decisive,--a lack of sensitiveness which +explains Germany's colossal blunders. The first had to do with Britain. +The German militarists persisted in the belief that the United Kingdom +was degenerated by democracy, intent upon the acquisition of wealth, +distracted by strife at home, uncertain of the Empire, and thus would +selfishly remain aloof while the Kaiser's armies overran and enslaved +the continent. What happened, to Germany's detriment, was the instant +socialization of Britain, and the binding together of the British +Empire. Germany's second great blunder was an arrogant underestimation +of a self-reliant people of English culture and traditions. She believed +that we, too, had been made flabby by democracy, were wholly intent upon +the pursuit of the dollar--only to learn that America would lavish +her vast resources and shed her blood for a cause which was American. +Germany herself provided that cause, shaped the issues so that there +was no avoiding them. She provided the occasion for the socializing +of America also; and thus brought about, within a year, a national +transformation which in times of peace might scarce in half a century +have been accomplished. + +Above all, as a consequence of these two blunders, Germany has been +compelled to witness the consummation of that which of all things she +had most to fear, the cementing of a lasting fellowship between the +English speaking Republic and the English speaking Empire. For we had +been severed since the 18th Century by misunderstandings which of late +Germany herself had been more or less successful in fostering. She has +furnished a bond not only between our governments, but--what is vastly +more important for democracy--a bond between our peoples. Our soldiers +are now side by side with those of the Empire on the Frontier of +Freedom; the blood of all is shed and mingled for a great cause embodied +in the Anglo-Saxon tradition of democracy; and our peoples, through the +realization of common ideas and common ends, are learning the supreme +lesson of co-operation between nations with a common past, are being +cemented into a union which is the symbol and forerunner of the +democratic league of Nations to come. Henceforth, we believe, because +of this union, so natural yet so long delayed, by virtue of the ultimate +victory it forecasts, the sun will never set on the Empire of the free, +for the drum beats of democracy have been heard around the world. To +this Empire will be added the precious culture of France, which the +courage of her sons will have preserved, the contributions of Italy, and +of Russia, yes, and of Japan. + +Our philosophy and our religion are changing; hence it is more and more +difficult to use the old terms to describe moral conduct. We say, +for instance, that America's action in entering the war has been +"unselfish." But this merely means that we have our own convictions +concerning the ultimate comfort of the world, the manner of +self-realization of individuals and nations. We are attempting to +turn calamity into good. If this terrible conflict shall result in +the inauguration of an emulative society, if it shall bring us to the +recognition that intelligence and science may be used for the upbuilding +of such an order, and for an eventual achievement of world peace, every +sacrifice shall have been justified. + +Such is the American Issue. Our statesmen and thinkers have helped to +evolve it, our people with their blood and treasure are consecrating it. +And these statesmen and thinkers, of whom our American President is +not the least, are of democracy the pioneers. From the mountain tops on +which they stand they behold the features of the new world, the dawn of +the new day hidden as yet from their brothers in the valley. Let us have +faith always that it is coming, and struggle on, highly resolving that +those who gave their lives in the hour of darkness shall not have died +in vain. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Essay On The American Contribution +And The Democratic Idea, by Winston Churchill + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION *** + +***** This file should be named 5399.txt or 5399.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/5/3/9/5399/ + +Produced by David Widger + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, +set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to +copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to +protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark. Project +Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you +charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission. If you +do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the +rules is very easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose +such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and +research. They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do +practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks. Redistribution is +subject to the trademark license, especially commercial +redistribution. + + + +*** START: FULL LICENSE *** + +THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE +PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK + +To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free +distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work +(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project +Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project +Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at +https://gutenberg.org/license). + + +Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic works + +1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to +and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property +(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all +the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy +all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession. +If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the +terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or +entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. + +1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be +used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who +agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few +things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works +even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See +paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement +and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. See paragraph 1.E below. + +1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation" +or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual works in the +collection are in the public domain in the United States. If an +individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are +located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from +copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative +works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg +are removed. Of course, we hope that you will support the Project +Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by +freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of +this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with +the work. You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by +keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project +Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others. + +1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern +what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are in +a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, check +the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement +before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or +creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project +Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no representations concerning +the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United +States. + +1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: + +1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate +access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently +whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the +phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project +Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed, +copied or distributed: + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + +1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived +from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is +posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied +and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees +or charges. If you are redistributing or providing access to a work +with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the +work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 +through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the +Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or +1.E.9. + +1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted +with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution +must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional +terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms will be linked +to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the +permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work. + +1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this +work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. + +1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this +electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without +prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with +active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project +Gutenberg-tm License. + +1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, +compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any +word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access to or +distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than +"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version +posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org), +you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a +copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon +request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other +form. Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm +License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. + +1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, +performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works +unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. + +1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing +access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided +that + +- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from + the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method + you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is + owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he + has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the + Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments + must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you + prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax + returns. Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and + sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the + address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to + the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies + you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he + does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm + License. You must require such a user to return or + destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium + and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of + Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any + money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the + electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days + of receipt of the work. + +- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free + distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. + +1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm +electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set +forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from +both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael +Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the +Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below. + +1.F. + +1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable +effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread +public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm +collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain +"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual +property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a +computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by +your equipment. + +1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right +of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project +Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project +Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all +liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal +fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT +LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE +PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE +TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE +LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR +INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH +DAMAGE. + +1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a +defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can +receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a +written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you +received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with +your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you with +the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a +refund. If you received the work electronically, the person or entity +providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to +receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If the second copy +is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further +opportunities to fix the problem. + +1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth +in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO +WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. + +1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied +warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages. +If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the +law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be +interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by +the applicable state law. The invalidity or unenforceability of any +provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions. + +1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the +trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone +providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance +with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production, +promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works, +harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees, +that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do +or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm +work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any +Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause. + + +Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm + +Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of +electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers +including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It exists +because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from +people in all walks of life. + +Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the +assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's +goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will +remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project +Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure +and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations. +To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4 +and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org. + + +Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive +Foundation + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit +501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the +state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal +Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification +number is 64-6221541. Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at +https://pglaf.org/fundraising. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent +permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. + +The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S. +Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered +throughout numerous locations. Its business office is located at +809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email +business@pglaf.org. Email contact links and up to date contact +information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official +page at https://pglaf.org + +For additional contact information: + Dr. Gregory B. Newby + Chief Executive and Director + gbnewby@pglaf.org + + +Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg +Literary Archive Foundation + +Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide +spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of +increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be +freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest +array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations +($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt +status with the IRS. + +The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating +charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United +States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a +considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up +with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations +where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To +SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any +particular state visit https://pglaf.org + +While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we +have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition +against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who +approach us with offers to donate. + +International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make +any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from +outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. + +Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation +methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other +ways including including checks, online payments and credit card +donations. To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate + + +Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic +works. + +Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm +concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared +with anyone. For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project +Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support. + + +Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S. +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not necessarily +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + + +Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility: + + https://www.gutenberg.org + +This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, +including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary +Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to +subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/5399.zip b/5399.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..5d95aae --- /dev/null +++ b/5399.zip diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..48dc8cf --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #5399 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/5399) diff --git a/old/wc62w10.txt b/old/wc62w10.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..b9d5245 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/wc62w10.txt @@ -0,0 +1,1984 @@ +The Project Gutenberg Ebook On The American Contribution, by Winston Churchill +WC#62 in our series by Winston Churchill (USA author, not Sir Winston) + +Copyright laws are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the +copyright laws for your country before downloading or redistributing +this or any other Project Gutenberg eBook. + +This header should be the first thing seen when viewing this Project +Gutenberg file. Please do not remove it. Do not change or edit the +header without written permission. + +Please read the "legal small print," and other information about the +eBook and Project Gutenberg at the bottom of this file. Included is +important information about your specific rights and restrictions in +how the file may be used. You can also find out about how to make a +donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. + + +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** + +**EBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** + +*****These EBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers***** + + +Title: On The American Contribution + +Author: Winston Churchill (USA author, not Sir Winston Churchill) + +Release Date: March, 2004 [EBook #5399] +[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] +[This file was first posted on June 30, 2002] + +Edition: 10 + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + + + + + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION, BY CHURCHILL *** + + + +This eBook was produced by David Widger <widger@cecomet.net> + + + + + +AN ESSAY ON THE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION AND THE DEMOCRATIC IDEA + +By Winston Churchill + + +Failure to recognize that the American, is at heart an idealist is to +lack understanding of our national character. Two of our greatest +interpreters proclaimed it, Emerson and William James. In a recent +address at the Paris Sorbonne on "American Idealism," M. Firmin Roz +observed that a people is rarely justly estimated by its contemporaries. +The French, he says, have been celebrated chiefly for the skill of their +chefs and their vaudeville actors, while in the disturbed 'speculum +mundi' Americans have appeared as a collection of money grabbers whose +philosophy is the dollar. It remained for the war to reveal the true +nature of both peoples. The American colonists, M. Roz continues, unlike +other colonists, were animated not by material motives, but by the desire +to safeguard and realize an ideal; our inherent characteristic today is a +belief in the virtue and power of ideas, of a national, indeed, of a +universal, mission. In the Eighteenth Century we proposed a Philosophy +and adopted a Constitution far in advance of the political practice of +the day, and set up a government of which Europe predicted the early +downfall. Nevertheless, thanks partly to good fortune, and to the +farseeing wisdom of our early statesmen who perceived that the success +of our experiment depended upon the maintenance of an isolation from +European affairs, we established democracy as a practical form of +government. + +We have not always lived up to our beliefs in ideas. In our dealings +with other nations, we yielded often to imperialistic ambitions and thus, +to a certain extent, justified the cynicism of Europe. We took what we +wanted--and more. From Spain we seized western Florida; the annexation +of Texas and the subsequent war with Mexico are acts upon which we cannot +look back with unmixed democratic pride; while more than once we +professed a naive willingness to fight England in order to push our +boundaries further north. We regarded the Monroe Doctrine as altruistic, +while others smiled. But it suited England, and her sea power gave it +force. + +Our war with Spain in 1898, however, was fought for an idea, and, +despite the imperialistic impulse that followed it, marks a transition, +an advance, in international ethics. Imperialistic cynics were not +lacking to scoff at our protestation that we were fighting Spain in order +to liberate Cuba; and yet this, for the American people at large, was +undoubtedly the inspiration of the war. We kept our promise, we did not +annex Cuba, we introduced into international affairs what is known as the +Big Brother idea. Then came the Platt Amendment. Cuba was free, but she +must not wallow near our shores in an unhygienic state, or borrow money +without our consent. We acquired valuable naval bases. Moreover, the +sudden and unexpected acquisition of Porto Rico and the Philippines made +us imperialists in spite of ourselves. + +Nations as well as individuals, however, must be judged by their +intentions. The sound public opinion of our people has undoubtedly +remained in favour of ultimate self-government for the Philippines, and +the greatest measure of self-determination for little Porto Rico; it has +been unquestionably opposed to commercial exploitation of the islands, +desirous of yielding to these peoples the fruits of their labour in +developing the resources of their own lands. An intention, by the way, +diametrically different from that of Germany. In regard to our +protectorate in the island of San Domingo, our "semi-protectorate" in +Nicaragua, the same argument of intention may fairly be urged. Germany, +who desired them, would have exploited them. To a certain extent, no +doubt, as a result of the momentum of commercial imperialism, we are +still exploiting them. But the attitude of the majority of Americans +toward more backward peoples is not cynical; hence there is hope that a +democratic solution of the Caribbean and Central American problem may be +found. And we are not ready, as yet, to accept without further +experiment the dogma that tropical and sub-tropical people will not +ultimately be able to govern themselves. If this eventually, prove to be +the case at least some such experiment as the new British Labour Party +has proposed for the Empire may be tried. Our general theory that the +exploitation of foreign peoples reacts unfavourably on the exploiters is +undoubtedly sound. + +Nor are the ethics of the manner of our acquisition of a part of Panama +and the Canal wholly defensible from the point of view of international +democracy. Yet it must be remembered that President Roosevelt was +dealing with a corrupt, irresponsible, and hostile government, and that +the Canal had become a necessity not only for our own development, but +for that of the civilization of the world. + +The Spanish War, as has been said, marked a transition, a development of +the American Idea. In obedience to a growing perception that dominion +and exploitation are incompatible with and detrimental to our system of +government, we fought in good faith to gain self-determination for an +alien people. The only real peril confronting democracy is the arrest +of growth. Its true conquests are in the realms of ideas, and hence it +calls for a statesmanship which, while not breaking with the past, while +taking into account the inherent nature of a people, is able to deal +creatively with new situations--always under the guidance of current +social science. + +Woodrow Wilson's Mexican policy, being a projection of the American Idea +to foreign affairs, a step toward international democracy, marks the +beginning of a new era. Though not wholly understood, though opposed by +a powerful minority of our citizens, it stirred the consciousness of a +national mission to which our people are invariably ready to respond. +Since it was essentially experimental, and therefore not lacking in +mistakes, there was ample opportunity for a criticism that seemed at +times extremely plausible. The old and tried method of dealing with such +anarchy as existed across our southern border was made to seem the safe +one; while the new, because it was untried, was presented as disastrous. +In reality, the reverse was the case. + +Mr. Wilson's opponents were, generally speaking, the commercial classes +in the community, whose environment and training led them to demand a +foreign policy similar to that of other great powers, a financial +imperialism which is the logical counterpart in foreign affairs of the +commercial exploitation of domestic national resources and domestic +labour. These were the classes which combated the growth of democracy at +home, in national and state politics. From their point of view--not that +of the larger vision--they were consistent. On the other hand, the +nation grasped the fact that to have one brand of democracy at home and +another for dealing with foreign nations was not only illogical but, in +the long run, would be suicidal to the Republic. And the people at large +were committed to democratic progress at home. They were struggling for +it. + +One of the most important issues of the American liberal movement early +in this century had been that for the conservation of what remains of our +natural resources of coal and metals and oil and timber and waterpower +for the benefit of all the people, on the theory that these are the +property of the people. But if the natural resources of this country +belong to the people of the United States, those of Mexico belong to the +people of Mexico. It makes no difference how "lazy," ignorant, and +indifferent to their own interests the Mexicans at present may be. And +even more important in these liberal campaigns was the issue of the +conservation of human resources--men and women and children who are +forced by necessity to labour. These must be protected in health, given +economic freedom and a just reward for their toil. The American +democracy, committed to the principle of the conservation of domestic +natural and human resources, could not without detriment to itself +persist in a foreign policy that ignored them. For many years our own +government had permitted the squandering of these resources by +adventurous capitalists; and gradually, as we became a rich industrial +nation, these capitalists sought profitable investments for their +increasing surplus in foreign lands. Their manner of acquiring +"concessions" in Mexico was quite similar to that by which they had +seized because of the indifference and ignorance of our own people--our +own mines and timber lands which our government held in trust. Sometimes +these American "concessions" have been valid in law though the law itself +violated a democratic principle; more often corrupt officials winked at +violations of the law, enabling capitalists to absorb bogus claims. + +The various rulers of Mexico sold to American and other foreign +capitalists the resources belonging to the people of their country, and +pocketed, with their followers, the proceeds of the sale. Their control +of the country rested upon force; the stability of the Diaz rule, for +instance, depended upon the "President's" ability to maintain his +dictatorship--a precarious guarantee to the titles he had given. Hence +the premium on revolutions. There was always the incentive to the +upstart political and military buccaneer to overthrow the dictator and +gain possession of the spoils, to sell new doubtful concessions and levy +new tribute on the capitalists holding claims from a former tyrant. + +The foreign capitalists appealed to their governments; commercial +imperialism responded by dispatching military forces to protect the lives +and "property" of its citizens, in some instances going so far as to take +possession of the country. A classic case, as cited by Hobson, is +Britain's South African War, in which the blood and treasure of the +people of the United Kingdom were expended because British capitalists +had found the Boers recalcitrant, bent on retaining their own country for +themselves. To be sure, South Africa, like Mexico is rich in resources +for which advancing civilization continually makes demands. And, in the +case of Mexico, the products of the tropics, such as rubber, are +increasingly necessary to the industrial powers of the temperate zone. +On the other hand, if the exploiting nation aspire to self-government, +the imperialistic method of obtaining these products by the selfish +exploitation of the natural and human resources of the backward countries +reacts so powerfully on the growth of democracy at home--and hence on the +growth of democracy throughout the world--as to threaten the very future +of civilization. The British Liberals, when they came into power, +perceived this, and at once did their best to make amends to South Africa +by granting her autonomy and virtual independence, linking her to Britain +by the silken thread of Anglo-Saxon democratic culture. How strong this +thread has proved is shown by the action of those of Dutch blood in the +Dominion during the present war. + +Eventually, if democracy is not to perish from the face of the earth, +some other than the crude imperialistic method of dealing with backward +peoples, of obtaining for civilization the needed resources of their +lands, must be inaugurated--a democratic method. And this is perhaps the +supreme problem of democracy today. It demands for its solution a +complete reversal of the established policy of imperialism, a new theory +of international relationships, a mutual helpfulness and partnership +between nations, even as democracy implies cooperation between individual +citizens. Therefore President Wilson laid down the doctrine that +American citizens enter Mexico at their own risk; that they must not +expert that American blood will be shed or the nation's money be expended +to protect their lives or the "property" they have acquired from Mexican +dictators. This applies also to the small capitalists, the owners of the +coffee plantations, as well as to those Americans in Mexico who are not +capitalists but wage earners. The people of Mexico are entitled to try +the experiment of self-determination. It is an experiment, we frankly +acknowledge that fact, a democratic experiment dependent on physical +science, social science, and scientific education. The other horn of the +dilemma, our persistence in imperialism, is even worse--since by such +persistence we destroy ourselves. + +A subjective judgment, in accordance with our own democratic standards, +by the American Government as to the methods employed by a Huerta, for +instance, is indeed demanded; not on the ground, however, that such +methods are "good" or "bad"; but whether they are detrimental to Mexican +self-determination, and hence to the progress of our own democracy. + + + +II + +If America had started to prepare when Belgium was invaded, had entered +the war when the Lusitania was sunk, Germany might by now have been +defeated, hundreds of thousands of lives might have been spared. All +this may be admitted. Yet, looking backward, it is easy to read the +reason for our hesitancy in our national character and traditions. We +were pacifists, yes, but pacifists of a peculiar kind. One of our +greatest American prophets, William James, knew that there was an issue +for which we were ready to fight, for which we were willing to make the +extreme sacrifice,--and that issue he defined as "war against war." It +remained for America to make the issue. + +Peoples do not rush to arms unless their national existence is +threatened. It is what may be called the environmental cause that drives +nations quickly into war. It drove the Entente nations into war, though +incidentally they were struggling for certain democratic institutions, +for international justice. But in the case of America, the environmental +cause was absent. Whether or not our national existence was or is +actually threatened, the average American does not believe that it is. +He was called upon to abandon his tradition, to mingle in a European +conflict, to fight for an idea alone. Ideas require time to develop, +to seize the imagination of masses. And it must be remembered that in +1914 the great issue had not been defined. Curiously enough, now that it +is defined, it proves to be an American issue--a logical and positive +projection of our Washingtonian tradition and Monroe doctrine. These had +for their object the preservation and development of democracy, the +banishment from the Western Hemisphere of European imperialistic conflict +and war. We are now, with the help of our allies, striving to banish +these things from the face of the earth. It is undoubtedly the greatest +idea for which man has been summoned to make the supreme sacrifice. + +Its evolution has been traced. Democracy was the issue in the Spanish +War, when we fought a weak nation. We have followed its broader +application to Mexico, when we were willing to ignore the taunts and +insults of another weak nation, even the loss of "prestige," for the sake +of the larger good. And we have now the clue to the President's +interpretation of the nation's mind during the first three years of the +present war. We were willing to bear the taunts and insults of Germany +so long as it appeared that a future world peace night best be brought +about by the preservation of neutrality, by turning the weight of the +impartial public opinion of our democracy and that of other neutrals +against militarism and imperialism. Our national aim was ever consistent +with the ideal of William James, to advance democracy and put an end to +the evil of war. + +The only sufficient reason for the abandonment of the Washingtonian +policy is the furtherance of the object for which it was inaugurated, the +advance of democracy. And we had established the precedent, with Spain +and Mexico, that the Republic shall engage in no war of imperialistic +conquest. We war only in behalf of, or in defence of, democracy. + +Before the entrance of America, however, the issues of the European +War were by no means clear cut along democratic lines. What kind of +democracy were the allies fighting for? Nowhere and at no time had it +been defined by any of their statesmen. On the contrary, the various +allied governments had entered into compacts for the transference of +territory in the event of victory; and had even, by the offer of rewards, +sought to play one small nation against another. This secret diplomacy +of bargains, of course, was a European heritage, the result of an +imperialistic environment which the American did not understand, and +from which he was happily free. Its effect on France is peculiarly +enlightening. The hostility of European governments, due to their fear +of her republican institutions, retarded her democratic growth, and her +history during the reign of Napoleon III is one of intrigue for +aggrandizement differing from Bismarck's only in the fact that it was +unsuccessful. Britain, because she was separated from the continent and +protected by her fleet, virtually withdrew from European affairs in the +latter part of the nineteenth century, and, as a result, made great +strides in democracy. The aggressions of Germany forced Britain in self- +defence into coalitions. Because of her power and wealth she became the +Entente leader, yet her liberal government was compelled to enter into +secret agreements with certain allied governments in order to satisfy +what they deemed to be their needs and just ambitions. She had honestly +sought, before the war, to come to terms with Germany, and had even +proposed gradual disarmament. But, despite the best intentions, +circumstances and environment, as well as the precarious situation of her +empire, prevented her from liberalizing her foreign relations to conform +with the growth of democracy within the United Kingdom and the Dominions. +Americans felt a profound pity for Belgium. But she was not, as Cuba had +been, our affair. The great majority of our citizens sympathized with +the Entente, regarded with amazement and disgust the sudden disclosure of +the true character of the German militaristic government. Yet for the +average American the war wore the complexion of other European conflicts, +was one involving a Balance of Power, mysterious and inexplicable. To +him the underlying issue was not democratic, but imperialistic; and this +was partly because he was unable to make a mental connection between a +European war and the brand of democracy he recognized. Preaching and +propaganda fail unless it can be brought home to a people that something +dear to their innermost nature is at stake, that the fate of the thing +they most desire, and are willing to make sacrifices for, hangs in the +balance. + +During a decade the old political parties, between which there was now +little more than an artificial alignment, had been breaking up. +Americans were absorbed in the great liberal movement begun under the +leadership of President Roosevelt, the result of which was to transform +democracy from a static to a pragmatic and evolutionary conception,--in +order to meet and correct new and unforeseen evils. Political freedom +was seen to be of little worth unless also accompanied by the economic +freedom the nation had enjoyed before the advent of industrialism. +Clerks and farmers, professional men and shopkeepers and artisans were +ready to follow the liberal leaders in states and nation; intellectual +elements from colleges and universities were enlisted. Paralleling the +movement, at times mingling with it, was the revolt of labour, manifested +not only in political action, but in strikes and violence. Readily +accessible books and magazines together with club and forum lectures in +cities, towns, and villages were rapidly educating the population in +social science, and the result was a growing independent vote to make +politicians despair. + +Here was an instance of a democratic culture growing in isolation, +resentful of all external interference. To millions of Americans-- +especially in our middle western and western states--bent upon social +reforms, the European War appeared as an arresting influence. American +participation meant the triumph of the forces of reaction. Colour was +lent to this belief because the conservative element which had opposed +social reforms was loudest in its demand for intervention. The wealthy +and travelled classes organized preparedness parades and distributed +propaganda. In short, those who had apparently done their utmost to +oppose democracy at home were most insistent that we should embark +upon a war for democracy across the seas. Again, what kind of democracy? +Obviously a status quo, commercially imperialistic democracy, which the +awakening liberal was bent upon abolishing. + +There is undoubtedly in such an office as the American presidency some +virtue which, in times of crisis, inspires in capable men an intellectual +and moral growth proportional to developing events. Lincoln, our most +striking example, grew more between 1861 and 1865 than during all the +earlier years of his life. Nor is the growth of democratic leaders, when +seen through the distorted passions of their day, apparently a consistent +thing. Greatness, near at hand, is startlingly like inconsistency; it +seems at moments to vacillate, to turn back upon and deny itself, and +thus lays itself open to seemingly plausible criticism by politicians and +time servers and all who cry out for precedent. Yet it is an interesting +and encouraging fact that the faith of democratic peoples goes out, and +goes out alone, to leaders who--whatever their minor faults and failings +--do not fear to reverse themselves when occasion demands; to enunciate +new doctrines, seemingly in contradiction to former assertions, to meet +new crises. When a democratic leader who has given evidence of greatness +ceases to develop new ideas, he loses the public confidence. He flops +back into the ranks of the conservative he formerly opposed, who catch up +with him only when he ceases to grow. + +In 1916 the majority of the American people elected Mr. Wilson in the +belief that he would keep them out of war. In 1917 he entered the war +with the nation behind him. A recalcitrant Middle West was the first +to fill its quota of volunteers, and we witnessed the extraordinary +spectacle of the endorsement of conscription: What had happened? A very +simple, but a very great thing Mr. Wilson had made the issue of the war a +democratic issue, an American issue, in harmony with our national hopes +and traditions. But why could not this issue have been announced in 1914 +or 1915? The answer seems to be that peoples, as well as their leaders +and interpreters, must grow to meet critical situations. In 1861 the, +moral idea of the Civil War was obscured and hidden by economic and +material interests. The Abraham Lincoln who entered the White House in +1881 was indeed the name man who signed the Emancipation Proclamation in +1863; and yet, in a sense, he was not the same man; events and +responsibilities had effected a profound but logical growth in his +personality. And the people of the Union were not ready to endorse +Emancipation in 1861. In 1863, in the darkest hour of the war, the +spirit of the North responded to the call, and, despite the vilification +of the President, was true to him to victory. More significant still, +in view of the events of today, is what then occurred in England. The +British Government was unfriendly; the British people as a whole had +looked upon our Civil War very much in the same light as the American +people regarded the present war at its inception--which is to say that +the economic and materialistic issue seemed to overshadow the moral one. +When Abraham Lincoln proclaimed it to be a war for human freedom, the +sentiment of the British people changed--of the British people as +distinct from the governing classes; and the textile workers of the +northern counties, whose mills could not get cotton on account of the +blockade, declared their willingness to suffer and starve if the slaves +in America might be freed. + +Abraham Lincoln at that time represented the American people as the +British Government did not represent the British people. We are +concerned today with peoples rather than governments. + +It remained for an American President to announce the moral issue of the +present war, and thus to solidify behind him, not only the liberal mind +of America, but the liberal elements within the nations of Europe. He +became the democratic leader of the world. The issue, simply stated, is +the advancement of democracy and peace. They are inseparable. +Democracy, for progress, demands peace. It had reached a stage, when, in +a contracting world, it could no longer advance through isolation: its +very existence in every country was threatened, not only by the partisans +of reaction from within, but by the menace from without of a militaristic +and imperialistic nation determined to crush it, restore superimposed +authority, and dominate the globe. Democracy, divided against itself, +cannot stand. A league of democratic nations, of democratic peoples, has +become imperative. Hereafter, if democracy wins, self-determination, and +not imperialistic exploitation, is to be the universal rule. It is the +extension, on a world scale, of Mr. Wilson's Mexican policy, the +application of democratic principles to international relationships, and +marks the inauguration of a new era. We resort to force against force, +not for dominion, but to make the world safe for the idea on which we +believe the future of civilization depends, the sacred right of self- +government. We stand prepared to treat with the German people when they +are ready to cast off autocracy and militarism. Our attitude toward them +is precisely our attitude toward the Mexican People. We believe, and +with good reason, that the German system of education is authoritative +and false, and was more or less deliberately conceived in order to warp +the nature and produce complexes in the mind of the German people for the +end of preserving and perpetuating the power of the Junkers. We have no +quarrel with the duped and oppressed, but we war against the agents of +oppression. To the conservative mind such an aspiration appears +chimerical. But America, youngest of the nations, was born when modern +science was gathering the momentum which since has enabled it to +overcome, with a bewildering rapidity, many evils previously held by +superstition to be ineradicable. As a corollary to our democratic creed, +we accepted the dictum that to human intelligence all things are +possible. The virtue of this dictum lies not in dogma, but in an +indomitable attitude of mind to which the world owes its every advance in +civilization; quixotic, perhaps, but necessary to great accomplishment. +In searching for a present-day protagonist, no happier example could be +found than Mr. Henry Ford, who exhibits the characteristic American +mixture of the practical and the ideal. He introduces into industry +humanitarian practices that even tend to increase the vast fortune which +by his own efforts he has accumulated. He sees that democratic peoples +do not desire to go to war, he does not believe that war is necessary and +inevitable, he lays himself open to ridicule by financing a Peace +Mission. Circumstances force him to abandon his project, but he is not +for one moment discouraged. His intention remains. He throws all his +energy and wealth into a war to end war, and the value of his +contribution is inestimable. + +A study of Mr. Ford's mental processes and acts illustrates the true mind +of America. In the autumn of 1916 Mr. Wilson declared that "the people +of the United States want to be sure what they are fighting about, and +they want to be sure that they are fighting for the things that will +bring the world justice and peace. Define the elements; let us know that +we are not fighting for the prevalence of this nation over that, for the +ambitions of this group of nations as compared with the ambitions of that +group of nations, let us once be convinced that we are called in to a +great combination for the rights of mankind, and America will unite her +force and spill her blood for the great things she has always believed in +and followed." + +"America is always ready to fight for the things which are American." +Even in these sombre days that mark the anniversary of our entrance into +the war. But let it be remembered that it was in the darkest days of the +Civil War Abraham Lincoln boldly proclaimed the democratic, idealistic +issue of that struggle. The Russian Revolution, which we must seek to +understand and not condemn, the Allied defeats that are its consequences, +can only make our purpose the firmer to put forth all our strength for +the building up of a better world. The President's masterly series of +state papers, distributed in all parts of the globe, have indeed been so +many Proclamations of Emancipation for the world's oppressed. Not only +powerful nations shall cease to exploit little nations, but powerful +individuals shall cease to exploit their fellow men. Henceforth no wars +for dominion shall be waged, and to this end secret treaties shall be +abolished. Peoples through their representatives shall make their own +treaties. And just as democracy insures to the individual the greatest +amount of self-determination, nations also shall have self-determination, +in order that each shall be free to make its world contribution. All +citizens have duties to perform toward their fellow citizens; all +democratic nations must be interdependent. + +With this purpose America has entered the war. But it implies that our +own household must be swept and cleaned. The injustices and inequalities +existing in our own country, the false standards of worth, the +materialism, the luxury and waste must be purged from our midst. + + + +III + +In fighting Germany we are indeed fighting an evil Will--evil because it +seeks to crush the growth of individual and national freedom. Its object +is to put the world back under the thrall of self-constituted authority. +So long as this Will can compel the bodies of soldiers to do its bidding, +these bodies must be destroyed. Until the Will behind them is broken, +the world cannot be free. Junkerism is the final expression of reaction, +organized to the highest efficiency. The war against the Junkers marks +the consummation of a long struggle for human liberty in all lands, +symbolizes the real cleavage dividing the world. As in the French +Revolution and the wars that followed it, the true significance of this +war is social. But today the Russian Revolution sounds the keynote. +Revolutions tend to express the extremes of the philosophies of their +times--human desires, discontents, and passions that cannot be organized. +The French Revolution was a struggle for political freedom; the +underlying issue of the present war is economic freedom--without which +political freedom is of no account. It will not, therefore, suffice +merely to crush the Junkers, and with them militarism and autocracy. +Unless, as the fruit of this appalling bloodshed and suffering, the +democracies achieve economic freedom, the war will have been fought in +vain. More revolutions, wastage and bloodshed will follow, the world +will be reduced to absolute chaos unless, in the more advanced +democracies, an intelligent social order tending to remove the causes +of injustice and discontent can be devised and ready for inauguration. +This new social order depends, in turn, upon a world order of mutually +helpful, free peoples, a league of Nations.--If the world is to be made +safe for democracy, this democratic plan must be ready for the day when +the German Junker is beaten and peace is declared. + +The real issue of our time is industrial democracy we must face that +fact. And those in America and the Entente nations who continue to +oppose it will do so at their peril. Fortunately, as will be shown, that +element of our population which may be designated as domestic Junkers is +capable of being influenced by contemporary currents of thought, is +awakening to the realization of social conditions deplorable and +dangerous. Prosperity and power had made them blind and arrogant. Their +enthusiasm for the war was, however, genuine; the sacrifices they are +making are changing and softening them; but as yet they can scarcely be +expected, as a class, to rejoice over the revelation--just beginning to +dawn upon their minds--that victory for the Allies spells the end of +privilege. Their conception of democracy remains archaic, while wealth +is inherently conservative. Those who possess it in America have as a +rule received an education in terms of an obsolete economics, of the +thought of an age gone by. It is only within the past few years that our +colleges and universities have begun to teach modern economics, social +science and psychology--and this in the face of opposition from trustees. +Successful business men, as a rule, have had neither the time nor the +inclination to read books which they regard as visionary, as subversive +to an order by which they have profited. And that some Americans are +fools, and have been dazzled in Europe by the glamour of a privilege not +attainable at home, is a deplorable yet indubitable fact. These have +little sympathy with democracy; they have even been heard to declare that +we have no right to dictate to another nation, even an enemy nation, what +form of government it shall assume. We have no right to demand, when +peace comes, that the negotiations must be with the representatives of +the German people. These are they who deplore the absence among us of a +tradition of monarchy, since the American people "should have something +to look up to." But this state of mind, which needs no comment, is +comparatively rare, and represents an extreme. We are not lacking, +however, in the type of conservative who, innocent of a knowledge of +psychology, insists that "human nature cannot be changed," and that the +"survival of the fittest" is the law of life, yet these would deny Darwin +if he were a contemporary. They reject the idea that society can be +organized by intelligence, and war ended by eliminating its causes from +the social order. On the contrary they cling to the orthodox contention +that war is a necessary and salutary thing, and proclaim that the +American fibre was growing weak and flabby from luxury and peace, +curiously ignoring the fact that their own economic class, the small +percentage of our population owning sixty per cent. of the wealth of the +country, and which therefore should be most debilitated by luxury, was +most eager for war, and since war has been declared has most amply proved +its courage and fighting quality. This, however, and other evidences of +the patriotic sacrifices of those of our countrymen who possess wealth, +prove that they are still Americans, and encourages the hope and belief +that as Americans they ultimately will do their share toward a democratic +solution of the problem of society. Many of them are capable of vision, +and are beginning to see the light today. + +In America we succeeded in eliminating hereditary power, in obtaining a +large measure of political liberty, only to see the rise of an economic +power, and the consequent loss of economic liberty. The industrial +development of the United States was of course a necessary and desirable +thing, but the economic doctrine which formed the basis of American +institutions proved to be unsuited to industrialism, and introduced +unforeseen evils that were a serious menace to the Republic. An +individualistic economic philosophy worked admirably while there was +ample land for the pioneer, equality of opportunity to satisfy the +individual initiative of the enterprising. But what is known as +industrialism brought in its train fear and favour, privilege and +poverty, slums, disease, and municipal vice, fostered a too rapid +immigration, established in America a tenant system alien to our +traditions. The conditions which existed before the advent of +industrialism are admirably pictured, for instance, in the autobiography +of Mr. Charles Francis Adams, when he describes his native town of Quincy +in the first half of the Nineteenth Century. In those early communities, +poverty was negligible, there was no great contrast between rich and +poor; the artisan, the farmer, the well-to-do merchant met on terms of +mutual self-respect, as man to man; economic class consciousness was non- +existent; education was so widespread that European travellers +wonderingly commented on the fact that we had no "peasantry"; and with +few exceptions every citizen owned a piece of land and a home. Property, +a refuge a man may call his own, and on which he may express his +individuality, is essential to happiness and self-respect. Today, less +than two thirds of our farmers own their land, while vast numbers of our +working men and women possess nothing but the labour of their hands. The +designation of labour as "property" by our courts only served to tighten +the bonds, by obstructing for a time the movement to decrease the tedious +and debilitating hours of contact of the human organism with the +machine,--a menace to the future of the race, especially in the case +of women and children. If labour is "property," wretches driven by +economic necessity have indeed only the choice of a change of masters. +In addition to the manual workers, an army of clerical workers of both +sexes likewise became tenants, and dependents who knew not the +satisfaction of a real home. + +Such conditions gradually brought about a profound discontent, a grouping +of classes. Among the comparatively prosperous there was set up a social +competition in luxury that was the bane of large and small communities. +Skilled labour banded itself into unions, employers organized to oppose +them, and the result was a class conflict never contemplated by the +founders of the Republic, repugnant to democracy which by its very nature +depends for its existence on the elimination of classes. In addition to +this, owing to the unprecedented immigration of ignorant Europeans to +supply the labour demand, we acquired a sinister proletariat of unskilled +economic slaves. Before the war labour discovered its strength; since +the war began, especially in the allied nations with quasi-democratic +institutions, it is aware of its power to exert a leverage capable of +paralyzing industry for a period sufficient to destroy the chances of +victory. The probability of the occurrence of such a calamity depends +wholly on whether or not the workman can be convinced that it is his war, +for he will not exert himself to perpetuate a social order in which he +has lost faith, even though he now obtains a considerable increase in +wages. Agreements entered into with the government by union leaders will +not hold him if at any time he fails to be satisfied that the present +world conflict will not result in a greater social justice. This fact +has been demonstrated by what is known as the "shop steward" movement in +England, where the workers repudiated the leaders' agreements and +everywhere organized local strikes. And in America, the unskilled +workers are largely outside of the unions. + +The workman has a natural and laudable desire to share more fully in the +good things of life. And it is coming to be recognized that material +prosperity, up to a certain point, is the foundation of mental and +spiritual welfare: clean and comfortable surroundings, beauty, rational +amusements, opportunity for a rational satisfaction of, the human. +instincts are essential to contentment and progress. The individual, of +course, must be enlightened; and local labour unions, recognizing this, +are spending considerable sums all over the country on schools to educate +their members. If a workman is a profiteer, he is more to be excused +than the business profiteer, against whom his anger is directed; if he is +a spendthrift, prodigality is a natural consequence of rapid acquisition. +We have been a nation of spendthrifts. + +A failure to grasp the psychology of the worker involves disastrous +consequences. A discussion as to whether or not his attitude is +unpatriotic and selfish is futile. No more profound mistake could be +made than to attribute to any element of the population motives wholly +base. Human nature is neither all black nor all white, yet is capable of +supreme sacrifices when adequately appealed to. What we must get into +our minds is the fact that a social order that insured a large measure of +democracy in the early days of the Republic is inadequate to meet modern +industrial conditions. Higher wages, material prosperity alone will not +suffice to satisfy aspirations for a fuller self-realization, once the +method by which these aspirations can be gained is glimpsed. For it +cannot be too often repeated that the unquenchable conflicts are those +waged for ideas and not dollars. These are tinged with religious +emotion. + + + +IV + +Mr. Wilson's messages to the American people and to the world have +proclaimed a new international order, a League of Democracies. And in a +recent letter to New Jersey Democrats we find him warning his party, or +more properly the nation, of the domestic social changes necessarily +flowing from his international program. While rightly resolved to +prosecute the war on the battle lines to the utmost limit of American +resources, he points out that the true significance of the conflict lies +in "revolutionary change." "Economic and social forces," he says, "are +being released upon the world, whose effect no political seer dare to +conjecture." And we "must search our hearts through and through and make +them ready for the birth of a new day--a day we hope and believe of +greater opportunity and greater prosperity for the average mass of +struggling men and women." He recognizes that the next great step in +the development of democracy which the war must bring about--is the +emancipation of labour; to use his own phrase, the redemption of masses +of men and women from "economic serfdom." "The old party slogans," he +declares, "will mean nothing to the future." + +Judging from this announcement, the President seems prepared to condemn +boldly all the rotten timbers of the social structure that have outlived +their usefulness--a position that hitherto no responsible politician has +dared to take. Politicians, on the contrary, have revered the dead wood, +have sought to shore the old timbers for their own purposes. But so far +as any party is concerned, Mr. Wilson stands alone. Both of the two +great parties, the Republican and the Democratic, in order to make a show +of keeping abreast of the times, have merely patched their platforms with +the new ideas. The Socialist Party in the United States is relatively +small, is divided against itself, and has given no evidence of a +leadership of broad sanity and vision. It is fortunate we have been +spared in this country the formation of a political labour party, because +such a party would have been composed of manual workers alone, and hence +would have tended further to develop economic class consciousness, to +crystallize class antagonisms. Today, however, neither the Republican +nor the Democratic party represents the great issue of the times; the +cleavage between them is wholly artificial. The formation of a Liberal +Party, with a platform avowedly based on modern social science, has +become essential. Such a party, to be in harmony with our traditions and +our creed, to arrest in our democracy the process of class stratification +which threatens to destroy it, must not draw its members from the ranks +of manual labour alone, but from all elements of our population. It +should contain all the liberal professions, and clerks and shopkeepers, +as well as manual workers; administrators, and even those employers who +have become convinced that our present economic system does not suffice +to meet the needs of the day. In short, membership in such a party, as +far as possible, should not be based upon occupation or economic status, +but on an honest difference of view from that of the conservative +opposition. This would be a distinctly American solution. In order to +form such a party a campaign of education will be necessary. For today +Mr. Wilson's strength is derived from the independent vote representing +the faith of the people as a whole; but the majority of those who support +the President, while they ardently desire the abolition in the world of +absolute monarchy, of militarism and commercial imperialism, while they +are anxious that this war shall expedite and not retard the social +reforms in which they are interested, have as yet but a vague conception +of the social order which these reforms imply. + +It marks a signal advance in democracy when liberal opinion in any +nation turns for guidance and support to a statesman of another nation. +No clearer sign of the times could be desired than the fact that our +American President has suddenly become the liberal leader of the world. +The traveller in France, and especially in Britain, meets on all sides +striking evidence of this. In these countries, until America's entrance +into the war, liberals had grown more and more dissatisfied with the +failure of their governments to define in democratic terms the issue of +the conflict, had resented the secret inter-allied compacts, savouring of +imperialism and containing the germs of future war. They are now looking +across the Atlantic for leadership. In France M. Albert Thomas declared +that Woodrow Wilson had given voice to the aspirations of his party, +while a prominent Liberal in England announced in a speech that it had +remained for the American President to express the will and purpose of +the British people. The new British Labour Party and the Inter-Allied +Labour and Socialist Conferences have adopted Mr. Wilson's program and +have made use of his striking phrases. But we have between America and +Britain this difference: in America the President stands virtually alone, +without a party behind him representing his views; in Britain the general +democratic will of the nation is now being organized, but has obtained as +yet no spokesman in the government. + +Extraordinary symptomatic phenomena have occurred in Russia as well as in +Britain. In Russia the rebellion of an awakening people against an age- +long tyranny has almost at once leaped to the issue of the day, taken +on the complexion of a struggle for industrial democracy. Whether the +Germans shall be able to exploit the country, bring about a reaction and +restore for a time monarchical institutions depends largely upon the +fortunes of the war. In Russia there is revolution, with concomitant +chaos; but in Britain there is evolution, an orderly attempt of a people +long accustomed to progress in self-government to establish a new social +order, peacefully and scientifically, and in accordance with a +traditional political procedure. + +The recent development of the British Labour Party, although of deep +significance to Americans, has taken place almost without comment in this +country. It was formally established in 1900, and was then composed of +manual workers alone. In 1906, out of 50 candidates at the polls, 39 +were elected to Parliament; in 1910, 42 were elected. The Parliamentary +Labour Party, so called, has now been amalgamated with four and a half +millions of Trade Unionists, and with the three and a half millions of +members of the Co-operative Wholesale Society and the Co-operative Union. +Allowing for duplication of membership, these three organizations-- +according to Mr. Sidney Webb--probably include two fifths of the +population of the United Kingdom. "So great an aggregation of working +class organizations," he says, "has never come shoulder to shoulder in +any country." Other smaller societies and organizations are likewise +embraced, including the Socialists. And now that the suffrage has been +extended, provision is made for the inclusion of women. The new party is +organizing in from three to four hundred constituencies, and at the next +general election is not unlikely to gain control of the political balance +of power. + +With the majority of Americans, however, the word "labour" as designating +a party arouses suspicion and distrust. By nature and tradition we are +inclined to deplore and oppose any tendency toward the stratification of +class antagonisms--the result of industrial discontent--into political +groups. The British tradition is likewise hostile to such a tendency. +But in Britain the industrial ferment has gone much further than with us, +and such a result was inevitable. By taking advantage of the British +experience, of the closer ties now being knit between the two +democracies, we may in America be spared a stage which in Britain was +necessary. Indeed, the program of the new British Labour Party seems to +point to a distinctly American solution, one in harmony with the steady +growth of Anglo-Saxon democracy. For it is now announced that the word +"labour," as applied to the new party, does not mean manual labour alone, +but also mental labour. The British unions have gradually developed and +placed in power leaders educated in social science, who have now come +into touch with the intellectual leaders of the United Kingdom, with the +sociologists, economists, and social scientists. The surprising and +encouraging result of such association is the announcement that the new +Labour Party is today publicly thrown open to all workers, both by hand +and by brain, with the object of securing for these the full fruits of +their industry. This means the inclusion of physicians, professors, +writers, architects, engineers, and inventors, of lawyers who no longer +regard their profession as a bulwark of the status quo; of clerks, of +administrators of the type evolved by the war, who indeed have gained +their skill under the old order but who now in a social spirit are +dedicating their gifts to the common weal, organizing and directing vast +enterprises for their governments. In short, all useful citizens who +make worthy contributions--as distinguished from parasites, profiteers, +and drones, are invited to be members; there is no class distinction +here. The fortunes of such a party are, of course, dependent upon the +military success of the allied armies and navies. But it has defined the +kind of democracy the Allies are fighting for, and thus has brought about +an unqualified endorsement of the war by those elements of the population +which hitherto have felt the issue to be imperialistic and vague rather +than democratic and clear cut. President Wilson's international program +is approved of and elaborated. + +The Report on Reconstruction of the new British Labour Party is perhaps +the most important political document presented to the world since the +Declaration of Independence. And like the Declaration, it is written in +the pure English that alone gives the high emotional quality of +sincerity. The phrases in which it tersely describes its objects are +admirable. "What is to be reconstructed after the war is over is not +this or that government department, this or that piece of social +machinery, but Society itself." There is to be a systematic approach +towards a "healthy equality of material circumstance for every person +born into the world, and not an enforced dominion over subject nations, +subject colonies, subject classes, or a subject sex." In industry as +well as in government the social order is to be based "on that equal +freedom, that general consciousness of consent, and that widest +participation in power, both economic and political, which is +characteristic of democracy." But all this, it should be noted, is not +to be achieved in a year or two of "feverish reconstruction"; "each brick +that the Labour Party helps to lay shall go to erect the structure it +intends and no other." + +In considering the main features of this program, one must have in mind +whether these are a logical projection and continuation of the Anglo- +Saxon democratic tradition, or whether they constitute an absolute break +with that tradition. The only valid reason for the adoption of such a +program in America would be, of course, the restoration of some such +equality of opportunity and economic freedom as existed in our Republic +before we became an industrial nation. "The first condition of +democracy,"--to quote again from the program, "is effective personal +freedom." + +What is called the "Universal Enforcement of the National Minimum" +contemplates the extension of laws already on the statute books in order +to prevent the extreme degradation of the standard of life brought about +by the old economic system under industrialism. A living minimum wage is +to be established. The British Labour Party intends "to secure to every +member of the community, in good times and bad alike . . . all the +requisites of healthy life and worthy citizenship." + +After the war there is to be no cheap labour market, nor are the millions +of workers and soldiers to fall into the clutches of charity; but it +shall be a national obligation to provide each of these with work +according to his capacity. In order to maintain the demand for labour +at a uniform level, the government is to provide public works. The +population is to be rehoused in suitable dwellings, both in rural +districts and town slums; new and more adequate schools and training +colleges are to be inaugurated; land is to be reclaimed and afforested, +and gradually brought under common ownership; railways and canals are to +be reorganized and nationalized, mines and electric power systems. One +of the significant proposals under this head is that which demands the +retention of the centralization of the purchase of raw materials brought +about by the war. + +In order to accomplish these objects there must be a "Revolution in +National Finance." The present method of raising funds is denounced; and +it is pointed out that only one quarter of the colossal expenditure made +necessary by the war has been raised by taxation, and that the three +quarters borrowed at onerous rates is sure to be a burden on the nation's +future. The capital needed, when peace comes, to ensure a happy and +contented democracy must be procured without encroaching on the minimum +standard of life, and without hampering production. Indirect taxation +must therefore be concentrated on those luxuries of which it is desirable +that the consumption be discouraged. The steadily rising unearned +increment of urban and mineral land ought, by appropriate direct +taxation, to be brought into the public exchequer; "the definite +teachings of economic science are no longer to be disregarded." Hence +incomes are to be taxed above the necessary cost of family maintenance, +private fortunes during life and at death; while a special capital levy +must be made to pay off a substantial portion of the national debt. + +"The Democratic Control of Industry" contemplates the progressive +elimination of the private capitalist and the setting free of all who +work by hand and brain for the welfare of all. + +The Surplus Wealth is to be expended for the Common Good. That which +Carlyle designates as the "inward spiritual," in contrast to the "outward +economical," is also to be provided for. "Society," says the document, +"like the individual, does not live by bread alone, does not exist only +for perpetual wealth production." First of all, there is to be education +according to the highest modern standard; and along with education, the +protection and advancement of the public health, 'mens sana in corpore +sano'. While large sums must be set aside, not only for original +research in every branch of knowledge, but for the promotion of music, +literature, and fine art, upon which "any real development of +civilization fundamentally depends." + +In regard to the British Empire, the Labour Party urges self-government +for any people, whatever its colour, proving itself capable, and the +right of that people to the proceeds of its own toil upon the resources +of its territory. An unequivocal stand is taken for the establishment, +as a part of the treaty of peace, of a Universal Society of Nations; +and recognizing that the future progress of democracy depends upon +co-operation and fellowship between liberals of all countries, the +maintenance of intimate relationships is advocated with liberals oversea. + +Finally, a scientific investigation of each succeeding problem in +government is insisted upon, and a much more rapid dissemination among +the people of the science that exists. "A plutocratic party may choose +to ignore science, but no labour party can hope to maintain its position +unless its proposals are, in fact, the outcome of the best political +science of its time." + + + +V + +There are, it will be seen, some elements in the program of the new +British Labour Party apparently at variance with American and English +institutions, traditions, and ideas. We are left in doubt, for instance, +in regard to its attitude toward private property. The instinct for +property is probably innate in humanity, and American conservatism in +this regard is, according to certain modern economists, undoubtedly +sound. A man should be permitted to acquire at least as much property +as is required for the expression of his personality; such a wise +limitation, also, would abolish the evil known as absentee ownership. +Again, there will arise in many minds the question whether the funds for +the plan of National finance outlined in the program may be obtained +without seriously deranging the economic system of the nation and of the +world. The older school denounces the program as Utopian. On the other +hand, economists of the modern school who have been consulted have +declared it practical. It is certain that before the war began it would +not have been thought possible to raise the billions which in four years +have been expended on sheer destruction; and one of our saddest +reflections today must be of regret that a small portion of these +billions which have gone to waste could not have been expended for the +very purposes outlined--education, public health, the advancement of +science and art, public buildings, roads and parks, and the proper +housing of populations! It is also dawning upon us, as a result of new +practices brought about by the war, that our organization of industry was +happy-go-lucky, inefficient and wasteful, and that a more scientific and +economical organization is imperative. Under such a new system it may +well be, as modern economists claim, that, we shall have an ample surplus +for the Common Good. + +The chief objection to a National or Democratic Control of Industry has +been that it would tend to create vast political machines and thus give +the politicians in office a nefarious power. It is not intended here to +attempt a refutation of this contention. The remedy lies in a changed +attitude of the employee and the citizen toward government, and the fact +that such an attitude is now developing is not subject to absolute proof. +It may be said, however, that no greater menace to democracy could have +arisen than the one we seem barely to have escaped--the control of +politics and government by the capitalistic interests of the nation. +What seems very clear is that an evolutionary drift toward the national +control of industry has for many years been going on, and that the war +has tremendously speeded up the tendency. Government has stepped in to +protect the consumer of necessities from the profiteer, and is beginning +to set a limit upon profits; has regulated exports and imports; +established a national shipping corporation and merchant marine, and +entered into other industries; it has taken over the railroads at least +for the duration of the war, and may take over coal mines, and metal +resources, as well as the forests and water power; it now contemplates +the regulation of wages. + +The exigency caused by the war, moreover, has transformed the former +practice of international intercourse. Co-operation has replaced +competition. We are reorganizing and regulating our industries, our +business, making sacrifices and preparing to make more sacrifices in +order to meet the needs of our Allies, now that they are sore beset. +For a considerable period after the war is ended, they will require our +aid. We shall be better off than any other of the belligerent nations, +and we shall therefore be called upon to practice, during the years of +reconstruction, a continuation of the same policy of helpfulness. +Indeed, for the nations of the world to spring, commercially speaking, +at one another's throats would be suicidal even if it were possible. +Mr. Sidney Webb has thrown a flood of light upon the conditions likely +to prevail. For example, speculative export trade is being replaced by +collective importing, bringing business more directly under the control +of the consumer. This has been done by co-operative societies, by +municipalities and states, in Switzerland, France, the United Kingdom, +and in Germany. The Co-operative Wholesale Society of Great Britain, +acting on behalf of three and a half million families, buys two and a +half million dollars of purchases annually. And the Entente nations, in +order to avoid competitive bidding, are buying collectively from us, not +only munitions of war, but other supplies, while the British Government +has made itself the sole importer of such necessities as wheat, sugar, +tea, refrigerated meat, wool, and various metals. The French and Italian +governments, and also certain neutral states, have done likewise. A +purchasing commission for all the Allies and America is now proposed. +After the war, as an inevitable result, for one thing, of transforming +some thirty million citizens into soldiers, of engaging a like number of +men and women at enhanced wages on the manufacture of the requisites of +war, Mr. Webb predicts a world shortage not only in wheat and foodstuffs +but in nearly all important raw materials. These will be required for +the resumption of manufacture. In brief, international co-operation will +be the only means of salvation. The policy of international trade +implied by world shortage is not founded upon a law of "supply and +demand." The necessities cannot be permitted to go to those who can +afford to pay the highest prices, but to those who need them most. For +the "free play of economic forces" would mean famine on a large scale, +because the richer nations and the richer classes within the nations +might be fully supplied; but to the detriment and ruin of the world the +poorer nations and the poorer classes would be starved. Therefore +governments are already beginning to give consideration to a new +organization of international trade for at least three years after the +war. Now if this organization produce, as it may produce, a more +desirable civilization and a happier world order, we are not likely +entirely to go back--especially in regard to commodities which are +necessities--to a competitive system. The principle of "priority of +need" will supersede the law of "supply and demand." And the +organizations built up during the war, if they prove efficient, will not +be abolished. Hours of labour and wages in the co-operative League of +Nations will gradually be equalized, and tariffs will become things of +the past. "The axiom will be established," says Mr. Webb, "that the +resources of every country must, be held for the benefit not only of its +own people but of the world . . . . The world shortage will, for +years to come, make import duties look both oppressive and ridiculous." + +So much may be said for the principle of Democratic Control. In spite of +all theoretical opposition, circumstances and evolution apparently point +to its establishment. A system that puts a premium on commercial greed +seems no longer possible. + +The above comments, based on the drift of political practice during the +past decade and a half, may be taken for what they are worth. +Predictions are precarious. The average American will be inclined to +regard the program of the new British Labour Party as the embodiment of +what he vaguely calls Socialism, and to him the very word is repugnant. +Although he may never have heard of Marx, it is the Marxian conception +that comes to his mind, and this implies coercion, a government that +constantly interferes with his personal liberty, that compels him to +tasks for which he has no relish. But your American, and your +Englishman, for that matter, is inherently an individualist he wants as +little government as is compatible with any government at all. And the +descendants of the continental Europeans who flock to our shores are +Anglo-Saxonized, also become by environment and education individualists. +The great importance of preserving this individualism, this spirit in our +citizens of selfreliance, this suspicion against too much interference +with personal liberty, must at once be admitted. And any scheme for a +social order that tends to eliminate and destroy it should by Americans +be summarily rejected. + +The question of supreme interest to us, therefore, is whether the social +order implied in the British program is mainly in the nature of a +development of, or a break with, the Anglo-Saxon democratic tradition. +The program is derived from an English source. It is based on what is +known as modern social science, which has as its ultimate sanction the +nature of the human mind as revealed by psychology. A consideration of +the principles underlying this proposed social order may prove that it is +essentially--if perhaps paradoxically--individualistic, a logical +evolution of institutions which had their origin in the Magna Charta. +Our Declaration of Independence proclaimed that every citizen had the +right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," which means the +opportunity to achieve the greatest self-development and self- +realization. The theory is that each citizen shall find his place, +according to his gifts and abilities, and be satisfied therewith. We may +discover that this is precisely what social science, in an industrial +age, and by spiritualizing human effort, aims to achieve. We may find +that the appearance of such a program as that of the British Labour +Party, supported as it is by an imposing proportion of the population +of the United Kingdom, marks a further step, not only in the advance +of social science and democracy, but also of Christianity. + +I mention Christianity, not for controversial or apologetic reasons, but +because it has been the leaven of our western civilization ever since the +fall of the Roman Empire. Its constant influence has been to soften and +spiritualize individual and national relationships. The bitter +controversies, wars, and persecutions which have raged in its name are +utterly alien to its being. And that the present war is now being fought +by the Allies in the hope of putting an end to war, and is thus in the +true spirit of Christianity, marks an incomparable advance. + +Almost up to the present day, both in our conception and practice of +Christianity, we have largely neglected its most important elements. +Christian orthodoxy, as Auguste Sabatier points out, is largely derived +from the older supernatural religions. The preservative shell of dogma +and superstition has been cracking, and is now ready to burst, and the +social teaching of Jesus would seem to be the kernel from which has +sprung modern democracy, modern science, and modern religion--a trinity +and unity. + +For nearly two thousand years orthodoxy has insisted that the social +principles of Christianity are impractical. And indeed, until the +present day, they have been so. Physical science, by enormously +accelerating the means of transportation and communication, has so +contracted the world as to bring into communion peoples and races +hitherto far apart; has made possible an intelligent organization of +industry which, for the first time in history, can create a surplus ample +to maintain in comfort the world's population. But this demands the will +to co-operation, which is a Christian principle--a recognition of the +brotherhood of man. Furthermore, physical science has increased the need +for world peace and international co-operation because the territories of +all nations are now subject to swift and terrible invasion by modern +instruments of destruction, while the future submarine may sweep commerce +from the seas. + +Again, orthodoxy declares that human nature is inherently "bad," while +true Christianity, endorsed by psychology, proclaims it inherently +"good," which means that, properly guided, properly educated, it is +creative and contributive rather than destructive. No more striking +proof of this fact can be cited than the modern experiment in prison +reform in which hardened convicts, when "given a chance," frequently +become useful citizens. Unjust and unintelligent social conditions are +the chief factors in making criminals. + +Our most modern system of education, of which Professor John Dewey is the +chief protagonist, is based upon the assertions of psychology that human +nature is essentially "good" creative. Every normal child is supposed to +have a special "distinction" or gift, which it is the task of the +educator to discover. This distinction found, the child achieves +happiness in creation and contribution. Self-realization demands +knowledge and training: the doing of right is not a negative but a +positive act; it is not without significance that the Greek word for sin +is literally "missing the mark." Christianity emphasizes above all else +the worth of the individual, yet recognizes that the individual can +develop only in society. And if the individual be of great worth, this +worth must be by society developed to its utmost. Universal suffrage is +a logical corollary. + +Universal suffrage, however, implies individual judgment, which means +that the orthodox principle of external authority is out of place both +in Christianity and democracy. The Christian theory is that none shall +intervene between a man's Maker and himself; democracy presupposes that +no citizen shall accept his beliefs and convictions from others, but +shall make up his own mind and act accordingly. Open-mindedness is the +first requisite of science and democracy. + +What has been deemed, however, in Christianity the most unrealizable +ideal is that which may be called pacifism--to resist not evil, to turn +the other cheek, to agree with your adversary while you are in the way +with him. "I come not," said Jesus, in one of those paradoxical +statements hitherto so difficult to understand, "I come not to bring +peace, but a sword." It is indeed what we are fighting for--peace. But +we believe today, more strongly than ever before, as democracy advances, +as peoples tend to gain more and more control over their governments, +that even this may not be an unrealizable ideal. Democracies, intent on +self-realization and self-development, do not desire war. + +The problem of social science, then, appears to be to organize human +society on the principles and ideals of Christianity. But in view of the +fact that the trend of evolution is towards the elimination of commercial +competition, the question which must seriously concern us today is--What +in the future shall be the spur of individual initiative? Orthodoxy and +even democratic practice have hitherto taken it for granted--in spite of +the examples of highly socialized men, benefactors of society--that +the average citizen will bestir himself only for material gain. And it +must be admitted that competition of some sort is necessary for self- +realization, that human nature demands a prize. There can be no self- +sacrifice without a corresponding self-satisfaction. The answer is that +in the theory of democracy, as well as in that of Christianity, +individualism and co-operation are paradoxically blended. For +competition, Christianity substitutes emulation. And with democracy, +it declares that mankind itself can gradually be rained towards the level +of the choice individual who does not labour for gain, but in behalf of +society. For the process of democracy is not degrading, but lifting. +Like Christianity, democracy demands faith, and has as its inspiring +interpretation of civilization evolution towards a spiritual goal. Yet +the kind of faith required is no longer a blind faith, but one founded on +sane and carefully evolved theories. Democracy has become a scientific +experiment. + +In this connection, as one notably inspired by emulation, by the joy of +creative work and service, the medical profession comes first to mind. +The finer element in this profession is constantly increasing in numbers, +growing more and more influential, making life less easy for the quack, +the vendor of nostrums, the commercial proprietor of the bogus medical +college. The doctor who uses his talents for gain is frowned upon by +those of his fellow practitioners whose opinion really counts. Respected +physicians in our cities give much of their time to teaching, animating +students with their own spirit; and labour long hours, for no material +return, in the clinics of the poor. And how often, in reading our +newspapers, do we learn that some medical scientist, by patient work, and +often at the risk of life and health, has triumphed over a scourge which +has played havoc with humanity throughout the ages! Typhoid has been +conquered, and infant paralysis; gangrene and tetanus, which have taken +such toll of the wounded in Flanders and France; yellow fever has been +stamped out in the tropics; hideous lesions are now healed by a system of +drainage. The very list of these achievements is bewildering, and +latterly we are given hope of the prolongation of life itself. Here in +truth are Christian deeds multiplied by science, made possible by a +growing knowledge of and mastery over Nature. + +Such men by virtue of their high mission are above the vicious social and +commercial competition poisoning the lives of so many of their fellow +citizens. In our democracy they have found their work, and the work is +its own reward. They give striking testimony to the theory that +absorption in a creative or contributive task is the only source of self- +realization. And he has little faith in mankind who shall declare that +the medical profession is the only group capable of being socialized, +or, rather, of socializing themselves--for such is the true process of +democracy. Public opinion should be the leaven. What is possible for +the doctor is also possible for the lawyer, for the teacher. In a +democracy, teaching should be the most honoured of the professions, and +indeed once was,--before the advent of industrialism, when it gradually +fell into neglect,--occasionally into deplorable submission to the +possessors of wealth. Yet a wage disgracefully low, hardship, and even +poverty have not hindered men of ability from entering it in increasing +numbers, renouncing ease and luxuries. The worth of the contributions of +our professors to civilization has been inestimable; and fortunately +signs are not lacking that we are coming to an appreciation of the value +of the expert in government, who is replacing the panderer and the +politician. A new solidarity of teaching professional opinion, together +with a growing realization by our public of the primary importance of the +calling, is tending to emancipate it, to establish it in its rightful +place. + +Nor are our engineers without their ideal. A Goethals did not cut an +isthmus in two for gain. + +Industrialism, with its concomitant "corporation" practice, has +undoubtedly been detrimental to the legal profession, since it has +resulted in large fees; in the accumulation of vast fortunes, frequently +by methods ethically questionable. Grave social injustices have been +done, though often in good faith, since the lawyer, by training and +experience, has hitherto been least open to the teachings of the new +social science, has been an honest advocate of the system of 'laissez +faire'. But to say that the American legal profession is without ideals +and lacking in the emulative spirit would be to do it a grave injustice. +The increasing influence of national and state bar associations evidences +a professional opinion discouraging to the unscrupulous; while a new +evolutionary and more humanitarian conception of law is now beginning to +be taught, and young men are entering the ranks imbued with this. Legal +clinics, like medical clinics, are established for the benefit of those +who cannot afford to pay fees, for the protection of the duped from the +predatory quack. And, it must be said of this profession, which hitherto +has held a foremost place in America, that its leaders have never +hesitated to respond to a public call, to sacrifice their practices to +serve the nation. Their highest ambition has even been to attain the +Supreme Court, where the salary is a mere pittance compared to what they +may earn as private citizens. + +Thus we may review all the groups in the nation, but the most significant +transformation of all is taking place within the business group,--where +indeed it might be least expected. Even before the war there were many +evidences that the emulative spirit in business had begun to modify the +merely competitive, and eve had the spectacle of large employers of +labour awakening to the evils of industrialism, and themselves attempting +to inaugurate reforms. As in the case of labour, it would be obviously +unfair to claim that the employer element was actuated by motives of +self-interest alone; nor were their concessions due only to fear. +Instances could be cited, if there were space, of voluntary shortening of +hours of labour, of raising of wages, when no coercion was exerted either +by the labour unions or the state; and--perhaps to their surprise +employers discovered that such acts were not only humane but profitable! +Among these employers, in fact, may be observed individuals in various +stages of enlightenment, from the few who have educated themselves in +social science, who are convinced that the time has come when it is not +only practicable but right, who realize that a new era has dawned; to +others who still believe in the old system, who are trying to bolster it +up by granting concessions, by establishing committees of conference, by +giving a voice and often a financial interest, but not a vote, in the +conduct of the corporation concerned. These are the counterpart, in +industry, of sovereigns whose away has been absolute, whose intentions +are good, but who hesitate, often from conviction, to grant +constitutions. Yet even these are responding in some degree to social +currents, though the aggressive struggles of labour may have influenced +them, and partially opened their eyes. They are far better than their +associates who still seek to control the supplies of food and other +necessities, whose efficiency is still solely directed, not toward a +social end, but toward the amassing of large fortunes, and is therefore +wasted so far as society is concerned. They do not perceive that by +seeking to control prices they merely hasten the tendency of government +control, for it is better to have government regulation for the benefit +of the many than proprietary control, however efficient, for the benefit +of the few. + +That a significant change of heart and mind has begun to take place +amongst capitalists, that the nucleus of a "public opinion" has been +formed within an element which, by the use and wont of business and +habits of thought might be regarded as least subject to the influence of +social ideas, is a most hopeful augury. This nascent opinion has begun +to operate by shaming unscrupulous and recalcitrant employers into better +practices. It would indeed fare ill with democracy if, in such an era, +men of large business proved to be lacking in democratic initiative, +wholly unreceptive and hostile to the gradual introduction of democracy +into industry, which means the perpetuation of the American Idea. +Fortunately, with us, this capitalistic element is of comparatively +recent growth, the majority of its members are essentially Americans; +they have risen from small beginnings, and are responsive to a democratic +appeal--if that appeal be properly presented. And, as a matter of fact, +for many years a leaven had been at work among them; the truth has been +brought home to them that the mere acquisition of wealth brings neither +happiness nor self-realization; they have lavished their money on +hospitals and universities, clinics, foundations for scientific research, +and other gifts of inestimable benefit to the nation and mankind. +Although the munificence was on a Medicean scale, this private charity +was in accord with the older conception of democracy, and paved the way +for a new order. + +The patriotic and humanitarian motive aroused by the war greatly +accelerated the socializing transformation of the business man and the +capitalist. We have, indeed, our profiteers seeking short cuts to luxury +and wealth; but those happily most representative of American affairs, +including the creative administrators, hastened to Washington with a +willingness to accept any position in which they might be useful, and +in numerous instances placed at the disposal of the government the +manufacturing establishments which, by industry and ability, they +themselves had built up. That in thus surrendering the properties for +which they were largely responsible they hoped at the conclusion of peace +to see restored the 'status quo ante' should not be held against them. +Some are now beginning to surmise that a complete restoration is +impossible; and as a result of their socializing experience, are even +wondering whether it is desirable. These are beginning to perceive that +the national and international organizations in the course of +construction to meet the demands of the world conflict must form the +model for a future social structure; that the unprecedented pressure +caused by the cataclysm is compelling a recrystallization of society in +which there must be fewer misfits, in which many more individuals than +formerly shall find public or semi-public tasks in accordance with their +gifts and abilities. + +It may be argued that war compels socialization, that after the war the +world will perforce return to materialistic individualism. But this +calamity, terrible above all others, has warned us of the imperative need +of an order that shall be socializing, if we are not to witness the +destruction of our civilization itself. Confidence that such an order, +thanks to the advancement of science, is now within our grasp should not +be difficult for Americans, once they have rightly conceived it. We, who +have always pinned our faith to ideas, who entered the conflict for an +Idea, must be the last to shirk the task, however Herculean, of world +reconstruction along the lines of our own professed faith. We cannot be +renegades to Democracy. + +Above all things, then, it is essential for us as a people not to abandon +our faith in man, our belief that not only the exceptional individual but +the majority of mankind can be socialized. What is true of our +physicians, our scientists and professional men, our manual workers, is +also true of our capitalists and business men. In a more just and +intelligent organization of society these will be found willing to +administer and improve for the common weal the national resources which +formerly they exploited for the benefit of themselves and their +associates. The social response, granted the conditions, is innate in +humanity, and individual initiative can best be satisfied in social +realization. + +Universal education is the cornerstone of democracy. And the recognition +of this fact may be called the great American contribution. But in our +society the fullest self-realization depends upon a well balanced +knowledge of scientific facts, upon a rounded culture. Thus education, +properly conceived, is a preparation for intelligent, ethical, and +contented citizenship. Upon the welfare of the individual depends the +welfare of all. Without education, free institutions and universal +suffrage are mockeries; semi-learned masses of the population are at the +mercy of scheming politicians, controversialists, and pseudo-scientific +religionists, and their votes are swayed by prejudice. + +In a materialistic competitive order, success in life depends upon the +knack--innate or acquired, and not to be highly rated--of outwitting +one's neighbour under the rules of the game--the law; education is merely +a cultural leaven within the reach of the comparatively few who can +afford to attend a university. The business college is a more logical +institution. In an emulative civilization, however, the problem is to +discover and develop in childhood and youth the personal aptitude or gift +of as many citizens as possible, in order that they may find self- +realization by making their peculiar contribution towards the advancement +of society. + +The prevailing system of education, which we have inherited from the +past, largely fails to accomplish this. In the first place, it has been +authoritative rather than scientific, which is to say that students have +been induced to accept the statements of teachers and text books, and +have not been trained to weigh for themselves their reasonableness and +worth; a principle essentially unscientific and undemocratic, since it +inculcates in the future citizen convictions rather than encourages the +habit of openmindedness so necessary for democratic citizenship. For +democracy--it cannot be too often repeated--is a dynamic thing, +experimental, creative in its very essence. No static set of opinions +can apply to the constantly changing aspect of affairs. New discoveries, +which come upon us with such bewildering rapidity, are apt abruptly to +alter social and industrial conditions, while morals and conventions are +no longer absolute. Sudden crises threaten the stability of nations and +civilizations. Safety lies alone in the ability to go forward, to +progress. Psychology teaches us that if authoritative opinions, +convictions, or "complexes" are stamped upon the plastic brain of the +youth they tend to harden, and he is apt to become a Democrat or +Republican, an Episcopalian or a Baptist, a free trader or a tariff +advocate or a Manchester economist without asking why. Such "complexes" +were probably referred to by the celebrated physician who emphasized the +hopelessness of most individuals over forty. And every reformer and +forum lecturer knows how difficult it is to convert the average audience +of seasoned adults to a new idea: he finds the most responsive groups in +the universities and colleges. It is significant that the "educated" +adult audiences in clubs and prosperous churches are the least open to +conversion, because, in the scientific sense, the "educated" classes +retain complexes, and hence are the least prepared to cope with the world +as it is today. The German system, which has been bent upon installing +authoritative conviction instead of encouraging freedom of thought, +should be a warning to us. + +Again, outside of the realm of physical science, our text books have been +controversial rather than impartial, especially in economics and history; +resulting in erroneous and distorted and prejudiced ideas of events, +such for instance, as our American Revolution. The day of the +controversialist is happily coming to an end, and of the writer who +twists the facts of science to suit a world of his own making, or of that +of a group with which he is associated. Theory can now be labelled +theory, and fact, fact. Impartial and painstaking investigation is the +sole method of obtaining truth. + +The old system of education benefited only the comparatively few to +whose nature and inclination it was adapted. We have need, indeed, of +classical scholars, but the majority of men and women are meant for other +work; many, by their very construction of mind, are unfitted to become +such. And only in the most exceptional cases are the ancient languages +really mastered; a smattering of these, imposed upon the unwilling +scholar by a principle opposed to psychology,--a smattering from which is +derived no use and joy in after life, and which has no connection with +individual inclination--is worse than nothing. Precious time is wasted +during the years when the mind is most receptive. While the argument of +the old school that discipline can only be inculcated by the imposition +of a distasteful task is unsound. As Professor Dewey points out, unless +the interest is in some way involved there can be no useful discipline. +And how many of our university and high school graduates today are in any +sense disciplined? Stimulated interest alone can overcome the resistance +imposed by a difficult task, as any scientist, artist, organizer or +administrator knows. Men will discipline themselves to gain a desired +end. Under the old system of education a few children succeed either +because they are desirous of doing well, interested in the game of mental +competition; or else because they contrive to clothe with flesh and blood +some subject presented as a skeleton. It is not uncommon, indeed, to +recognize in later years with astonishment a useful citizen or genius +whom at school or college we recall as a dunce or laggard. In our +present society, because of archaic methods of education, the development +of such is largely left to chance. Those who might have been developed +in time, who might have found their task, often become wasters, drudges, +and even criminals. + +The old system tends to make types, to stamp every scholar in the same +mould, whether he fits it or not. More and more the parents of today are +looking about for new schools, insisting that a son or daughter possesses +some special gift which, under teachers of genius, might be developed +before it is too late. And in most cases, strange to say, the parents +are right. They themselves have been victims of a standardized system. + +A new and distinctly American system of education, designed to meet the +demands of modern conditions, has been put in practice in parts of the +United States. In spite of opposition from school boards, from all those +who cling to the conviction that education must of necessity be an +unpalatable and "disciplinary" process, the number of these schools is +growing. The objection, put forth by many, that they are still in the +experimental stage, is met by the reply that experiment is the very +essence of the system. Democracy is experimental, and henceforth +education will remain experimental for all time. But, as in any other +branch of science, the element of ascertained fact will gradually +increase: the latent possibilities in the mind of the healthy child will +be discovered by knowledge gained through impartial investigation. The +old system, like all other institutions handed down to us from the ages, +proceeds on no intelligent theory, has no basis on psychology, and is +accepted merely because it exists. + +The new education is selective. The mind of each child is patiently +studied with the view of discovering the peculiar bent, and this bent is +guided and encouraged. The child is allowed to forge ahead in those +subjects for which he shows an aptitude, and not compelled to wait on a +class. Such supervision, of course, demands more teachers, teachers of +an ability hitherto deplorably rare, and thoroughly trained in their +subjects, with a sympathetic knowledge of the human mind. Theirs will be +the highest and most responsible function in the state, and they must be +rewarded in proportion to their services. + +A superficial criticism declares that in the new schools children will +study only "what they like." On the contrary, all subjects requisite for +a wide culture, as well as for the ability to cope with existence in a +highly complex civilization, are insisted upon. It is true, however, +that the trained and gifted teacher is able to discover a method of so +presenting a subject as to seize the imagination and arouse the interest +and industry of a majority of pupils. In the modern schools French, for +example, is really taught; pupils do not acquire a mere smattering of the +language. And, what is more important, the course of study is directly +related to life, and to practical experience, instead of being set forth +abstractly, as something which at the time the pupil perceives no +possibility of putting into use. At one of the new schools in the south, +the ignorant child of the mountains at once acquires a knowledge of +measurement and elementary arithmetic by laying out a garden, of letters +by inscribing his name on a little signboard in order to identify his +patch--for the moment private property. And this principle is carried +through all the grades. In the Gary Schools and elsewhere the making of +things in the shops, the modelling of a Panama Canal, the inspection of +industries and governmental establishments, the designing, building, and +decoration of houses, the discussion and even dramatization of the books +read,--all are a logical and inevitable continuation of the abstract +knowledge of the schoolroom. The success of the direct application of +learning to industrial and professional life may also be observed in such +colleges as those at Cincinnati and Schenectady, where young men spend +half the time of the course in the shops of manufacturing, corporations, +often earning more than enough to pay their tuition. + +Children are not only prepared for democratic citizenship by being +encouraged to think for themselves, but also to govern and discipline +themselves. On the moral side, under the authoritative system of lay +and religious training, character was acquired at the expense of mental +flexibility--the Puritan method; our problem today, which the new system +undertakes, is to produce character with open-mindedness--the kind of +character possessed by many great scientists. Absorption in an +appropriate task creates a moral will, while science, knowledge, informs +the mind why a thing is "bad" or "good," disintegrating or upbuilding. +Moreover, these children are trained for democratic government by the +granting of autonomy. They have their own elected officials, their own +courts; their decisions are, of course, subject to reversal by the +principal, but in practice this seldom occurs. + +The Gary Schools and many of the new schools are public schools. And the +principle of the new education that the state is primarily responsible +for the health of pupils--because an unsound body is apt to make an +unsound citizen of backward intelligence--is now being generally adopted +by public schools all over the country. This idea is essentially an +element of the democratic contention that all citizens must be given +an equality of opportunity--though all may not be created equal--now +becoming a positive rather than a negative right, guaranteed by the state +itself. An earnest attempt is thus made by the state to give every +citizen a fair start that in later years he may have no ground for +discontent or complaint. He stands on his own feet, he rises in +proportion to his ability and industry. Hence the program of the British +Labour Party rightly lays stress on education, on "freedom of mental +opportunity." The vast sums it proposes to spend for this purpose are +justified. + +If such a system of education as that briefly outlined above is carefully +and impartially considered, the objection that democratic government +founded on modern social science is coercive must disappear. So far as +the intention and effort of the state is able to confer it, every citizen +will have his choice of the task he is to perform for society, his +opportunity for self-realization. For freedom without education is a +myth. By degrees men and women are making ready to take their places in +an emulative rather than a materialistically competitive order. But the +experimental aspect of this system should always be borne in mind, with +the fact that its introduction and progress, like that of other elements +in the democratic program, must be gradual, though always proceeding +along sound lines. For we have arrived at that stage of enlightenment +when we realize that the only mundane perfection lies in progress rather +than achievement. The millennium is always a lap ahead. There would be +no satisfaction in overtaking it, for then we should have nothing more to +do, nothing more to work for. + +The German Junkers have prostituted science by employing it for the +destruction of humanity. In the name of Christianity they have waged the +most barbaric war in history. Yet if they shall have demonstrated to +mankind the futility of efficiency achieved merely for material ends; if, +by throwing them on a world screen, they shall have revealed the evils of +power upheld alone by ruthlessness and force, they will unwittingly have +performed a world service. Privilege and dominion, powers and +principalities acquired by force must be sustained by force. To fail +will be fatal. Even a duped people, trained in servility, will not +consent to be governed by an unsuccessful autocracy. Arrogantly Germany +has staked her all on world domination. Hence a victory for the Allies +must mean a democratic Germany. + +Nothing short of victory. There can be no arrangement, no agreement, +no parley with or confidence in these modern scions of darkness-- +Hohenzollerns, Hindenburgs, Zudendorffs and their tools. Propaganda must +not cease; the eyes of Germans still capable of sight must be opened. +But, as the President says, force must be used to the limit--force for a +social end as opposed to force for an evil end. There are those among us +who advocate a boycott of Germany after peace is declared. These would +seem to take it for granted that we shall fall short of victory, and +hence that selfish retaliative or vindictive practices between nations, +sanctioned by imperialism, will continue to flourish after the war. But +should Germany win she will see to it that there is no boycott against +her. A compromised peace would indeed mean the perpetuation of both +imperialism and militarism. + +It is characteristic of those who put their faith in might alone that +they are not only blind to the finer relationships between individuals +and nations, but take no account of the moral forces in human affairs +which in the long run are decisive,--a lack of sensitiveness which +explains Germany's colossal blunders. The first had to do with Britain. +The German militarists persisted in the belief that the United Kingdom +was degenerated by democracy, intent upon the acquisition of wealth, +distracted by strife at home, uncertain of the Empire, and thus would +selfishly remain aloof while the Kaiser's armies overran and enslaved the +continent. What happened, to Germany's detriment, was the instant +socialization of Britain, and the binding together of the British Empire. +Germany's second great blunder was an arrogant underestimation of a self- +reliant people of English culture and traditions. She believed that we, +too, had been made flabby by democracy, were wholly intent upon the +pursuit of the dollar--only to learn that America would lavish her vast +resources and shed her blood for a cause which was American. Germany +herself provided that cause, shaped the issues so that there was no +avoiding them. She provided the occasion for the socializing of America +also; and thus brought about, within a year, a national transformation +which in times of peace might scarce in half a century have been +accomplished. + +Above all, as a consequence of these two blunders, Germany has been +compelled to witness the consummation of that which of all things she had +most to fear, the cementing of a lasting fellowship between the English +speaking Republic and the English speaking Empire. For we had been +severed since the 18th Century by misunderstandings which of late Germany +herself had been more or less successful in fostering. She has furnished +a bond not only between our governments, but--what is vastly more +important for democracy--a bond between our peoples. Our soldiers are +now side by side with those of the Empire on the Frontier of Freedom; the +blood of all is shed and mingled for a great cause embodied in the Anglo- +Saxon tradition of democracy; and our peoples, through the realization +of common ideas and common ends, are learning the supreme lesson of +co-operation between nations with a common past, are being cemented into +a union which is the symbol and forerunner of the democratic league of +Nations to come. Henceforth, we believe, because of this union, so +natural yet so long delayed, by virtue of the ultimate victory it +forecasts, the sun will never set on the Empire of the free, for the drum +beats of democracy have been heard around the world. To this Empire will +be added the precious culture of France, which the courage of her sons +will have preserved, the contributions of Italy, and of Russia, yes, and +of Japan. + +Our philosophy and our religion are changing; hence it is more and more +difficult to use the old terms to describe moral conduct. We say, for +instance, that America's action in entering the war has been "unselfish." +But this merely means that we have our own convictions concerning the +ultimate comfort of the world, the manner of self-realization of +individuals and nations. We are attempting to turn calamity into good. +If this terrible conflict shall result in the inauguration of an +emulative society, if it shall bring us to the recognition that +intelligence and science may be used for the upbuilding of such an order, +and for an eventual achievement of world peace, every sacrifice shall +have been justified. + +Such is the American Issue. Our statesmen and thinkers have helped to +evolve it, our people with their blood and treasure are consecrating it. +And these statesmen and thinkers, of whom our American President is not +the least, are of democracy the pioneers. From the mountain tops on +which they stand they behold the features of the new world, the dawn of +the new day hidden as yet from their brothers in the valley. Let us have +faith always that it is coming, and struggle on, highly resolving that +those who gave their lives in the hour of darkness shall not have died in +vain. + + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION, BY CHURCHILL *** + +************ This file should be named wc62w10.txt or wc62w10.zip ************ + +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, wc62w11.txt +VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, wc62w10a.txt + +This eBook was produced by David Widger <widger@cecomet.net> + +Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we usually do not +keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition. + +We are now trying to release all our eBooks one year in advance +of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing. +Please be encouraged to tell us about any error or corrections, +even years after the official publication date. + +Please note neither this listing nor its contents are final til +midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement. +The official release date of all Project Gutenberg eBooks is at +Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month. A +preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment +and editing by those who wish to do so. + +Most people start at our Web sites at: +http://gutenberg.net or +http://promo.net/pg + +These Web sites include award-winning information about Project +Gutenberg, including how to donate, how to help produce our new +eBooks, and how to subscribe to our email newsletter (free!). + + +Those of you who want to download any eBook before announcement +can get to them as follows, and just download by date. This is +also a good way to get them instantly upon announcement, as the +indexes our cataloguers produce obviously take a while after an +announcement goes out in the Project Gutenberg Newsletter. + +http://www.ibiblio.org/gutenberg/etext03 or +ftp://ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext03 + +Or /etext02, 01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90 + +Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want, +as it appears in our Newsletters. + + +Information about Project Gutenberg (one page) + +We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work. The +time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours +to get any eBook selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright +searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc. Our +projected audience is one hundred million readers. If the value +per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2 +million dollars per hour in 2002 as we release over 100 new text +files per month: 1240 more eBooks in 2001 for a total of 4000+ +We are already on our way to trying for 2000 more eBooks in 2002 +If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total +will reach over half a trillion eBooks given away by year's end. + +The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away 1 Trillion eBooks! +This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers, +which is only about 4% of the present number of computer users. + +Here is the briefest record of our progress (* means estimated): + +eBooks Year Month + + 1 1971 July + 10 1991 January + 100 1994 January + 1000 1997 August + 1500 1998 October + 2000 1999 December + 2500 2000 December + 3000 2001 November + 4000 2001 October/November + 6000 2002 December* + 9000 2003 November* +10000 2004 January* + + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been created +to secure a future for Project Gutenberg into the next millennium. + +We need your donations more than ever! + +As of February, 2002, contributions are being solicited from people +and organizations in: Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Connecticut, +Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois, +Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Massachusetts, +Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New +Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, +Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South +Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West +Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. + +We have filed in all 50 states now, but these are the only ones +that have responded. + +As the requirements for other states are met, additions to this list +will be made and fund raising will begin in the additional states. +Please feel free to ask to check the status of your state. + +In answer to various questions we have received on this: + +We are constantly working on finishing the paperwork to legally +request donations in all 50 states. If your state is not listed and +you would like to know if we have added it since the list you have, +just ask. + +While we cannot solicit donations from people in states where we are +not yet registered, we know of no prohibition against accepting +donations from donors in these states who approach us with an offer to +donate. + +International donations are accepted, but we don't know ANYTHING about +how to make them tax-deductible, or even if they CAN be made +deductible, and don't have the staff to handle it even if there are +ways. + +Donations by check or money order may be sent to: + +Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation +PMB 113 +1739 University Ave. +Oxford, MS 38655-4109 + +Contact us if you want to arrange for a wire transfer or payment +method other than by check or money order. + +The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been approved by +the US Internal Revenue Service as a 501(c)(3) organization with EIN +[Employee Identification Number] 64-622154. Donations are +tax-deductible to the maximum extent permitted by law. As fund-raising +requirements for other states are met, additions to this list will be +made and fund-raising will begin in the additional states. + +We need your donations more than ever! + +You can get up to date donation information online at: + +http://www.gutenberg.net/donation.html + + +*** + +If you can't reach Project Gutenberg, +you can always email directly to: + +Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com> + +Prof. Hart will answer or forward your message. + +We would prefer to send you information by email. + + +**The Legal Small Print** + + +(Three Pages) + +***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS**START*** +Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers. +They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with +your copy of this eBook, even if you got it for free from +someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our +fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement +disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how +you may distribute copies of this eBook if you want to. + +*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS EBOOK +By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm +eBook, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept +this "Small Print!" statement. If you do not, you can receive +a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this eBook by +sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person +you got it from. If you received this eBook on a physical +medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request. + +ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM EBOOKS +This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBook, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBooks, +is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor Michael S. Hart +through the Project Gutenberg Association (the "Project"). +Among other things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright +on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and +distribute it in the United States without permission and +without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth +below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this eBook +under the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark. + +Please do not use the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark to market +any commercial products without permission. + +To create these eBooks, the Project expends considerable +efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain +works. Despite these efforts, the Project's eBooks and any +medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other +things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or +corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other +intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged +disk or other eBook medium, a computer virus, or computer +codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment. + +LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES +But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below, +[1] Michael Hart and the Foundation (and any other party you may +receive this eBook from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm eBook) disclaims +all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including +legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR +UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT, +INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE +OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE +POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES. + +If you discover a Defect in this eBook within 90 days of +receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any) +you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that +time to the person you received it from. If you received it +on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and +such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement +copy. If you received it electronically, such person may +choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to +receive it electronically. + +THIS EBOOK IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER +WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS +TO THE EBOOK OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT +LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A +PARTICULAR PURPOSE. + +Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or +the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the +above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you +may have other legal rights. + +INDEMNITY +You will indemnify and hold Michael Hart, the Foundation, +and its trustees and agents, and any volunteers associated +with the production and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm +texts harmless, from all liability, cost and expense, including +legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the +following that you do or cause: [1] distribution of this eBook, +[2] alteration, modification, or addition to the eBook, +or [3] any Defect. + +DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm" +You may distribute copies of this eBook electronically, or by +disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this +"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg, +or: + +[1] Only give exact copies of it. Among other things, this + requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the + eBook or this "small print!" statement. You may however, + if you wish, distribute this eBook in machine readable + binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form, + including any form resulting from conversion by word + processing or hypertext software, but only so long as + *EITHER*: + + [*] The eBook, when displayed, is clearly readable, and + does *not* contain characters other than those + intended by the author of the work, although tilde + (~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may + be used to convey punctuation intended by the + author, and additional characters may be used to + indicate hypertext links; OR + + [*] The eBook may be readily converted by the reader at + no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent + form by the program that displays the eBook (as is + the case, for instance, with most word processors); + OR + + [*] You provide, or agree to also provide on request at + no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the + eBook in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC + or other equivalent proprietary form). + +[2] Honor the eBook refund and replacement provisions of this + "Small Print!" statement. + +[3] Pay a trademark license fee to the Foundation of 20% of the + gross profits you derive calculated using the method you + already use to calculate your applicable taxes. If you + don't derive profits, no royalty is due. Royalties are + payable to "Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation" + the 60 days following each date you prepare (or were + legally required to prepare) your annual (or equivalent + periodic) tax return. Please contact us beforehand to + let us know your plans and to work out the details. + +WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO? +Project Gutenberg is dedicated to increasing the number of +public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed +in machine readable form. + +The Project gratefully accepts contributions of money, time, +public domain materials, or royalty free copyright licenses. +Money should be paid to the: +"Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation." + +If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or +software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at: +hart@pobox.com + +[Portions of this eBook's header and trailer may be reprinted only +when distributed free of all fees. Copyright (C) 2001, 2002 by +Michael S. Hart. Project Gutenberg is a TradeMark and may not be +used in any sales of Project Gutenberg eBooks or other materials be +they hardware or software or any other related product without +express permission.] + +*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN EBOOKS*Ver.02/11/02*END* + diff --git a/old/wc62w10.zip b/old/wc62w10.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..6615105 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/wc62w10.zip |
